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Quarta-feira, 20 de Janeiro de 2016 - Estrasburgo Edição revista

14. Acordos de Associação / Acordos de Comércio Livre Abrangentes e Aprofundados com a Geórgia, a Moldávia e a Ucrânia (debate)
Vídeo das intervenções
PV
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  President. – The next item is the debate on the statement by the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on the Association Agreements/Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreements with Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine.

 
  
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  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Madam President, I am grateful, on behalf of the High Representative, for this opportunity to take stock of where we are concerning the Association Agreement and the implementation, as approved a year ago in this House, with Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova.

For Ukraine, the DCFTA can bring significant economic benefits. Ukrainian businesses will now receive stable and predictable preferential access to the largest market in the world, with 500 million customers, and EU enterprises will be able to benefit from easier access to the Ukrainian market, so we must help Ukraine develop the right conditions to encourage new business and investment relationships. Over 20 meetings were held in trilateral format to address alleged Russian concerns about the DCFTA implementation. Now Ukraine faces a number of measures imposed by Russia impeding trade and transit and will need our support here too.

In 2016 we will be stepping up our efforts to support Ukraine with more coordination with EU Member States and greater visibility for our work. Particularly on the implementation of the DCFTA, we will build on current support programmes to improve the business climate, provide support to small and medium-sized enterprises, and help Ukraine find new markets. Ukraine needs to show it is open for business by aligning with EU standards in key sectors and taking decisive action on the rule of law. The Support Group for Ukraine is playing a key role with the Commission in all these areas.

Despite very challenging circumstances, the Ukrainian Government has made progress in implementing the Association Agreement. The National Anti-Corruption Bureau and the new national police force have started to work. The selection process for an anti-corruption prosecutor has been completed. The government has also adopted a law on the natural gas market, which aims at bringing the gas sector of Ukraine into line with the EU Third Energy Package.

These developments were welcomed at the second Association Council in Brussels which was held on 7 December, but we should not underestimate the challenges ahead. The fight against corruption, reform of the judiciary and the public administration, as well as amendments to the constitution, particularly the second reading on decentralisation, will require courage and political will.

Shortly before Christmas, we published our final report on Ukraine’s implementation of the visa liberalisation action plan which concluded that, since the necessary process has been made and the number of additional commitments undertaken by the Ukrainian leadership, a positive recommendation for visa-free travel could be made. We aim to present a legislative proposal to pave the way for visa liberalisation with Ukraine soon.

Turning to Moldova, the country has made great strides in concluding and implementing the Association Agreement and DCFTA with the European Union. Since 1 January the region of Transnistria also has the possibility to trade preferentially under the DCFTA, making an important contribution to our conflict resolutions, but recent Moldovan governments have not implemented important reforms. We are currently witnessing a highly unstable political situation, which is also an obstacle to the effective implementation of the Association Agreement and making full use of opportunities.

The country is in great need of stable leadership, with the determination and energy required to address a number of problematic issues, including high-level corruption. This is necessary before Moldova can proceed with other key reforms, in particular in the justice, financial and media sectors and the reform of the public administration. I have just received information that there was a positive vote on the new government and I hope this is now a stable one. I think we should support any government that is ready to undertake the necessary reforms, and it is also important to provide the necessary substantial support in terms of staff, human resources, but also, if needed, and this is definitely the case, in terms of money, provided that there is a positive assessment by the IMF.

Finally, as regards Georgia, impressive efforts have been made to implement the Association Agreement and the results are already visible, with strong growth in foreign direct investment. Other indicators also show promising signs. The visa liberalisation action plan has proven to be an effective tool for promoting a range of reforms, but Georgia has gone beyond the action plan benchmarks and taken further steps to reform the judiciary as well as the Prosecutor’s Office. In this regard, we also closely monitor the authorities to ensure that there is no unlawful conduct targeting the constitutional court and its personnel. The result was our positive report last December and with Georgia, too, we will press ahead now with legislation to achieve full visa liberation as soon as possible.

In summary, we can be happy that we have already come so far with our three Association Agreement partners, but we still have a long way to go and no room at all for complacency. I look forward to hearing the honourable Members’ views during this debate today.

 
  
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  Andrej Plenković, u ime kluba PPE. Gospođo potpredsjednice, u svojih minutu i 30 malo ću se više osvrnuti na situaciju u Ukrajini, a moje kolege Gahler i Štetina će više govoriti o Moldovi i Gruziji. Pogotovo danas o Moldovi gdje je bilo glasovanje o povjerenju, ali čujem i određene proteste koji se trenutačno zbivaju u moldavskom parlamentu.

Današnja tema „Sporazum o pridruživanju” izuzetno je pertinentna i dolazi u dobro vrijeme. Stupanje na snagu Sporazuma o slobodnoj trgovini između Ukrajine i EU-a doživjelo je dugotrajne pregovore, ali isto tako nedovoljna uvjeravanja Rusije da će ovaj ugovor imati određene negativne posljedice za nju. Nažalost, vidjeli smo protumjere koje je Rusija poduzela i koje štete trgovini. Mislim da bi EU trebala pomoći Ukrajini u ovoj situaciji.

Također, očekujem od Komisije vrlo skoro konkretan zakonodavni prijedlog koji će se odnositi na daljnju liberalizaciju viznog režima, kada je riječ o ukrajinskim državljanima, jer upravo to 2 godine nakon Majdana naši ukrajinski prijatelji očekuju.

Treće je da trebamo nastaviti s potporom sigurnosti u provedbi sporazuma iz Minska, decentralizaciji i snažnoj provedbi svih obaveza i sporazuma o pridruživanju gdje mi kao parlamentarni odbor za pridruživanje od strane Parlamenta dajemo snažnu podršku i Vijeću i Komisiji u tom procesu.

Posljednje, želimo da se predstojeći referendum u Nizozemskoj u travnju odvije na način da se omogući pozitivan rezultat i stupanje Sporazuma o pridruživanju na snagu.

 
  
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  Knut Fleckenstein, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wir begrüßen, dass seit dem 1. Januar dieses Jahres de facto alle drei Staaten an Bord sind.

Mit dem Assoziierungsabkommen bietet die EU ihren östlichen Nachbarn ein umfassendes Angebot der politischen Kooperation und der wirtschaftlichen Integration – auch ohne EU-Mitgliedschaft. Damit unsere EU-Nachbarn von diesem Kooperationsangebot auch voll und ganz profitieren können, müssen sie jedoch weitreichendere Reformen in Wirtschaft und Handel sowie bei der Angleichung der Rechtsvorschriften umsetzen. Je mehr Reformen umgesetzt werden, umso größer wird der Nutzen sein, den diese Länder davon haben.

Ich freue mich, dass es heute gelungen ist, in der Republik Moldau eine neue Regierung zu wählen. Ich wünsche dem neuen Ministerpräsidenten und seiner Mannschaft viel Erfolg. Wir erwarten auch viel von ihnen, denn Worte sind genug gesprochen – wir müssen konkrete Taten sehen.

Ich freue mich darüber, dass es in Georgien große Fortschritte gibt, auch wenn wir darauf achten werden, dass beispielsweise in der Medienpolitik Entscheidungen sehr viel transparenter als bisher vorgenommen und begründet werden. Ich freue mich über die Fortschritte in der Ukraine, von denen Herr Kommissar Hahn gesprochen hat. Aber auch da gilt: Das hohe Maß an Korruption muss weiter bekämpft werden.

Es ist wichtig für uns, auch in Bezug auf Minsk, dass die Verfassungsänderung in den nächsten Tagen weitergeht, weil wir alle wissen, wenn das nicht geschieht, muss alles wieder von vorne anfangen, und das wäre wirklich zum Schaden des Landes.

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel 162 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)

 
  
  

Elnökváltás: GÁLL-PELCZ ILDIKÓ asszony
Alelnök

 
  
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  Barbara Spinelli (GUE/NGL), Domanda "cartellino blu". Vorrei chiedere al collega se è al corrente, visto che ha parlato del nuovo governo in Moldavia, del fatto che il nuovo governo fa capo a un partito, il partito democratico, legato a uno dei più potenti e più corrotti oligarchi del paese, che si presenta con l'etichetta europea, ma resta quell'oligarca legato alle mafie che è.

 
  
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  Knut Fleckenstein (S&D), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. Frau Spinelli! Es tut mir leid. Ich habe auch von diesen Gerüchten gehört, und ich weiß auch, dass es dort Probleme zu lösen gibt. Aber die 57 Abgeordneten des Parlaments, die einen neuen Ministerpräsidenten gewählt haben, sind alle frei gewählte Abgeordnete, und die werden hoffentlich schon eine richtige Entscheidung getroffen haben.

 
  
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  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga, w imieniu grupy ECR. Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Komisarzu! W tym roku minie dwadzieścia pięć lat od rozwiązania Związku Sowieckiego. Pomimo tak długiego czasu wpływy Moskwy są ciągle czynnikiem destabilizującym w regionie. W stosunku do takich jak Gruzja, Ukraina, Mołdawia w ciągu ostatnich lat nasiliły się, utrudniając procesy reform. W stosunku do bliskiego sąsiada mojego kraju – Ukrainy – jest to już otwarta agresja z aneksją części terytorium. Wspieramy wysiłki reformatorskie we wszystkich trzech krajach. Zależy nam, żeby jak najszybciej wdrożone zostały ułatwienia wizowe. Polska ma dobre doświadczenia z migracją ze Wschodu, zwłaszcza z tych państw. Mamy setki tysięcy Ukraińców w Polsce, to jest migracja przede wszystkim zarobkowa i – nie bójmy się tego – stanowi pozytywny czynnik.

Bardzo popieramy wspólną rezolucję w tej sprawie. Liczymy na to, że zostanie przyjęta przez Parlament Europejski w jutrzejszym głosowaniu.

 
  
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  Johannes Cornelis van Baalen, on behalf of the ALDE Group. Madam President, the European Union needs stable neighbours, but also a democratic Russia would need stable neighbours. The Russians do of course the opposite: they destabilise. It is in the interests of all that we talk with the three countries we mentioned to help them, to assist them, and the agreements we speak about are vital in this respect.

A stable economy, economic growth, the re-establishment of the rule of law, the fight against corruption – and we should, of course, financially support them, and we do, but every euro spent should be accounted for. This would mean that in a few years’ time these countries will be able to export stability and not only consume stability. I have visited the three countries also on a party-to-party basis and I am positive about the results we are seeing there. Much must be done, can be done and should be done.

I think that my colleagues in this Parliament who have worked together with the parties in Moldova to form a new government, have done a great deal. We should thank them for that, and all the Association Agreements should be ratified, including the Association Agreement with Ukraine.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

 
  
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  Tibor Szanyi (S&D), Kékkártyás kérdés. Tisztelt Képviselő Úr! Ön említette, hogy Oroszország destabilizáló hatással van az ukrajnai és ez által európai folyamatokra. Kérdezem Öntől, hogy Önnek mi a véleménye azokról az – egyébként szerintem szintén destabilizáló – szándékokról, amelyek pl. az ezeket a társulási megállapodásokat semmissé tevő népszavazásokban nyilvánulnak meg?

 
  
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  Johannes Cornelis van Baalen (ALDE), blue-card answer. The people who know my position in Dutch politics know that I do not think that referenda are the right way to make decisions, because normally in a referendum it is not about the issue, it is about whether you like the government or not. The Dutch Government should look at the results of the referendum, and it has its own responsibility. I hope that the government will take its own responsibility. Of course, in the meantime we will fight for the fact that we want to convince our citizens to vote ‘yes’.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

 
  
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  Tim Aker (EFDD), blue-card question. You talk about wanting a democratic Russia, which is very honourable, but surely this Union should get its own house in order. How can we lecture the Russians when this Union ignored the constitution votes in France and the Netherlands and ignored the Lisbon Treaty votes in Ireland? Surely this place should get its own house in order before lecturing anyone else.

 
  
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  Johannes Cornelis van Baalen (ALDE), blue-card answer. There are no Dutch soldiers on foreign soil in the European Union, not in your country or other countries. So it is Russia which has to explain and has to account for what it did and does, and a democratic Russia – we hope that the country becomes democratic – that is good for Russia and for the Russians. That is an ideal, but they have to do it themselves, there I agree with you, but we may help them.

 
  
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  Helmut Scholz, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar! Ich glaube, wir müssen noch einmal gründlich nachdenken.

Die EU-Kommission hat mit Rückendeckung des Rates Freihandels- und Assoziierungsabkommen mit der Ukraine, Moldawien und Georgien durchgesetzt, die in der gesamten Region wirtschaftlichen Niedergang hervorgerufen haben. Die Abkommen haben in kürzester Zeit die gewachsenen Produktions- und Handelsnetze in der Region zerstört. Die EU ist nicht in der Lage, die Verluste auszugleichen. Die soziale Not wird täglich schlimmer, die Korruption zerfrisst die Gesellschaften.

Warum lassen Sie die Dinge so eskalieren? In der Ukraine starben bereits mehr als 9 000 Menschen in einem vermeidbaren Krieg. Moldawiens bis heute agierende Regierung sperrt inzwischen die Stimmen der Opposition in Verliese und auch in Georgien verschlechtert sich die Gesamtsituation.

Die GUE/NGL-Fraktion bleibt dabei: Dringend notwendig ist eine Neubewertung und —ausrichtung der Nachbarschaftspolitik nach Osten und der Beziehungen zur Russischen Föderation, also auch mit den Nachbarn der Nachbarn. Dazu muss ein Ende des Konfrontationskurses der EU gegenüber Russland und der Eurasischen Union gehören, sowie die Bereitschaft gemeinsam – und zwar mit allen 28 EU-Mitgliedstaaten und den Nachbarschaftsländern – zum Aufbau eines gemeinsamen Raums des Friedens und des sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Fortschritts zu kommen.

Das ist es, was in der gegenwärtigen zugespitzten internationalen Situation, angesichts der Notwendigkeit, auch umfassend Fluchtursachen zu beseitigen, erforderlich ist, wonach sich die Menschen angesichts der realen Verhältnisse in ihren Ländern sehnen. Am 6. April wird die Bevölkerung der Niederlande darüber abstimmen. Und meine Frage an sie ist, ob sie das Abkommen mit der Ukraine für richtig hält. Werden Sie das Ergebnis respektieren?

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel 162 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)

 
  
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  Maria Grapini (S&D), Întrebare adresată conform procedurii „cartonașului albastru” Stimate coleg, am reținut în expunerea dumneavoastră următoarea frază: „Comisia a impus acordul de liber schimb cu țările pe care le analizăm astăzi”. În primul rând, explicați cuvintele „Comisia a impus”, pentru că suntem într-un parlament democratic și aici nimic nu se impune - se discută, se votează - și cum ați vedea, dacă nu ar fi acordul de liber schimb, vecinătatea noastră cu țările de care vorbim?

 
  
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  Helmut Scholz (GUE/NGL), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. Der Verhandlungsprozess und der Abschluss dieses Abkommens sind über einen langen Zeitraum erfolgt, natürlich auch mit allen politischen Eliten und Verantwortungsträgern in diesen Ländern, auch mit der Ukraine. Ich war selber anwesend, als im Europäischen Parlament das Freihandelsabkommen parafiert wurde. Trotzdem: Was ich damit aussagen wollte, ist, dass wir viel gründlicher über die historisch gewachsenen ökonomischen Beziehungen hätten nachdenken müssen und von vornherein hätten in Rechnung stellen müssen, dass diese Abkommen die heutige Realität beeinflussen.

(Die Präsidentin entzieht dem Redner das Wort.)

 
  
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  Heidi Hautala, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. Madam President, the association agreements are very powerful tools to ensure that these three countries go through the necessary reforms that will result in the rule of law, democracy and respect of fundamental freedoms and human rights, and we have already seen that all three are struggling to go through those processes. It is not very easy, and we have to give them all the support we can. That is why I believe we have to show them that parliamentary oversight of these processes is important. We can also show them how the best practices of our EU Member States have given Parliament a real say on EU integration processes and the transposition of EU legislation. That is what we are trying to do in the European Parliament right now. We can, perhaps, conclude that this parliamentary support has so far been the strongest in Ukraine, and perhaps we can learn from that and adopt the same kind of means and procedures for Moldova and Georgia.

I believe that to go through the necessary reforms of the justice sector, media freedoms, etc., is the best guarantor of independence and sovereignty for these countries, and we all know that Russia casts a very long shadow over all three. We also need to make sure that there is a full monitoring of the reforms, that they are not just for show, and there I believe that the EU could do even better.

Concerning the forthcoming referendum in the Netherlands, we should take note of it. We should hope that the Dutch people are fully aware that this is about Ukraine’s place in the geopolitical landscape – whether it will have the right to join Europe as it wishes, or whether it will be left at the mercy of Russia.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

 
  
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  Bill Etheridge (EFDD), blue-card question. I notice in your speech you speak about respecting independence and sovereignty of the countries we are discussing, but then you talk about association with the European Union, which even its fondest supporters say is about pooling independence and sovereignty, and those of us who dislike it say it is about giving it up altogether. So there is a complete contradiction there in what you are suggesting. Are you saying that I should jump out of the frying pan of the Russian control into the fire of the EU?

 
  
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  Heidi Hautala (Verts/ALE), blue-card answer. Thank you very much for this interesting question. I really believe that the independence today means that we can also pool our forces across national borders, but we are doing it in a voluntary way in the European Union. I think it is absolutely incorrect that you make this comparison between what used to be the Soviet Union and what is the European Union today.

 
  
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  Tiziana Beghin, a nome del gruppo EFDD. Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Ucraina, Georgia, Moldova: quanti sforzi sta facendo l'Europa per alimentare una contrapposizione con la Russia che non va da nessuna parte? Non bastavano i miliardi di euro che l'Unione ha già versato come assistenza all'Ucraina, il primo gennaio scorso è entrato anche in vigore l'accordo di libero scambio, mentre quello di associazione è già in vigore da più di un anno.

Ma cosa è cambiato in Ucraina dall'inizio dei negoziati? C'è stata una riforma dello Stato? C'è stata una vera lotta alla corruzione? Anch'io sono stata in Ucraina con i colleghi della commissione INTA qualche mese fa e nessuno ha saputo spiegarmi perché, nel paese per eccellenza degli oligarchi, non sia presente una legge credibile sul conflitto d'interesse. Forse l'Ucraina sta seguendo l'esempio italiano?

Ma soprattutto c'è un grande assente in tutto questo: la Russia. In una qualunque strategia destinata ai paesi ex sovietici non si può ignorare la stretta collaborazione che dovremmo avere per permettere un vero e continuo sviluppo economico dell'area. Perché allora la Commissione e, soprattutto il Consiglio, continuano a isolarla e isolarci? Perché si continua ad andare allo scontro diretto, usando Georgia, Moldova e Ucraina, quando abbiamo capito che quest'approccio non porta a nulla?

Quello che davvero mi stupisce è che per anni non abbiamo avuto la minima considerazione per questi paesi e adesso invece scopriamo che sono i nostri vicini più cari e che hanno bisogno di noi. Smettiamola di giocare ai buoni samaritani e ammettiamo che quello che si sta cercando di fare è creare una zona cuscinetto per isolare la Russia. E l'unico modo per fare questo, visto che l'Unione non possiede una politica estera, sono gli accordi di associazione, di partenariato e di libero scambio. Vi sembra familiare? Si chiama guerra fredda!

 
  
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  Laurenţiu Rebega, în numele grupului ENF. Doamnă președintă, da, știm cu toții, avem nevoie de întărirea parteneriatului de Est, având în vedere contextul geopolitic actual, dimensiunea bilaterală nemaifiind suficientă. Trebuie, așadar, să depuneți un efort mai susținut pentru susținerea Georgiei, Moldovei și Ucrainei.

Toți știm că aceste state se confruntă cu mari probleme în ceea ce privește statul de drept. Uniunea Europeană nu trebuie să se implice în procesul lor intern, dar trebuie să le dea un imbold suplimentar în procesul de implementare a ideii europene. Am făcut-o până acum greșit.

Moldova este unul dintre cele trei state care, în momentul de față, se confruntă cu o conjunctură politică dificilă și o instabilitate financiară devenită deja perpetuă. Este foarte importantă depășirea acestui moment și revenirea într-o matcă de stabilitate, care să permită menținerea și avansarea parcursului Moldovei. Este esențială reconfirmarea interesului și sprijinului Uniunii pentru Moldova, care rămâne și unul din partenerii-cheie pentru păstrarea echilibrului în această zonă.

Ce faceți pentru acestea? Uniunea Europeană trebuie să-și păstreze angajamentul față de Moldova și să se asigure că aceasta rămâne într-o zonă de stabilitate, altfel nu putem aștepta sau cere reforme. Ce ați făcut până acum? Moldovenii au înregistrat deja progrese importante în ceea ce privește anti-discriminarea, justiția și libera circulație și trebuie subliniat că în implementările acordurilor de liber schimb, Moldova se situează pe un loc fruntaș în creșterea comerțului cu Uniunea Europeană, potrivit datelor furnizate de Eurostat. Georgia, care a beneficiat de un supliment economic datorită unei mai bune implementări a reformelor, a înregistrat aproape o jumătate din procentele moldovenilor; îi criticăm în continuare pe moldoveni.

De aceea, în prim planul preocupărilor guvernului de la Chișinău trebuie să fie reașezarea implementării acordurilor de liber schimb și, în continuare, menținerea unei situații stabile, care să permită construirea unui sistem de reforme solide și durabile, atât la nivel instituțional, economic, cât și politic. Așadar, din partea Chișinăului ne așteptăm la un angajament politic reînnoit pentru reformele agreate cu Uniunea Europeană pe baza Agendei de Asociere, dar și din partea Europei de o susținere adevărată.

Reformele și consolidarea stabilității Moldovei sunt procese interdependente, care se completează și se întăresc reciproc. Eforturile depuse în procesele de tranziție ale Moldovei și ale celorlalte două țări trebuie ghidate, rolul Europei fiind acela de educator.

(Președinta a întrerupt vorbitorul)

 
  
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  Michael Gahler (PPE). Frau Präsidentin! Die Bildung einer neuen Regierung in Moldova ist zu begrüßen. Sie muss umgehend an die Arbeit gehen. Sie muss sich als eine tatkräftige Regierung erweisen, denn es steht schlecht um die Demokratie in der Republik Moldau. Das Modernisierungsprogramm und die Reformen müssen dringend wiederaufgenommen werden, die Annäherung an die EU muss weitergehen. Das Land braucht zum Beispiel einen unabhängigen Generalstaatsanwalt, das Land braucht wirksame Korruptionsbekämpfung. Die Bürger der Republik Moldau wollen eine Aufklärung der Verbrechen im Bankensektor, sie wollen eine Stabilisierung des Staates und der Wirtschaft.

Die EU ist bereit, dabei zu helfen. Aber ohne ausreichende eigene Anstrengungen der moldauischen Eliten wird es keine Verbesserung geben. Wir erwarten die Einhaltung von Menschen- und Bürgerrechten, wir erwarten Rechtsstaatlichkeit, wir erwarten Pluralismus in der Demokratie, das heißt, auch im Medienbereich, wir erwarten entschlossene und erfolgreiche Reformarbeit. All diese Erwartungen haben auch die Bürger von Moldau. Das Land hat deshalb keine Zeit zu verlieren. Die Europäische Union muss mit der moldauischen Administration detaillierte Reformschritte und einen Zeitplan festlegen. EU-Fachleute müssen diese Marschroute in den Ministerien durchsetzen, damit unsere Hilfe erfolgreich sein kann. Die Bürger von Moldau wollen nämlich bessere Lebensumstände. Das Land darf nicht noch mehr Bürger verlieren, die ihr Glück im Ausland suchen. Wir wollen Moldau auch nicht als EU-Partner verlieren.

 
  
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  Victor Boştinaru (S&D). Doamnă președintă, în acest moment în care dezbatem, Parlamentul Republicii Moldova, după cum ați aflat, a investit noul guvern, Pavel Filip. Acest vot vine după o lungă perioadă de severă instabilitate politică și de neimplementare a angajamentelor asumate atât față de Uniune, cât și față de cetățenii Republicii Moldova. Lunile acestea pierdute au dus la pierderea unei părți din încrederea cetățenilor în instituțiile democratice și în partidele politice din Moldova. Iată de ce este atât de important ca rolul și performanța acestui guvern, odată instalat, să se vadă prin restabilirea situației economice și sociale, precum și prin implementarea fără ezitare a reformelor asumate. Instalarea noului guvern reprezintă în același timp un semn pozitiv pentru stabilitatea atât de necesară Republicii Moldova, dar, mai ales, este imperativ efortul de creștere și de câștigare a încrederii cetățenilor acestei țări.

Domnule comisar, înainte de a încheia, vă spun că, la Chișinău, astăzi au venit doi reprezentanți ai forțelor ostile democrației și stabilității, cu zborul unui avion de la Moscova și că forțe ostile democrației au încercat să pătrundă în Parlamentul Republicii Moldova pentru a-l bloca și a-i bloca activitatea și aștept din partea Comisiei Europene o reacție la această încercare de destabilizare.

 
  
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  Sajjad Karim (ECR). Madam President, may I firstly welcome the commitment shown by Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine to their association agreements and the DCFTAs with the European Union. As a co-Chair of the EU-Georgia Parliamentary Association Committee, I would like to particularly highlight the added value of the Association Agreement and the DCFTA to Georgia’s reform processes. Already we are seeing the early results of these agreements, with Georgia having a good pace of approximation of Georgian legislation to EU standards. The latest trade statistics show that EU imports from Georgia have risen by 15% despite negative economic trends in the region. I would also like to congratulate Georgia on the progress made in all areas covered by the visa liberalisation action plan, as confirmed by the Commission in December; with Georgia on its own merits now meeting all the requirements for visa-free travel, we therefore swiftly expect as co-legislators that the European Commission will submit to us the legislative proposal needed so that we can demonstrate our commitment to Georgia.

 
  
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  Petras Auštrevičius (ALDE). Madam President, how could it be that the association agreements, which aim to promote peace, stability and prosperity, can be against someone’s interests? Those who sit in the Kremlin say exactly this: it is against Russia. Why is this so? For one basic reason: the rule of law and democracy next door is so much in contrast to what is happening in Russia today. The choice for Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine is this: either Europeanisation or being embraced by ‘Russkiy Mir’.

In this context, I wish to stress the following. I call on the Georgian Government to cherish freedom of the media and fully respect the independence of the constitutional and other courts. I urge the new Moldovan Government, appointed just two hours ago, not to waste time in tackling reforms that are so long—awaited, and I remind the Ukrainian Government of the ideals of the Maidan and I call on them finally to start cutting the heads of the beast named corruption.

 
  
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  Jiří Maštálka (GUE/NGL). Paní předsedající, naše skupina vypracovala návrh usnesení k tomuto tématu, který jsem podpořil. V tomto návrhu jsme poukázali na významné nedostatky v politice Evropské unie ve vztahu k těmto třem zemím, o kterých dnes debatujeme. Asi nejzávažnější chybou je a debata to ukazuje, že Komise nebere přes dosavadní zkušenosti v úvahu historické vazby, které vznikly na tomto teritoriu, včetně vazeb na Rusko. Jak na Ukrajině, tak v Moldavsku, tak v Gruzii se přesvědčujeme, že reformy, které jsou nezbytné pro samotné přežití a ekonomický a sociální rozvoj těchto zemí, stabilní právní prostředí, nejsou ani při velkých investicích z Evropské unie naplňovány. Vzniká otázka, kdo rozkradl ty investice z těch elit, které tam byly a které jsme podporovali. Musíme si být vědomi, že naším rozhodnutím na sebe bereme odpovědnost za osud více než čtyřiceti milionů lidí. Bez Ruska bude tento projekt odsouzen k neúspěchu.

 
  
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  Igor Šoltes (Verts/ALE). Ko je pred letom in pol v Ukrajini, ko so se izpeljale volitve, zmagala tako imenovana proevropska struja in takrat seveda se je razvilo veliko upanje, da bo tudi s pomočjo pridružitvenega sporazuma Moldavija lahko hitro stopala po poti pomembnih reform, ki seveda bo po eni strani dvignila zaupanje v politiko in po drugi strani poskrbela za večje blagostanje državljank in državljanov Moldavije.

Potem seveda se je zgodilo kar nekaj žalostnih stvari v Moldaviji, vključno seveda z bančnimi zadevami, s finančnimi zadevami, s pravosodjem, tudi s svobodo medijev.

Zdaj nova vlada daje novo upanje, na nas pa je seveda, da Moldaviji pomagamo, kolikor se da, da čim prej resno stopi k reformam in s tem omogoči tudi realizacijo tako imenovanih pridružitvenih sporazumov in stopi korak naprej.

 
  
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  Mike Hookem (EFDD). Madam President, during a recent trip to Ukraine I discovered that, despite two revolutions, the democracy people crave is still elusive and the old establishment still clings to power. This situation creates three major problems. Firstly, the greatest obstacle to democracy is corruption. This is endemic and seems to blight from what I saw and the people I spoke to, all levels of the political and judicial system. Secondly, there is the problem of political prisoners held as scapegoats for systemic failure. Finally, there are the Ukrainian people who continue to feel let down, disenfranchised and ignored by the political elite. But with rampant inflation, falling pensions, an average wage of only USD 200 a month and soaring energy prices eating into their salary, who can blame them?

It therefore beggars belief that, due to its obsessive, expansionist policies and empire—building, the EU continues to betray the ideas of the Maidan Revolution by propping up a corrupt and uncaring government with nearly EUR 2 billion in loans. The fact is, despite protestations to the contrary from officials desperate to expand the EU’s influence ever further east – particularly in one of the most oil- and gas-rich territories in the world – what the people of the Ukraine crave is independent democracy. Instead, they have been offered the new form of dictatorship which the EU represents.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser (ENF). Madame la Présidente, mes chers collègues, dans notre politique d'élargissement, que cherchons-nous? Que voulons-nous? Voulons-nous la paix, cherchons-nous la paix ou voulons-nous la guerre? Je voudrais parler en tant qu'Alsacien, parce que nous sommes aujourd'hui à Strasbourg. L'Alsace, lorsqu'elle a été à l'origine de la Première et de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, a été dans un camp contre un autre camp, au lieu d'être un pont. Lorsqu'elle l'a voulu, est—elle est devenue le pont? Elle est devenue la capitale de l'Europe.

Dans notre politique d'élargissement, cherchons-nous une confrontation – c'est-à-dire à mettre dans un camp contre un autre camp – ou bien cherchons-nous à faire des ponts pour ces pays qui appartiennent à deux cultures, d'une part, à l'Occident et, d'autre part, à l'Orient, étant pris à la fois dans l'influence occidentale et dans celle – il faut le dire aussi – de la Russie, et même de l'Asie? Je vous suggère, et je vous implore, de faire de votre politique des ponts pour la paix.

 
  
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  Jaromír Štětina (PPE). Paní předsedající, dámy a pánové, dnešní usnesení se týká vývoje ve třech zemích, s nimiž Evropská unie uzavřela asociační dohody, a to Ukrajiny, Moldavska a Gruzie. Dovoluji si připomenout, dámy a pánové, že tyto tři země mají ještě jeden společný jmenovatel. Části území všech těchto zemí jsou okupovány Ruskou federací.

Jako stínový zpravodaj asociační dohody s Gruzií velmi oceňuji úsilí této země při její implementaci, i když naše usnesení nepostrádá kritiku týkající se nebezpečí ohrožení svobody slova a selektivní justice. Zdůrazňujeme, že existence politické opozice je klíčová pro vyvážený a zralý politický systém, a vyzdvihujeme, že jakýkoliv akt násilí vůči členům kterékoli politické strany by měl být okamžitě a důkladně prošetřen. Pro mě osobně je nepřijatelné, že někteří členové opozice zůstávají nadále ve vězení. Je nutné zlepšit politické klima, odstranit konfrontaci a polarizaci a zajistit dialog napříč stranami v zájmu posilování demokracie a právního státu.

Rád bych upozornil i na to, že nový gruzínský ministerský předseda Giorgi Kvirikašvili vyzval k ukončení polarizace a zdůraznil, že jeho kabinet je otevřený spolupráci se všemi politickými skupinami v parlamentu. Není nejmenší pochybnosti o tom, že demokratická Gruzie patří do Evropské unie.

 
  
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  Richard Howitt (S&D). Madam President, after the setbacks of the Riga Summit, tonight there are glimmers of hope that the prospects for the Eastern Partnership are being rekindled with the completion of the ratification of Georgia’s Association Agreement by all 28 Member States last month and the free trade deal with Ukraine officially coming into effect at the start of the year. The Minsk agreement may have been questioned, but it has not been destroyed and, alongside the efforts the Commissioner referred to on Transnistria, we should welcome political developments in Moldova this very day, which look to have brought a political crisis to an end.

However, it is clear in Moldova, and in Ukraine in particular, that it is necessary for the EU to undertake deep engagement in order to strengthen Europe-facing movements in these countries. I do hope that the country which suffered most from the MH17 disaster will support political progress in Ukraine, which could help prevent such terrible events from happening again. On Georgia, selective justice and corruption are problems in all the countries of the neighbourhood, not one country. The EPP should not engage in selective politics, but support Georgia’s aspirations too.

Finally, regarding our neighbours’ neighbours, once again I place on record that my group supports the Commission’s tentative work on studying possibilities for relations between the European Union and the Eurasian Union. And we support political dialogue with Moscow, but not to bargain over sovereign countries or to weaken our approach on sanctions. Socialists and Democrats do not deny or underestimate different perspectives, but we do want to make genuine attempts to bridge them.

 
  
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  Monica Macovei (ECR). Doamnă președinte, în ultimele zile s-a dus pe față o bătălie pe viață și pe moarte pentru soarta Republicii Moldova. Rămâne Moldova cu oligarhii, cu mafia și cu rușii sau merge Moldova pe drumul european și pe drumul democrației? A fost instabilitate politică până astăzi, când s-a votat un nou guvern, dar haideți să fim onești și să spunem adevărul: a fost instabilitate politică pentru că guvernul a căzut în octombrie 2015, iar, la căderea acestui guvern, au pus umărul și din cei din Partidul Democrat din Republica Moldova, care fac partea din familia europeană socialistă, din Partidul Socialist European. Președintele acestui partid, domnul Lupu, chiar a venit aici la Strasbourg și a cerut lumină și sfaturi de la colegii socialiști. Poate ne spun colegii socialiști ce l-au sfătuit să facă: să cadă guvernul, să negocieze ca să ia mai multă putere?

Avem un nou guvern acum, din care fac parte și comuniștii. Ceea ce cerem de la acest guvern este să respecte condițiile acordului de asociere, tocmai ca să dovedească că au intenții bune pentru Republica Moldova.

 
  
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  Javier Nart (ALDE). Señora Presidenta, yo creo que tomamos nuestros deseos por realidades. Cuando estamos hablando de democracia en Ucrania, en Moldavia, en Georgia, tenemos que tener en cuenta que lo que hay son oligarcas, como consecuencia de la corrupción del sistema soviético y de la captación de recursos por parte de una serie de personas. Estos oligarcas crean partidos políticos y estos partidos políticos son en último término quienes gestionan estos países. La corrupción, por lo tanto, no es un hecho atípico, es la lógica consecuencia cuando los negocios se convierten en la política.

Moldavia ha sufrido el saqueo de 1 000 millones de euros por parte de tres bancos respaldados por el Banco Nacional —uno de ellos tenía, además, el nombre de «Banco social»—.

En el caso de Georgia, se trata de un país posesión de un oligarca cuyo partido político es simultáneamente el eje del poder. Todos los miembros más importantes del Gobierno —el Presidente, el Ministro de Exteriores— pertenecen al Banco Cartu o han pertenecido al Banco Cartu.

¿Cómo pensamos que es posible…

(La Presidenta retira la palabra al orador)

 
  
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  Anja Hazekamp (GUE/NGL). Op 6 april gaan Nederlanders naar de stembus om zich uit te spreken in een referendum over het associatieakkoord met Oekraïne. Eurocraten in Brussel doen alsof een stem tegen dat associatieakkoord een stem vóór oorlog is en een stem tegen democratie en tegen vooruitgang. Maar dit associatieakkoord gaat helemaal niet over democratie voor Oekraïners. Dit associatieverdrag gaat over handel en groei, meer handel, meer Europa en meer ruimte voor multinationals. En in de groeiende Europese Unie zien we dat de ambities en de normen dalen.

Gelijk speelveld lijkt een toverwoord maar we zien nu bijvoorbeeld al dat Europa megastallen subsidieert in Oekraïne. Nog meer dieren, nog meer producten, en producten die hier in Europa al lang verboden zijn, zoals bijvoorbeeld foie gras en legbatterijeieren. Deze producten laten we goedkoop toe op onze markt. Dus als Nederland in het referendum nee zegt tegen het associatieakkoord dan kan Europa daar niet omheen. Voorts ben ik van mening dat de Europese landbouwsubsidies moeten worden afgeschaft.

 
  
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  Tatjana Ždanoka (Verts/ALE). Madam President, if we compare the resolutions submitted by different political groups as well as today’s interventions on the issue, it seems that we are speaking of completely different Georgias, Moldovas and Ukraines. How is it possible? My answer is blind eyes, lies and double standards. Blind eyes on the irresponsibility of the governments of these countries supplied with oligarchs. Lies on prospects of future EU membership for these countries. The Dutch Prime Minister told us openly this morning that the Association Agreement is not a pre-accession. For the European Union this is like being a man using a woman sexually without promising to marry her. Double standards – why are Nadia Savchenko and Oleg Sentsov the only persons in detention to be cared about? Why is there a silence of prisoners of conscience in Ukraine and Moldova, such as Grigory Petrenko and Ruslan Kotsaba?

 
  
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  Petr Mach (EFDD). Kolegové, my tu debatujeme o dohodě mezi Evropskou unií a Ukrajinou. Zapomínáme ale, že tato dohoda ještě není ratifikována. Zanedlouho se bude v Nizozemsku konat referendum o této dohodě a podle průzkumů Nizozemci tuto dohodu odmítnou. Proč? Protože mají dost povýšené politiky Evropské unie, která vede k jedné katastrofě za druhou. Vzpomeňme si, že tato dohoda byla rozbuškou státního převratu na Ukrajině a následného konfliktu.

Takže až Nizozemci tuto dohodu odmítnou, máme šanci sjednat tuto dohodu znovu a lépe. A já navrhuji, aby ta dohoda byla skutečně jenom o volném obchodu, aby nevrážela klín do ukrajinské společnosti, do moldavské společnosti, aby nekomplikovala těmto zemím obchodní vztahy s Ruskem, aby neuvalovala na tyto země všechny naše nesmyslné regulace a nařízení. Pak bude moci existovat harmonický obchod mezi námi a Ukrajinou a nevneseme do těchto zemí další konflikty.

 
  
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  Olaf Stuger (ENF). Collega Hazekamp heeft het al aangegeven: op 6 april gaat het Nederlandse volk naar de stembus om te stemmen in het referendum over Oekraïne. Dat is een spannend moment. Onze minister van Buitenlandse Zaken, de heer Koenders, heeft al uit de doeken gedaan hoe de Nederlandse regering deze campagne gaat aanpakken. Maar u bent natuurlijk benieuwd hoe het nee-kamp de campagne gaat aanpakken. Dat is nog niet helemaal bekend maar er schijnen stemmen op te gaan om maar één ding te doen en dat is zo vaak mogelijk de foto van de heer Juncker te laten zien. Dat zou voldoende moeten zijn. Want het Nederlandse volk weet voldoende als ze het gezicht van de heer Juncker zien: liegen, draaien, drinken en nog meer liegen. We zijn klaar. De Commissie zal waarschijnlijk denken slim genoeg te zijn om dit nog tot een goed einde te brengen. Maar ik verzeker u dat het Nederlandse volk vele malen slimmer is en dat zal spoedig blijken.

 
  
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  elnök asszony. – Képviselő Úr! Higgye el, hogy a hozzászólása megfelelő lett volna, hogyha Juncker elnök úrról ezeket a jelzőket nem teszi meg.

 
  
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  Sandra Kalniete (PPE). Madam President, I would like to speak about the EU-Ukraine Agreement. Its entry into force was postponed until 1 January 2016 due to Russian objections. It is an irony of history that now its future is challenged not by Mr Putin but by Dutch citizens.

However, I want to believe that one of the world’s most advanced nations, among the first in Europe to embrace modern freedoms, a trade and technology powerhouse and leader on human rights, will support the freedom aspirations of another European nation and will let the freedom of trade and human exchange advance in the relations between the European Union and Ukraine.

We should never forget that the EU shares over 1 300 kilometres of border with Ukraine. That is why a secure and prosperous Ukraine is in our own strategic interests. Stability and trade across this border means more secure borders for the Union. Ukraine is an important trade partner for the European Union. It is the largest European country, with fairly well developed industrial, agricultural and technology sectors. The agreement allows European businesses free access to this huge market. We have to be aware that a Ukraine closely associated with the EU is the best safeguard against the revisionist powers who want to redraw European borders.

 
  
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  Tim Aker (EFDD). Madam President, on a point of order, can you explain under what rule under the Rules of Procedure you as the Chair are allowed to give editorial comment on the previous speaker’s speech? As the President, and what one would assume is a neutral Chair, what rules give you the right to give editorial comment on what any Member of this House says? Can you explain the rules that give you that power, please?

(Applause from EFDD Group)

 
  
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  elnök asszony. – Hát, ha kíváncsi rá, természetesen el tudom mondani. Úgy gondolom, hogy képviselőtársunk éppen… Képviselő Úr! Meghallgat? Éppen az Európai Bizottság elnökét sértette meg. Úgy gondolom nem helyénvaló az Európai Parlamentben, másrészt abszolút nem tartozott a témához. Nincs több lehetősége hozzászólásra. Köszönöm képviselő úr, nincs lehetősége, foglaljon helyet kérem. Attól függetlenül, hogy Ön itt kiabál ebben a Parlamentben és nem megfelelően viselkedik, nem fogok teret adni ennek a viselkedésnek. Megbeszélhetik maguk között, nem tartozik a tárgyhoz. Következő képviselő, Martin képviselő úr. Egyébként, hogyha továbbra is kiabálni szeretnének, javaslom, hogy a termen kívül tegyék ezt. Így legyen.

 
  
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  David Martin (S&D). Madam President, I want to start by saying that I fully welcome the agreement between Ukraine and the European Union and despite what we have heard from the other side of the House, we need to keep stressing that this is an agreement between two sovereign trading partners. No one has forced this agreement on Ukraine. No one has forced this agreement on the European Union. We have come to it voluntarily and the aim is to improve trade and investment between our two groups, and also to ensure that the living standards of the people of Ukraine are improved as a result of this agreement.

Can it succeed? Well it is early days but I think that if we look at the agreements with Georgia and Moldova, we can see that we have a good starting point. Trade between those two countries and the European Union has increased significantly since the comprehensive trade agreements came into being. Of course, that is of itself not enough and we have to do more to make sure that ordinary citizens of Georgia and Moldova benefit from the trade agreements, that living standards are improved in their country.

Likewise with Ukraine. Our partnership there gives us the opportunity to start working with our Ukrainian friends, to tackle corruption, which is a serious problem in that country, to improve the price of energy available to ordinary citizens, which has gone up as a result of changes there. We need to make sure that energy poverty does not exist in that country.

Finally, let me say that although it is for the Dutch people to decide what they do in their referendum, I hope they will not give a free gift to the Russians who have tried to divide this continent and have also done that partly by financing some of the right-wing Putin friends we have on the other side of this Chamber.

 
  
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  Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR). Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Komisarzu! Szanowni Państwo! Mam nadzieję, że są rzeczy, które nas łączą. Tą rzeczą muszą być pewne wspólne europejskie wartości i to, żeby były one też szansą dla naszych sąsiadów, a Ukraina jest naszym sąsiadem. Myślę, że jest ona państwem nie mniej związanym z europejską historią, kulturą, cywilizacją, tradycją niż niektórzy obecni członkowie Unii Europejskiej, dość odlegli, bądź co bądź, od Europy. Dobrze, że w niej są, ale chciałbym, żeby Europa była szersza. Musimy także wspierać Gruzję, choć mam przed sobą kopie e-maili, które do mnie przychodzą i których autorzy wyrażają zaniepokojenie o losy więźniów politycznych w tym kraju. Mam nadzieję, że władze w Tbilisi będą dalej szły europejską drogą wspólnie z opozycją, a nie osobno. Głęboko w to wierzę. Mam nadzieję, że Parlament Europejski będzie je na tej drodze wspierał.

 
  
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  Marietje Schaake (ALDE). Associatieakkoorden helpen de EU om allerlei afspraken met landen te maken, voorwaarden voor handel, regels over mensenrechten en de rechtsstaat. Hoewel Oekraïne een belangrijke partner voor de EU is, is het zeker niet het enige land met wie we dit soort regels afspreken, van Israël tot Chili, van Egypte tot Zuid-Afrika. In Nederland is in het bijzonder aandacht voor het akkoord met Oekraïne omdat er op 6 april aanstaande een referendum is over de vraag of de handtekening van Nederland, na steun van de regering en de Tweede Kamer, onder deze afspraken moet blijven staan. Sommige mensen vrezen dat het akkoord stilletjes tot toetreding van Oekraïne zal leiden. Maar het tegendeel is waar. Juist wanneer een land niet in aanmerking komt voor toetreding is een associatieverdrag een hele handige en goede manier om afspraken vast te leggen. Het is goed dat de EU Oekraïne helpt bij het aanpakken van corruptie en het hervormen van de economie en de samenleving. Een stabiel en welvarend Oekraïne is goed voor mensen in het land zelf, maar ook goed voor Europeanen. Daarom roept D66 alle Nederlanders op om op 6 april te gaan stemmen bij het referendum en vóór te stemmen.

 
  
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  Steeve Briois (ENF). Madame la Présidente, la mise en œuvre des accords d'association avec l'Ukraine, la Géorgie et la Moldavie ne répond à aucun impératif économique pour les États membres de l'Union européenne. Bien au contraire, et compte tenu des niveaux économiques relativement faibles de ces trois pays, rien ne justifie actuellement d'élargir une zone de libre-échange à des pays qui ont des niveaux de développement aussi faibles.

La zone de libre-échange génère déjà, vous le savez, de véritables drames économiques et sociaux en Europe. Je tiens également à vous préciser – je vous l'apprends peut-être – qu'en Moldavie, par exemple, le salaire minimum mensuel est de 43 euros. La Moldavie, c'est 30 % de la population qui vit sous le seuil de pauvreté, mais c'est aussi une économie souterraine qui représente 40 % du PIB. Par conséquent, dans le contexte de l'embargo russe, la Géorgie et l'Ukraine constituent de véritables armes de concurrence déloyale massive pour nos agriculteurs, qui ont beaucoup de mal et sont confrontés à des difficultés pour exporter leurs produits agricoles.

 
  
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  Elmar Brok (PPE). Frau Präsidentin, Kolleginnen und Kollegen, Herr Kommissar! Ich glaube, dass es in der Diskussion, die wir heute über Georgien, Moldawien und die Ukraine führen, um die Bedeutung geht, dass wir in der Lage sind, dieses auch von unserer Seite zu implementieren, aber noch mehr, dass diese Länder das implementieren können.

Ich freue mich, dass man heute in Moldawien einen Premierminister gewählt hat – unter Umständen, die nicht erfreulich sind. Aber ich hoffe, dass man dennoch trotz dieser schwierigen Konzeption in der Lage ist, daraus noch das Beste zu machen um die nächsten drei Jahre vernünftig zu gestalten, und dass es eine Regierung ist, die wirklich die drei Jahre hält.

Nach Georgien kucken wir natürlich mit Sorge. Wenn wir gestern den Brief des Präsidenten des Verfassungsgerichtshofs bekommen haben, muss man bei allen sonstigen positiven Bemerkungen sagen, dass die Rechtstaatlichkeit, die Unabhängigkeit der Gerichte usw. in einem solchen Land gewährleistet sein muss.

Aber ich möchte vielleicht einen Hauptpunkt auf das Thema Ukraine setzen. Die Ukraine

Verzeichnet viele positive Entwicklungen. Wir sehen jetzt, dass auch die Entwicklungen hin zur Reform des Justizsystems vernünftig anlaufen. Aber wir sehen auch gleichzeitig, dass wir innerhalb der Europäischen Union in der Diskussion sind, ob wir die Sanktionen aufrechterhalten können, um den notwendigen Druck auf die Ukraine auszuüben, damit wir die Frage der Ostukraine in eine unseren Vorstellungen nach positive Entwicklung hineinbringen und das Minsk Agreement geschaffen werden kann.

Deswegen ist es außerordentlich wichtig, dass der russischen Seite dadurch kein Alibi gegeben wird, dass es auch von der ukrainischen Seite nicht eingehalten wird. Deswegen halte ich es für wichtig, dass die konstitutionellen Zusagen der Dezentralisierung zumindest im Verfassungsprozess beschlossen werden.

Das muss hier noch nicht implementiert werden. Aber man sollte Russland in dieser Frage keine Vorlage geben, so dass der Druck dadurch bei unseren internen Diskussionen aufgehoben wird. Diesen Rat sollten wir der Ukraine auch in dieser Stunde geben.

 
  
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  Tonino Picula (S&D). Gospođo predsjednice, već prve godine primjene ovog sporazuma izvoz Gruzije u EU porastao je za 15, a Moldavije za čak 62 %. Očekujemo porast izvoza iz Ukrajine. Međutim, kao i u slučaju drugih trgovinskih sporazuma smatram da slobodnu trgovinu mora pratiti i slobodno kretanje ljudi. Uvjeti su ispunjeni i vjerujem da nema razloga za zadržavanje viznog režima za Ukrajinu i Gruziju. EU treba pomoći zemljama Istočnog partnerstva, osim deklarativno i politički, svakako i ekonomski uz strogo nadziranu implementaciju sporazuma.

No, naravno, ključni je moment odnos Europske unije prema Rusiji. Rusija je u konfliktu sa sve tri zemlje – bilo da se radi o aneksiji Krima, okupaciji Abhazije i Južne Osetije ili kada je u pitanju Transnjistrija. Ali bez obzira na sankcije, neophodan je trilateralni dijalog EU – Ukrajina – Rusija.

Nadam se da predstojeći referendum u Nizozemskoj neće dodatno otežati već dovoljno težak europski put Ukrajine.

 
  
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  Kosma Złotowski (ECR). Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Komisarzu! Nikt nie ma wątpliwości, że Ukraina, Gruzja i Mołdawia to państwa europejskie, że były i są one ważną częścią wspólnoty wartości, która jest fundamentem Unii Europejskiej. Pogłębienie więzi łączącej te państwa z Unią to nie tylko kwestia pragmatyzmu, ale w dużej mierze nasza historyczna powinność. Umowy stowarzyszeniowe i o pogłębionej współpracy są ważnym krokiem na drodze do ściślejszej integracji i cieszy fakt, że ich implementacja przebiega pomyślnie.

Oczywiście nie możemy wykluczyć błędów, opóźnień, ale ten proces w obecnej trudnej sytuacji międzynarodowej na wschodzie Europy jest zbyt ważny, by niewielkie niedociągnięcia mogły zmienić obrany przez te państwa kierunek. Działania podejmowane przez Federację Rosyjską, by storpedować przebieg modernizacji gospodarek na Ukrainie, w Gruzji i w Mołdawii, zwłaszcza wymierzone w Kijów zawieszenie strefy wolnego handlu między tymi krajami, to kolejny dowód na to, że Moskwie nie zależy na współpracy, ale na nieustannej konfrontacji. Takie działania powinny nas tylko mobilizować do zwiększenia wysiłków i większego wsparcia naszych wschodnich partnerów.

 
  
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  Илхан Кючюк (ALDE). Г-жо Председател, уважаеми колеги, преди всичко трябва да отбележим напредъка, постигнат от всички страни, и да приветстваме желанието на Грузия, Молдова и Украйна за тясно асоцииране с Европейския съюз. Прилагането на споразуменията несъмнено има положително въздействие по отношение на търговията, стимулирането на реформи и икономически растеж.

Разбира се, Европейският съюз не трябва да спира до тук. Политиката на Източното партньорство доказа, че не е геополитическа заплаха за трети страни, а дългосрочна стратегия в полза на стабилността, просперитета и демокрацията на европейския континент.

Ето защо е необходимо да продължим да подкрепяме и трите държави. Да завършим либерализирането на визовия режим с Грузия и Украйна. Да обърнем по-задълбочено внимание и по дипломатически път да търсим решение на замразените конфликти в страните от Източното партньорство. И не на последно място, да продължим наблюдението върху спазването на принципите на демокрацията, което ще е гарант за по-нататъшните реформи от страна на Грузия, Молдова и Украйна.

 
  
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  Daniel Caspary (PPE). Frau Präsidentin! Ich bin der Europäischen Kommission, und auch Ihnen, Herr Kommissar Hahn, sehr dankbar, dass Sie in den letzten Monaten diese sehr guten Abkommen ausgehandelt haben. Was mir ganz besonders am Herzen liegt: Hier haben Staaten freiwillig, aus eigener Entscheidung heraus mit uns Abkommen verhandelt, es hat sie niemand dazu gezwungen. Aber es darf sie auch niemand davon abhalten, mit uns am Ende Abkommen zu schließen.

Wenn ich mir anschaue, dass wir zum Beispiel im Außenhandelsbereich auch sehr viel Rücksicht genommen haben, dass wir am Beispiel Ukraine auch bewiesen haben, dass es uns nicht darum geht, Sachen einfach durchzuexekutieren, wie wir das als Europäische Union und die Ukraine gemeinsam hätten machen können, dass wir uns noch ein Jahr Zeit genommen haben, mit Russland im Gespräch zu sein, darüber zu verhandeln, wie man dieses Abkommen in Kraft setzen kann, wie man mögliche Schwierigkeiten zwischen Europa, der Ukraine und Russland im Vorfeld noch ausräumen kann, dann war das sicherlich vorbildlich. Ich bedauere außerordentlich, dass Russland die Chance nicht genutzt hat. Ich bedauere außerordentlich, dass wir jetzt zum Jahresanfang wieder sehen müssen, dass Russland de facto wieder zusätzliche Schwierigkeiten gegen ukrainische Produkte eingeführt hat. Ich wäre sehr dankbar, wenn man hier den Gesprächsfaden aufrechterhalten könnte.

Es muss möglich sein, dass Länder in Europa im Jahr 2016 mit den Ländern, mit denen sie zusammenarbeiten wollen und vertragliche Vereinbarungen schließen wollen, das tun können, ohne dass irgendein Dritter sich hier einmischt und das zu verhindern versucht. Ich rufe daher insbesondere die russische Regierung und den russischen Präsidenten auf, sich auf ihre Verantwortung zu besinnen.

 
  
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  Andrejs Mamikins (S&D). Madam President, the last decade has undoubtedly proven difficult for Georgia. The August 2008 war severely worsened relations with Russia and these have only recently started to recover from economic difficulties. Yet despite all this Georgians have achieved the almost impossible: numerous successful reforms, especially of the judiciary, the strengthening of democracy, economic development – all of which contributed to the eventual conclusion of the EU-Georgia Association Agreement and will soon result in the finalisation of the visa liberalisation dialogue.

The fact that some of my colleagues regularly criticise Georgia, often on issues which have actually long been resolved, is most regrettable. The same applies for our resolutions, colleagues. What in the world has happened to quality writing? We purport to be the citadel of democracy, yet whom are we trying to lecture here? Georgia, which is the cradle of European civilisation, with its millennia-old traditions and statehood? If we really are who we purport to be, a standard of proper conduct has to be upheld in everything we do here in Parliament.

 
  
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  Kazimierz Michał Ujazdowski (ECR). Pani Przewodnicząca! Dlaczego Unia Europejska powinna uprawiać politykę wschodnią? Jaki jest sens polityki wschodniej? Taki oto – Unia Europejska ma dobrych sąsiadów na Wschodzie, ma Ukrainę i Mołdawię, społeczeństwa, które chcą żyć w prawie, wolności i sprawiedliwości, które chcą budować ścisłe więzi ekonomiczne i polityczne ze zjednoczoną Europą, które chcą płacić trudną cenę wolności, jaką społeczeństwo ukraińskie zapłaciło na Majdanie. Wreszcie, wbrew temu co mówią koledzy i koleżanki przemawiający chyba w interesie Federacji Rosyjskiej, polityka Europy, polityka Unii Europejskiej daje w tej sferze pokój i stabilność. Pokój i stabilność są zagrożone przez imperializm Putina, a nie przez wytrwałą politykę Unii Europejskiej. Jestem nie tylko za układami stowarzyszeniowymi, ale także za ich realizacją, jak najbardziej intensywną.

 
  
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  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). Doamnă președintă, aș vrea în primul rând să salut intrarea în vigoare la 1 ianuarie 2016 a Acordului de liber schimb cuprinzător și aprofundat între Uniunea Europeană și Ucraina. Pe de altă parte, aș vrea să salut progresele pe care atât Ucraina, cât și Georgia le-au făcut în implementarea planului de acțiune pentru liberalizarea vizelor. Suntem cu toții în așteptarea unui mesaj foarte clar din partea Uniunii în privința liberalizării vizelor.

Aș vrea, în timpul pe care îl mai am la dispoziție, să spun câteva cuvinte despre Moldova. În momentul în care discutăm, Parlamentul Moldovei este ocupat de protestatari. Sunt protestatari mobilizați de două partide controlate în întregime de Moscova. Aceasta după ce, cu greu, s-a reușit un vot pentru un guvern care este, la rândul lui, produsul unui oligarh care este creația Moscovei. Trebuie să spunem că, în acest moment, din păcate, suntem în Moldova în fața unei confruntări între partide care se reclamă în continuare de la o identitate europeană și de la un plan pro-european, dar care sunt sub controlul unor oligarhi pro-ruși, și respectiv, partide controlate direct de Moscova și care vor alegeri anticipate. Suntem într-o fundătură, este o criză foarte gravă și probabil că rezultatele acestei confruntări vor fi mai grave, mă tem, decât ceea ce s-a întâmplat în Ucraina în urmă cu 2 ani. Uniunea a făcut tot ce s-a putut: am sprijinit proiectele care erau legate de drumul european, dar suntem, în acest moment, într-un joc care este controlat, din păcate, de Moscova.

 
  
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  Andi Cristea (S&D). Madam President, by signing the Association Agreements, Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia have chosen a path of close political association and economic integration with the EU. As Chair of the EU-Moldova PAC, I see the value and political significance of this resolution, not only in the implementation assessment, but especially in its clear message on the way ahead.

Moldova has gone through an unprecedented political period since the last general election. The new prime minister and his parliamentary majority have the unique opportunity and responsibility to finally provide the country with a stable and predictable political process. Such an environment is a precondition for any thorough reform ambition conducive to genuine and profound progress.

By conforming to the European path and implementing the association agenda, I am certain that the country’s pressing issues will finally be addressed – but the most difficult political effort for the incoming executive will be that of regaining the citizens’ trust.

 
  
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  Andrzej Grzyb (PPE). Pani Przewodnicząca! Jako przedstawiciel Polski, z doświadczeniem również w polskim parlamencie, zaangażowany w proces integracji wiem, jak dużym wyzwaniem jest przeprowadzenie potrzebnych, częstokroć bardzo trudnych reform dostosowawczych i jednocześnie jak trudno jest utrzymać przy tych procesach dostosowawczych poparcie społeczne, w szczególności w takich krajach jak Mołdawia, jak Ukraina, jak Gruzja.

My oczywiście oczekujemy tego wysiłku zgodnie z podjętymi zobowiązaniami, ale też musimy zrobić wszystko, aby wspierać te kraje, jak również ich społeczeństwa, żeby wytrwali w tym wysiłku. Dlatego z zadowoleniem przyjmuję postępy na drodze liberalizacji ruchu wizowego. Mołdawia jest tutaj liderem. Ale również cieszą potwierdzone przez Komisję Europejską kryteria, jeżeli chodzi o Ukrainę i Gruzję. Ponieważ czas się kończy, to chcę podnieść jednak jedną rzecz. To, co niepokoi, to zapowiedziane w Holandii referendum nad zatwierdzeniem układu o stowarzyszeniu z Ukrainą. Myślę, że powinniśmy uczynić wielki wysiłek, aby pomóc Ukrainie, by to referendum wypadło pozytywnie.

 
  
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  Joachim Schuster (S&D). Frau Präsidentin! Seit dem 1. Januar ist das Freihandelsabkommen mit der Ukraine endgültig in Kraft, und das ist auch gut so.

Gleichwohl erfüllt einen die ökonomische Lage in der Ukraine mit großer Sorge. Das Land befindet sich in einer tiefen ökonomischen Krise, die soziale Spaltung vertieft sich, rund ein Drittel der dortigen Bevölkerung lebt inzwischen dort an oder unter der Armutsgrenze. Dieser soziale Sprengstoff muss meiner Überzeugung nach dringend entschärft werden.

Ich glaube, unsere bisherige Politik der Unterstützung und auch die Freihandelsorientierung reichen dafür alleine nicht aus, sondern es bedarf ergänzender Anstrengungen. Ergänzende Anstrengungen vor Ort zur Förderung der binnenwirtschaftlichen Entwicklung, ergänzender Anstrengungen zur Belebung der Investitionen in die Infrastruktur und in die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und Modernisierung der Wirtschaft, und auch Anstrengungen zur Abfederung sozialer Härten der Strukturreform, wie sie etwa bei der Erhöhung der Energiepreise entstanden sind.

Die EU muss sich diesen Herausforderungen, gemeinsam mit der ukrainischen Regierung, stellen, damit der Prozess der Annäherung der Ukraine an Europa, allen Menschen zugutekommt und nicht an der sozialen Zuspitzung scheitert. Wir brauchen im Kern letztlich eine grundlegende Reform der ökonomischen Komponenten der europäischen Nachbarschaftspolitik.

 
  
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  Eduard Kukan (PPE). Madam President, Association Agreements (AA) and the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas (DCFTA) are one of the most advanced tools we have at our disposal to promote closer cooperation with our neighbours. In the case of Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, we made an important political choice to strengthen our ties and bring them closer to the EU. These agreements were partly a response to the aspirations of those countries and their citizens to put their relations with the EU on a higher level.

In the situation in which the countries are juggling different internal reforms and external pressures, the AAs and DCFTAs should stimulate reform processes and economic growth. We have to be supportive of the reforms, but also demanding, especially when it comes to consolidating democracy, eradicating corruption and strengthening the rule of law. These are the values which are associated with the EU. Delivering on them is a crucial test for our partners but also for the EU’s image and credibility in the neighbourhood.

 
  
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  Kati Piri (S&D). Deze verdragen die de Europese Unie getekend heeft met Georgië, Oekraïne en Moldavië, zijn de meest ambitieuze in hun soort en deze associatieakkoorden moeten zorgen voor meer stabiliteit, democratie en welvaart op het hele Europese continent, dus ook in ons belang. Veel moeilijke hervormingen zijn het afgelopen jaar al doorgevoerd in deze landen. Maar als je kijkt zie je dat er nog steeds drie hardnekkige problemen blijven. Een daarvan is corruptie. De strijd tegen corruptie moet de basis zijn voor alle vooruitgang. Met name Moldavië en Oekraïne kampen nog met dit probleem. Er moet nog een echte omslag komen in de juridische sector en helaas, de "winner takes all"-mentaliteit blijft overheersen in deze drie landen.

Een ander iets dat zij gemeen hebben is de dreiging en de agressie van hun grote buurland Rusland. Het is goed dat de EU met deze drie deze ambitieuze verdragen sluit, die niet over lidmaatschap gaan, wel over intensieve samenwerking. En ik hoop dan ook dat de meerderheid van de Nederlandse bevolking op 6 april een ja zegt tegen het associatieakkoord met Oekraïne.

 
  
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  Siegfried Mureşan (PPE). Doamnă președintă, evident, toate cele trei țări, Georgia, Republica Moldova și Ucraina, au de câștigat de pe urma acordului de asociere și acordului de liber schimb. Însă, în ciuda potențialului, vedem, în Republica Moldova, situația s-a înrăutățit de-a lungul ultimelor luni. Instabilitatea politică a generat instabilitate economică. Inflația este la cel mai ridicat nivel din ultimii 7 ani, moneda națională pierde valoare, iar investițiile străine scad, ceea ce înseamnă mai puțină creștere economică, șomaj mai mare în perioada următoare.

Pe baza acestei situații, oamenii sunt, evident, victime ușoare ale propagandei pro-ruse și cred că noi nu putem asista nepăsători. De aceea, cred că este important să facem următoarele două lucruri în perioada următoare: 1) Comisia Europeană să trimită o echipă comună împreună cu Fondul Monetar Internațional imediat acum, după instalarea guvernului - o echipă comună care să analizeze cum poate fi Republica Moldova ajutată financiar și 2) înalți funcționari europeni să participe activ la redactarea programului de lucru al viitorului guvern și la reformele necesare în această țară.

 
  
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  Clare Moody (S&D). Madam President, I am delighted this resolution welcomes the efforts that Georgia has made to implement the Association Agreement with its DCFTA. I also welcome the fact that, since this agreement, trade between the EU and Georgia has significantly increased. But this agreement is about far more than trade. It is about shared values and deepening our long-standing relationship. We need to support the work that has been done, and is being done, to develop a free and open political environment and to achieve social cohesion. The social dimension of these agreements is vital to building and maintaining the confidence of citizens in our shared values.

There is still work to be done, but without doubt, progress is being made, in particular through dialogue and reconciliation. Finally, I welcome the Commission’s progress report on the visa liberalisation action plan and look forward to the related legislative proposals and approval.

 
  
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  Gunnar Hökmark (PPE). Madam President, it is very interesting to listen to the voices of Putin in this chamber, because this defines very much what this issue is about. They dislike and do not want to express respect for the territorial integrity of these countries. They do not want to support the independence and national sovereignty of these countries. They are against free trade and open markets and transparent energy trade. They are against visa liberalisation. They are against cooperation in the fight against corruption and bureaucracy and disrespect for the rule of law. They are defending the interests of Putin in Europe, and it is shameful.

It also reminds us what this is about: defending an open Europe, ensuring that European values are strong, and doing what we can in order to support the citizens of these countries.

 
  
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  Pavel Svoboda (PPE). Paní předsedající, jsem velmi rád, že dnes můžeme projednávat usnesení o Ukrajině, Gruzii a Moldavsku v jejich úsilí prohlubovat spolupráci s Evropskou unií. Je důležité říci, že je to úsilí, ke kterému se rozhodly svobodně a které jim nebylo nikým vnuceno. Evropský parlament již několikrát projevil svoji vůli podporovat nejen vlády těchto zemí, ale také občanskou společnost ve všech jejích podobách. Pomoc tak nespočívá pouze v hospodářské oblasti, protože občanskou společnost tam podpoříme nejlépe tím, že zajistíme svobodné šíření informací a svobodný dialog.

Jsem proto rád a chtěl bych poděkovat Evropské komisi a zejména paní Mogheriniové za útvar StratCom, který se snaží bojovat proti propagandě současného ruského režimu. Jsem přesvědčen, že tyto snahy by se měly nadále zachovat a ještě rozvinout, a doufám, že Komise tak učiní.

 
  
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  Adam Szejnfeld (PPE). Pani Przewodnicząca! Styczeń 2016 roku to przełom czy kolejny etap na pięknej i dobrej drodze dążenia Mołdawii, Gruzji, Ukrainy do znalezienia się w rodzinie demokratycznych państw Europy, ale musimy pamiętać, że to wszystko, co dzieje się między Unią Europejską a tymi państwami, odbywa się na dwóch płaszczyznach. Jedna to jest ta wspaniała, dzięki której te państwa, a szczególnie ich narody, mogą zmierzać drogą rozwoju gospodarczego, za którym idzie także wzrost dobrobytu, zwiększenie miejsc pracy, zmniejszenie wykluczenia społecznego. Ale z drugiej strony mamy do czynienia z agresywną postawą zwłaszcza Federacji Rosyjskiej, ale nie tylko – również państwa, które chce blokować, hamować dążenie tych wolnych narodów i demokratycznie rozwijających się państw do wolności. My jako Europejczycy powinniśmy wspierać ich na tej drodze.

 
  
 

„Catch the eye” eljárás.

 
  
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  Andrea Bocskor (PPE). Biztos Úr! Ukrajna hosszú utat tett meg, hogy a posztszovjet rendszerrel szakítva, európai szellemű reformokba kezdjen. Ez a folyamat még nem zárult le, és az Európai Unióval kötött társulási szerződéssel, illetve a szabadkereskedelmi szerződés január 1-jei életbelépésével Ukrajna új lehetőségeket kapott a fejlődésre. E szerződés leépíti a vámokat, hozzáférést biztosít egy új, 500 milliós piachoz, ami a kereskedelmi kapcsolatok bővítése révén impulzust ad a gazdaságnak. Ezeket a lehetőségeket regionális szinten is hasznosítani kell, így pl. fontos lenne újraalakítani a kétezres évek elején sikeresen működő Kárpátalja Szabad Gazdasági Övezetet és az ehhez hasonlókat.

Ez keretet biztosítana a külföldi vállalkozók és a tőke megyébe való bevonzására, a hazai és külföldi vállalkozások közötti kapcsolatok elmélyítésére, Kárpátalja és a vele szomszédos országok, régiók gazdasági integrációjára. Ennek köszönhetően számos új munkahely jöhetne létre, ami javítaná a gazdaságot, az infrastruktúrát és a lakosság életszínvonalát. Tehát égetően szükség lenne ennek a különleges gazdasági övezetnek a visszaállítására, hiszen az oda áramló befektetések révén megoldható lenne az ipar fejlesztése, az oktatási, kulturális, turisztikai és sportlétesítmények korszerűsítése, a határátkelők és a közútrendszer fejlesztése.

 
  
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  elnök asszony. – Ön a leghitelesebb ismerője az ukrán eseményeknek.

 
  
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  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D). Doamnă președintă, în primul rând, Uniunea Europeană trebuie să se asigure că dreptul acestor trei țări, Republica Moldova, Ucraina și Georgia, de a-și alege propriul drum, este respectat. Propriul drum spre libertate, democrație, economie de piață, respectul drepturilor omului, respectul mass-media, independența justiției și nu spre un sistem autocratic, dictatorial, care este îmbrățișat de puterea de la est, care știți toți cine este, Rusia. Și aici este vorba de conducerea rusă, nu de poporul rus pentru care avem toată stima și respectul cuvenit. Politica de confruntare promovată de Rusia nu este în avantajul nici al Europei și al țărilor din Europa, nici al Rusiei. Toată lumea are de suferit. O Europă unită, trebuie să le spunem rușilor, este și în interesul Rusiei. Și, în final, și am terminat doamna președintă, vreau să le spunem colegilor noștri care susțin conducerea rusă că dacă toate aceste trei țări...

(Președinta a întrerupt vorbitorul)

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR). Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η συμφωνία της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης με τη Γεωργία, τη Μολδαβία και την Ουκρανία που υπογράφτηκε το 2014 προβλέπει την κατάργηση του μεγαλύτερου μέρος των τελωνειακών περιορισμών μεταξύ της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και των χωρών αυτών, με αποτέλεσμα τα αγροτικά προϊόντα αυτών των χωρών να πλημμυρίσουν την Ευρώπη σε μια περίοδο που οι Έλληνες και οι άλλοι Ευρωπαίοι αγρότες αντιμετωπίζουν τεράστια οικονομικά προβλήματα λόγω της κρίσης αλλά και του ρωσικού εμπάργκο.

Επιπλέον, η συμφωνία ελεύθερων συναλλαγών που θα εφαρμοστεί από το 2016 θα ενισχύσει τις μεγάλες επιχειρήσεις σε βάρος των μικρών και αναποτελεσματικών επιχειρήσεων των τριών αυτών χωρών. Ανησυχούμε επίσης για τη διαφθορά που επικρατεί στις χώρες αυτές, στις οποίες δεν λειτουργεί το κράτος δικαίου. Τέλος, διερωτώμαι ποια θα ήταν η τύχη αυτής της συμφωνίας, αν είχαν κληθεί να αποφασίσουν με δημοψήφισμα οι Έλληνες, οι Ιταλοί και οι άλλοι πολίτες, όπως συμβαίνει τώρα με το ολλανδικό δημοψήφισμα.

 
  
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  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE). Gospođo predsjednice, snažno podržavam ovaj sporazum s Gruzijom, Moldovom i Ukrajinom iz jednostavnog razloga – zato što te države, ti narodi, svi njezini građani itekako imaju pravo na europsku perspektivu.

Zato mislim da ste, g. povjereniče Hahn, napravili dobar posao. Napravili ste dobar posao u našem istočnom susjedstvu i vjerujem da će ova perspektiva koja se otvara građanima Gruzije, Moldove i Ukrajine biti iskorištena. Međutim, perspektiva koja se otvara mora biti, naravno, iskorištena za uvođenje pravih europskih vrijednosti u tim državam. I to ne samo zbog njih, nego i zbog nas i naše vjerodostojnosti da se ti sporazumi ne shvate krivo, jer oni nisu ni protiv Rusije ni protiv bilo koje druge države, nego su u korist građana Gruzije, Moldove i Ukrajine te demokracije na europskom kontinentu.

 
  
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  Lidia Senra Rodríguez (GUE/NGL). Senhora Presidente, rejeito alguns acordos que permitirão às multinacionais europeias apropriar-se das ricas terras da Ucrânia, dos seus minerais ou das suas águas, ou do ferro da Geórgia, das madeiras, da energia hidráulica, e também beneficiar da sua situação, como corredor de transporte Europa—Cáucaso-Ásia.

O Comissário já nos falara no interesse nos seus milhões de consumidores. Mas estes povos devem saber também qual é a situação dos povos do sul da Europa, depois de as multinacionais europeias se apropriarem dos nossos recursos e ocuparem os nossos mercados.

É preciso também dizer a esses povos que, com a aplicação da política de austeridade, na Galiza, no meu país, após 30 anos de União Europeia, voltámos a ter fome. Mais de 50 % dos jovens estão desempregados e mais de 22 % das pessoas em risco de pobreza e exclusão social. Muitos milhares de agricultores desapareceram e muitas empresas foram fechadas. Este é o modelo da União Europeia que lhes oferecemos.

 
  
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  Bronis Ropė (Verts/ALE). Ačiū, gerbiama pirmininke, gerbiamas komisare, kolegos, laisvos prekybos susitarimai ir kitas jų lygmuo – asociacijos sutartys – yra vieni iš nedaugelio efektyvių Europos Sąjungos išorės santykių instrumentų. Europos Sąjunga savo steigimo sutartyse yra įsipareigojusi plėsti laisvės, demokratijos ir gero valdymo erdvę visame pasaulyje. Mainais už tai siūlome dideles prekybos su Europos Sąjunga galimybes. Primenu – Gruzija, Moldova ir Ukraina yra itin artimos mūsų kaimynės. Jų stabilumas ir gerovė yra viena iš ramybės visoje Europoje sąlygų. Kartu, kolegos, norėčiau paraginti atlaidžiau žiūrėti į valstybių partnerių pastangas, Komisijos norėčiau paprašyti daugiau veikti kaip pagalbininkei, padedančiai valstybėms partnerėms pasiekti užsibrėžtus tikslus, o ne skubėti bausti už menkiausias klaidas.

 
  
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  Tim Aker (EFDD). Madam President, thanks to UKIP, this year, or maybe next year, the United Kingdom will have its referendum on our membership of the European Union. But we are not alone.

This year, in April, the Netherlands will vote on its accession deal with the Ukraine, and my plea to Dutch patriots across the pond is: put a spanner in the works. Say ‘no’ to this institution; say ‘no’ to this Union that disrespects your democracy. It was not so long ago that you said ‘no’ to the European Constitution, but this place decided to ignore that, dump the constitution and rebrand it as the Lisbon Treaty.

A ‘no’ vote in the Netherlands means that the United Kingdom has a fillip going into its referendum. My plea to the British people watching this now is: ‘we are not alone’. Millions of people across this Union, across this continent, are sick and tired of this place, this institution. We yearn for our democracy back; we yearn for our borders to be returned and we yearn for the peoples of our nation states to be in control. We are public servants and it is time the people had the final say.

 
  
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  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος ( NI). Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση πιέζει να εφαρμοστούν οι συμφωνίες συνδέσεως και οι συμφωνίες Ελευθέρων Συναλλαγών με την Γεωργία, τη Μολδαβία και την Ουκρανία. Αυτές όμως οι συμφωνίες δημιουργούν προβλήματα σε ορισμένα κράτη μέλη. Συγκεκριμένα, οι συμφωνίες Ελευθέρων Συναλλαγών δημιουργούν συνθήκες αθέμιτου ανταγωνισμού για τα γεωργικά και τα κτηνοτροφικά προϊόντα των χωρών του ευρωπαϊκού Νότου ανάμεσα στις οποίες ανήκει και η πατρίδα μου η Ελλάδα. Επιπλέον, δημιουργούν και πολιτικής φύσεως προβλήματα. Η Μολδαβία, παραδείγματος χάρη, έχει συνάψει διμερείς σχέσεις με το ψευδοκράτος της κατεχόμενης από την Τουρκία Βορείου Κύπρου. Οι υπήκοοι της Μολδαβίας μπορούν συνεπώς να πηγαίνουν στην περιοχή αυτή χωρίς βίζα. Το γεγονός αυτό όμως παραβιάζει το διεθνές δίκαιο που απαγορεύει την ντε φάκτο αναγνώριση κατεχομένων περιοχών. Παράλληλα προσβάλλει και την Κύπρο που είναι μέλος της Ευρωπαϊκής Ενώσεως. Με αυτά τα δεδομένα, πώς μας ζητείτε να εγκρίνουμε αυτές τις συμφωνίες;

 
  
 

(A „catch the eye” eljárás vége.)

 
  
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  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Madam President, honourable Members, first and foremost I would like to thank you, Madam President, for your very clear statement concerning President Juncker.

On Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova, these three partners have made a courageous choice to align themselves more closely with the European Union by undertaking ambitious and far-reaching reforms. They do this in the face of significant challenges coming both from within their countries and from the outside, and unlike some of their predecessors, they do this without the firm promise of EU membership at the end of the process. So we owe our partners our full and unwavering support as they travel on this road.

The EU will offer them support, whether it is financial, technical or political. We have every interest in ensuring that our partners succeed in these efforts, because their success will also be our success and their failure would be our failure. But ultimately, this process must be one that is owned by our partners and done because it is the right thing for them to do, not because we asked them to do it. This is the message which I gave clearly to the Ukrainian and Georgian Governments when I visited Kiev and Tbilisi last November, and I believe their actions demonstrate that they fully understand this.

On Moldova and the very recent events: the situation is tense, no doubt, and I appeal to everybody, to every party inside and outside the Parliament, to have a peaceful political debate and to refrain from any kind of violence. I can reassure you that the High Representative, Federica Mogherini, and myself are in permanent contact with our delegation on the ground to contribute to a peaceful solution of the situation and to help the country.

Having said that – and this is another example – political association and economic integration of our Eastern partners will be a marathon, not a sprint, and it will require the active and sustained support of this House. My colleagues and I will continue to keep you fully informed of developments in the coming months and years, and I thank you for this very lively debate.

 
  
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  elnök asszony. – Hat állásfoglalásra irányuló indítványt juttattak el hozzám a vita lezárásaként.

A vitát lezárom.

A szavazásra 2016. január 21-én, csütörtökön kerül sor.

Írásbeli nyilatkozatok (162. cikk)

 
  
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  Birgit Collin-Langen (PPE), schriftlich. Ich unterstütze diese Entschließungsanträge, denn ich begrüße als Delegationsmitglied für Georgien die für die Region wichtige engere Zusammenarbeit. Außerdem sehe ich in den Abkommen den richtigen Weg für einen engeren politischen und wirtschaftlichen Zusammenschluss mit der Europäischen Union. Ich bedauere die Reaktion Russlands und dessen einseitiges Aufheben seines Freihandelsabkommens mit der Ukraine zu dem Zeitpunkt, an dem das Freihandelsabkommen zwischen der EU und der Ukraine in Kraft getreten ist. Diese Handelsbeschränkungen beeinträchtigen die ukrainische Wirtschaft und die finanzielle Lage der Ukraine.

 
  
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  Karol Karski (ECR), na piśmie. Europejskie aspiracje Gruzji, Mołdawii i Ukrainy są bardzo ważne, ale – poza oczywistym kursem w stronę UE – łączy je jeszcze jeden bardzo istotny element, wspólny mianownik, o którym w kontekście tych trzech państw nie można zapominać. Jest nim Rosja. Rosja, która wciąż uznaje je za swoją wyłączną strefę wpływów i odgrywa bardzo destabilizującą rolę, prowadząc aktywną wojnę na wschodzie Ukrainy, dokonując aneksji Krymu, okupując gruzińskie terytoria Abchazji i Osetii Południowej oraz uniemożliwiając rozwiązanie zamrożonego konfliktu w Naddniestrzu. Mówiąc o tych państwach, o koniecznych reformach, o ich dążeniach i aspiracjach, nie możemy zapominać o Rosji. I w tym kontekście należy zawsze i bezwarunkowo udzielać Gruzji, Mołdawii i Ukrainie wszelkiego wsparcia, na jakie nas stać. Jak pokazała nam sytuacja Krymu, Ługańska i Doniecka Rosjanie nie cofną się przed niczym, żeby utrzymać te państwa w swojej strefie wpływów. Często w takich debatach padają słowa, że skoro rozmawiamy o tych państwach powinniśmy skupić się tylko na wewnętrznej sytuacji, walce z korupcją i wprowadzanych zmianach. To nieprawda. Mówiąc o nich musimy zawsze pamiętać o tych siłach, które na jakiekolwiek zmiany patrzą bardzo niechętnie, a które czyhają na każde potknięcie władz w Tbilisi, Kijowie i Kiszyniowie.

 
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