Doslovný záznam ze zasedání

Středa, 9. března 2016 - Štrasburk

17. Zpráva o Bývalé jugoslávské republice Makedonii za rok 2015 (rozprava)

  Przewodniczący. – Kolejnym punktem porządku dnia jest oświadczenie Rady i Komisji w sprawie sprawozdania za 2015 r. w sprawie byłej Jugosłowiańskiej Republiki Macedonii (2015/2895(RSP)).

  Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, let me first of all reiterate the Council’s commitment to the EU accession process of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, although the critical situation in the country is a serious cause for concern.

In 2015 the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia faced one of its most severe political crises, which was marked by a divisive political culture, backsliding on freedom of expression and judicial independence, as well as further erosion of trust in public institutions. It is now essential to overcome this crisis and to ensure that these shortcomings will be addressed decisively. The June-July Pržino political agreement reached among the political leaders, as well as the urgent reform priorities which have been issued by the Commission, provide the blueprint for what needs to be done.

We have taken good note of the decision to postpone the early parliamentary elections to 5 June, given that necessary conditions for holding credible elections on 24 April were not in place. It will now be essential for all political actors to live up to their responsibility and to take the necessary measures, including the election—related media reform. A constructive and inclusive political dialogue within the country will be crucial in order to move forward.

Obviously the holding of credible elections in which all citizens and parties freely participate is a first major step towards ending the ongoing political crisis. We are closely monitoring this process in cooperation with the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights.

Let me also commend the close cooperation between the EU actors, necessary to pave the way out of the country’s political crisis. I want to mention in particular Commissioner Hahn’s substantive engagement and to thank him very much, and to thank as well the three Members of this House, Mr Vajgl, Mr Howitt and Mr Kukan.

Sustainable reforms to address systematic values in the areas of the rule of law, public administration, protection of fundamental rights and media freedom, as well as the fight against corruption, continue to remain central for the country’s path towards the EU. Let me also reiterate the importance of an independent investigation of all the allegations brought to the fore by the wiretapping affair. The Special Prosecutor and the parliamentary committee of inquiry need to be supported in their work. Equally, I want to repeat the Council’s call for the Kumanovo events of May 2015 to be fully investigated in an objective and transparent manner.

On migration let me commend the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia for its efforts in addressing the refugee and migration crisis last year. For some weeks now several unilateral decisions and regional coordinated responses have been put in place along the western Balkan route. On 18 February the European Council was very clear that only through concerted action can we address the challenge in a proper manner. There is no alternative to a comprehensive European solution. And yes, it is very important that the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, as our neighbouring and candidate country, plays its part in this process.

The EU is providing – and will continue to provide – significant support to the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia in order to strengthen border controls and to improve border and asylum management. The same goes for several Member States which do it on a bilateral level.

Finally, let me underline that good neighbourly relations, including a negotiated and mutually accepted solution to the name issue under the auspices of the UN, remain central for the stability of the region. The accession process of the country is at a critical juncture. The Commission has stated its readiness to extend its recommendation to open accession negotiations. These shall, however, be conditional on the continued implementation of the June—July political agreement and on substantial progress in the implementation of the urgent reform priorities.

The Council will refer to the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia after its elections. Right now I strongly believe that the political leaders have the responsibility to take the necessary steps and put their country back onto the Euro-Atlantic path.

  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, first of all I would like to thank the Minister for her friendly words concerning our work. I would also like to say thanks once again to three Members of your Parliament – Mr Vajgl, Mr Kukan and Mr Howitt – for their unceasing work on and with this country and its key players in order to facilitate, together with us, a political agreement last summer. It was – and is – crucial and essential that we are helping the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to address the political challenge they are facing and that we are keeping the political agreement alive in the months afterwards.

The three MEPs paid a visit only two weeks ago, following a letter from the EU delegation and the US Ambassador, to the Prime Minister, presenting our joint view that the conditions for organising credible elections on 24 April were not in place. With the EU delegation, your colleagues brokered a deal among the political leaders to postpone the date of the early parliamentary elections from 24 April to 5 June. I would like to stress how important it is that the European Parliament has played its role to engage with the country and to help in the democratic process. I hope it will be possible to be present with observers around the election day. I also would like to take this opportunity to thank Parliament’s Committee on Foreign Affairs, and rapporteur Ivo Vajgl in particular, for the resolution which is before you today for adoption. I find it balanced and in line with the main findings of our 2015 Report on the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. As you all know, the reporting period was very challenging for the country. I am convinced, however, that our report struck the right balance. On the one hand, we acknowledged that the country has a good level of preparation in developing a functioning market economy. It also has a relatively good level of alignment with the acquis. This means that the right laws and strategies are more or less in place.

The issue, as in all these countries, is the application and implementation, as well as the will to take if necessary hard decisions. On the other hand, the country has faced the most severe political crisis in years. The parliament was boycotted by the main opposition party for more than a year. The situation deteriorated further with the publication of intercepted conversations which suggests that the system has been undermined by political interference and high-level corruption.

In order to overcome this political crisis, we adopted a two-track approach. Firstly, the political agreement, which was reached by the four political leaders last summer, as mentioned, was a decisive step forward. Some commitments have been met within the agreed deadlines. The main opposition party returned to the parliament and the special prosecutor was appointed in September. I regret that some other deadlines have been met with considerable delay and required active involvement from the European Union.

In parallel to the political agreement in June last year, we presented a set of urgent reform priorities aiming at addressing underlying rule of law issues. Once again, political will is key to progress on these priorities. In our report, we stated that the Commission is prepared to extend its recommendation to open accession negotiations with the country conditional on the continued implementation of the June/July political agreement and substantial implementation of the urgent reform priorities. We are monitoring these issues constantly and will report on this in due course.

As you rightly pointed out in your resolution, the inter-ethnic situation remains fragile in the country. Proactive measures should be undertaken to address inter-ethnic issues and to build greater trust between communities. In this respect, the review of the Ohrid Framework Agreement needs to be completed.

Good neighbourly relations are also essential for the country. Resolving the name issue remains a priority. The country is also on the front line of Europe’s unprecedented refugee and migration crisis, and the Commission remains committed to continue to help the country in this challenge. I look forward to the debate.

ΠΡΟΕΔΡΙΑ: ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΠΑΠΑΔΗΜΟΥΛΗΣ
Αντιπρόεδρος

  Ivo Vajgl, v imenu skupine ALDE. – Spoštovani predsedujoči, ministrica, draga Jeanine, komisar Hahn. Naj rečem takoj na začetku, da se v imenu vseh treh kolegov prisrčno zahvaljujem za lepe besede, ki ste jih namenili našemu sodelovanju. Bilo je v veliko zadovoljstvo vsem nam sodelovati z vami, gospod komisar.

Resolucijo o Makedoniji, pripravljeno skupaj s odličnimi poročevalci v senci, sekretariatom in kolegi, ki so vložili približno 300 amandmajev, bomo sprejeli v kritičnem času za to državo. Ne samo, da predolgo čaka pred vrati Evropske unije kot kandidatka, ampak se prav te dni sooča z izzivom tisočev beguncev na mejah, ki želijo v Unijo po balkanski poti, mi pa iščemo sredstva da bi to pot presekali. 5.junija bodo v Makedoniji predčasne parlamentarne volitve, s katerimi se bo zaključila politična kriza. Če bodo volitve v skladu z demokratičnimi standardi, potem bo čas, da Komisija predloži, Svet pa končno potrdi začetek pogajanj o vstopu Makedonije v Unijo pod enakimi pogoji, ki so doslej veljali v procesu širitve.

Makedonija v veliki meri izpolnjuje pogoje iz acquisa, izkazuje zadovoljivo gospodarsko stabilnost in rast, je aktivna v razvijanju dobrososedskih odnosov in deluje proaktivno, ko gre za vzpostavljanje zaupanja z državama, s katerima ima odprte probleme - Grčijo in Bolgarijo. V resoluciji smo enako kot prej v poročilu Komisije, na katerega se odzivamo, opozorili na probleme, ki jih je razkrila afera s prisluškovanjem. Dosledno razčiščevanje teh anomalij je v skladu s t.i. Pržinskim sporazumom zaupano posebnemu tožilstvu in je pogoj za vzpostavljanje zaupanja in funkcioniranje demokratičnega sistema v državi. Enako velja za nujne reforme, ki jih predvideva sporazum političnih strank, ki je nastal s posredovanjem Evropske unije, Komisije, posebej komisarja Hahna in ob sodelovanju diplomatskih predstavnikov ZDA in treh mediatorjev, članov Evropskega parlamenta.

Posebej bi podčrtal tudi potrebo po odpiranju medijskega prostora v skladu z načeli demokratičnega in kreativnega soočanja mnenj. Spoštovani kolegi, čas je, da Makedonija napravi nov korak proti evroatlantskim integracijam in moja skupina ALDE to podpira. Predsedujoči, žal mi je, da ste poročevalcu morali odmeriti samo dve minuti, mislim, da to ni posebno "fer".

(Govornik se je strinjal, da bo sprejel vprašanje, postavljeno z dvigom modrega kartončka (člen 162(8)).

  Ελισσάβετ Βόζεμπεργκ-Βρυωνίδη ( PPE), ερώτηση με γαλάζια κάρτα. – Κύριε Vajgl, άκουσα με προσοχή τις τοποθετήσεις σας σε σχέση με τη FΥRΟΜ. Γνωρίζετε ότι αυτή τη στιγμή έχει χτίσει φράχτες, έχει ρίξει δακρυγόνα, έχουν συσσωρευτεί άνθρωποι απελπισμένοι, οι οποίοι βρίσκονται σε επίπεδο ανθρωπιστικής κρίσης. Κατά την άποψή σας, η στάση αυτή της FΥRΟΜ απέναντι σε αυτό το πολύ σημαντικό ευρωπαϊκό πρόβλημα θα πρέπει να ληφθεί υπόψη εν όψει των ενταξιακών συνομιλιών της με την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση;

  Ivo Vajgl (ALDE), blue-card answer. – I must confess that the interpretation technics were quite bad, so I did not catch the meaning of the question, but let me guess what you said. Of course it is huge problem for a small country if you have to deal with such a big problem on your borders. I think that the European Commission, the European Union, has to stand by Macedonia in handling the problem at the border. Was this your question?

  Tunne Kelam, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, I would like to thank our rapporteur, Mr Vajgl, for his constructive and inclusive approach, as well as for his efforts to positively balance a very complex issue.

Indeed, Macedonia has been an EU candidate for 10 years now and it has been considered the most advanced candidate on the basis of its alignment with the acquis. However, the start of official accession negotiations has been blocked for years in the Council. This report addresses, first of all, the need to establish stability and working cooperation between different political forces there, because dialogue, mutual respect and also respect for the basic freedoms, including the freedom of the press, are necessary for a credible rule-of-law society.

At the same time, the boycott of the parliament by those who have lost elections is certainly not in accordance with a functioning democracy and is damaging to the country. New elections will have a key importance for all of us, and we appeal to all sides to stick to the national Kumanovo Agreement.

  Richard Howitt, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, I have been rapporteur and I am now both shadow rapporteur and parliamentary mediator for this country and I remain utterly committed to it joining the European Union and – on behalf of the Socialist and Democrats – I have been very happy to join with my ALDE and PPE colleagues to put aside our own party differences – to encourage the parties in Skopje to do the same.

But there is a grave political crisis where Europe’s commitment is not questioned but where the democratic commitment in the country very much is. So in our vote tomorrow we will send some very clear messages. As Mr Hahn has repeated this afternoon, the Commission has made the positive recommendation to start the EU accession talks contingent on full implementation of the Pržino inter-party agreement, which we helped to negotiate. The European Council has supported him in their December conclusions and tomorrow this Parliament will stand squarely with them and say, preserve your democracy or the positive recommendation is withdrawn.

After the latest set of talks in which we were involved last month, when the ruling VMRO Party claimed that we had agreed no further media reforms before the election and no further electoral assessments, as mediators and with clear statements from the EU and US Ambassadors, we put on record that these were not part of any agreement and the Dutch President-in-Office, I am grateful, has repeated that this afternoon.

The position of the Council and the Commission, to be fully supported by Parliament tomorrow, is that progress must continue to be made on urgent reforms and I note that the Commission has told us that there has been backsliding. I also note that the Special Prosecutor investigating the deep allegations of criminality against politicians has told us that she has not received the full cooperation which she needs from the country’s court system and in our vote tomorrow we reiterate that she must be given full powers and autonomy to undertake her work.

I and my Group will not join those who use the fact that this country is at the heart of the refugee crisis in order to attack it. We do insist on solidarity with Skopje to match the solidarity needed from all countries if there is to be an adequate response. But tonight we do send a very tough message. A tough message that politicians are not yet fulfilling their obligations and that there is no alternative to them doing so. A tough message: not against the Macedonian people, but for them, for their democracy and for a better future for their country. We are sure that is what they want and their politicians must demonstrate that they want it too.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

  Σοφία Σακοράφα ( GUE/NGL), ερώτηση με γαλάζια κάρτα. – Κύριε Howitt, το ψήφισμα στην αιτιολογική σκέψη Ζ αναφέρει ότι η Επιτροπή, το Συμβούλιο και το Κοινοβούλιο συμφωνούν πως η διατήρηση της θετικής σύστασης όσον αφορά την έναρξη ενταξιακών διαπραγματεύσεων με τη χώρα εξαρτάται από την πλήρη εφαρμογή της πολιτικής συμφωνίας Ιουνίου-Ιουλίου 2015 και την ουσιαστική πρόοδο στην εφαρμογή των επειγουσών μεταρρυθμιστικών προτεραιοτήτων.

Έχω μια απορία: Πού το έχετε δει αυτό; Kαι κάνω την ερώτηση σε σας, γιατί είναι δική σας αυτή η τροπολογία. Το Συμβούλιο στις 15 Δεκεμβρίου αναφέρει στην παράγραφο 38 των συμπερασμάτων του ότι απλώς σημειώνει την άποψη της Επιτροπής για τη αίρεση ως προς την έναρξη των διαπραγματεύσεων. Αυτό κατά την άποψή μου δεν δηλώνει κατά κανένα τρόπο αν συμφωνεί με αυτή.

  Richard Howitt (S&D), blue-card answer. – Yes, I do stand by those S&D amendments, and I also say to our Greek friends that our friends in Skopje can never use the lack of reconciliation of the name issue as an excuse not to pursue those reform priorities. But I also appeal to our Greek friends to make progress too on the name issue, in the interest of your country, in the interest of theirs, and in the interest of Europe.

  Ангел Джамбазки, от името на групата ECR. – Благодарности на г-н Вайгъл за цялостната му работа по доклада за Македония и неговата ангажираност в разрешаването на политическата криза в страната.

Искам категорично да заявя, че и аз като българин, така и групата на ECR, подкрепяме стремежа на братска Македония към членството ѝ в Европейския съюз. Но местните власти трябва да знаят, че всяка една държава кандидатка се оценява според заслугите, и скоростта и качеството на необходимите реформи определят графика за нейното присъединяване. Има основателни съмнения, че Македония се намира в политическа криза, реформите са в застой, има подозрения за това, че съдебната и политическата власт са корумпирани, а медиите – цензурирани. Правата на част от националните общности като българската постоянно се нарушават. Това не е напредъкът, който очакваме, и трябва да бъдат правени стъпки в тази посока.

Нямам съмнение и няма спор, че македонските власти трябва да спрат да се оправдават с проблема с името, а да започнат да решават политическите проблеми на страната. Стъпка напред ще е правителството да признае съществуването на българска общност и да гарантира нейните права и свободи, да ги направи пълноправни граждани на държавата, да спре с фалшификацията на общата ни история и да прекрати използването на езика на омразата. Крайно време е да видим напредък в процеса на присъединяване, но това може да стане посредством подобряване на добросъседските отношения със страните – членки на Европейския съюз, което върви ръка за ръка с необходимите вътрешни реформи.

(Ораторът приема да отговори на въпрос, зададен чрез вдигане на синя карта (член 162, параграф 8 от Правилника за дейността)).

  Tibor Szanyi (S&D), Kékkártyás kérdés. – Tisztelt Képviselő Úr, Ön mint Macedóniához képest a szomszédság egyik képviselője, következetesen Macedóniaként említette ezt az országot, és utalt persze a névvitára is. Mások, remélem, nem csak a fordítások csalnak meg engem, Fyromnak mondják. Ön szerint Fyrom néven be lehet lépni az Európai Unióba, vagy sokkal inkább nevezzük ezt tényleg Macedóniának, és itt az EU-nak egy komoly felelőssége van: egy tagjelölt és egy tag közötti vitát azért valahogyan le kéne menedzselnie.

  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR), отговор на въпрос, зададен чрез вдигане на синя карта. – Уважаеми колега, моята държава, Република България, е първата признала независимостта на Република Македония точно под това име. Ние сме наясно, че има спор, че част от гръцките колеги не приемат името и твърдят, че трябва да се нарича с наименованието Бивша Югославска Република Македония. Но моята държава е признала тази държава под това име и аз съм напълно в правото си да го използвам при цялото ми уважение към чувствата на нашите приятели от Република Гърция.

  Πρόεδρος. – Σε αυτό το σημείο να μου επιτρέψετε να αναφερθώ, ως προεδρεύων στη συνεδρίαση, στις αποφάσεις του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου, τις οποίες επανέλαβε για μία ακόμη φορά ο Πρόεδρος του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου, Martin Schultz, με επιστολή του στις 19 Φεβρουαρίου.

Σας τη διαβάζω επί λέξει στα Αγγλικά: "Parliament pays particular attention to use for all diplomatic, political and administrative purposes the name FYROM, which is the international recognised name of this country."

  Σοφία Σακοράφα, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας GUE/NGL. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, και με αφορμή την περσινή έκθεση είχα τονίσει ότι η πολιτική της Επιτροπής και του Κοινοβουλίου να επιβραβεύει την οπισθοδρόμηση, όπως παραδεχθήκατε οι περισσότεροι σήμερα εδώ μέσα, και τα αρνητικά αποτελέσματα που συνθέτουν τη σημερινή κατάσταση της χώρας θα λειτουργούσε ανασταλτικά για την πρόοδο της. Οι εξελίξεις επιβεβαίωσαν πλήρως το συστημικό έλλειμμα της χώρας σε νευραλγικούς τομείς, με αποκορύφωμα την αναβολή των εκλογών του Απριλίου. Ακόμα και σήμερα η ουσία και το περιεχόμενο της πολιτικής συμφωνίας Ιουνίου-Ιουλίου βρίσκεται στον αέρα. Τα πολιτικά κριτήρια της Κοπεγχάγης, στα οποία αναφερόμαστε όλοι εδώ μέσα και τα οποία αφορούν στο κράτος δικαίου, στη λειτουργία των δημοκρατικών θεσμών, στην ελευθερία έκφρασης, στην ανεξαρτησία της δικαιοσύνης και των μέσων ενημέρωσης, μόνον αν εθελοτυφλούμε, μπορούμε να πούμε ότι πλησιάζουν το ευρωπαϊκό κεκτημένο.

Όσον αφορά δε στο κρίσιμο ζήτημα του προσφυγικού, είναι προσβολή να χαρακτηρίζετε το FΥRΟΜ ως αξιόπιστο εταίρο, όταν καθημερινά παραβιάζει τις διεθνείς συνθήκες με κλειστά σύνορα, ποσοστώσεις στους πρόσφυγες και περιστατικά βίας εναντίον των προσφύγων. Πηγαίνετε, κύριοι συνάδελφοι, στην Ειδομένη, για να δείτε πώς συμπεριφέρεται ο αξιόπιστος εταίρος σας.

Κλείνοντας επαναλαμβάνω: Το ονοματολογικό δεν είναι διμερές ζήτημα μεταξύ Ελλάδας και FΥRΟΜ όπως διατυπώνεται στην έκθεση. Είναι διεθνές ανοιχτό ζήτημα και o μόνος δρόμος για την επίλυση του είναι η συνέχιση διαπραγματεύσεων υπό την αιγίδα του ΟΗΕ, όπως έχουν αποδεχθεί και οι δύο πλευρές. Η επίλυσή του εντάσσεται αυστηρά στο πλαίσιο των σχέσεων καλής γειτονίας, που αποτελούν ουσιώδες στοιχείο της διαδικασίας διεύρυνσης, σταθεροποίησης και σύνδεσης, και επηρεάζει την περιφερειακή ειρήνη και σταθερότητα. Κύριοι συνάδελφοι, η ίδια κοντόφθαλμη πολιτική ακολουθείται και με την Τουρκία. Όσο κι αν εξυπηρετεί τα συμφέροντα κάποιων, τα αποτελέσματα θα είναι τραγικά.

  Tamás Meszerics, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, as usual the rapporteur did a splendid job and it was a pleasure working with him. The resolution is indeed a strong one; it deserves the support of the entire House. Dear colleagues, I could talk at length about the importance of implementing the June/July agreements, the urgency of implementing the necessary reforms, the need for all political actors to assume their responsibility and find ways of cooperation in the interest of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and indeed in the interest of the Macedonian people, and that would be true. However, what I want to underline is that we, the European Union, also have a responsibility in this, and this is not just the name issue. The name issue is one of them, but not the only one.

The impotence of the Council in finding the much talked about European-level, Europe-wide solution to the migration crisis is one of the elements in contributing to the crisis. The ill-considered campaign promise made by the President of the Commission of a digestion period, necessary before further enlargement, is another element contributing to this crisis. These are all important contributions to the loss of perspective in the entire region of the Western Balkans. We are actually losing the region, losing it day by day, and we are allowing it to be messed up politically. History tells us that is a decidedly bad idea.

  Ignazio Corrao, a nome del gruppo EFDD. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, era il marzo 2004 quando iniziava il percorso di adesione della Macedonia; quindi 12 anni fa. Questo percorso si è bruscamente interrotto: è venuto a mancare lo spirito democratico, le fazioni politiche hanno cominciato a scontrarsi.

Ora, è chiaro che noi abbiamo il compito e il dovere di cercare di riportare la Macedonia su quel percorso e lo dobbiamo fare sulla base di alcuni presupposti, come la riforma dei media, che siano dei media liberi, che non siano più sotto la pressione governativa, come la lotta alla corruzione effettiva e multilivello, come un sostegno alla giustizia che faccia il suo corso, con il Procuratore speciale e con i tribunali, che diano le giuste sentenze ai colpevoli. Ma anche con la previsione di presupposti per delle lezioni regolari e libere, quindi con una pulizia dei registri elettorali che è necessaria per andare al voto.

Su questo noi speriamo si possa avere, da qui a breve, la Macedonia in condizioni democratiche e che possa ritornare ad essere un paese amico con cui lavorare insieme.

  Nicolas Bay, au nom du groupe ENF. – Monsieur le Président, décidément, au Parlement européen, les rapports se suivent et se ressemblent. Dans sa volonté expansionniste, l'Union européenne met toujours en avant deux exigences qui semblent conditionner plus que d'autres l'admission de nouveaux États membres: l'adhésion à l'OTAN, dont l'existence n'est pourtant plus justifiée depuis la dissolution du pacte de Varsovie, et la promotion de l'idéologie du genre, avec son cortège de revendications communautaristes. C'est ainsi que le paragraphe 22 de la résolution demande de suivre le prétendu modèle de l'Union – ouvrez les guillemets – "en matière de discrimination fondée sur l'orientation sexuelle et sur l'identité de genre", un concept flou qui permet de justifier les délires d'idéologues manifestement perturbés.

Or, vos obsessions vous empêchent de voir les vrais problèmes auxquels est confrontée l'ancienne République yougoslave de Macédoine. Vous parlez des Roms – ces bandes de joyeux troubadours que vous souhaitez voir partout sauf, bien sûr, dans les jardins de vos résidences secondaires –, mais pas un mot sur les Albanais de l'ancienne République yougoslave de Macédoine. Ces derniers constituent pourtant une minorité en constante progression démographique et dont les revendications menacent la stabilité du pays, surtout depuis l'indépendance autoproclamée du Kosovo. C'est d'ailleurs à la frontière de ce territoire historiquement serbe que les Albanais de l'ancienne République yougoslave de Macédoine ont déclenché de violentes émeutes aux mois de mai et de juin derniers.

Enfin, s'agissant d'un problème qui nous concerne tous, celui du raz-de-marée migratoire, je tiens, pour ma part, à saluer les récentes mesures prises par les autorités de l'ancienne République yougoslave de Macédoine. En se rendant au dernier sommet du groupe de Visegrád, le président George Ivanov a montré qu'il faisait davantage confiance aux responsables de Budapest qu'aux bureaucrates de Bruxelles pour endiguer les flux d'immigration vers l'Europe.

  Σωτήριος Ζαριανόπουλος ( NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η ένταξη της Πρώην Γιουγκοσλαβικής Δημοκρατίας της Μακεδονίας –επίσημη ονομασία της χώρας, που παραβλέπει η έκθεση– στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση στοχεύει στην ισχυροποίηση του ευρωπαϊκού κεφαλαίου στα Βαλκάνια σαν ενεργειακό διάδρομο, πεδίο επενδύσεων και γεωστρατηγικό μέτωπο αντιπαράθεσης με τα ρωσικά συμφέροντα. Ο λαός της χώρας θα πληρώσει με ακόμα σκληρότερα αντεργατικά μέτρα τα σχέδια της εγχώριας αστικής τάξης. Θυμηθείτε: Η διαδικασία ενσωμάτωσης της FΥRΟΜ ξεκίνησε με πόλεμο, διάλυση της Γιουγκοσλαβίας, κράτη προτεκτοράτα του ΝΑΤΟ και της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Αποτέλεσμα και της ευρωενωσιακής ενσωμάτωσης της FΥRΟΜ είναι το απαράδεκτο κλείσιμο των συνόρων της και του βαλκανικού διαδρόμου στους πρόσφυγες με άγρια αστυνομική καταστολή και ο εγκλωβισμός τους στην Ελλάδα, για τα οποία η προχθεσινή δήλωση της συνόδου τη συγχαίρει. Αυτή η πολιτική, που αναπαράγει στο Ευρωκοινοβούλιο και η λεγόμενη ομάδα «Φίλοι της Μακεδονίας», καλλιεργεί εθνοθρησκευτικούς διαχωρισμούς, αλυτρωτισμούς αμφισβητήσεις κυριαρχικών δικαιωμάτων, μετατρέποντας τα Βαλκάνια κυριολεκτικά σε πυριτιδαποθήκη. Αποδεικνύεται ότι η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και το σύστημα που υπηρετεί σημαίνουν εκμετάλλευση, φτώχεια, ανταγωνισμούς και πόλεμο.

  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). – Domnule președinte, așa cum știm cu toții, de la sfârșitul lui 2015, Comisia Europeană a eliminat cuvântul „progres” din titlul rapoartelor făcute anual pentru țările candidate sau potențial candidate. Pentru unele cazuri, poate că nu e bine că se întâmplă asta. Pentru Macedonia, cred că e potrivit să nu se vorbească despre „progres”. Poate că ar fi fost chiar nimerit să se vorbească despre „regres” în cazul Macedoniei, pentru că asta s-a întâmplat, iar responsabilă pentru situație e clasa politică și, în special, cei care cultivă în mod sistematic boicotul și radicalismul ca soluții politice. Din păcate, îi încurajează și unii dintre colegii noștri.

Pe fondul unei asemenea culturi politice, care refuză dialogul, Macedonia e într-o perpetuă criză politică și sigur că ne dorim ca lucrurile să se schimbe. Ar fi bine ca întreaga clasă politică să trateze responsabil angajamentele pe care și le-a luat. Personal, am fost foarte dezamăgit să văd cât de repede s-au dezis socialiștii de la angajamentele […] luate față de data alegerilor, programate inițial pentru aprilie. Sper să nu se răzgândească din nou și alegerile să se poată […] (președintele l-a întrerupt pe orator).

Domnul președinte, am văzut că i-ați lăsat pe toți ceilalți vorbitori să petreacă mult peste timpul alocat și nu înțeleg de ce nu îmi permiteți să închei. Aveam un minut și […] (președintele l-a întrerupt pe orator). Cred că procedați partizan. Îi privilegiați pe colegii dvs. de grup. E inacceptabil asta!

  Πρόεδρος. – Κύριε Preda, ο χρόνος σας έχει τελειώσει. Έχετε ένα λεπτό. Ο χρόνος σας έχει τελειώσει προ πολλού. Εσείς το ξεπεράσατε περισσότερο από όλους κ. Preda, σεβαστείτε την απόφαση του Προέδρου, που είναι δίκαιος προς όλες τις κατευθύνσεις. Παρακαλώ, καθίστε.

Σεβαστείτε τον Πρόεδρο, ο οποίος είναι δίκαιος προς όλες τις κατευθύνσεις. Σας έδωσα μισό λεπτό παραπάνω. Μην καταχράσθε την ανεκτικότητά μου.

  Jens Nilsson (S&D). – Herr talman! 2015 visade tydligt att landet står inför enormt stora utmaningar. Den politiska överenskommelsen mellan regeringen och oppositionen från juni var väldigt viktig i grunden, men nu måste man visa att det finns en verklig förändringsvilja.

Omfattande reformer är avgörande för landets framtid och viktigast just nu är att folket själv äntligen får ett demokratiskt val. Fortfarande saknas flera grundläggande förutsättningar för ett rättvist val, t.ex. måste mediefriheten garanteras. Fri och oberoende media är hörnsten i varje demokratiskt samhälle. Det är avgörande för stabiliteten i landet och det är avgörande för att ett EU-medlemskap ska bli möjligt, och nu finns det brister.

Utöver den politiska krisen har landet också gjort ett enormt jobb när det gäller strömmen av flyktingar, och där måste man känna att det finns en solidaritet från EU med Makedonien för att klara det fruktansvärda uppdraget när det gäller flyktingar. Men som sagt, det viktigaste är att se till att alla nödvändiga åtgärder vidtas för ett rättvist och demokratiskt val i juni.

  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, τα Σκόπια έχουν εδώ και αρκετές ημέρες κλείσει τα σύνορά τους, με αποτέλεσμα να έχουν εγκλωβιστεί στην Ειδομένη πάνω από 15.000 πρόσφυγες. Η ενέργεια αυτή των Σκοπίων παραβιάζει το διεθνές δίκαιο και ιδίως τη Σύμβαση της Γενεύης του 1951 για τους πρόσφυγες, όπως άλλωστε δήλωσε και ο Γενικός Γραμματέας του ΟΗΕ Μπαν Κι-μουν. Κι όμως, κύριε Hahn, δεν είδα να κάνετε καμιά ενέργεια για να αναγκάσετε τα Σκόπια να συμμορφωθούν με τις υποχρεώσεις που πηγάζουν από το διεθνές δίκαιο. Τα Σκόπια επίσης πριν λίγες ημέρες παραβίασαν και την εδαφική ακεραιότητα της Ελλάδας, ρίχνοντας εντός της ελληνικής επικράτειας χειροβομβίδες κρότου λάμψης, δακρυγόνα και χημικά, προκειμένου να απωθήσουν τους εγκλωβισμένους πρόσφυγες, ώστε να μην πλησιάσουν στα συρματοπλέγματα του αίσχους και της ντροπής που έχουν υψώσει.

Επιπλέον, κύριε εισηγητά, στην έκθεσή σας πρέπει να χρησιμοποιείτε τον όρο "FΥRΟΜ" και όχι "Μακεδονία", που κακώς χρησιμοποιείτε, παραβιάζοντας τις αποφάσεις του ΟΗΕ που αναγνωρίζουν τα Σκόπια με το όνομα FΥRΟΜ. Δηλώνω, κύριε Πρόεδρε, για άλλη μια φορά ότι είμαι κάθετα αντίθετος σε οποιαδήποτε ενδεχόμενη ένταξη των Σκοπίων στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση.

  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE). – Gospodine predsjedniče, želim prije svega zahvaliti našim kolegama u Parlamenta i čestitati im na odličnom poslu koji čine radi stabilizacije Balkana i radi stabilizacije Makedonije. Ono što želim ovdje naglasiti je također otvoreni dijalog s Grčkom i mislim da je to zaista sjajno i želim ohrabriti kolege i u Grčkoj i u Makedoniji da zaista pokušaju naći zajednički jezik oko svih tema kao što su već uspjeli oko mnogih tema.

Ono što želim posebno istaknuti kao izvjestitelj za Jadransko-jonsku strategiju ovoga Parlamenta da podržavam ono što je u izvještaju rečeno zato što znam da je iznimno važno za Makedoniju da uđe u Jadransko-jonsku strategiju Europske unije i da na taj način svi zajedno zagrlimo tu zemlju koja treba našu pomoć.

Na kraju, gospodine Hahn, molim vas učinite zaista odmah sve kako bi 15-tak tisuća ljudi koji su na granici između Grčke i Makedonije zaista dobili pomoć i da razriješimo tu situaciju jer ona je zaista neodrživa.

  James Carver (EFDD). – Mr President, as we are hearing during this debate, the name of Macedonia has been a diplomatic headache since the break-up of Yugoslavia, clearly illustrating a deep-seated contradiction within the EU. As a candidate country with aspirations of EU membership, Macedonia must align to the Common Foreign and Security Policy.

As my country prepares to decide on our continued EU membership, we are already hearing one argument for remaining. It is that somehow the CFSP acts as an amplifier for British foreign policy, despite our permanent seat on the UN Security Council and our NATO membership. Yet the Macedonian name issue highlights precisely how the EU is not an amplifier for Member State foreign policy. Rather, it is an independent force with its own logic, sometimes at odds with those Member States for the sake of his own aims.

The EU discredits British foreign policy in Gibraltar, by backing Spain against Gibraltarians even though they are, of course, EU citizens. Thus, the UK is not treated any differently, and nor it we be if we give the Commission free rein by voting to remain EU members on 23 June.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

  Charles Tannock (ECR), blue-card question. – You raise the issue of Gibraltar, which clearly is not part of this debate. In the event of Brexit, what kind of leverage would the United Kingdom have over the Spanish Government in keeping the border of Gibraltar and Spain open? Why is it that almost all Gibraltarians will be voting to remain and virtually none voted for your party at the last European election? They know full well that Britain remaining in the European Union is the only way in which Spain will be obliged to keep that border open. Please comment.

  James Carver (EFDD), blue-card answer. – Mr Tannock, one day you will realise that the EU is not the answer for everything. I mean this is the hypocrisy of the issue. We have one rule for Spain with regard to her territories in Morocco and one rule for the British territory of Gibraltar, and does that not just highlight the hypocrisy of this place? We have our organisation of other international organisations, the United Nations Security Council, which we are a permanent member of, and I think we will be in a far better position to actually stand up for British interests and British citizens’ interests, including our dependent territories, when we reclaim our place as a global trading nation and turn our back on this shambles of a democracy.

  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος ( NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, το έγγραφο του κ. Vajgl, αν και είναι επίσημο έγγραφο, αναφέρει σε πολλές περιπτώσεις τη λέξη macedonian κατά παράβαση της δεοντολογίας, προκαλώντας ταυτόχρονα και την ελληνική ευαισθησία πάνω στο θέμα αυτό. Γι’ αυτό θα έπρεπε αυτό να αποφευχθεί. Κατά τ’ άλλα αποκαλύπτει τα ελλείμματα δημοκρατίας που υπάρχουν στα Σκόπια. Τα πολιτικά κόμματα δεν μπορούν να συμφωνήσουν για τη διεξαγωγή των εκλογών και αναβάλλουν συνεχώς την ημερομηνία της διεξαγωγής, όμως ακόμη και αν διεξαχθούν αυτές οι εκλογές ουδείς γνωρίζει εάν θα διεξαχθούν με δημοκρατικές διαδικασίες και αν τα αποτελέσματά τους θα είναι αποδεκτά. Επίσης στη χώρα επικρατεί διαφθορά. Δεν υπάρχει ελευθερία Τύπου, δεν υπάρχει ανεξαρτησία της δικαιοσύνης, παρεμποδίζεται το έργο του ειδικού εισαγγελέα, ο ρόλος του Κοινοβουλίου είναι περιορισμένος και παραβιάζονται τα δημοκρατικά δικαιώματα. Παράλληλα, τα Σκόπια παραβιάζοντας την υποχρέωση μιας υπό ένταξη χώρας να δημιουργεί συνθήκες καλής γειτονίας προκαλούν την Ελλάδα κλείνοντας τα σύνορά τους.

Μετά λοιπόν την κλοπή της ιστορίας, του πολιτισμού αλλά και την έκφραση και τη διατύπωση επεκτατικών βλέψεων κατά της Ελλάδας έχουμε και το κλείσιμο των συνόρων. Με αυτή την προβληματική χώρα θέλετε να διεξάγουμε ενταξιακές συνομιλίες; Δεν μας φτάνει η Τουρκία; Θέλουμε να εκθρέψουμε και άλλον εκβιαστή; Διερωτώμαι, στα ηγετικά κλιμάκια της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης υπάρχει πολιτικός μηχανισμός;

  Eduard Kukan (PPE). – Mr President, most sincere thanks to Ivo Vajgl for the report. Macedonia is in a difficult situation. The political crisis is not over yet and, together with migration flows and the underlying fragile situation in the country, I firmly believe that the country needs our backing and support. The EU integration process is still a key to the future of the country. We need to stay engaged and help it to strengthen democracy and political stability. In order to move things forward we need to see full implementation of last year’s political agreements, including well prepared, free and fair elections in June and the implementation of the urgent reform priorities.

It is unfortunate that Macedonia has been waiting, and is still waiting, for more than seven years for the opening of negotiations. Now, faced with these challenges, it will have to redouble its efforts to move further along the EU path, and we should help it.

  Tonino Picula (S&D). – Gospodine predsjedniče, čestitam kolegi Vajglu na objektivnom prikazu zaista turbuletne godine za Makedoniju. S jedne strane sadržaj naših rasprava se ponavlja, iste preporuke o otvaranju pregovora, prijepori oko imena bez konkretnog napretka, ali se s druge strane politička situacija u zemlji nažalost postupno pogoršavala. Zato je i pozdravljen dogovor iz Pržina, dogovor između vlasti i oporbe nakon angažiranog posredovanja naših kolega. Status quo samo bi umnožio probleme zemlje, ali prava je opasnost da oni postanu kronični ili se čak preliju preko njenih granica. Poseban napor je potreban za saniranje izbjegličke krize jer je Makedonija jedna od najizloženijih zemalja.

Makedonija je mala, multietnička zemlja opterećena ozbiljnim unutarnjim konfliktima u turbulentnom geopolitičkom okruženju. Problemi kao što su optužbe za ilegalno prisluškivanje tisuća građana, prijetnje novinarima, rasprostranjena korupcija te često ispreplitanje stranačkih i državnih aktivnosti rezultirali su dubokim podjelama u društvu i izostankom političkog dijaloga. Zato bi daljnje odgađanje dogovorenih reformi dodatno produbilo nepovjerenje i ugrozilo europsku perspektivu.

(Govornik je pristao odgovoriti na pitanje postavljeno podizanjem plave kartice (članak 162. stavak 8. Poslovnika)).

  Λευτέρης Χριστοφόρου ( PPE), ερώτηση με γαλάζια κάρτα. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, παρακολουθώ τη συζήτηση και θλίβομαι πραγματικά που το Ευρωκοινοβούλιο, το οποίο ουσιαστικά κήδεται της δημοκρατίας και της νομιμότητας, αντί να σεβαστεί τις αποφάσεις του Οργανισμού Ηνωμένων Εθνών όσον αφορά την ονοματολογία των Σκοπίων επιμένουν κάποιοι συνάδελφοι αντί του σωστού ονόματος FYROM να αναφέρονται σε "Μακεδονία".

Αυτό που δεν κατόρθωσε ο Τίτο μετά τον Δεύτερο Παγκόσμιο Πόλεμο, που ουσιαστικά δημιούργησε ετσιθελικά ένα νέο έθνος και μοίρασε τα ελληνικά σύμβολα και την ελληνική ονομασία, προσπαθούμε εμείς ως Ευρωκοινοβούλιο ανιστόρητα να το επιβάλουμε, ένα όνομα που είναι καθαρά ελληνικό. Η Μακεδονία είναι ελληνικός πολιτισμός, ελληνική ονομασία, ελληνική ιστορία. Θέλουμε ετσιθελικά να το επιβάλουμε και με αυτόν τρόπο να δικαιώσουμε τον Τίτο, που δεν τα κατάφερε αυτός, όταν προσπαθούσε να το επιβάλει.

( Ο Πρόεδρος διακόπτει τον ομιλητή.)

  Tonino Picula (S&D), odgovor na pitanje postavljeno podizanjem plave kartice. – Kolega zastupniče, potpuno razumijevajući vašu osjetljivost na ovu temu, ja ću samo kazati da u međunarodnom političkom komuniciranju imamo naravno Makedoniju priznatu pod imenom njezinog ustava i Makedoniju pod imenom koje vi koristite, znači bivša jugoslavenska republika Makedonija. Moja država Republika Hrvatska priznala je Makedoniju pod njenim ustavnim imenom i bez obzira na osjetljivost koju razumijem, ja ću nastaviti koristiti to ime. Nadam se dogovoru između Skopja i Atene.

  Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Po pierwsze, podziękowania za dobre sprawozdanie dla pana ministra Weigla. Po drugie, ja wysoko oceniam to, co robi pan komisarz Hahn w sprawie tego stopniowego – może niezbyt szybkiego, ale nie ma innych możliwości – rozszerzania Unii Europejskiej. Ja jestem zwolennikiem rozszerzania. Uważam, że Macedonia – dobrze, w porządku, była Jugosłowiańska Federacyjna Republika Macedonii, niech i tak będzie – jest częścią europejskiego dziedzictwa kulturowego, częścią europejskiej cywilizacji. I miejsce Skopje – może tak bardziej neutralnie powiem – jest w Unii Europejskiej. Nie chciałbym, aby problemy ze swobodami demokratycznymi były traktowane jako pretekst, podkreślam – jako pretekst – dla spowolnienia tego marszu Skopje do Unii Europejskiej. Uważam, że trzeba wspierać proeuropejskie wysiłki tego narodu.

  David McAllister (PPE). – Mr President, I believe three points are crucial to get the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia back on track. Firstly, all political parties need to assume their responsibilities and ensure the full implementation of all their commitments in a sustainable manner. Secondly, the country needs to prepare early for parliamentary elections and also to ensure free and fair election procedures. Thirdly, the fight against corruption must continue in an objective and determined manner. The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia needs our support in the European Parliament. Hopefully, this resolution will make an important contribution to keeping this country on its European path, and special thanks go to the rapporteur, Ivo Vajgl.

  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D). – Mr President, I take note of the decision by the Macedonian Parliament of 23 February to set a new date to hold early parliamentary elections on 5 June 2016. The fact that there was no consensus with the opposition party is highly regrettable and represents a missed political opportunity, as the media reforms and inter-party talks may now be delayed until after the elections.

I strongly believe all the political parties in Macedonia should make efforts to create the conditions for credible early elections and that an all-party agreement remains essential to fulfil all elements in the Pržino Agreement. Moreover, substantial progress in the implementation of the urgent reform priorities has to be made. Bilateral issues with Greece and Bulgaria should not be used to obstruct the EU and NATO accession process but should be addressed in a constructive spirit as early as possible in the process, taking into account the principles and values of the United Nations and the European Union.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

  Μαρία Σπυράκη ( PPE), ερώτηση με γαλάζια κάρτα. – Κύριε Frunzulica, σας άκουσα προσεκτικά να μιλάτε για διμερή ζητήματα και διαφορές στην περιοχή, ωστόσο θα ήθελα να σας θέσω υπόψη το εξής: Σύμφωνα με τα στοιχεία του Οργανισμού Δημοσιογράφοι Χωρίς Σύνορα που αξιολογεί την ελευθερία του Τύπου, η πρώην Γιουγκοσλαβική Δημοκρατία της Μακεδονίας κατατάσσεται στην 117η θέση , 90 θέσεις χαμηλότερα απ’ ό,τι βρισκόταν το 2009· είναι η τελευταία στην Ευρώπη. Υπάρχουν σοβαρότατες στρεβλώσεις στη νομοθεσία, στην έκφραση των μέσων ενημέρωσης, στην παρέμβαση από το κράτος μέσω διαφήμισης. Θα ήθελα να σας ρωτήσω: Δεν σας απασχολεί η παραβίαση ενός τόσο σοβαρού κριτηρίου, που βρίσκεται στην καρδιά της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, για μια χώρα που ζητά ημερομηνία ένταξης;

  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D), blue-card answer. – Of course Macedonia has to comply with all the requests considering all these kinds of issues, by all means. But at the same time, we cannot leave all these countries from the Western Balkans in a grey area. It is a necessity to gradually integrate all these countries into the European Union and NATO if we want to secure the future of this organisation called the European Union. It is very important for all of us.

  Charles Tannock (ECR). – Mr President, Macedonia is a small landlocked country with internal political tensions that would indeed greatly benefit, as a country, from further Euro-Atlantic integration. The interim government in Macedonia shares my view and is keen to pursue its rightful membership of the European Union in order to progress and to advance its economy. We need to strongly support the candidacy of Macedonia, calling on Member States with concerns to find ways of seeking solutions and compromise, particularly over the vexed name question. In the ongoing migration crisis, Macedonia is facing huge pressures and it has also now got elections in June. All these things are particularly delicate, particularly given the inter-ethnic relations, which have always been fragile in this small country.

Accession negotiations with Macedonia have been stalled now for far too long, and we should not waste any more time in beginning what will be another lengthy process. As its neighbours in the Western Balkans move ahead, I do not want to reach a future point in which Macedonia is still only a candidate country surrounded by states which are all in the European Union.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

  Andrej Plenković (PPE), pitanje koje je podizanjem plave kartice postavio. – Kolega Tannock, vi ste spomenuli da ste za pristupanje i otvaranje pregovora s Makedonijom.

Što mislite, s obzirom na vaše izvješće o Crnoj Gori, o članstvu ove zemlje u NATO-u? Drugo, da li mislite da li je Komisija dala dovoljno financijskih sredstava da riješi ovu tešku humanitarnu situaciju na granici između Grčke i Makedonije koja je svakim danom sve zahtjevnija?

  Charles Tannock (ECR), blue-card answer. – This is strictly speaking not directly related to Montenegro, for which I am the rapporteur. Montenegro does not have the border pressures that Macedonia has, of course. I think a figure of something like EUR 700 million – from memory, as I am not on the relevant committee for this – has been identified in terms of aid.

Clearly Macedonia is under enormous pressure with the closure of the border, but I am of the opinion that you cannot have unlimited numbers of migrants: there has to be a deal. We looked at the deal that was done with Turkey, we now hope that will be effective in slowing down the flow, and I hope that the Western Balkans can cope and that there will be a programme with Turkey which will enable these people to remain in their camps in Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan, rather than all coming to Europe via the Balkans.

  Μανώλης Κεφαλογιάννης ( PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, το πρόβλημα για τις διαπραγματεύσεις της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και των Σκοπίων δεν είναι το όνομα· είναι το έλλειμμα δημοκρατίας που υπάρχει στην πρώην Γιουγκοσλαβική Δημοκρατία της Μακεδονίας. Ο σεβασμός στα κριτήρια της Κοπεγχάγης είναι το ζητούμενο, και στα κριτήρια της Κοπεγχάγης συμπεριλαμβάνονται και ο σεβασμός των σχέσεων καλής γειτονίας μεταξύ των κρατών. Στην έκθεση της Ευρωπαϊκής Επιτροπής έχει υπογραμμιστεί η οπισθοδρόμηση στα θέματα δικαιοσύνης, στα θέματα διαφάνειας, στα θέματα λειτουργίας των Μέσων Μαζικής Ενημέρωσης, του δημοκρατικού πολιτεύματος.

Η χρησιμοποίηση από την έκθεση του επιθέτου "μακεδονικός" ουσιαστικά δίνει την αίσθηση ότι το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο λαμβάνει θέση υπέρ των Σκοπίων. Το ζήτημα της ονομασίας δεν είναι ζήτημα διμερές· είναι ζήτημα διεθνές και ως διεθνές ζήτημα πρέπει να λυθεί μέσα στα πλαίσια του Οργανισμού των Ηνωμένων Εθνών.

  Josef Weidenholzer (S&D). – Herr Präsident! Meine Vorredner haben die Probleme schon benannt: Korruption, mangelnde Medienfreiheit und mangelnde Qualität des demokratischen Prozesses.

Diese Mängel können mit den großen Problemen des Landes erklärt werden – sie entschuldigen sie aber nicht. Die größte Herausforderung für das Land war zweifelsohne die Flüchtlingskrise. Nahezu alle Flüchtlinge sind auf dem Weg nach Europa durch das Land gereist. Skopje hat diese Herausforderungen gemeistert – auch mit Hilfe der EU.

Eine Beurteilung, ob es diesen europäischen Standards auch wirklich entsprochen hat, ist durchaus widersprüchlich. Ich spreche aus eigener Erfahrung, ich habe mehrfach die Balkanroute bereist. Einesteils ist festzuhalten, dass es eine große Hilfsbereitschaft der Bevölkerung gibt. NGOs, wie die überkonfessionelle Legis, bemühen sich beispielhaft um Versorgung und rechtliche Unterstützung.

Andererseits gibt es ernst zu nehmende Berichte, dass professionelle Schmugglernetzwerke operieren. Bei meinem letzten Besuch letzte Woche in Gevgelija war ich damit konfrontiert, dass Flüchtlinge von willkürlicher Behandlung und körperlicher Gewaltanwendung seitens der Grenzorgane berichtet haben. Solche Vorkommnisse können als Gradmesser für die Integrationsfähigkeit des Landes herangezogen werden, sollten aber auch jene nachdenklich machen, die dem Land eine zentrale Rolle bei der Schließung der Balkanroute zu geben glauben.

  Alojz Peterle (PPE). – Kolegu Ivu Vajglu čestitam k odgovorno opravljenemu delu in smislu za bistvena vprašanja.

Politični razvoj v zadnjem letu je še bolj pokazal, da evropska perspektiva Makedonije - nekdanje jugoslovanske republike – ni odvisna samo od njene reformne volje in evropskih partnerjev, ampak od njene notranje stabilnosti in kakovosti demokracije.

Obžalujem, da je posledica notranjepolitičnega razvoja prvič pogojno priporočilo. To pomeni dodatni poziv glavnim političnim silam, da izvršijo, za kar so se zavezale s Pržinskim sporazumom. Samo dosledna implementacija lahko okrepi verodostojnost pristopnega procesa in stabilizira politično sliko države kandidatke.

Ponovno opozarjam, da begunski in drugi izzivi krepijo potrebo po bolj simetričnem napredku cele regije v smeri evropske perspektive.

  Андрей Ковачев (PPE). – Европа няма да бъде силна и сигурна без страните от Западните Балкани, включително Македония, да станат част от нашия съюз. Но аз няма да говоря за миграционната криза, а за проблеми, които са от десетилетия, поне от 1944 г. по тези места.

В настоящия доклад подкрепих отново апела за премахване на говора на омразата в учебниците, за пречките и дискриминацията пред граждани с българска идентичност, съвместните чествания на общите исторически събития, възстановяване и поддържане на българските символи и паметници в Република Македония. Тези препоръки са неизменна част от докладите през последните години. За мен е необяснимо, че продължават провокации в тази посока, които не водят до преодоляване на натрупаното недоверие между съседите, особено наследството на комунистическия режим.

Ще дам и пресен пример. С мен се свързва внукът на видния български писател и патриот Димитър Талев, който сигнализира, че две от книгите на дядо му – „Железният светилник“ и „Преспанските камбани“, са излезли в Скопие в нарушение на авторските права и с променено съдържание. Писателят е обявен за „македонец“ и понятията „българин“ и „българско“ са премахнати или заменени с „македонец“ и „македонско“.

Желая от сърце успех на македонските граждани и на Република Македония по пътя на европейското членство, особено в тази тежка ситуация, и смятам, че само това европейско членство и интеграция може да преодолее тези отвратителни практики от миналото.

  Marijana Petir (PPE). – Gospodine predsjedniče, čestitam kolegi Vajglu na izvješću i zahvaljujem mu na prihvaćanju mojih amandmana vezanih uz članstvo Makedonije u NATO-u i otvaranje pregovora s Europskom unijom.

Potpuno se slažem s njim u konstataciji da je Makedonija zemlja kandidatkinja koja je ostvarila najveći napredak u pogledu usklađivanja zakonodavstva s pravnom stečevinom Unije. Stoga je nepravedno da se Makedonija drži više od 10 godina u čekaonici. Pozivam Vijeće da Makedoniji otvori pregovore, a da se bilateralna pitanja rješavaju tijekom pregovora.

Također, izražavam zabrinutost zbog nepoštivanja dogovora postignutog prošle godine, a vezano uz održavanje izbora u Makedoniji. Smatram povjereniče Hahn da se nije smjelo odgoditi izbore zato što to traže oni koji žele vladati bez izbora. Takva situacija uzrokuje političku nestabilnost u zemlji i otežava provedbu reformi. Makedonija igra važnu ulogu u upravljanju migrantskom krizom u čemu treba dobiti snažniju podršku Europske unije.

Makedonija treba Europskoj uniji i Unija treba Makedoniji. Pozivam stoga još jednom Vijeće da Makedoniji otvori pregovore.

  Ivana Maletić (PPE). – Gospodine predsjedavajući, čestitam na početku kolegi Vajglu na izvrsno pripremljenom izvješću, a poštovani povjereniče Hahn, za Vas imam dvije molbe. Jedna je da pronađemo mehanizme kako ojačati administrativne kapacitete u delegaciji Europske unije u Makedoniji, jer je Makedonija izgubila 70 milijuna eura decommitment IPA-e, a sustav je zapravo centraliziran i ta sredstva ugovara delegacija. Dakle, to bi morali izbjeći u sljedećim periodima.

Druga molba povezana je s vraćanjem tih 70 milijuna eura Makedoniji kako bi se iskoristili za upravljanje migrantskom krizom jer ova država mora uložiti jako puno u upravljanje granicama i kvalitetan smještaj izbjeglica, a 70 izgubljenih milijuna je jako puno. Isto tako vas molim da uzmemo u obzir da je sve ovo što je pred Makedonijom za odraditi u pregovorima trebale odraditi i druge države, koje su bile puno brže i uspješnije kad su pregovori bili otvoreni.

Διαδικασία «Catch-the-Eye»

  Patricija Šulin (PPE). – Čestitam gospodu Vajglu za kvalitetno poročilo. Makedonija se je v teh zahtevnih okoliščinah, ko se Evropska unija oziroma Evropa širše sooča z begunsko krizo, izkazala kot aktiven, odgovoren in zanesljiv akter pri njenem obvladovanju. Kljub zahtevnim notranjepolitičnim razmeram, kljub prihajajočim volitvam ta nečlanica Evropske unije bolje ščiti evropske interese in Schengen kot nekatere članice schengenskega območja. Pred nami je novo poročilo o napredku Makedonije. Poročilo Komisije je iz leta v leto podobno: Makedonija je pripravljena, da začne pogajanja. Skrajni čas je, da tudi Evropska unija oziroma Svet čimrej pričneta s pogajanji za vstop Makedonije v Evropsko unijo.

  Nicola Caputo (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, c'è preoccupazione per il deteriorarsi della situazione in FYROM, in particolare in materia di stato di diritto, libertà dei mezzi di comunicazione e diritti fondamentali, parametri fondamentali per l'Unione europea. Sussistono ancora forti tensioni interetniche in tutto il paese e l'approccio non collaborativo sull'emergenza migratoria non aiuta.

Migliaia di migranti, tra loro moltissimi bambini, si ammassano al confine con la Grecia, confine chiuso da muri di filo spinato e dove si lasciano passare solo pochissimi migranti, molti dei quali si vedono contestare i documenti rilasciati dalle autorità greche. Skopje ha bisogno dell'aiuto dell'Europa ma l'allineamento del Paese alle decisioni dell'Unione europea è un elemento fondamentale nel processo d'integrazione europea.

Ritengo sia infatti difficile sostenere la richiesta di adesione di Paesi che non abbiano adeguatamente chiarito le proprie scelte politiche e strategiche di fondo.

  Илхан Кючюк (ALDE). – Благодаря на г-н Вайгъл за балансирания доклад. Преди близо година от тази трибуна заявих, че интегрирането на Западните Балкани не е заради техните политически елити, а заради гражданските общества на тези млади демокрации. За съжаление, днес Македония е опасно разделена, а тази политическа криза много бързо може да подкопае европейския път на страната.

Не трябва да забравяме и кризата с нестихващия бежански поток, която може да бъде решена само с помощта на Европейския съюз, а не с употребата на сълзотворен газ. Въпреки това Европейският съюз не трябва да се отказва. От стратегическо значение е да поддържаме европейската мечта на страната жива и седмата поредна препоръка в доклада за започване на преговори е точно в тази посока.

Искам да призова всички политически сили да проведат честни и свободни избори, по всички европейски и международни стандарти, и да им напомня, че техен дълг е да служат на гражданите на Македония, включително и на малцинствата. Само тогава ще могат да върнат доверието в институциите и да започнат така необходимите реформи, които ще възродят интеграционния стремеж на страната.

  Κώστας Χρυσόγονος ( GUE/NGL). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η έκθεση της Ευρωπαϊκής Επιτροπής για την πρόοδο της ενταξιακής διαδικασίας των Σκοπίων κατά το έτος 2015 είναι αποκαλυπτική. Δέκα ολόκληρα χρόνια μετά την απόκτηση του καθεστώτος της υποψήφιας για ένταξη χώρας δεν έχει γίνει καμία πρόοδος στο θέμα της ονομασίας και στην αποκήρυξη των εδαφικών διεκδικήσεων κατά της Ελλάδας, τις οποίες υποκρύπτει η ονομασία. Αντίθετα, οι σχέσεις καλής γειτονίας επιβαρύνονται από την πλαστογράφηση και τον σφετερισμό της ελληνικής ιστορίας και πολιτιστικής κληρονομιάς και με την ανέγερση αλλόκοτων μνημείων στην πόλη των Σκοπίων.

Πέρα από αυτά υπάρχει οπισθοδρόμηση σε κρίσιμους τομείς όπως είναι η εμπέδωση της δημοκρατίας και του σεβασμού στα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα, με το καθεστώς Γκρούεφσκι να κινείται σε ολοένα πιο αυταρχική κατεύθυνση. Σε κανένα από τα θέματα αυτά δεν μπορούν να γίνουν εκπτώσεις εκ μέρους της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και επομένως δεν συντρέχουν οι προϋποθέσεις για έναρξη ενταξιακών διαπραγματεύσεων.

  Igor Šoltes (Verts/ALE). – Spoštovani kolega Vajgl, hvala za vso energijo in čas, ki si ga vložil v to odlično pripravljeno poročilo. Nekdanja ..., se pravi Makedonija, je že deset let in več v čakalnici in je opredeljena kot ena najbolj naprednih držav v zahodnem Balkanu, zlasti glede pogojev za članstvo. Mislim, da seveda tam lahko rečemo, da je določen notranjepolitični konflikt, da seveda obstaja kar veliko izzivov, vendar je danes veliko večji izziv tudi begunska kriza.

Makedonija je nosila in nosi veliko breme, veliko večje breme te begunske krize kot katera koli država članica in mislim tudi, da Evropska unija mora preiti od besed k dejanjem in resnično tudi finančno pomagati Makedoniji. Kar se pa pogojev tiče, pa moram reči, da očitno včasih ima Komisija tudi drugačno dioptrijo, ker če pogledamo sporazum s Turčijo, pravzaprav smo pripravljeni narediti velike odpustke, to pa v Makedoniji že deset let ne.

  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (EFDD). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, volevo ringraziare enormemente il collega Ivo Vajgl per l'ottimo ed eccellente lavoro svolto con questa relazione, come sempre onesta ed equilibrata, una relazione che non nasconde né i passi in avanti ma neanche le gravi criticità che a tutt'oggi affliggono il governo della FYROM, in particolare ancora riforme, che devono essere portate avanti in modo più consistente per quanto riguarda la giustizia, ancora tacciata di essere selettiva, la politicizzazione della pubblica amministrazione, la corruzione, i problemi di coesistenza interetnica e, ancora più importante, la libertà dei media.

Noi siamo convintamente per un futuro e una prospettiva di allargamento per tutti i Balcani occidentali. Però ravvisiamo anche un grave errore politico che in questo momento stanno commettendo l'Unione europea e la Commissione: non si può pensare di spingere la Macedonia a diventare in un certo qual modo il poliziotto, per fare in modo che la Grecia, e poi magari in futuro anche l'Italia, perché no, se questa strategia passerà, diventino i magazzini di anime, per l'incapacità della leadership europea oggi di far fronte seriamente, a un meccanismo di ridistribuzione per il fenomeno migratorio.

Questo è un errore: chiediamo elezioni libere e trasparenti per la Macedonia e un processo che sia più equilibrato.

  Μαρία Σπυράκη ( PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Hahn, το ερώτημα είναι τι ζητάμε από τις υποψήφιες για ένταξη χώρες: συμμόρφωση με το ευρωπαϊκό κεκτημένο, με τα κριτήρια της Κοπεγχάγης. Τι συμβαίνει στην πρώην Γιουγκοσλαβική Δημοκρατία της Μακεδονίας; Έχει σοβαρό έλλειμμα στον διαχωρισμό των εξουσιών, στον σεβασμό των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων και των δικαιωμάτων των μειονοτήτων, στον σεβασμό της ελευθερίας του Τύπου – είναι τελευταία στην Ευρώπη: 90 κάτω από το 2009.

Θα ανοίξουμε σήμερα τον δρόμο των εκπτώσεων; Και πώς θα απαντήσουμε έτσι στις απαιτήσεις της Τουρκίας;

Σε όσα καταγράφουν οι πρέσβεις της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών σχετικά με τους λόγους για την αναβολή των εκλογών προστίθεται και η συμπεριφορά της Πρώην Γιουγκοσλαβικής Δημοκρατίας της Μακεδονίας σήμερα στα ελληνοσκοπιανά σύνορα. Εκεί όπου δεν επιτρέπεται να περάσουν πρόσφυγες που χρήζουν διεθνούς προστασίας. Συνάδει αυτό με το πνεύμα και το γράμμα των ευρωπαϊκών αποφάσεων; Η πρώην Γιουγκοσλαβική Δημοκρατία της Μακεδονίας έχει ακόμη πολύ δρόμο να διανύσει. Να λειτουργήσει η δημοκρατία της όπως οι ευρωπαϊκές δημοκρατίες και τότε να ανοίξουμε την πόρτα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης!

  Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já bych byl velmi rád, kdyby samozřejmě jakákoliv bilaterální otázka mezi jednotlivými státy nebrzdila tento přístupový proces Makedonie. Gratuluji panu zpravodajovi ke zprávě, kterou předložil.

Je skutečností, že Makedonie do jisté míry pokulhává za očekáváními, která jsme měli spojena s jejími přístupovými rozhovory. Souhlasím s tím, že je třeba, aby Makedonie přidala, a potom také může samozřejmě, předpokládám, počítat s plnou podporou nás v jejích přístupových rozhovorech, v její cestě do Evropské unie.

Nelze tyto otázky, které byly legitimně vzneseny i mými kolegy, přejít pouze tím, že potřebuje tato země v tuto chvíli naši pomoc. Je třeba, aby i představitelé této země skutečně zabrali, a to říkám jako bývalý předseda Skupiny přátel Česká republika a Makedonie.

(Λήξη της διαδικασίας «Catch-the-Eye»)

  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, I wish to thank Members for the debate once again, and in particular those who have followed the whole debate. I think the political leaders of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia now have the responsibility to take the necessary steps to put their country back on the Euro-Atlantic track. We have sent a clear signal; they need to implement the political agreement in full and in good faith and address the urgent reform priorities to which the government has also committed itself.

The next challenge for the political leaders is to show political will and to take the necessary measures in order to organise credible elections on 5 June. Under the political agreement the elections are meant to be a key step as part of the reform process. The elections should restore citizens’ faith in the electoral process and move the country beyond the political crisis. With your support we will continue to follow and measure progress very closely.

The country has no time to lose and I am saying this in particular in respect to what has been discussed here and mentioned several times, namely the refugee and migration flow, and therefore I think the political leadership in the country should be focused on this. I can also reassure you that the European Union is supporting the country in terms of expertise, but also in terms of money, but also here I have to say, this is always based on the concrete needs assessment. It is not about transferring money on an unclear request, it is always on the basis of a clear, so to say, traceable need and then support is possible and has already been provided.

The political crisis should end for once and for all, in the interest of the country hopefully and the future, and in the interest and need and demand of its citizens.

So I count on the support of this House in sending unified messages to the political leaders of the country and may I say to all of those who have criticised, shall I say, the democratic development of the country, these sceptics are right and I agree, but I think we should understand and share the view that the biggest leverage for the European Union, for our own interests, is to have negotiations where we can really address these deficiencies.

We have only leverage at the point where we prepare the opening of accessions and we have a particular leverage during the negotiations. As we can see in some examples we do not have a real leverage after the accession. So this is something we should be aware of if we are thinking about further development of a country, in particular of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. In this respect I count on you, also for the future, and once again thank you not only for the debate today but also for your commitment.

  Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, to conclude, let me express once more my sincere gratitude to you, Mr Vajgl, as well as to Mr Howitt and Mr Kukan for your excellent work and commitment.

The Council attaches great importance to moving ahead with the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. However we remain seriously concerned as to the fragile domestic political situation. The need for constructive dialogue extends to all parts of the political scene, most notably to the main political parties. The Commission has made its recommendation to open accession negotiations with the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia conditional on the full implementation of the June/July agreement and on substantial progress in urgent reform priorities, and rightly so.

This issue shall be addressed again after the parliamentary elections and, on that basis, the Council will refer to the matter. It is currently, as I mentioned in the beginning, up to the political leaders of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to deliver. I am happy to note that most of you did agree, or do agree, upon this approach.

We count, in this regard, on the continued support of the European Parliament to call on all leaders of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to cooperate in good faith and to put the country back on the reform track.

  Πρόεδρος. – Έχω λάβει μια πρόταση ψηφίσματος.

Η συζήτηση έληξε.

Η ψηφοφορία θα διεξαχθεί αύριο Πέμπτη 10 Μαρτίου 2015 στις 12 το μεσημέρι.

Γραπτές δηλώσεις (άρθρο 162)

  Birgit Collin-Langen (PPE), schriftlich. – Ich befürworte den Bericht, denn wir müssen weiter durch Dialog Vertrauen schaffen und das nachbarschaftliche Abkommen weiterführen. Im Jahr 2015 war das Land mit einer seiner schlimmsten politischen Krisen konfrontiert. Die Freiheit der Meinungsäußerung und die Unabhängigkeit der Gerichte wurden kompromittiert, das Vertrauen in öffentliche Einrichtungen schwindet weiter. Es ist unsere Aufgabe als europäischer Nachbar, Mazedonien bei seinen Reformbemühungen zu unterstützen.

Dies gilt auch angesichts der gegenwärtigen Migrationsproblematik: Mazedonien hat einen beispiellosen Migrationsstrom zu bewältigen, im Jahr 2015 haben mehr als 500 000 Menschen das Land durchquert. In der Flüchtlingsfrage gibt es keine Alternative zu einer umfassenden europäischen Lösung, und Mazedonien hat sich als verantwortungsbewusster Partner bei der Bewältigung des immensen Zustroms an Migranten und Flüchtlingen gezeigt.

  Andor Deli (PPE), írásban. – A 2015-ös Macedónia Volt Jugoszláv Köztársaságról szóló jelentésben a Parlament rávilágított arra, hogy a politikai válsághelyzetek az országban az effektív intézményes fék és egyensúly rendszer hiányáról tanúskodnak. Az egyetlen kiút ebből a helyzetből a Przino politikai egyezmény teljes implementálása, hiszen a politikai helyzet stabilitása kulcsfontosságú az eurointegrációs folyamatok mozgásban tartásához. Azonban a politikai stabilitás még inkább felértékelődik, ha figyelembe vesszük azt, hogy milyen hatalmas nyomásnak van az ország kitéve a migránsválság okán. Ezért fontos, hogy az Európai Unió hatékonyan támogassa ezt a tagjelölt államot és tekintse kulcsfontosságú partnerének a migránsválság kezelése során.

  Tanja Fajon (S&D), pisno. – Ob trenutnem dogajanju v Makedoniji ne morem ostati ravnodušna. Na trenutke se zdi, da se je Makedonija znašla ne zgolj v strateško občutljivem položaju kot prva soseda EU, temveč tudi v začaranem krogu. Dogovor o reformah je bil sprejet, datum volitev, ki bi lahko pomenile demokratično prebujanje države določen. Pa vendar, se bodo zadeve tokrat res korenito spremenile?

Pozdravljam imenovanje posebnega tožilstva za vodenje preiskave prisluškovalne afere, ki je lani še dodatno poglobila politično krizo, a nisem prepričana glede njegove neodvisnosti od ostalega dela sodnega sistema v državi, čigar nepristranskost ni samoumevna. Junijske volitve morajo biti izvedene v skladu z najvišjimi demokratičnimi standardi. Te bi lahko bile ogrožene zaradi stanja medijske svobode, politične stranke pa se ne ozirajo na primernost sredstev za pridobivanje naklonjenosti volilnega telesa.

V razburkani družbeni in politični realnosti Makedonije želim posebej izpostaviti položaj mladih. Pomanjkanje prave perspektive in visoka stopnja brezposelnosti vodijo v nastajanje generacije obupanih mladih, ki so brez jasne vizije in posledično tudi bolj nagnjeni k poistovetenju z ekstremnimi ideologijami ali versko radikalizacijo. In to bo najvišja cena, ki jo bo Makedonija plačala za svojo prihodnost. To mora strezniti makedonske politične voditelje in jih prisiliti v vodenje manj sebične in bolj konstruktivne politike.

  Νεοκλής Συλικιώτης ( GUE/NGL), γραπτώς. – Η έκθεση αποτυγχάνει να αποτυπώσει την πραγματική κατάσταση για τη χώρα. Η επιβράβευση των αρχών της FYROM λειτουργεί ανασταλτικά για την πραγματική πρόοδο της δημοκρατίας, του κράτους δικαίου και των θεμελιωδών δικαιωμάτων. Είναι απαράδεκτο να αναγορεύεται η FYROM σε «αξιόπιστο εταίρο», τη στιγμή που προβαίνει σε καταδικαστέες μονομερείς ενέργειες όπως το κλείσιμο των συνόρων και η χρήση βίας ενάντια στους πρόσφυγες. Η FYROM θα έπρεπε να κληθεί να σεβαστεί τις διεθνείς συνθήκες για τους πρόσφυγες και να εγγυηθεί τη δυνατότητα ασφαλούς και μόνιμης διέλευσης για όλους τους ανθρώπους που χρειάζονται διεθνή προστασία, ανεξαρτήτως της καταγωγής τους.

Επιπρόσθετα, πρέπει επιτέλους να γίνει αποδεκτό από όλους ότι το θέμα των σχέσεων Ελλάδας-FYROM ούτε είναι ένα διμερές ζήτημα ούτε περιορίζεται στην ονοματολογία. Αποτελεί ένα άλυτο διεθνές και περιφερειακό πρόβλημα που πρέπει να λυθεί υπό την αιγίδα του ΟΗΕ. Η επίλυσή του αποτελεί προϋπόθεση για τις σχέσεις καλής γειτονίας, οι οποίες αποτελούν ουσιώδες στοιχείο στη διαδικασία διεύρυνσης με καθοριστικές προεκτάσεις στην περιφερειακή ειρήνη. Είναι φανερό ότι η ΕΕ, προκειμένου να προωθήσει την ευρωατλαντική ενσωμάτωση της FYROM για να εξυπηρετηθούν τα ενεργειακά της συμφέροντα, είναι διατεθειμένη να αυτοαναιρεθεί για άλλη μια φορά και να απεμπολήσει τις αρχές που η ίδια επικαλείται. Γι’ αυτό καταψηφίσαμε.