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Utorak, 12. travnja 2016. - Strasbourg Revidirano izdanje

15. Stanje u Gorskom Karabahu (rasprava)
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  La Présidente. – L'ordre du jour appelle le débat sur la déclaration de la vice-présidente de la Commission et haute représentante de l'Union pour les affaires étrangères et la politique de sécurité sur la situation dans le Haut-Karabakh (2016/2650(RSP)).

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Madam President, let me start by saying I am very glad that we are having this debate tonight. The situation in Nagorno-Karabakh was probably the centre of my talks both in Armenia and Azerbaijan when I was visiting those countries last month. When I was looking at the last time this issue was discussed in plenary, I saw that it was in 2011, so I am really glad that this Parliament is addressing it for the first time in plenary. It is going to be very helpful and useful, because events in Nagorno-Karabakh are another reminder of how dangerous a protracted conflict can be.

Just days before the latest and unprecedented escalation, we had cautioned that the status quo was unsustainable. From a tense situation to large-scale hostilities can be a very short step. For this reason, we are increasing our efforts towards a settlement of the conflict. It has already inflicted too much suffering. It continues to pose a threat to regional security in our neighbourhood, and it is an obstacle towards the development of both countries and of the entire region.

The South Caucuses is a crucial region for Europe. It lies at the crossroads between Europe, Asia and the Middle East. It holds a huge potential for growth, but such a potential is held back by instability and war, and again this came out very clearly in my recent talks in both capitals. A large-scale conflict is not in the interests of anyone and can lead nowhere.

This conflict hinders the development and the stability of the two countries and of their neighbours, as well as the rapprochement with the European Union. As you know, at the beginning of April, the violence surged to a level that was unprecedented since the ceasefire agreement in 1994. We have all seen reports about the use of heavy weapons and the large numbers of casualties, including among the civilian population. Statements from Baku and Yerevan make it clear that there are serious dangers if the situation is not quickly calmed.

Immediately, on 2 April, I called on the parties to stop the fighting and observe the ceasefire, to show restraint and avoid any further actions or statements that could result in escalation. I have reiterated my support for the OSCE Minsk Group and the three co-chairs as the internationally-agreed format for the settlement of this conflict. The EU Special Representative for the South Caucasus, Herbert Salber, made immediate contact with the parties and kept these contacts regularly. I myself had separate constructive conversations with the Foreign Ministers of Armenia and of Azerbaijan. I will stay in contact with them in the coming days and in the coming weeks, and our Special Representative is visiting the region this week. Let me add that I hope that you can contribute to our efforts with your own parliamentary contacts. As you know, I believe very much in parliamentary diplomacy, both with your fellow parliamentarians but also with civil society organisations.

We all know the way ahead. The escalation makes it even clearer that the conflict does not have a military solution. Developments on the ground demand that we stay vigilant and continue to insist on the strict observance of the ceasefire and on moving forward in the peace process. In particular, the targeting of civilians must stop. But obviously we cannot settle for the status quo. A political solution is what is needed, and our political goal must be that the sides resume negotiations on a comprehensive settlement of the conflict. The Minsk Group and its co-chairs are there to further mediate, and the EU has supported a settlement on the basis of the Madrid Principles proposed by the co-chairs. But ultimately we know well that the solution is in the hands of the parties to this conflict. They need to be ready to make meaningful compromises towards peace.

In parallel with observing the ceasefire and engaging in negotiations, it is necessary to create an environment that is conducive to progress. Actions and statements which could further complicate the already complex environment have to stop.

The European Union fully supports measures that can help, for instance, with the repatriation of the bodies of dead soldiers to their families. I am encouraged by the mechanism that has been put in place in recent days by the ICRC and the OSCE. We will also need new efforts that can accompany the political process. These include enhanced security measures, such as the OSCE-proposed mechanism for investigation into the ceasefire violations. This is a mechanism the European Union has endorsed. The EU – complementing the efforts of the Minsk Group co-chairs – has for several years now supported activities that facilitate peaceful contacts between people across the conflict divide. Today this work is more important than ever. The conflict settlement will also continue to be part of the EU’s contacts and dialogue with Armenia and Azerbaijan, as partner countries, as well as with key international stakeholders. As I said, this was at the centre of our talks when I visited both countries a month ago.

After this tragic outburst of violence, talking about negotiations and trust might sound out of place. It is not. Actually, it is the only rational thing to do. The alternative to negotiations would be more death and more destruction. Everyone now understands that the status quo can only lead to more violence, and this is exactly what happened. Let us not underestimate the dangers of this conflict, and let us turn the current situation into an opportunity for peace.

 
  
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  Cristian Dan Preda, în numele grupului PPE. Doamnă președintă, recentele evenimente din Nagorno-Karabah ne arată, încă o dată, că marea problemă a așa numitelor conflicte înghețate este că pot deveni fierbinți în orice moment. Săptămâna trecută, „dezghețul” a cauzat 60 de morți în patru zile. În prezent, situația pare să fi revenit la ceea ce înseamnă, în cazul Nagorno-Karabah, normalitatea, adică un fragil acord de încetare a focului stabilit pentru prima dată acum 22 de ani.

Din nefericire, în fostul spațiu sovietic, astfel de conflicte înghețate sunt numeroase - Transnistria, Abhazia, Osetia de Sud, mai nou estul Ucrainei - și toate aceste conflicte nerezolvate au un punct comun: interesul Rusiei de a le menține. Pentru Federația Rusă, e vorba de pârghii prin care caută să-și controleze vecinii. În cazul Nagorno-Karabah, Rusia joacă de altfel pe două fronturi, fiindcă e un aliat asumat al Armeniei, dar, pe de altă parte, vinde regulat arme Azerbaidjanului.

 
  
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  Victor Boştinaru, on behalf of the S&D Group. Madam President, the conflict of about ten days ago should not be underestimated. Despite the very little information that managed to escape from the authorities’ control, this was a real large-scale military confrontation which left hundreds dead or wounded on both sides, including civilians. The ceasefire announced on 5 April seems to be holding for the moment, but we have to face the reality that, after more than 20 years, we have no political solution for this frozen conflict but rather a serious aggravation. We call on both sides to show restraint and to stop the confrontation. We also call on the establishment by the OSCE of a real mechanism to monitor the ceasefire in order to avoid another escalation in this large-scale military confrontation, which carries the risk of the involvement of external actors. It is important that the OSCE Minsk Group action is revitalised in order to bring the two sides back to the negotiations. At the same time, it is fundamental that Europe is seen to play a more active role by using more for more, bearing in mind the particular relations we have with Armenia and with Azerbaijan.

Before I conclude, let me add that we consider the region to be very important, bearing in mind EU leverage. It will be important to reflect on a viable solution. You cannot simply support the Minsk Group, you must also play an active role within it.

 
  
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  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. Madam President, since the 1994 war ended we are sadly all too familiar with the occasional recurrence of hostilities, particularly sniper activity along the line of contact. This most recent offensive is, however, quite unprecedented and appears to have been a full-scale mobilisation of Azerbaijani forces across the entire line in an attempt to retake territory, with many casualties.

I am pleased that the ceasefire is holding and I encourage an immediate return to the negotiating table under the auspices of the Minsk Process. The use of advanced Russian weaponry by Azeri forces, such as Smerch rocket launchers, shows us that the policies of Putin are once again at play in his so-called spheres of influence. We must also bear in mind the prevailing low oil price and the domestic effects that this is having on Aliyev’s strategy to create an external military diversion.

In a week in which populism triumphed over diplomacy in the Dutch referendum concerning Ukraine’s free trade agreement, we should be reminded of the very real potential for destabilisation on our borders if we are unable to act in a cohesive and coordinated way in Europe.

 
  
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  Petras Auštrevičius, on behalf of the ALDE Group. Madam President, all experts agree that, if escalated further, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict could certainly become far more lethal and ruthless than it was two decades ago. Those who ordered the recent escalations cannot hide from history, an unprecedented arms race by both sides in a conflict that has for a number of years been boosted by one major arms supplier: Russia. Blood money: billions of dollars is pouring into the Russian budget. The Vice-Prime Minister of Russia has recently said the following about the Russian arms supplies: ‘Everything is according to contracts. Both countries are strategic partners to us.’ For me, the question is what we, as the EU, should do in order to deal with the so-called ‘frozen conflict’ and the destructive dominance of Russia in the region. Have we, as the EU, ever asked for our legitimate place at the negotiating table that is supposed to deal with the conflict? Indeed, the argument from 1994, when the Minsk Group was set up and the EU was not considered a global player and mediator, is no longer valid. Let us go back to the negotiating table as a global player, let us play a role as a major negotiator and mediator in this conflict, and let us prove that the Eastern Partnership goals to support peace and stability next door are valid.

 
  
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  Josu Juaristi Abaunz, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. Señora Presidenta, en la misión de observación electoral que varios compañeros realizaron en 2015 a Nagorno—Karabaj se reencontraron con un pueblo que intenta vivir en libertad y democracia, con pluralidad política, un poder judicial independiente, libertad de prensa, etc. Una pequeña nación que ha sufrido lo indecible y que se merece un futuro en paz y dignidad, aunque todavía no reciba reconocimiento internacional.

En mi opinión, ese futuro pasa por un acuerdo basado en el derecho de autodeterminación. Respeto y reconocimiento garantizarán seguridad y estabilidad.

En ese camino, es esencial que Armenia y Azerbaiyán acepten el mecanismo de investigación de violaciones del alto el fuego propuesto por el Grupo de Minsk. Armenia ya ha declarado estar dispuesta a dialogar sobre dicho mecanismo, sin el cual las partes seguirán acusándose mutuamente de iniciar las hostilidades y Nagorno—Karabaj continuará estando lejos de la solución negociada y permanente que su población reclama.

 
  
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  Heidi Hautala, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. Madam President, the only way to prevent a new outbreak of war around the line of contact and de-escalate the situation is to stop the military build-up and the relevant arms race. The best way to achieve this is to deploy a robust UN peacekeeping mission around the line of contact with demilitarisation of the area and the withdrawal of all heavy armaments to 15 to 30 kilometres away. The parties in the framework of the OSCE Minsk Group should develop and agree to an incident prevention and investigation mechanism to address all violations that may occur.

Nagorno-Karabakh differs from the other frozen conflicts in one point: both parties agree that most of the conflict area belonged to Azerbaijan, and I am talking about the seven provinces surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh. Armenia, therefore, should give back to Azerbaijan most of the occupied provinces within a reasonable fixed time period, and at the same time, the OSCE Minsk Group presidency should relaunch the negotiations on the final status of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Instead of exchanging accusations against each other about possible war crimes committed in Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia and Azerbaijan should both sign and ratify the Rome Statute on the International Criminal Court. Armenia has signed but not ratified; Azerbaijan has neither signed nor ratified. Finally, the EU should apply the same approach to all the conflicts in the Eastern Partnership countries, avoiding double standards.

 
  
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  Jonathan Arnott, on behalf of the EFDD Group. Madam President, I say to the Commissioner, there is much we can agree on in responding to this situation. It is tragic that a ceasefire which has lasted in general so well since the mid-1990s should fall apart so rapidly decades later. It reminds us, I hope, of the precariousness of peace and the horrors of conflict. And though maybe you and I disagree on the role that these institutions should play – maybe I see the United Nations as more important than the European Union – you are certainly correct in suggesting that it is our responsibility to do whatever we can.

All nations, and indeed the United Nations, must make urgent representations to ensure that basic things, such as civilians not being targeted, are respected. It is vital, too, that simple measures such as the repatriation of bodies actually happen, not because those things change anything of themselves but because they perhaps provide a focal point from which peace can build and a form of trust can be created.

There is a ray of hope that another precarious ceasefire has begun. Long may that last, and may it last much longer than the two decades of the previous ceasefire.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser, au nom du groupe ENF. Madame la Présidente, Madame la Haute représentante, chers collègues, une fois de plus, notre diplomatie droits-de-l'hommiste, notre diplomatie de l'irréel, est rattrapée par le réel, le réel des identités.

Dans le Haut-Karabakh, 80 % de la population est arménienne, et c'est Staline, le commissaire aux nationalités, qui intègre cette région, berceau de l'identité arménienne, à la République soviétique d'Azerbaïdjan. Nous avons le même problème dans l'est de l'Ukraine, où les populations russes ont été intégrées, à cette époque, à l'Ukraine, aussi par Staline.

Votre politique, Madame Mogherini, demande au groupe de Minsk de l'OSCE et à ses trois coprésidents, russe, français et américain, de remettre ce processus de paix en marche. Autrement dit, la diplomatie européenne est laissée aux États, et c'est bien ainsi.

Quant à la Russie, elle est facteur de paix, contrairement au pyromane de ce nouvel incendie, je veux parler du satrape Erdoğan, celui qui finance le terrorisme et qui fait chanter et même ramper l'Europe. C'est une honte!

 
  
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  Jaromír Štětina (PPE). – Rád bych vysvětlil, proč už dlouhá léta podporuji Arménii v jejím teritoriálním sporu o Náhorní Karabach. Byl to bolševický Sovětský svaz, který uměle už ve 20. letech diktátem přidělil území Karabachu Ázerbajdžánu podle principu rozděl a panuj. Nepodporovat Karabach a Arménii v jejich boji by pro mne znamenalo schvalovat tehdejší násilnou národností sovětskou politiku.

Rád bych upozornil, že spolupředsedové Minské skupiny OBSE se obracejí na prezidenty Arménie a Ázerbajdžánu, aby akceptovali mechanismus OBSE pro vyšetřování porušení příměří. Bez tohoto mechanismu budou obě strany pokračovat ve vzájemném obviňování z iniciování útoků na linii kontaktu na ázerbájdžánsko-arménské hranici. Arménie souhlasí s diskusí o detailech onoho mechanismu a OBSE vyzývá, aby Ázerbajdžán udělal totéž.

 
  
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  Bogusław Liberadzki (S&D). Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani Wysoka Przedstawiciel! Dziękuję za Pani prezentację istoty sprawy, oceny sytuacji. Miejmy świadomość, że my debatujemy o sytuacji państwa, które liczy sobie raptem 150 tysięcy mieszkańców, 4400 km2, które jest po prostu bezbronne w stosunku do sąsiadów.

Budżet Górskiego Karabachu jest mniej więcej równy wartości dwóch czy trzech rakiet, które mogą być skierowane w każdej chwili przeciwko temu państwu. Zatem: dialog, dialog, znajdowanie rozwiązań pokojowych, zrozumienie i wykorzystanie także naszej możliwości sprawczej wobec Armenii i Azerbejdżanu.

Nie sądzę, żebyśmy mogli tylko obwiniać Rosję o eksport broni. Ta broń już jest w posiadaniu sąsiadów Górskiego Karabachu. Natomiast również powinniśmy w tej sprawie prowadzić dialog i naciskać i na Rosję, i na Turcję, ponieważ tylko pokój i spokój, negocjacje i realizacja porozumień mińskich może być alternatywą.

 
  
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  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). Г-жо Председател, г-жо Могерини, колеги, за пореден път ставаме свидетели на престрелки в района на Нагорни Карабах.

На 1 и 2 април тази година загинаха 33 човека и над 200 бяха ранени. На 22 април 2015 г., малко преди годишнината от арменския геноцид, извършен от османската власт, азербайджански военни наново откриха огън срещу арменците въпреки примирието.

Важно е да се подчертае, че на 26 септември 2015 г. съпредседателите на Oрганизацията за сигурност и сътрудничество в Европа отправиха предложение до президентите на Република Азербайджан и Република Армения за изграждането на механизъм, който да следи кой нарушава примирието. Както виждате, уважаеми колеги, такъв механизъм няма и причината е отказът на Азербайджан.

Смятам, че Европейският парламент трябва да излезе с ясна позиция. Това е недопустимо и че държава, която е част от Източното партньорство и стратегически партньор на Съюза, не може да напада мирното население, да потъпква основни човешки права като правото на самоопределение.

При последните събития Азербайджан получи подкрепата само на неоосманистката Турция, чийто интерес е да се пребори с Армения и арменския народ и да прикрие темата за арменския геноцид.

 
  
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  Frank Engel (PPE). Madam President, the High Representative said that the status quo will only lead to more violence. That may be so, but it is only so for one specific reason – that Azerbaijan remains as much an aggressor today as it was 24 years ago. It has violated the ceasefire this time just like it kept violating the ceasefire on a lower scale for a very long period of time, and it does so because it is convinced that everything and everyone Armenian in this region must disappear.

This is the reason why it has never accepted anything the Minsk Group has been able to propose, because anything that it can propose is a compromise. Azerbaijan does not want to compromise, just like the Armenians do not want to compromise any longer with a country that elevates Ramil Safarov to the level of national hero. A brutal axe murderer sent back to the country by Hungary should never have happened. The only thing that will eventually happen in this case is to recognise the independence of Nagorno—Karabakh. It was declared in full accordance with the Soviet constitution applicable at the time; it was never accepted, and it is time to do so now.

 
  
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  Andi Cristea (S&D). Madam President, this month’s escalation in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is not only deeply worrying but simply unacceptable for two reasons. Firstly, because it took a toll that will always be too high, and we can never get used to or tolerate the loss of innocent lives. Secondly, because what we are witnessing is not only the latest violation of the ceasefire but also the gravest since the agreement was signed in 1994.

Today, calling for restraint and a cessation of hostilities is no longer enough and is, quite frankly, 22 years too late. The review of the ENP puts stabilisation as the main political priority. It is time for the EU to complement strategically the efforts of the OSCE Minsk Group, and it is also time for the Russian Federation to contribute genuinely to peace. How can an OSCE co-chair be a peace broker and, at the same time, the main arms provider to both countries?

 
  
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  Sajjad Karim (ECR). Madam President, may I start, as Chair of the EU Delegation for Relations with the South Caucasus, by echoing the very words spoken today by the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union. It is far too easy to take a position and apportion blame. She has not done so and I will seek not to do so either.

What happened is actually no surprise. The situation was unsustainable and bore the inherent danger of the resumption of hostilities. What happened was bound to take place. My message to my Armenian friends is that the status quo is not in your interests – not in the short term, not in the long term. My message to my Azeri friends, with whom we hope to resume interparliamentary dialogue, is that the fact that you are frustrated with the situation does not mean that the OSCE’s long—protracted confidence—building measures are superfluous, if only to prevent an accidental escalation. You can help in this respect.

My message to both is that you are the ones that have the primary responsibility to find reasonable compromises, based on international law. There is no external actor that can do this in your place, certainly not the one that is selling both of you bullets.

 
  
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  Ramona Nicole Mănescu (PPE). Doamnă președintă, doamnă Înalt Reprezentant, doresc în primul rând să vă felicit pentru implicarea constantă în medierea conflictelor și să îmi exprim în același timp îngrijorarea în legătură cu escaladarea conflictului din Nagorno-Karabah și cu drama pe care o trăiesc zilnic oamenii din regiune. Este clar că o soluție sustenabilă poate exista numai după încetarea folosirii forței armate și întoarcerea părților la masa dialogului. Astfel, în conformitate cu deciziile ONU și cu rezoluțiile adoptate deja de către Parlamentul European începând cu 2010 și până în 2015, părțile implicate în acest conflict au obligația să înceapă imediat un proces de negociere în termenii stabiliți de grupul OSCE de la Minsk. Concret, aceasta înseamnă stoparea violențelor, retragerea imediată a forțelor militare din teritoriile ocupate, respectarea integrității teritoriale, drepturi egale pentru populația din regiune, dreptul celor strămutați de a se întoarce la casele lor și acceptarea unei misiuni internaționale de pace în regiune.

 
  
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  Boris Zala (S&D). Madam President, I am not going to speak about the recent situation on the ground. Nobody is able to detect the real truth – every side has its own. For the EU, two aspects are crucial. First is the principle of sovereignty and territorial integrity. Based on these principles, you can play a really game-changing role. Second, I do not believe in the Minsk Group, but I believe that the EU – in the person of the High Representative – has the capacity to broker the negotiations. I am absolutely sure that the picture and possibility of independence – the hope of all South Caucasus countries to determine their fate independently without the meddling of super- (and less super-) powers from outside – is a good starting point for the big task of brokering the final peace arrangement.

 
  
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  Ελένη Θεοχάρους ( ECR). Κυρία Πρόεδρε, οφείλουμε να επιβάλουμε κυρώσεις στο Μπακού για τη νέα επίθεση εναντίον του λαού του Ναγκόρνο Καραμπάχ. Ο λαός του Ναγκόρνο Καραμπάχ αντιστάθηκε για εξήντα χρόνια στον σοβιετικό ολοκληρωτισμό και δεν απορροφήθηκε από τον αυταρχισμό και από το δικτατορικό καθεστώς του Αζερμπαϊτζάν. Μετά από σκληρό, πολυαίμακτο αγώνα, κέρδισε την ελευθερία του και το δικαίωμα στην αυτοδιάθεση που είναι και η μόνη λύση.

Είναι ευθύνη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης να στηρίξει τον λαό του Καραμπάχ που αγωνίζεται μόνος για την ελευθερία του, και να μην τηρεί τις βολικές ίσες αποστάσεις της διατήρησης ενός άδικου στάτους κβο.

Ειρήνη σημαίνει αναγνώριση της αυτοδιάθεσης του λαού του Ναγκόρνο Καραμπάχ, και η επιβολή κυρώσεων εναντίον του Αζερμπαϊτζάν, θα φέρει την ειρήνη πολύ πιο κοντά.

 
  
 

Interventions à la demande

 
  
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  Eduard Kukan (PPE). Madam President, in the current situation in the Nagorno-Karabakh region we should strive to stop the violence because it is dangerous for the immediate neighbourhood, and the escalation of conflict could have serious repercussions in the entire region. As rapporteur for neighbourhood policy, I advocated being more active in the Eastern Neighbourhood, which remains affected by both active armed conflicts and frozen protracted conflicts. The situation in Nagorno-Karabakh shows that we must keep working more actively towards a sustainable and peaceful solution.

Upholding the cessation of hostilities and the truce remains of utmost importance. We need to help our partners both in Azerbaijan and in Armenia to strive for a peaceful solution. Paraphrasing Tom de Waal, we need to ‘solve the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict before it explodes’.

 
  
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  Costas Mavrides (S&D). Madam President, Vice-President Mogherini has made this very clear by stating that the military confrontation does not offer a political solution to the problem. However, we should stress the importance of the fact that the co-chairs of the Minsk Group called on both Armenia and Azerbaijan to accept a mechanism to investigate ceasefire violations, as has already been stated by some of my colleagues.

Without such a mechanism, both sides will continue to blame each other for initiating the attacks, and there will also be a loss of lives. Armenia has agreed to discuss the details of saving the mechanism. So far Azerbaijan has not. So it is one thing to be neutral but another to be impartial. That is why, with this mechanism in place, some lives on both sides could have been saved.

 
  
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  Marek Jurek (ECR). Pani Przewodnicząca! 99 lat temu papież Benedykt XV ogłaszając swoją adhortację o pokoju, wzywał do tego, żeby po zakończeniu masakry wojennej w sposób szczególny zagwarantować prawo do wolności i bezpieczeństwa Armenii. My wszyscy wiemy jak bardzo, jak ciężko doświadczony przez historię jest ten naród – mówię nie tylko o tym ludobójstwie, które miało miejsce sto lat temu, ale również o dramatycznych początkach niepodległości armeńskiej na przełomie lat osiemdziesiątych i dziewięćdziesiątych. Armenia ma szczególne prawo do bezpiecznych granic. Ludność ormiańska w Górskim Karabachu na szczególne prawo do bezpieczeństwa. My mamy szczególny obowiązek o nich pamiętać. Wiemy pod jak wielką presją Armenia znalazła się wtedy, kiedy Rosja naciskała na jej udział w Euroazjatyckiej Wspólnocie Gospodarczej i na osłabienie relacji z Unią Europejską. Mamy obowiązek o nich pamiętać. Im bardziej będziemy tam obecni, tym bardziej będziemy w warunkach tej dramatycznej izolacji mogli wspierać ich bezpieczeństwo.

 
  
  

PRZEWODNICTWO: RYSZARD CZARNECKI
Wiceprzewodniczący

 
  
 

(Koniec pytań z sali)

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Mr President, I would like first of all to reiterate what I have heard from many of you in the Chamber: that our support for this process and trying to find the most reasonable way to restart it and proceed in the right way is essential. I would like to echo Mr Karim’s words, which I find very wise: that while we are there to facilitate, to help, to accompany and to try and find a sustainable solution and sustainable compromise, at the end of the day only the political will of the parties themselves will move things towards a peaceful settlement. This is also part of our efforts: creating a conducive environment, or trying to prevent the environment from becoming disruptive, is also part of our job. I take all your comments on board for our work – for the work of our Special Representative – which is daily and nightly dedicated to this, with visits in the region this week, and, obviously, staying ready to increasingly engage in these efforts if necessary in the future.

 
  
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  Przewodniczący. – Zamykam debatę.

Oświadczenia pisemne (art. 162)

 
  
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  Илхан Кючюк (ALDE), в писмена форма. От почти три десетилетия един от най-опасните конфликти по широките предели на Европа се намира в планините на Южен Кавказ. През изминалите дни конфликтът в Нагорни Карабах се възпламени и има опасност да се изостри, ако международната общност не се намеси.

Притеснителен е фактът, че случващото се е само няколко дни след стратегическите визити на Върховния представител г-жа Могерини и заместник-председателя на Комисията за енергийни съюз г-н Шевчович в Азербайджан.

Считам, че ЕС не може да бъде повече пасивен наблюдател, а следва да играе по-активна роля за мирното разрешаване на конфликти, които понастоящем представляват непреодолима пречка пред пълноценното развитие на добрите междусъседски отношения в държавите от Източното и Южното партньорство. Нагорни Карабах изисква повече от просто дипломатически совалки, защото регионът е вече свързан с ЕС – имаме активно партньорство в сферата на икономиката, енергетиката и въпросите на сигурността. ЕС трябва да настоява в рамките на ОССЕ за участие в минската група съвместно със САЩ, Русия и Франция и да бъдем гарант за мирно споразумение.

Необходимо е Европейската служба за външна дейност да започне консултации, както с двете страни в конфликта, така и с гражданското общество в Армения и Азербайджан, за да предложи европейски мирен план за Нагорни Карабах в съответствие с резолюциите на Съвета за сигурност на ООН.

 
  
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  Norica Nicolai (ALDE), în scris. Salut această dezbatere despre încheierea armistițiilor de încetare a focului în zona Nagorno-Karabah. Nu pot însă să nu constat că nu ne aflăm aici să discutăm despre chestiuni care țin de istorie, ci să găsim o soluție la o realitate. Realitatea este că Nagorno-Karabah este un teritoriu care aparține Azerbaidjanului, iar actele întâmplate recent sunt acte de agresiune din partea Armeniei.

Trebuie să avem în vedere rezoluțiile adoptate de către Parlamentul European începând cu anul 2010, prin care s-a solicitat Armeniei să își retragă trupele din zona Nagorno-Karabah și, de asemenea, cele patru rezoluții ale ONU pe aceeași temă. Singura soluție este una politică, care obligă Armenia să respecte actele de drept internațional.

 
  
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  László Tőkés (PPE), írásban. Közel két évtizede annak, hogy az Európai Unió partnerségi és együttműködési megállapodást írt alá Örményországgal és Azerbajdzsánnal, azzal a céllal, hogy ezen országokban a demokrácia és a jogállamiság megerősödjön, és a gazdasági életet új alapokra helyezzék. Mindemellett az európai szomszédságpolitika célja az is, hogy a térség biztonságát megszilárdítsa, és a két kaukázusi nép megbékélését elősegítse.

Mély aggodalommal állapíthatjuk meg azonban, hogy a kezdeti célkitűzések megvalósítása a hosszú ideje tartó konfliktusos viszonyok miatt háttérbe szorult, az április elején kiújult harcok pedig az azeri-örmény kapcsolatok békés rendezését végképp ellehetetleníteni látszanak. Minden lehetőt meg kell tennünk annak megakadályozására, hogy az etnikai konfliktus ismét véres háborúvá fajuljon a Kaukázusban.

Az EU támogatja a meglévő tárgyalási formákat a szomszédságpolitika alapelvei mentén, ezzel együtt viszont mindkét felet szólítsa fel arra, hogy a tűzszünetet tartsák tiszteletben, és a régió stabilitását ne veszélyeztessék. A térség békés jövője érdekében mindkét félnek tiszteletben kell tartania az Unióval kötött társulási szerződésbe foglalt vállalásokat. Ez közös felelősségük. Ehhez hasonlóan joggal elvárható tőlük, hogy az EBESZ minszki csoportja által lefektetett kötelezettségeknek is eleget tegyenek, ezáltal vetve véget a kiújult háborúskodásnak. A mostanra kialakult válságos helyzetben az EU Külügyi Szolgálatának minden erejét latba kell vetnie a szembenálló felek közötti viszony végleges rendezése érdekében.

 
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