Przewodniczący. – Kolejnym punktem porządku dnia jest sprawozdanie sporządzone przez Tamása Meszericsa w imieniu Komisji Spraw Zagranicznych w sprawie realizacji i przeglądu strategii UE wobec Azji Środkowej (2015/2220(INI) (A8-0051/2016).
Tamás Meszerics, rapporteur.– Mr President, first of all let me thank all of you for being present at this late hour. I especially appreciate the Vice-President/High Representative being present here. Her stamina and perseverance is actually both admirable and indeed exceptional in these long foreign policy debates.
Today we have already discussed a number of pressing problems, deadly crises, complex policy problems and precarious situations around the world. The region that we are going to talk about in the last item on today’s agenda, Central Asia, may not seem to require such urgent attention. It may not produce a pressing demand on our resources, but it is – and this is one of the most important conclusions of the report – a region of increasing strategic importance to the European Union.
As rapporteur on the implementation and review of the EU-Central Asia strategy, the first fact that I have learned from my colleagues is that we all agree on the growing relevance of the region to the European Union. So this debate comes last, but not least, on today’s foreign policy agenda.
First of all, allow me to express my sincere gratitude to the shadow rapporteurs, whose dedication, flexibility and professionalism resulted in the rich – and indeed not very short – text. I am also grateful to the various representatives of the European External Action Service (EEAS), who proved to be very helpful throughout the entire process.
Let me start with the observation that the Central Asia strategy, as formulated nine years ago, had the right level of ambition. The achievements of the implementation were rather less spectacular though. That limited success requires that all parties involved – the EU, the Member States and the five countries of Central Asia – need to make a serious and concerted effort to reach the aims laid down in the various official documents and treaties which we have with the region.
We agree on a number of points within Parliament on the strategy review. For instance, we also see a need for a more differentiated, conditional and incentive—based approach, and it should be applied so that regional programmes are more tailored to the needs of the interested parties within the region, not necessarily comprising the entire set of five countries.
Central Asia has weak interregional links. Some would even doubt whether it is a region in its own right. It would make sense to develop projects aimed at those countries which are willing to participate and willing to foster these kinds of links. We emphasise that the disbursement of EU funds should be incentive- and performance-based and that benchmarks should be developed for each and every country. These need to be formulated to assess their progress. The key areas include, among others (and I am sure my colleagues would list more than these) democratisation, fighting and preventing corruption, free and fair elections, ending drug trafficking, respecting labour laws and so on.
The countries of the region need to develop their human rights records. Some indeed seem to be inhospitable terrain for even the basic political rights. Because of the precariousness of the human rights situation in some countries of the region, we urge the EEAS to base their assessments not on the laws enacted but on the facts established on the ground. For such a strategy to become viable we need a unified approach. This is not the first or the last time that we have said that. We need to speak with one voice, together with the Member States. No bilateral negotiations should undermine our efforts.
Federica Mogherini,Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy.– Mr President, let me start by saying that this debate is indeed important. Central Asia is a region that is increasingly recognised as strategically important. That is why I believe it is quite a shame that we have to have this late night debate with 11 Members of Parliament in the room while we discuss a highly strategic, important issue.
Central Asia needs to feature high on our foreign policy agenda for a number of reasons. In the previous debate we talked about a more connected world. In a more connected world the most ancient global trade route can only become more relevant. Central Asia stands at the crossroads between Europe, Russia and Asia. Europe and Central Asia share many interests, from peace in Afghanistan to the fight against foreign fighters. For this reason we are engaging directly with all countries in the region.
As you know, last year I decided to nominate an EU Special Representative to Central Asia – Peter Burian – going back on a previous decision to remove this position. I personally began discussing the strategy review with Central Asian ministers of foreign affairs in Astana last December. Asia’s economic slowdown and the threat against our security are making it very clear, for both us and Central Asia, that we have a strong interest in reinforcing our cooperation. Cooperation with the European Union is not an alternative to cooperation with other global powers, namely Russia and China. This is not about expanding our sphere of influence; we as Europeans do not have that kind of mentality.
Your report rightly notes that on a number of issues, such as economic development and connectivity, that are key to the region and to us, some kind of cooperation between our European Union, China and Russia can only benefit both Central Asia and ourselves. There is space and desire inside the region, as you mentioned, for a more active and result-oriented cooperation between Europe and each of the Central Asian states.
We cannot consider Central Asia to be a non-differentiated bloc. The 2015 review of the strategy reflects some Asian partners’ eagerness to distinguish themselves from their neighbours, including in their ambitions to take forward their relationship with Europe. For example, the signature of the EPCA with Kazakhstan and the first discussions on an announced format of a partnership with Kyrgyzstan signalled these countries’ willingness to go beyond the strategy on an ad hoc basis.
We need to seek the right combination of individual and regional approaches, because many of the challenges the countries of Central Asia face require common solutions. A regional approach is therefore required. Water, trafficking and border management, the rising threat of radicalisation, and limited international trade are all issues which call for trans-border coordination. This has already been a specific focus of our regional approach.
The areas of education, the rule of law and the environment have been given particular attention. We want to reinforce our common action on these issues and intensify interaction between experts through existing platforms and projects. An ambitious working programme has been set up, for example under the education platform, and we welcome here the commitment and close cooperation of several Member States, such as Poland and Latvia.
Parliament’s report and the strategy review also underlined economic and commercial relations, and the wish to promote business and investment in the region. This would be possible with the necessary development of a reliable investment climate which calls for, on their side, more work in the fight against corruption, developing interconnections with the international business community and further regional integration.
In this respect, like you, we are following with concern certain negative developments in Central Asia concerning human rights and basic freedoms. Let me say, my dialogue with leaders and ministers of the region on all these issues was very frank and very open. It is in their own interest to look for another way. In this regard we want to make better use of existing platforms and dialogues to look for positive solutions. The Special Representative for Central Asia is preparing a joint trip to Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan in April with the Commission’s Directorate-General for International Cooperation and Development to discuss these issues and put forward positive steps.
EU development cooperation can assist countries of the region in dealing with the challenges they are facing. Among these we cannot forget the many threats to regional security and stability. Regional security will be discussed again in the upcoming meetings of the Central Asian border security initiative in April in Bishkek and of the high-level security dialogue in Brussels in May.
We are satisfied with the support provided by the rule of law initiative and the new face of border management and drug action programmes. Many of these are shared threats for Europe and Central Asia. We share an interest in the stabilisation of Afghanistan and have asked regional leaders to actively contribute to the preparation of the conference on Afghanistan which we will host in Brussels in October. We all deal with the return of foreign terrorist fighters from theatres of conflict in the Middle East and elsewhere, and we all know that our youth is exposed to radicalisation.
Links between Europe and Central Asia date back centuries, but every single day we on both sides understand a bit better how much we need each other. I know you see this very well and I know we can count on your help in defining a new fruitful relationship with Central Asia.
Julie Girling, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Women's Rights and Gender Equality.– Mr President, I would like to thank the rapporteur particularly for listening to, and including, so much of the Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality (FEMM) opinion in his report.
Back in March, the UN convened for the 60th session of the Commission on the Status of Women. Members of the UN discussed and debated a number of key points pertaining to the equality of women and men, and the result was an ambitious document. This included issues around violence against women. The FEMM Committee opinion calls on the governments of the five states to fully implement the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and demands that they treat violence against women as a criminal offence.
I would like to acknowledge that in some of those states some significant work has been done and some progress made. Across the five states, violence against women has been described by the UN as prolific and pervasive; one third of girls report domestic violence as part of their lives. This is worse in rural areas. So we welcome the close attention paid to the area of improving access to land, including equal opportunities to buy and invest. As well as guaranteeing inheritance rights, land ownership rights are essential if women are to be helped out of poverty.
Eduard Kukan, on behalf of the PPE Group.– Mr President, I have a couple of telegraphic remarks in 60 seconds. First of all, I would like to express sincere thanks to the rapporteur for excellent pragmatic cooperation on this file.
The report focuses mostly on shortcomings and the need for a democratic reform process in the region. The situation concerning the rule of law and human rights is a primary concern, yet it is also important to rightfully acknowledge the positive developments in some countries of the region.
The EU needs to engage with this neighbouring region by means of a positive, forward-looking and constructive dialogue. External action by the EU and Member States in Central Asia needs to be more coordinated, coherent and visible, guided by the work of the EU Special Representative, Ambassador Burian, and with a differentiated and flexible approach to each country. I urge the opening of a fully-fledged delegation in Turkmenistan. Through cultivating economic cooperation we can spread the values for which we stand, such as the rule of law, good governance and respect for human rights. Stepping up regional cooperation on development, and higher degrees of interconnectivity, should help.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar, en nombre del Grupo S&D.– Señor Presidente, señora Mogherini, hace unos escasos minutos debatíamos en este Pleno del Parlamento Europeo la importancia de que la Unión Europea tenga una estrategia global ante un mundo cambiante. ¿Y cabe dudar de que los países que componen lo que llamamos la región de Asia Central −Kazajistán, Kirguistán, Uzbekistán, Tayikistán, Turkmenistán− son países estratégicamente relevantes para la Unión Europea? ¿Cabe dudarlo cuando contemplamos que son países que producen energía −petróleo y gas−; que son países que reciben inversiones cuantiosas de un buen número de Estados miembros de la Unión Europea; que son países de tránsito y destino de un importante caudal de mercancías?
No, no cabe dudar de su importancia estratégica. Pero tampoco cabe dudar de que son países que plantean serios problemas en la definición de las prioridades de la diplomacia europea: por el respeto de las reglas del Estado de Derecho, por la separación de poderes, por la dignidad de la persona, por la opresión de los derechos fundamentales, por la protección de las minorías y, particularmente, de las mujeres.
Pues ese es el mensaje que tiene que emitir la definición de una estrategia europea para Asia Central, y a mi juicio es el mensaje que emiten en esta Resolución en la que hemos trabajado el ponente −cuyo trabajo agradecemos, señor Meszerics− y los ponentes en la sombra —porque he tenido el honor de ser el ponente alternativo por el Grupo Socialista—. Exactamente para enmarcar el mensaje de la Unión Europea en la promoción del perfeccionamiento del Estado de Derecho y la separación de poderes la importancia que tiene el poder judicial, pero también la sociedad civil y la ciudadanía, en la lucha contra las prácticas clientelares que definen el capitalismo que se practica allí y también, por supuesto, en la lucha contra la corrupción.
Todos estos mensajes son prioridades absolutas de la Unión Europea, y las tiene que enmarcar la Unión Europea también en un compromiso para la prevención del yihadismo, porque son países que cuentan con una importante presencia de la religión musulmana, que siempre es un terreno practicable para la «yihadisación» y el radicalismo, que deben ser prevenidos inteligentemente en la combinación de esfuerzos de la Unión Europea, y hacerlo con acento europeo, no compitiendo con Rusia, ni con la Comunidad de Estados Independientes, ni con la importancia de la influencia rusófona en esa región, sino marcando el acento europeo en la definición de nuestra propia diplomacia.
Karol Karski, w imieniu grupy ECR.– Szanowny Panie Przewodniczący! Autor rezolucji słusznie zauważa, iż zacieśnienie naszych stosunków ze wszystkimi państwami Azji Środkowej w oparciu o wspólnie wyznawane wartości leży w istotnym interesie strategicznym, politycznym i gospodarczym Unii Europejskiej. Należy poprzeć to stanowisko, choć jednocześnie trzeba zdawać sobie w pełni sprawę z tego, jak trudno jest sformułować naszą wspólną politykę wobec regionu tak wielowymiarowego, walczącego z problemami odziedziczonym po okresie sowieckim, balansującego między Rosją, Chinami i Zachodem, w którym wzajemne stosunki między poszczególnymi państwami są ogólnie złe ze względu na spory dotyczące granic i zasobów. Nie można jednak zgodzić się z lansowaną w raporcie tezą, że jednym z priorytetów w formułowaniu nowej strategii dla regionu powinno być zwiększenie pomocy makrofinansowej – przy czym brak w raporcie wskazań konkretnych źródeł takiego dodatkowego finansowania.
Ponadto uważam, że w zbyt małym stopniu uwydatniono pozytywną, stabilizującą rolę Kazachstanu w całym regionie. Chociażby od Turkmenistanu oddziela go przepaść w jakości współpracy z Unią Europejską i przestrzeganiu praw człowieka, także po ostatnich zmianach prawnych, o których wspomniano w raporcie.
W tym miejscu pragnę wspomnieć o owocnej współpracy Polski z rządem w Kazachstanie w zakresie repatriacji Polaków – potomków zesłańców zamieszkujących tę republikę, wymiany młodzieży w ramach programów edukacyjnych czy też rozwijającej się współpracy gospodarczej. Zdecydowanie jednak podzielam zaniepokojenie posła sprawozdawcy niedostatecznym poziomem zabezpieczenia praw człowieka przez krajowe rządy, zwłaszcza w Uzbekistanie i Turkmenistanie, oraz rosnącą groźbę ekspansji ruchów islamistycznych ekstremistów.
Илхан Кючюк, от името на групата ALDE.– Г-н Председател, от името на ALDE също бих искал да изразя своята благодарност за съвместната ни работа към докладчика.
Развитието на добри политически и икономически отношения със страните от Централна Азия е от стратегическо значение за Европейския съюз. Има няколко основни фактора, които правят региона значим не само за Съюза, но и за останалите глобални сили.
Централна Азия е естественият мост между сложните политико-икономически процеси на запад и динамично развиващия се източен свят. Именно това особено географско разположение и притежаването на важни енергийни ресурси дава възможност на държавите от региона да развиват тесни взаимоотношения с Европа, САЩ, Русия и Китай.
Европейският съюз трябва да работи усърдно със страните от региона за задълбочаването на нашето сътрудничество, за създаването на регионални програми, нови енергийни трасета и осигуряването на инвестиции за развитието на Централна Азия. В тази връзка възстановяването на поста на специален представител на ЕС за Централна Азия ще има важен принос за изпълнението на стратегията и за задълбочаването на отношенията ни с държавите от региона.
Разбира се, това сътрудничество трябва да бъде обособено въз основа на постиженията и напредъка на всяка страна по отношение на правата на човека, върховенството на закона, също така и добросъседските отношения.
Намирам за важно да подобрим сътрудничеството със страните от региона в борбата с тероризма. Особено притеснителен факт е нарастващият брой на граждани от Централна Азия в редиците на Даеш и други терористични организации.
В заключение, силно вярвам, че наш морален дълг е да помогнем на тези млади независими държави в изграждането на демократични плуралистични общества.
Helmut Scholz, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion.– Herr Präsident! Frau Mogherini, danke für Ihre Ausführungen, Chapeau für Ihre Ausdauer und Geduld heute! Eine zentrale entwicklungspolitische Perspektive fehlt für die Länder der Region, die mit Öl, Gas und anderen Rohstoffen zwar für die EU interessante Produkte anbieten, aus sich heraus aber bislang keine eigene demokratische, gesellschaftlich und wirtschaftlich nachhaltige Perspektive entwickeln können.
Die Umbrüche in Zentralasien führen nicht zwangsläufig in die Richtung einer gewünschten Demokratisierung, von Rechtsstaatlichkeit und Einhaltung von Menschenrechten. Diese Werte sind nicht über Dialogformate und auch nicht über politische Junktims der EU umsetzbar, wenn ihnen gravierende Interessen entgegenstehen. Die herrschenden zentralasiatischen Eliten zerstören tradierte sozialpolitische Strukturen, ohne neue gesellschaftliche Perspektiven aufzubauen. Armut, Arbeitslosigkeit und Perspektivlosigkeit sind das Ergebnis.
Diese Herausforderung anzugehen, ist aus meiner Sicht der zentrale Punkt einer Strategie, die zum gegenwärtigen Zeitpunkt vor allem darauf zielen muss, die Eskalation der latenten inneren Konfliktpotenziale und eine große Destabilisierung der Region zu verhindern. In diese Richtung zu arbeiten, dafür danke ich auch dem Berichterstatter.
James Carver, on behalf of the EFDD Group.– Mr President, after two years in this Parliament we have finally agreed on something. I agree with you about the timing of this debate, and it is bizarre that, of the 751 members of European Parliament, there are just 12 of us here for this debate. Perhaps we are the dirty dozen. The timing of this report highlights the precise reasons why the United Kingdom should not entrust the most vital duty of state – the defence of the realm – to the institutions of the European Union. While the EU reviews its overall grand strategy, it is already deciding upon regional strategies. How can this lead to anything but confused and muddled policy—making? It is precisely this kind of lack of capacity in joined—up thinking within the EU that, rather than acting as an enhancer of British security, actually impedes it. So it seems to me that on UK referendum day, 23 June 2016, the British public will be asked to undermine the proven experienced ability of Member States in favour of an EU that is, quite frankly, hell—bent on developing these very same capabilities.
Ramona Nicole Mănescu (PPE).– Domnule președinte, doresc să-l felicit pe raportor și pe raportorii din umbră. Salut revizuirea Strategiei privind Asia Centrală, faptul că educația și dezvoltarea economică sustenabilă și incluzivă reprezintă priorități ale strategiei, precum și majorarea cu 56 % a asistenței până în 2020. Subliniez importanța și necesitatea cooperării cu statele din regiune pentru prevenirea și combaterea terorismului. Pentru o strategie eficientă însă, avem nevoie de planuri de acțiune concrete, adaptate fiecărei țări.
Se recunoaște importanța acordurilor existente cu statele din Asia Centrală și menționez că Acordul cu Turkmenistanul este singurul care încă așteaptă ratificarea Parlamentului European la votul din iulie din acest an. Am convingerea că Înaltul Reprezentant va susține mecanismul de monitorizare, prin care Parlamentul va fi informat și consultat în privința implementării acordului odată cu intrarea în vigoare a acestuia. Și, de asemenea, vă cer, doamnă Înalt Reprezentant, să susțineți transformarea actualului birou de legătură din Așgabat într-o delegație permanentă a Uniunii Europene în Turkmenistan pentru a permite, printre altele, o mai bună monitorizare a situației drepturilor omului.
Andrejs Mamikins (S&D).– Mr President, Central Asia has an important role and potential in regional and global security, transit and trade, energy and communications. Our goal should be to act as an impartial mediator in the resolution of the existing conflicts, primarily related to water supply and ethnic divisions.
The same applies to development assistance provision, especially in education and the environment. Tailor-made country action plans, together with the long—term experience of our Eastern European Member States, should indeed help on this path. My sincere advice to our leadership is to take into account and respect the centuries-old traditions and customs of societal and governance conduct in these countries. Only by accepting these differences and effectively adapting any of our reform suggestions to the very local specificities will the EU be able to have a strong voice in the region. I congratulate the rapporteur on his excellent work.
Joachim Zeller (PPE).– Herr Präsident, Hohe Vertreterin! Zunächst einmal vielen Dank, Frau Mogherini, dass Sie es auch völlig unangemessen finden, dass das Parlamentspräsidium diesen wichtigen Tagesordnungspunkt ganz ans Ende einer langen Tagesordnung gestellt hat.
Seit 2007 soll es eine gemeinsame Zentralasien-Strategie der EU und ihrer Mitgliedstaaten gegenüber den fünf Staaten Zentralasiens geben. Wenn wir ehrlich sind, müssen wir zugeben, dass die Erfolge bescheiden sind. Der Einfluss der EU in dieser Region ist eher begrenzt, auch deshalb, weil einzelne Mitgliedstaaten dort ihre eigenen Interessen verfolgen, die meist wirtschaftlicher Natur sind.
Dabei wachsen in Zentralasien wieder die Spannungen und die Konflikte – auch jüngst wieder zwischen Usbekistan und Kirgisien. Der russische wirtschaftliche Niedergang betrifft die Staaten unmittelbar, und die islamistischen Gefahren nehmen ebenfalls zu. Eine Destabilisierung in der Region wird auch uns in Europa unmittelbar betreffen. Der konstruktive Bericht des Kollegen Tamás Meszerics enthält viele gute Handlungsempfehlungen. Wir sollten sie aber auch umsetzen.
Brando Benifei (S&D).– Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Alto rappresentante, la revisione della strategia europea per l'Asia centrale conferma che la regione resta una priorità strategica per l'Unione europea.
Da un lato, nel rapporto di partnership, in questi anni, si sono registrati alcuni importanti segnali positivi in queste repubbliche ancora giovani, anche grazie al ruolo di soft power che esercitiamo. I campi di cooperazione sono molteplici: dall'energia alla messa in sicurezza delle frontiere, alla lotta contro la radicalizzazione del terrorismo, all'istruzione, all'agricoltura.
D'altra parte, restano aperte molte questioni cruciali che ci spingono a continuare il nostro impegno nell'accompagnare il processo di transizione democratica che tocca la regione, pur se in modo differenziato, in particolare la situazione dei diritti umani, ma anche quella del lavoro minorile e del lavoro forzato – tema di cui mi sono occupato nell'attività parlamentare – la corruzione, le lacune dello Stato di diritto, la libertà di espressione, di religione, di associazione, le tensioni tra i singoli paesi e la mancanza di cooperazione regionale, questioni che devono spingerci ancora di più a proseguire il nostro impegno nel sostenere un cambiamento progressivo in una regione cruciale per il futuro.
Pytania z sali
Νότης Μαριάς (ECR).– Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η Κεντρική Ασία είναι μια ευαίσθητη περιοχή πολιτικά, οικονομικά αλλά και περιβαλλοντικά, της οποίας η μετάβαση στην ελεύθερη αγορά δεν τελέστηκε ποτέ. Το γεγονός αυτό αντί να δικαιολογεί την παρεμβατικότητα της ευρωπαϊκής διπλωματίας με τους ίδιους στόχους και τις ίδιες κατευθύνσεις που απέτυχαν κατά το παρελθόν, θα έπρεπε να δίνει κίνητρο για την αναζήτηση άλλων μοντέλων ανάπτυξης που σέβονται τις ιδιαιτερότητες αυτής της περιοχής.
Επίσης, η στρατηγική της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης δεν μπορεί να οικοδομείται συμπληρωματικά ως προς τους νατοϊκούς σχεδιασμούς. Δεν είδα δυστυχώς στην έκθεση να συζητούμε και να γίνεται αναφορά στους επικίνδυνους ιμπεριαλιστικούς σχεδιασμούς της Τουρκίας και του παντουρκισμού που έχει αναζωπυρωθεί τα τελευταία χρόνια και αποτελεί μείζονα παράγοντα αστάθειας για την ευρύτερη περιοχή.
Οι χώρες της Κεντρικής Ασίας πρέπει να πάψουν να αντιμετωπίζονται σαν το πεδίο αντιπαράθεσης μεταξύ των μεγάλων δυνάμεων για τους φυσικούς πόρους και η Ευρωπαϊκή στρατηγική οφείλει να προάγει μια ισότιμη σχέση που να σέβεται την εθνική ανεξαρτησία κάθε κράτους και να υπηρετεί το αμοιβαίο όφελος.
(Koniec pytań z sali)
Federica Mogherini,Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy.– Mr President, as I understand that the European Parliament has a responsibility towards the interpreters and the staff, I will contribute by finishing more or less at midnight in accordance of the rules that Parliament has. Let me just thank the rapporteur and all the other Members of the European Parliament who have been working with him on this report, which is extremely important for us.
Let me reaffirm not only the strategic importance, on which I have seen no divergences, but also the continuous commitment of myself personally and our EU Special Representative for Central Asia in continuing to work together in this region.
Tamás Meszerics, rapporteur.– Mr President, as usual I have learnt a lot during the debate, and even more so during the entire process of guiding the report through the negotiations. I have just a few brief points on some of the notions mentioned in the debate. As for having a forward—looking attitude in our programmes and in our strategy, indeed, yes – nobody would want to contradict that. As for the notion that we should acknowledge progress when it takes place, I am also in full agreement, and I would like to emphasise both clauses of the sentence: ‘acknowledgment of progress’ and ‘when it really takes place’. And finally, as for the clear and consistent policies sorely missed by my colleague Mr Carver from the EU strategy, may I remind him that the historical record of Great Britain in that complicated region during the time of the great game is not much more impressive than ours, and I hope we could be somewhat more transparent than that.
Przewodniczący. – Zamykam debatę.
Głosowanie odbędzie się w środę 13 kwietnia 2016 r.
Oświadczenia pisemne (art. 162)
Jarosław Wałęsa (PPE), na piśmie. – Wzmacnianie współpracy Unii Europejskiej z Azją Środkową ma dla Europy coraz większe znaczenie. W kwestii przyjętej przez UE strategii nawiązania porozumienia z krajami Azji Środkowej należałoby ponownie przeanalizować podejście partnerów do współpracy. Pomimo że kraje te są bardzo atrakcyjne pod względem gospodarczym, gdyż posiadają znaczne zasoby surowców mineralnych takich jak ropa naftowa czy gaz ziemny, istnieją pewne aspekty uniemożliwiające nawiązanie bliższych stosunków międzynarodowych. Barierami w nawiązaniu efektywniejszej kooperacji są wciąż istniejące problemy w krajach Azji Środkowej, takie jak brak wolności słowa, brak poszanowania podstawowych praw człowieka i własności, brak praworządności, powszechnie panująca dyskryminacja kobiet.
Należałoby umocnić więzi z Uzbekistanem, Turkmenistanem, Kazachstanem i Kirgistanem, gdyż istotnie przyczyni się to do rozwiązania ich problemów regionalnych. Pomimo przeprowadzonych reform legislacyjnych sytuacja w zakresie przestrzegania standardów demokratycznych i poszanowania praw człowieka wciąż pozostaje zaniedbana. Priorytetowym zadaniem dla Europy powinno być wspieranie i wzmacnianie takich wartości jak demokracja, dobre rządy, wolność mediów, wolność człowieka. Należałoby nawiązać bardziej intensywny dialog w kwestii rozwoju infrastruktury, pozyskiwania energii, ochrony środowiska. W rezultacie współpraca gospodarcza da większą spójność w danych regionach państw Azji.