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Czwartek, 28 kwietnia 2016 r. - Bruksela Wersja poprawiona

2. Aspekty prawne, demokratyczna kontrola i stosowanie porozumienia UE–Turcja (debata)
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  PUHEMIES. – Esityslistalla on ensimmäisenä neuvoston ja komission julkilausumat aiheesta EU:n ja Turkin välisen sopimuksen oikeudelliset näkökohdat, demokraattinen valvonta ja täytäntöönpano.


  Klaas Dijkhoff, President-in-Office of the Council. Madam President, I would like to start by thanking the Parliament for the opportunity to have this debate and discuss the key elements – especially the legal ones – of the agreement with Turkey because it is a key element of the way we are currently, as the EU and EU Member States, responding to the migration crisis.

The statement with Turkey of 18 March is a very ambitious one. It brings completely new forms of solutions that are unprecedented and have to be worked out in the field, while we are living under the new agreement. We are replacing irregular routes, carrying great risks for migrants, with more regular ways to come into Europe to be offered protection. We are also combining this with getting more of a grip on who is coming to the European Member States for protection and who is being offered protection in the region and in Turkey. We are coming to a situation in which we, as Member States, can better assist Greece in dealing with the influx and dealing with an influx that was too high – as it was last year – and uncontrollable. We are, most importantly, preventing the dramatic loss of lives at sea. I think that is the biggest benefit we can already see from this agreement. An imam on the Turkish shore said that he had not had to bury anyone since the deal was put in place.

Let me say from the Council perspective and the Member States’ perspective that this is not a perfect solution, but it is the best solution that we can find right now. It offers us new challenges that are more manageable than the old ones that we had to face last year, but they are still challenges, and they still lead to a lot of work and a lot of improvement that we are doing on a day—by-day, week-by-week basis.

When we look at the legal aspects, it is a political agreement between the Member States and Turkey – between Europe and Turkey – in which we have outlined a number of things that have to be done, especially to national law. Greek law had to be amended, as did Turkish law. That has happened and a lot of work has to be done in practice to improve the plight of the people in the reception facilities and also to get this new system of readmission started.

Of course other Member States have to do a lot as well. We discussed that at length in the Council. Relocation has to be accelerated, not just pledging numbers, but also making it happen on a practical level. Resettlement in the one—for—one scheme, offering a legal way for real refugees to come from Turkey to Member States, has to be done with a planned approach so that we know up front how many people it is possible to resettle to European countries, and when this can be done. That has to be improved – and that is what we are doing right now. We are also helping Greece by offering asylum experts, Frontex support for border guards and border controls, interpreters and helping them improve the situation on the humanitarian side.

It is not perfect. We are not there yet – also with regard to the situation on the islands – but I must say that I visited in December and I visited two days ago and we can see a dramatic improvement in the situation, although with the realisation that there is still a lot of hard work to be done. We can also see a steady increase in numbers of experts delivered by other Member States to Greece to support the system that is in place right now. So we are seeing improvements every day, but we fully realise, as Member States and as the Council, that we are not there yet and a lot has to be done. We also commend the hard work being done on the Turkish side to improve the situation of the refugees they harbour – they harbour millions there so it is a lot of work – and also the legal safeguards and the legal position of those people has been improved by Turkey, which helps us enormously in making this agreement work and having a better solution than we had before.

Of course we can also see that a lot of people coming to Greece, when they hear they have to be re-admitted, apply for asylum. It is quite clear that they have a right to be heard, they have a right to a procedure and they have a right to an appeal. They are processed regularly. Right now they are coming into a situation in which the processing capabilities and capacity is much better and higher than it was a few months ago. When they do not agree with the first decision that is taken on an individual basis, we can also see that they have the right to await their appeal in Greece. That is what is happening right now. The committees of appeal are now being put in place and are starting to hear the appeal cases. So we see that the right legal safeguards are in place and are implemented and there is no blanket decision or blanket return without people being hurt individually if they ask for and apply for asylum under the Greek system.

Of course we are also well aware that it is a bit broader than this agreement with Turkey. We, as the Council, have to be very aware that there is a risk of other routes and that we have to work hard to find solutions to prevent those routes from leading to a large influx, posing Member States with a lot of issues and – to put it most horribly – having the refugees and the migrants, whether regular or not, putting their lives at great risk again and also putting our cooperation at great risk, as Member States, as well as the Schengen freedoms that we all want to preserve.

I think that a very good thing to conclude from this agreement with Turkey, in the way in which is being implemented, is that it does lead to people not taking that risk and not drowning in the sea. It does lead to an influx that we can handle better and it also to a winding down of the national measures that have been taken over the last few months that hindered the full Schengen open—border system.

That is it for now. I am very interested to hear the comments of the different Members of the European Parliament and I am grateful that I will have the opportunity to respond to those issues at the end.


  Frans Timmermans, First Vice-President of the Commission. Madam President, I think it is important to recall the hand we were dealt in this crisis. We have to start with the situation that the borders had been closed in the Balkans, smugglers were in full operation and if we did nothing, we would have condemned Greece to becoming a huge refugee camp, with hundreds of thousands of refugees stuck. That is what we needed to solve. We needed to do two things immediately: to break the business model of the smugglers and to prevent Greece from becoming the victim of this situation.

I want to recall this as our starting point because had the situation been different, had Member States done what we proposed last year, we would obviously not be in this situation. But this is the situation the Commission has to deal with. Of course I would have liked another situation. Of course I would have liked all Member States to share the burden. Of course I would have preferred the borders not to be sealed off. Of course we would have preferred a different situation, but we do not have that situation. And there is no use continuing, pretending as though we could bring it about immediately, so we have to solve the problems we face now, and the agreement with Turkey in my view is the only way forward to solve that problem. Those who criticise the agreement have never ever given me an alternative we could work with under the conditions we are in and cannot change, which is the closing of the borders in the Balkans.

So we need to do two things. We need to make sure that the business model of the smugglers is broken. Initial results show that we have succeeded in that. But at the same time, we need to make sure we comply with our humanitarian and legal obligations as the European Union, which means creating legal pathways for people to come to Europe, and which also means making sure that people who are in Greece are treated according to the rules and that we make sure that we help Turkey provide for them in the camps and in the cities where they are. I think it is important to recall that Turkey takes care of almost three million refugees, which is an incredible burden for that country and are dealing with it rather well.

I shall not repeat everything Minister Dijkhoff said, but since the agreement has been in force, unprecedented resources have also been provided by Member States to support Greece in dealing with the issue, in terms of logistics and of expertise on the ground. Calls made by EASO and Frontex have been answered and already around 1 000 staff have been deployed to Greece. Greece is not alone in this. All Member States are working together to help Greece and to work also with Turkey. I have to say here that Greece is making an incredible effort, and I really want to commend the cooperation we have as the Commission with the Greek authorities in dealing with this issue. With all the problems that we face, I think this cooperation is of a quality we have never seen before, and also the cooperation between Greece and Turkey is something to build on also in other areas. This is also without precedent.

Another important contribution, and a result of this statement is better burden—sharing with Turkey in protecting those fleeing the horrible conflict in Syria. We were criticised initially by the Turks for not doing enough. In a facility I visited in Turkey on Saturday, I told them that the Commission’s ambition is to work very hard to identify, with them, programmes of support. I think we can reach a level of EUR 1 billion identified projects by the end of July, which would send a clear indication that we are able to set up these programmes.

When you speak to the refugees, as I did last Saturday, it is clear: what they want first and foremost is for their children to be able to go to school. That is what they want. Many children have not gone to school for two or three years. Just imagine the problems you create for families if their children cannot go to school. We all know that if you give them a decent education, once there is peace in Syria, they can go back and build up Syria again. So my primary objective is to make sure that all Syrian children can get a decent education. And by the way, the Syrians you speak to in Turkey have one dream, and that is not to go to the European Union, but to go home. So our efforts to support the international community to find peace in Syria should be doubled to make sure that people can start rebuilding their own country.

I want to repeat that we want to do these things in strict accordance with EU and international rules. This means that we need a number of legal guarantees, both on the Greek and Turkish side. Both sides have undertaken all necessary changes and made additional efforts to ensure that asylum seekers receive the protection and that international law is being fully respected. I think this is also a welcome development in the implementation of the EU-Turkey Statement. Turkey has also amended the Regulation on temporary protection to ensure that Syrians who are returned from Greece can benefit from temporary protection in Turkey. Incidentally, we are now seeing the first voluntary returns of Syrians to Turkey. We have also reached an agreement with Turkey on additional individual assurances for other nationals, for non-Syrians, on a swift treatment of their applications for protection and an effective granting of the benefits that come with this status and unequivocal guarantee against refoulement, while it was also decided yesterday to grant non-Syrians asylum seekers access to the labour market, which is also a positive development.

Still a lot needs to be done. We are nowhere near finished. We need to make sure that Member States increase their efforts to take in Syrian refugees via legal ways into the European Union. That is the other side of the coin. If we are to have a sustainable deal with Turkey, we also need to do our share in making sure that Syrians who flee from war and persecution have a safe harbour also in the European Union and in Member States. I think Member States should double their efforts because it is not going, in my view, fast enough.

Much more can be said but, I will leave it at this and listen to Members’ comments. We have a lot of work to do. I shall make just one remark on visa liberalisation. I have seen a lot of comments also in the press about this. What we are doing is speeding up something that we were doing already – namely working towards the possibility for Turks to travel without visas to the European Union. The onus is on Turkey. They have to comply with the 72 benchmarks, and they say they can do that. We will see, and we will draw our conclusions and submit these conclusions also to Parliament. But we will not play around with those benchmarks. They are clear, they are legally framed, and we will report on them with precision. But I also add that I would welcome the situation where those Turks travelling to the European Union travel with modern biometric passports, and I would say that it is probably better to check who comes into the European Union with modern biometric passports than with an old fashion passport with a paper visa. The idea that we will squander our security by granting visa-free access for Turks to the European Union is, I think, misjudged.


  Manfred Weber, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. Frau Präsidentin, sehr geehrter Herr Vizepräsident, sehr geehrter Herr Minister, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die Diskussion über das Türkei-Abkommen läuft in der Öffentlichkeit, und es gibt viel Kritik. Auch heute in der Debatte wird es sicherlich viel Kritik an diesem Deal, an dieser Vereinbarung geben.

Deswegen möchte ich zunächst einmal klarstellen: Europa funktioniert, Europa kommt zu Ergebnissen. Das ist die wichtigste Botschaft, die wir mit dieser Türkei-Vereinbarung zunächst haben. Nach den Monaten des Durcheinanders zieht Europa jetzt an einem Strang.

Ich bedanke mich bei Vizepräsident Timmermans, dass er das ambitioniert dargestellt hat. Wir kommen voran, auch wenn es nicht perfekt ist, aber wir setzen die richtigen Akzente. Vor allem, dass der unkontrollierte Zustrom von Flüchtlingen jetzt gestoppt ist, und dass wir zurückkommen zu staatlich organisiertem Schutz, dass wir dazu zurückkommen, dass der Staat entscheidet, wer nach Europa kommt, ist ein großer Erfolg dieser Vereinbarung. Deswegen begrüßen wir auch diese Vereinbarung. Europa zahlt sich aus.

Übrigens darf ich noch einen Satz dazu sagen, zu dem Europa, das sich auszahlt, weil die Populisten ja immer wieder kritisieren, wie Europa zu Ergebnissen kommt. In diesem Fall war es so, dass Europa sich sogar im Rat geeinigt hat, wo sich die Staats- und Regierungschefs getroffen haben, dass das Idealmodell aller Populisten in dem Fall also sogar funktioniert hat. Ich glaube, dass das gut ist.

Zweitens: Europa muss jetzt Wort halten. Alle 28 Staats- und Regierungschefs – Liberale, Konservative, Sozialdemokraten und Christdemokraten und sogar Linkspopulisten – haben dieser Vereinbarung zugestimmt. Wir müssen jetzt Wort halten. Es steht auch die Glaubwürdigkeit Europas – vor der Welt und vor den eigenen Bürgern – auf dem Spiel.

Zur Debatte um die Rechtsverbindlichkeit dieses Abkommens darf ich noch eine Anmerkung machen. Es ist eigentlich ziemlich anmaßend, einem Land, das fast drei Millionen Flüchtlinge aufgenommen hat, jetzt vorzuhalten, dass es nicht in der Lage sei, Schutz zu gewähren. Damit sei nur einer der Grundgedanken erwähnt, weil die Rechtsdebatte offensichtlich von einigen betrieben wird.

Das Dritte, was ich sagen will, ist, dass Europa jetzt handeln muss. Wir stimmen der Visaliberalisierung im Kern zu. Aber gleichzeitig wollen wir – als europäische Volkspartei – auch über andere Fragen reden, die kombiniert sein müssen. Zum Beispiel: smart borders. Wir brauchen Fortschritte bei der Vereinbarung zu smart borders. Wir Europäer müssen wissen, wer nach Europa kommt und wie lange er sich hier aufhält.

Als Zweites brauchen wir Fortschritte – auch hier in diesem Haus – bei der Frontex-Revision. Wir müssen unsere Außengrenzen selbst schützen. Wenn Mitgliedstaaten nicht in der Lage sind, ihren Verpflichtungen im Europarecht nachzukommen, muss auch Europa in der Lage sein, durchzugreifen und die Grenzen zu schützen.

Ich möchte ausdrücklich noch einen Gedanken einbringen. Sehr geehrter Herr Vizepräsident, wenn die Kommission jetzt an den Visavorschriften arbeitet, dann haben wir für Visa in Europa bereits heute einen sogenannten Notfallmechanismus. Wenn also bestimmte Staaten dauerhaft ihren Verpflichtungen nicht nachkommen, besteht die Möglichkeit, die Visaliberalisierung auszusetzen. Ich würde dafür werben, dass wir uns diesen Notfallmechanismus noch einmal anschauen. Dass wir überprüfen, ob die jetzigen Mechanismen in so einem Fall auch schnell genug greifen. Sollte ein Staat die Kriterien nicht dauerhaft einhalten – und das ist keine Lex-Türkei, das gilt für alle Staaten, in denen wir Visaliberalisierung haben –, dann sollten wir die Visumspflicht auch umgehend wiederauferlegen können. Ein sogenannter Notfallmechanismus wäre in Verbindung mit der Visaliberalisierung für die Türkei ein sehr wichtiges Tool, um den Menschen Vertrauen zu geben, dass unsere Maßnahmen wirken.

Zu guter Letzt möchte ich deutlich machen, dass wir – wenn Europa gemeinsam handelt – auch unsere Ziele erreichen: nämlich Stabilität. Wir setzen Werte durch und organisieren Sicherheit für unsere Bürgerinnen und Bürger, und das ist es wert, daran zu arbeiten.


  Gianni Pittella, a nome del gruppo S&D. Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, questo accordo era necessario per quanto affermato dal Vicepresidente Timmerman, necessario per spezzare il mercato immorale dei trafficanti, necessario per mettere in sicurezza la rotta balcanica, necessario per evitare una catastrofe umanitaria in Grecia. Ed è un accordo che sta funzionando. Avremmo potuto fare a meno di questo accordo soltanto se tutti i paesi dell'Unione europea avessero accettato, secondo lo schema previsto dalla Commissione e da noi sostenuto, la famosa ricollocazione.

Ora però bisogna monitorare e vigilare con attenzione l'implementazione di questo accordo, perché avvenga nel pieno rispetto del diritto umanitario, della protezione internazionale a tutti i richiedenti asilo, non soltanto ai siriani e occorre garantire che ci sia ricollocazione e reinsediamento, perché senza ricollocazione e reinsediamento quest'accordo non funzionerà.

Voglio dire una parola chiara sulla Turchia: la Turchia, per noi è un interlocutore importante ed è giusto dialogare. Ma non può esserci nessun baratto sul terreno del rispetto dei diritti umani, sul terreno del rispetto del pluralismo dell'informazione, sul terreno del rispetto delle minoranze. Così sarà anche sui visti. Non abbiamo alcun pregiudizio preventivo ma non possiamo accettare nessuno sconto e nemmeno alcun ricatto. È chiaro?

È stato già detto dal rappresentante del Consiglio che non è sufficiente l'accordo con la Turchia: occorre mettere in sicurezza anche la rotta mediterranea. C'è una proposta del Governo italiano: la si prenda in considerazione e la si approvi, perché è una proposta che finalmente affronta in maniera intelligente il tema degli investimenti in Africa.

Ancora due punti: riforma delle regole di Dublino. Frans Timmerman, sa bene che cosa voglio dire; l'ho detto tante volte in quest'Aula: noi non ci accontentiamo di una mini-proposta, di una piccola cosmesi. Infine lancio un ulteriore accorato, appassionato appello alle autorità austriache affinché non si chiuda il Brennero, non si compia una così grave violazione delle norme europee e non si dia un colpo forte alla convivenza della nostra famiglia europea.

(L'oratore accetta di rispondere a una domanda "cartellino blu" (articolo 162, paragrafo 8, del regolamento))


  Λευτέρης Χριστοφόρου ( PPE), ερώτηση "γαλάζια κάρτα". Κυρία Πρόεδρε, εγώ συγκαταλέγομαι σε εκείνους που πιστεύουν ακράδαντα ότι η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση έκανε πάρα πολλά για το προσφυγικό και μακάρι και οι υπόλοιποι να επεδείκνυαν την ίδια ευαισθησία. Και συγκαταλέγομαι σε αυτούς που επιθυμούν την υλοποίηση των συμφωνιών με την Τουρκία για να μπορέσουμε να αντιμετωπίσουμε το προσφυγικό. Όμως, δεν προκαλεί ανησυχία και δεν είναι άραγε προκλητικό, να συνεχίζει η Τουρκία να εκμεταλλεύεται το προσφυγικό και να εκβιάζει την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, προκειμένου να επιτύχει είτε υποχωρήσεις στους όρους των διαπραγματεύσεων, είτε μία ένταξη με χαριστικούς όρους; Δεν είναι άραγε προκλητικό το ότι μέχρι και χθες ο Πρωθυπουργός και ο Πρόεδρος της Τουρκίας επέστρεψαν σε αυτό το Σώμα την έκθεση προόδου; Και θα ήθελα ξεκάθαρη θέση εκ μέρους σας: συμφωνείτε να προχωρήσουμε στο άνοιγμα κεφαλαίων διαπραγμάτευσης με την Τουρκία και στις θεωρήσεις διαβατηρίων, χωρίς να αναγνωρίσει η Τουρκία την Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία και να συμφωνήσει με το πρωτόκολλο της Άγκυρας που η ίδια υπέγραψε;


  Gianni Pittella (S&D), Risposta a una domanda "cartellino blu". Signora Presidente, io non so cosa rispondere perché non è una domanda. La sua è una affermazione. Nel mio intervento ho parlato "nessuna accettazione di ricatto". Noi non accetteremo alcun ricatto della Turchia, nessun baratto, nessun cedimento.

È ovvio che questo accordo, avremmo potuto non farlo se ci fosse stata una grande, forte e ampia solidarietà nei paesi europei. Questa non c'è stata, come lei sa perfettamente. Io sono stato, con il mio gruppo, uno dei più forti sostenitori della solidarietà per la Grecia. Non si dimentichi mai: noi abbiamo e dobbiamo essere vicini alla Grecia per gli sforzi che sta compiendo e quelli che ha compiuto nel passato.


  Peter van Dalen, namens de ECR-Fractie. Er komt een dag, Voorzitter, dat meneer Juncker beseft dat Turkije geen democratie is, maar een sultanaat onder leiding van een despoot. Hoe kun je het verzinnen Turkije te laten toetreden tot de Europese Unie en het als extra bonus visumvrijheid te geven? Ik hoop dat die dag van ommekeer vandaag is. Er komt een dag dat de heer Timmermans beseft dat de persvrijheid in Turkije nog slechter is dan die in Tadzjikistan, dat er geen land ter wereld is waar zoveel journalisten gevangen worden gehouden. Ik hoop dat die dag van ommekeer vandaag is. Er komt een dag dat commissaris Hahn snapt dat niemand baat heeft bij toetreding van Turkije tot de Europese Unie. Het onlangs in dit Parlement besproken voortgangsverslag over de situatie in Turkije was nog nooit zo negatief. Ik hoop dat de heer Hahn vandaag tot andere inzichten komt. Er komt een dag dat commissaris Avramopoulos zich realiseert dat de deal met Turkije gevaarlijk is voor vluchtelingen. Rapporten over de behandeling van vluchtelingen door Turkije tuimelen over elkaar heen en zijn uiterst kritisch. Ik hoop dat de dag van verandering voor meneer Avramopoulos vandaag is. Er komt een dag dat de heren Tusk en Dijkhoff beseffen dat de deal met Turkije veel geld kost en onvoldoende werkt. Turkije is een onberekenbare partner en de stroom vluchtelingen verplaatst zich nu al en masse naar Libië. Ik hoop dat de dag van verandering vandaag is.

Het alternatief, Voorzitter, daar vroeg de heer Timmermans naar, dat is er: de EU organiseert met de UNHCR de opvang in Noord-Oost-Syrië zelf. De EU neemt zelf direct vluchtelingen op vanuit Syrië en de EU vangt alleen vluchtelingen op die vluchten vanwege geloofsvervolging of oorlog. En de EU verzorgt een nog betere opvang in de regio. Dank u.

(De spreker gaat in op een "blauwe kaart"-vraag (artikel 162, lid 8, van het Reglement))


  Patrick O'Flynn (EFDD), blue-card question. I would like to ask the gentleman: given that wages in Turkey are so low – probably a quarter of the average across the EU – does he agree with me that Turkish accession could replace the migration crisis that the EU is currently failing to solve with a migration crisis every bit as big?


  Peter van Dalen (ECR), "blauwe kaart"-antwoord. Voorzitter, ik wil helemaal niet praten over Turkse toetreding. Ik vind het onbegrijpelijk dat er in dit Parlement serieus nagedacht wordt over toetreding van Turkije tot de Europese Unie. Dit land staat mijlenver weg van wat wij als Europa aan waarden en normen hebben. Dit land staat mijlenver weg wat de omgang met mensenrechten betreft. Dus praten over toetreding is wat mij betreft niet aan de orde. Ik kan me wel voorstellen dat we meer investeren in een nabuurschapsprogramma, en dat we Turkije zo helpen om de ontwikkeling, bijvoorbeeld op het gebied van lonen, te stimuleren. Maar toetreding, Voorzitter, is onbegrijpelijk.


  Sophia in 't Veld, on behalf of the ALDE Group. Madam President, the ALDE Group recognises that we must be pragmatic and flexible in our response to a crisis, and that means we need agreements with other countries, including Turkey, but we need solutions that are legally watertight and that do not fall apart in the blink of an eye. The EU-Turkey agreement reminds me bit of a famous painting of the Belgian artist Magritte – ‘Ceci n’est pas un agreement’. If you check the website of the European Commission you will note that they have quietly replaced the term ‘agreement’ by ‘statement’ and this happened sometime between 19 April and 20 April, so the legal status of this whole thing has now been downgraded to basically not much more than a joint press release. In addition, key elements of the so-called ‘agreement’ or ‘statement’ or whatever it is, like visa liberalisation, require the formal approval of the European Parliament and the Member States in a normal legislative procedure.

First Vice-President Timmermans has declared, and I agree, that Europe will not be held hostage by the Turkish Government over visa liberalisation. Next week, the European Commission will present a progress report on the fulfilment of the requirements for the visa liberalisation roadmap and I am interested to see if the Commission will indeed assess progress as strictly as the Vice-President has stated.

My Group is in favour in principle of visa liberalisation, but do not expect a rubber stamping exercise from our side, because if the Turkish Government intends to convince Parliament to vote for visa liberalisation, cracking down on journalists is not a very good strategy. As a signatory to the European Convention on Human Rights, Turkey has to respect freedom of expression, and the most recent violation – the arrest of Ebru Umar, an EU citizen and Dutch Turkish journalist – will not bring visa liberalisation any closer.

As to the implementation of the agreement/statement, Minister Dijkhoff seemed to be quite positive when he says things are getting better, but that seems to clash with the reports we are getting, for example, from Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch about people not being allowed into Turkey from Syria, or even being returned; reports about people not having the right to apply for asylum; reports about detention conditions in Greece and people not even having enough food. So what are you doing to actually verify the situation? Do you only rely on answers by the authorities or do you actually do something about it? And what about the waterbed, effect because the Commission seems to say that there is no shift from the flow of refugees towards Libya and Italy but there are more people coming in through that route, so how can we verify that the flow is not simply shifting?

This agreement is extremely fragile, both legally and in practice, and it is easy to criticise Turkey or the agreement. I agree with Mr Timmermans that this situation is the direct result of the inability, or the lack of political will, of European governments to agree on a fully-fledged EU asylum and migration policy. We outsource our problems, in the hope that Turkey and other countries will keep refugees away from our doorstep, because we failed to agree on our own policies here in the EU. Europe is divided, paralysed and weak and Erdoğan knows it, so the only answer to this is European unity, but there does not seem to be a big sense of urgency. I think it must therefore be the highest priority for the Dutch Presidency to put a complete package on the table, including a Border and Coast Guard, legal labour migration, and new Dublin rules, because surely if we can agree with the Erdoğan government, then we can find agreement between EU governments.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))


  Λάμπρος Φουντούλης ( NI), ερώτηση "γαλάζια κάρτα". Κυρία συνάδελφε, είπατε ότι στην Ελλάδα οι πρόσφυγες και μετανάστες δεν έχουν αρκετό φαγητό. Αυτό είναι ψέμα! Μπορεί οι Έλληνες αυτή τη στιγμή να πεινάνε, αλλά οι πρόσφυγες και οι μετανάστες έχουν και φαγητό, τόσο πολύ μάλιστα, που το πετάνε. Μήπως, όμως, θα έπρεπε να δείτε μια άλλη σκοπιά; Γιατί μένουν αυτοί άνθρωποι εγκλωβισμένοι και η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση δεν τους παίρνει κατευθείαν από την Ελλάδα, αν τους χρειάζεται, και όχι από την Τουρκία;


  Sophia in 't Veld (ALDE), blue-card answer. Your question seems to contradict the first part of your statement. But, as I said, we get reports from human rights organisations about people who are in detention centres – so they are unable to leave – and what we hear is that they do not have enough food. We would like to know if that is the case and if the Commission and Council have verified this. If it is indeed the case, it is a disgrace for Europe and the situation should be remedied.


  Marina Albiol Guzmán, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. Señora Presidenta, el acuerdo Unión Europea-Turquía, por el cual se está deportando a miles de personas a Turquía, es inhumano y es cruel, pero parece que la cuestión humana poco importa a unos gobernantes que ya llevan muchos años haciendo políticas que obligan a jugarse la vida en el mar a aquellos que huyen de las guerras. Así que hoy vamos a ceñirnos a la cuestión legal, que parece importarles más.

El acuerdo vulnera la Directiva relativa a normas y procedimientos comunes en los Estados miembros para el retorno de los nacionales de terceros países en situación irregular, vulnera la Directiva sobre procedimientos comunes para la concesión o la retirada de la protección internacional, vulnera la Directiva sobre condiciones de acogida, vulnera la Convención de Ginebra, el Pacto Internacional de Derechos Civiles y Políticos, el Convenio Europeo de Derechos Humanos, la Carta de los Derechos Fundamentales y constituciones de los Estados miembros…, y podríamos seguir, porque vulnera bastantes normativas internacionales y europeas más.

Y de este acuerdo hay que decir que hay unos responsables con nombres y apellidos, que son aquellos jefes de Estado o de Gobierno que lo firmaron el día 19 de marzo ―de los 28 Estados miembros―, pero todos los que estamos aquí ―el Parlamento Europeo― seremos cómplices si no lo paramos.

El artículo 263 del Tratado de Funcionamiento de la Unión Europea nos da esa posibilidad. El Parlamento Europeo puede interponer un recurso ante el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea por incumplimiento de la legislación o por violación de los Tratados por parte del Consejo.

Insisto: si no lo hacemos, si no interponemos ese recurso ante el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea, el Parlamento Europeo estará siendo cómplice de estos crímenes.


  Ska Keller, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. Madam President, I want to ask the view of the Commission and the Presidency on the non-Syrians because, although in theory non—Syrians can ask for asylum in Turkey, in practice the recognition rates are really marginal. They are far, far below European Union recognition rates. At the same time, Turkey is making readmission agreements with countries like Afghanistan and Iraq. So how does this fit in with your idea of a safe third country?

The legal access of refugees that you mentioned really is a sham. The numbers are marginal. Everybody has been saying how many refugees Turkey has been taking on board – like 3 billion or something – but, if we take a maximum number of 72 000 (which is a whole sham itself), then this is absolutely marginal. Again, what about non—Syrians: how are they supposed to find protection in the European Union? And where is the solidarity with Greece that you mentioned? Or the asylum officers, interpreters, judicial officers, promised by various Member States? Very few have actually been sent so far.

It does not seem to me that Europe is really functioning. Instead we are pushing the responsibility to Turkey, pushing the responsibility to Greece and, worse, we are letting down the people who are in need of international protection and who are fleeing from war and persecution. I want to ask the Presidency to clarify what indeed we, as the European Parliament, can do – and what we have to do – and where we have to vote on this deal.


  Fabio Massimo Castaldo, a nome del gruppo EFDD. Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, io ritengo che, in politica come nel diritto, le parole abbiano un peso molto preciso. Non c'è stato uno di voi che non abbia chiamato, questo accordo, con il nome che dovrebbe essergli proprio cioè, accordo, agreement, appunto perché prevede obblighi precisi e puntuali d'intervento e di spesa. Eppure l'avete chiamato in un altro modo quando è stato votato dal Consiglio e approvato dai Capi di Stato e di Governo: l'avete chiamato "dichiarazione".

Ebbene, vi dico che c'è una giurisprudenza costante della Corte di giustizia, secondo cui la sostanza prevale sulla forma. In questo caso, ci sono anche modifiche normative da fare a livello europeo e a livello nazionale. Possiamo quindi permetterlo? No! Sarebbero tante le ragioni politiche per contestarlo: il non rispetto dei diritti umani, della democrazia, della libertà di espressione; le minoranze schiacciate. Ma questo deve accomunarci tutti, indipendentemente dal colore politico: la difesa delle prerogative e delle responsabilità di quest'Aula, unica espressione diretta di 508 milioni di cittadini.

Il populismo vero è quello di coloro che oggi calpestano la legge e i trattati a fini utilitaristici. E questo è esattamente il caso. Io vi ho inviato un'e-mail ieri, che vi invito a leggere con attenzione. Vogliamo proporre alla commissione JURI di presentare un ricorso per annullamento, ex articolo 263. Fate come abbiamo sempre fatto noi per Dublino: seguiteci anche questa volta, dateci ragione alla fine, fate come noi, fermiamo questo accordo che è illegale e va impugnato.

Non lasciamo calpestare i diritti di quest'Aula!


  Edouard Ferrand, au nom du groupe ENF. Madame la Présidente, une fois de plus, l'Europe se livre pieds et poings liés à la seule volonté de la Turquie. Cet accord est un accord de la honte. Ce n'est pas un accord qui réglera le problème. Que se passera-t-il, en effet, une fois que le nombre des 72 000 migrants sera (très rapidement) franchi? La Turquie sera impitoyable sur l'application des volets de l'accord qui prévoient la libéralisation totale du régime des visas, la relance du processus d'adhésion et le versement des 6 milliards d'euros promis.

Vous n'avez plus la capacité à gouverner ni à négocier. Vous cherchez une issue à la crise. Vous êtes désormais les otages d'un accord conclu sur le dos des nations européennes. Avec 72 000 migrants plus 80 millions de Turcs, vous allez créer un flux migratoire incontrôlable à un moment où vous devriez protéger les frontières de l'Europe.


  Janusz Korwin-Mikke (NI). Panie Przewodniczący! W stosunku Unii do Turcji obserwujemy niezrozumiałą wręcz czołobitność niektórych polityków unijnych w związku ze słusznymi lub niesłusznymi żądaniami Jego Ekscelencji Tayyipa Erdoğana. Niezrozumiałe jest to w świetle zwyczajowego przeczulenia wręcz Unii prawami mniejszości, wolnością słowa i tym podobnymi sprawami. Gdy nie wiadomo, o co chodzi, to wiadomo, że chodzi o pieniądze. Powstaje więc pytanie – bo to muszą być te pieniądze, które płyną z Turcji do Brukseli – powstaje pytanie: to jaka część haraczu płaconego Turcji ma wrócić do Brukseli i do czyjej kieszeni ma trafić? To może tłumaczyć, dlaczego do tej pory nie powstał jedyny organ Unii, który mógłby starać się to wyjaśnić – Prokuratura Europejska. A poza tym sądzę, że Unia Europejska musi być zniszczona.


  Ελισσάβετ Βοζεμπεργκ-Βρυωνιδη ( PPE). Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η συμφωνία με την Τουρκία θα μπορεί να επιτύχει, αλλά χρειάζονται δύο αναγκαίες προϋποθέσεις. Η πρώτη προϋπόθεση αφορά την ίδια την Τουρκία, ως στρατηγικό εταίρο και το λέω αυτό διότι, μέχρι στιγμής, δεν έχει αποδειχθεί αξιόπιστος εταίρος, όταν καθημερινά παραβιάζει τον εναέριο χώρο της Ελλάδος.

Μόλις προχθές, κινδύνεψε να γίνει διπλωματικό επεισόδιο, όταν ένα πλοίο προσάραξε έξω από τη Λέσβο. Εκβιάζει και πιέζει ακόμη την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, όταν γνωρίζει ότι από τις 72 προϋποθέσεις που χρειάζονται για την άρση της βίζας έχουν εκπληρωθεί μόνο 35 και, βεβαίως, μόλις πρόσφατα, ο πρωθυπουργός της Τουρκίας είπε ότι, αν μέχρι το καλοκαίρι δεν έχουν υλοποιηθεί οι υποσχέσεις της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, δεν θα προχωρήσει στη συμφωνία. Σε αυτό, λοιπόν, πρέπει να είμαστε προσεκτικοί, ανά πάσα στιγμή, έχοντας απέναντί μας έναν στρατηγικό εταίρο που, μέχρι στιγμής, δεν είναι αξιόπιστος.

Η δεύτερη προϋπόθεση, κυρία Πρόεδρε, είναι η υλοποίηση, επιτέλους, του θεσμού της μετεγκατάστασης και της επανεγκατάστασης στα κράτη μέλη που δεν συμφωνούν στις αποφάσεις μας, διότι πρέπει να αποδεικνύουμε, ανά πάσα στιγμή, ότι η αλληλεγγύη και ο ανθρωπισμός είναι ευρωπαϊκές αξίες και πρέπει να αποδεικνύονται στην πράξη.


  Enrique Guerrero Salom (S&D). Señora Presidenta, en menos de un mes se va a celebrar la primera Cumbre Humanitaria Mundial, que, por azar del destino, se celebrará en Estambul. En el proceso de preparación de esta Cumbre ha habido ocho reuniones regionales en todo el mundo y una reunión global y el punto común ha sido que la clave de la acción humanitaria es el respeto de los principios y de la legislación humanitaria internacional. Eso es absolutamente necesario en un mundo en el que hay 120 millones de personas refugiadas y en el que los conflictos bélicos se multiplican y duran cada vez más.

El Parlamento va a enviar una representación, que yo presidiré, a esa cumbre internacional, y, cuando presida esa delegación y hable en nombre del Parlamento, quiero poder asegurar a las organizaciones internacionales, en especial a la Agencia de las Naciones Unidas para los Refugiados, que tratamos a los refugiados como seres humanos, con todos sus derechos —parece innecesario recalcarlo, pero, por desgracia, no lo es—, que aplicamos el Derecho internacional humanitario y la legislación correspondiente cuando se producen repatriaciones y que protegemos a quienes están en nuestro territorio proporcionándoles alojamiento, alimentación, sanidad, especialmente a los niños, a los más vulnerables.

Creo que el ejemplo de la Unión Europea hace unos años hubiera sido más convincente. Hagamos que la aplicación de este acuerdo le permita recuperar esa convicción en el resto del mundo.


  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR). Κυρία Πρόεδρε, έχουμε πει επανειλημμένα, σε αυτή την αίθουσα, ότι η Τουρκία είναι μέρος του προβλήματος και όχι μέρος της λύσης στο προσφυγικό. Είναι μέρος του προβλήματος γιατί ενισχύει με όπλα τους τζιχαντιστές του Daesh και έτσι συντηρεί τον πόλεμο στη Συρία ο οποίος αυξάνει τις προσφυγικές ροές. Είναι μέρος του προβλήματος η Τουρκία γιατί ενισχύει οικονομικά τους τζιχαντιστές, αφού επιτρέπει το λαθρεμπόριο πετρελαίου που κάνουν μέσω Τουρκίας. Είναι μέρος του προβλήματος η Τουρκία γιατί υποθάλπει τα δουλεμπορικά κυκλώματα και στέλνει χιλιάδες πρόσφυγες και παράνομους μετανάστες στα νησιά του Αιγαίου.

Η Τουρκία, λοιπόν, συνεχίζει τους εκβιασμούς, απαιτεί έξι δισεκατομμύρια ευρώ για το προσφυγικό, καθώς επίσης και κατάργηση της βίζας για τους Τούρκους πολίτες, οι οποίοι θα μπορούν να ταξιδεύουν ελεύθερα στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, πλημμυρίζοντας τις χώρες της με χιλιάδες νέους μετανάστες. Και όλα αυτά, ενώ η Τουρκία συνεχίζει να παραβιάζει κατά κόρον τον ελληνικό εναέριο χώρο, δημιουργεί γκρίζες ζώνες στο Αιγαίο, συνεχίζει το casus belli κατά της Ελλάδας και κατέχει παράνομα το 37% του κυπριακού εδάφους.

Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η Ελλάδα, στην οποία έχουν εγκλωβιστεί πάνω από 54.000 πρόσφυγες και παράνομοι μετανάστες, δεν αντέχει άλλο. Πρέπει να αρχίσει, επιτέλους, η εφαρμογή της συμφωνίας Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης-Τουρκίας και να αρχίσουν οι επαναπροωθήσεις των παράνομων μεταναστών από την Ελλάδα στην Τουρκία. Ταυτόχρονα, τα μέλη της Ένωσης πρέπει έμπρακτα να αποδείξουν την αλληλεγγύη τους, εφαρμόζοντας στην πράξη τις 66.400 μετεγκαταστάσεις προσφύγων, από την Ελλάδα στα εδάφη τους. Κύριε Timmermans, η πρόταση Αβραμόπουλου για 6.000 μετεγκαταστάσεις τον μήνα πρέπει, επιτέλους, να λάβει σάρκα και οστά. Ομοίως, πρέπει να αρχίσει η καταβολή κονδυλίων στην Ελλάδα για το προσφυγικό. Τα ποσά που έχουν δοθεί μέχρι σήμερα είναι ψίχουλα.


  Gérard Deprez (ALDE). Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, chacun ici sait que l'accord entre l'Union européenne et la Turquie est la conséquence directe de l'incapacité des États membres à se mettre d'accord sur une politique d'asile responsable et solidaire.

La vérité, reconnaissons-le, est que nous avons décidé de sous-traiter le problème des réfugiés à la Turquie contre une rémunération sonnante et trébuchante. Et depuis le 20 mars, effectivement, la Turquie fait le boulot que nous avons été incapables de faire, ainsi qu'en témoigne la baisse considérable du nombre de réfugiés qui quittent aujourd'hui la Grèce pour la Turquie. Depuis le 20 mars, la Turquie fait également le boulot qu'elle aurait dû faire sans chantage ni contrepartie financière si elle avait été un partenaire loyal de l'Union.

Restent aujourd'hui trois urgences:

Un, les pays en première ligne – la Grèce aujourd'hui, l'Italie demain – doivent être aidés à la mesure de la charge qui pèse sur eux.

Deux, les demandeurs d'asile ont des droits, je dis bien des droits, qui doivent être intégralement respectés: non-refoulement, examen individuel, droit de recours, accueil respectueux de la dignité humaine.

Et enfin, le dernier défi est de payer ce qui était convenu, mais à la condition que chaque partie respecte intégralement les engagements pris.

Concernant la libéralisation des visas, la Turquie doit d'abord satisfaire à toutes les exigences énoncées dans la feuille de route et l'Union devra, pour sa part, veiller à ce que la suppression de l'obligation de visa n'entraîne pas de risques nouveaux en matière de sécurité et d'immigration illégale.

Notre humanisme responsable ne peut pas se confondre avec un angélisme béat.

(L'orateur accepte de répondre à une question "carton bleu" (article 162, paragraphe 8 du règlement))


  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D), question "carton bleu". Cher collègue, j'essaie depuis longtemps de comprendre quel est le mécanisme en place concernant l'utilisation de l'argent que l'Union européenne donne à la Turquie. Vous avez parlé de cette utilisation et de son contrôle, mais pouvez-vous me dire quel est ce mécanisme? J'essaie de m'informer à son sujet, mais il semble que personne ne le connaît...


  Gérard Deprez (ALDE), réponse "carton bleu". Merci de la question. Je pourrais vous répondre, mais j'estime que ce n'est pas à moi de le faire, mais à la Commission et à ceux qui ont négocié l'accord. Donc, votre question s'adresse à la Commission et au Conseil.


  Τάκης Χατζηγεωργίου ( GUE/NGL). Κυρία Πρόεδρε, έχω μερικά ερωτήματα που θέλω να απευθύνω σε εσάς, κύριε Timmermans: η συμφωνία, έχετε πει, επιτεύχθηκε και άρχισε να λειτουργεί, με αποτέλεσμα να έχουν σταματήσει οι προσφυγικές ροές από την Τουρκία προς την Ελλάδα. Το μεγάλο μου ερώτημα και η μεγάλη μου απορία είναι πώς επιτεύχθηκε αυτό; Πώς γίνεται, σήμερα, αυτό που δεν μπορούσε να γίνει χτες, πριν τη συμφωνία; Δεν είναι λογικό το συμπέρασμά μου ότι η Τουρκία, απλώς, ανέμενε να δει την Επιτροπή ή την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση να γονατίζει και στη συνέχεια να εφαρμόσει αυτό που προβλέπει η συμφωνία;

Είπατε ότι με τη συμφωνία ανοίγουν δρόμοι ανθρώπινοι, να έρθουν οι πρόσφυγες στην Ευρώπη. Πού τους είδατε αυτούς; Το μόνο που συμβαίνει στο Αιγαίο, σήμερα, από την τουρκική ακτοφυλακή, είναι να εκσφενδονίζει νερό ενάντια στις βάρκες που επιχειρούν να μεταφέρουν ανθρώπους στην Ελλάδα. Αυτή είναι η πραγματικότητα. Έχω, όμως, μια επιπρόσθετη ερώτηση. Επειδή είπατε ότι δεν υπάρχει κανένας άλλος τρόπος. Γιατί παράλληλα, επαναλαμβάνω παράλληλα, δεν δίνουμε 1 δισεκατομμύριο ευρώ από αυτά που δίνουμε στην Τουρκία, για να ανοικοδομηθεί μια πόλη μέσα στη Συρία έτσι ώστε, σταδιακά, να συμβεί αυτό που είπατε και εσείς: οι άνθρωποι να πάνε πίσω στα σπίτια τους, γιατί δεν έχουν σπίτια σήμερα.

(Ο ομιλητής δέχεται να απαντήσει σε ερώτηση με γαλάζια κάρτα (άρθρο 162 παράγραφος 8 του Κανονισμού))


  Maria Grapini (S&D), Întrebare adresată conform procedurii „cartonaşului albastru” Stimate coleg, înțeleg critica dumneavoastră adresată Comisiei vizavi de acordul cu Turcia. Întrebarea mea către dumneavoastră este următoarea: care era varianta dumneavoastră dacă noi, Uniunea Europeană, nu am fi reușit să rezolvăm problema refugiaților pentru a putea asigura, pe de-o parte, siguranța acelor oameni și, pe de altă parte, siguranța europenilor. Dacă nu am face acordul cu Turcia, care ar fi varianta dumneavoastră?


  Τάκης Χατζηγεωργίου ( GUE/NGL), απάντηση σε ερώτηση με "γαλάζια κάρτα". Στην κατάληξη της παρέμβασής μου, στο ένα λεπτό που διέθετα, έδωσα μια προοπτική αναφέροντας επί λέξει ότι, εκ παραλλήλου με τη συμφωνία, θα μπορούσαμε να πάρουμε ένα από αυτά τα δισεκατομμύρια ευρώ - τα οποία σήμερα είναι 3 αλλά θα γίνουν 4 ή 5 ή 6 - έτσι ώστε να ανοικοδομηθούν μια ή δυο πόλεις μέσα στη Συρία και, όταν δημιουργηθούν οι συνθήκες, αυτοί οι άνθρωποι να έχουν πού να επιστρέψουν.

Εμείς, εδώ σήμερα, δεν ήρθαμε για να δώσουμε μόνο λύσεις. Ήρθαμε για τη συζήτηση που έχει τίτλο «Η νομιμότητα της συμφωνίας» και αυτό δεν πρέπει να το ξεχνά, κυρίως, ένας ευρωβουλευτής που είναι εκπρόσωπος των πολιτών.


  Judith Sargentini (Verts/ALE). Meneer Dijkhoff, uw regering is de uitvinder van het Turkijeplan, of het Merkelplan, of het Rutteplan of het Samsonplan, dat weet ik niet meer. En meneer Timmermans, u ging naar Turkije om dit plan verder in de verf te zetten. Heren, u mag het bedacht hebben, maar wie is er nou eigenlijk verantwoordelijk? U bent niet verantwoordelijk voor het terugsturen van vluchtelingen van Griekenland naar Turkije want dat verloopt onder een afgestoft Grieks-Turks overleg. U, meneer Timmermans, bent niet verantwoordelijk voor wat er gebeurt in de detentiecentra, want daarvoor zijn de Grieken verantwoordelijk. Als u dat wel was, dan had u hopelijk wat gedaan aan de voedseltekorten voor volwassenen en kinderen.

Dit debat gaat ook over democratische controle op de overeenkomst met Turkije. Die is er niet. Ik heb sterk de indruk dat het juridisch limbo u allen heel goed uitkomt. Want zolang het onhelder is wie er verantwoordelijk is, hoeft het ook niet gestopt te worden en hoeft niemand de verantwoordelijkheid te nemen. Voorzitter, dit Parlement moet ophelderen waar de verantwoordelijkheid ligt en of er ook nog iemand die verantwoordelijkheid neemt. Dank u wel.


  Paul Nuttall (EFDD). Madam President, first of all, I think we all agree that something has to be done about the migrant crisis. The scale of the numbers coming this year will no doubt reach biblical proportions. However, where I fundamentally disagree with you all, is in making such a multi—billion pound deal with a country like Turkey.

Let’s look at Turkey. It is a country that is barely democratic and where free speech is increasingly attacked. It is a country that has a disgraceful human rights record, it is a country that is accused of aiding and abetting Islamic State, and it is a country that is going through the process of creeping Islamification. Turkey is also not geographically European. Only 3% of Turkey actually falls within Europe and it borders places that clearly want to harm us: Syria, Iraq and Iran.

So you would think we would run a mile, but no, part of this deal includes an agreement to quicken up Turkish accession to the European Union. I remember at a press conference in 2007 sitting there in disbelief when the then President of the European Commission, José Manuel Barroso, spoke about the EU as the first non—imperial empire.

This deal simply reinforces that perception. If Turkey does eventually join the European Union – and it is a position supported by every other British political party – then I believe it would be a disaster. Indeed, by the time Turkey joins, it will have the largest population in Europe and it is predicted that, within the first ten years of being a Member, 15 million Turks will drift west. That will alter the balance of power within the European Union, not only economically, but also culturally. At present we often complain about a German—dominated Europe. But if we continue down this path of madness, I fear that we will be left with a Turkish-dominated Europe. I am sure that is something that we can all agree we do not want to see.

But there is a light, there is a beacon because we, the British, have an opportunity to put a stop to this. We have a referendum on 23 June and I honestly believe that the threat of Turkey becoming a member of this club will encourage the British people to say ‘enough is enough’, and we will vote to leave and take back control.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))


  José Inácio Faria (ALDE), Pergunta segundo o procedimento "cartão azul". Obrigado, Senhor Presidente. Senhor Nuttall, num mundo perfeito eu nunca teria assinado o PNR, mas nós não estamos num mundo perfeito. Há estes acordos que têm que ser feitos. A Turquia tem feito um excelente trabalho na retenção dos refugiados, porque a Europa não consegue dar vazão. O que é que o senhor quer fazer aos refugiados? Deixá-los morrer no Atlântico, no Pacífico, no mar do Norte, no Mediterrâneo? Quer fazer o quê? Responda-me! Está preocupado com a entrada da Turquia na União? O senhor devia estar preocupado era com a saída do Reino Unido da União. Com isso é que o senhor devia estar preocupado. Diga-me o que é que faz aos refugiados que aportam nas costas da Europa, se faz favor.


  Paul Nuttall (EFDD), blue-card answer. I think it is quite obvious what we need to do about the refugee crisis. We need to learn from Australia, which built a ring of steel around their country to ensure that the boats stopped coming and people stopped dying in the sea. It is simple; it just takes the willpower to do it. But the answer is not making shoddy agreements, multi-billion pound agreements with undemocratic states where women are treated as second-class citizens, where newspapers are being shut down routinely, where free speech is being eroded. Turkey has no place within a European Union but these guys, Mr Timmermans et al., have agreed as part of this deal to quicken up Turkish accession. We must say no to this, we must ensure that Turkey does not join the European Union. But in the end, after 23 June, I might be out of a job, and Britain will be free, democratic and prosperous once again.


  Mario Borghezio (ENF). Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, questo accordo, soprattutto da un punto di vista giuridico, fa acqua da tutte le parti. Se si procederà secondo il diritto internazionale, il diritto europeo in particolare, il numero dei rimpatri in Turchia non sarà certo quello previsto. E che cosa faranno i migranti in Grecia, esposti al rischio di trasferimento? Si rivolgeranno alla magistratura greca, la quale si rivolgerà alla Corte di giustizia, oppure direttamente alla Corte europea dei diritti umani e qui cascherà il bluff giuridico di questo accordo.

Io sono perfettamente in linea con la richiesta ex articolo 263 per annullare l'accordo, che tra l'altro avrà delle conseguenze pesantissime per il mio paese, l'Italia, e per il fronte mediterraneo: provocherà uno tsunami, un'invasione! Allora fa molto bene l'Austria a chiudere le frontiere. Grazie Austria, che dà l'esempio all'Europa di difendere i suoi confini, cosa che l'Italia non sta facendo.

Il signor Renzi scopre adesso la linea proposta dalla Lega da vent'anni, cioè di aiutare i migranti nei loro paesi. Questo deve fare l'Europa, anziché assumere delle iniziative che sono contro il diritto europeo e contro il diritto internazionale.


  Λάμπρος Φουντούλης ( NI). Κυρία Πρόεδρε, κυρίες και κύριοι συνάδελφοι, μετά τη συζήτηση προόδου για την Τουρκία που, όπως αποδείχτηκε, δεν έχει κάνει καμία πρόοδο, σήμερα συζητάμε για νομικές πτυχές, δημοκρατικό έλεγχο και την εφαρμογή της συμφωνίας Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης-Τουρκίας. Μα αυτά θα έπρεπε να τα είχατε κάνει πριν έρθετε σε συμφωνία.

Για ποια συμφωνία μιλάμε, όταν η Τουρκία δέχεται πέντε-δέκα Σύριους πρόσφυγες, επαναπροωθούμενους από την Ελλάδα και στέλνει εκατοντάδες, καθημερινά, προς τα ελληνικά νησιά, σε συνεργασία με τους δουλεμπόρους; Για ποια δημοκρατία και ποιον έλεγχο μιλάτε, όταν ο Πρόεδρος της Τουρκικής Εθνοσυνέλευσης ζητά την αναθεώρηση του Συντάγματος και η Τουρκία να γίνει θεοκρατικό κράτος; Κατά τα πρότυπα, δηλαδή, του ισλαμικού χαλιφάτου; Ο Ερντογάν είπε ότι είναι προσωπικές του απόψεις αλλά, όταν διώκονται στην Τουρκία όλοι όσοι έχουν διαφορετική άποψη, διαψεύδεται ο ίδιος ο Ερντογάν.

Η Τουρκία δεν πρόκειται να εφαρμόσει τίποτα από τα συμφωνηθέντα. Απλά εκβιάζει, όπως με τη χορήγηση βίζας, εκμεταλλευόμενη το μεταναστευτικό. Συνεχίζει να αμφισβητεί και να μη σέβεται το διεθνές δίκαιο, απειλώντας την Ελλάδα με casus belli, παραβιάζοντας, καθημερινά, τον εναέριο χώρο της Ελλάδας, ακόμα και την ώρα που ευρίσκετο ο αρχηγός του Γενικού Επιτελείου Εθνικής Άμυνας της Ελλάδος σε επίσκεψη των ανακριτικών μονάδων του ελληνικού στρατού μας, για τις καθιερωμένες ευχές για το ορθόδοξο Πάσχα. Όσο και να προσπαθείτε να «χρυσώσετε το χάπι» και να εξωραΐζετε την κατάσταση, η Τουρκία δεν πρόκειται να αλλάξει και να εφαρμόσει τη συμφωνία, πολύ απλά, γιατί δεν έχει θέση στην Ευρώπη.


  Elmar Brok (PPE). Frau Präsidentin! Manche auf der Rechten wollen keine Migranten und auch keine Vereinbarung mit der Türkei. Ich weiß nicht, wie sie diesen Widerspruch auflösen wollen. Diese Vereinbarung funktioniert, die Zahl der Migranten wird weniger, es geht gegen das Geschäftsmodell der Menschenhändler an der türkischen Küste, und diese sechs Milliarden Euro helfen den Flüchtlingen für Schulen, für Unterrichtung, für Krankenversorgung – wer kann etwas dagegen haben? Das ist doch die Frage, um die es geht.

Wir müssen mit unseren Nachbarn endlich einfach Vereinbarungen treffen und Verträge schließen. Die Visafreiheit kommt, wenn die Bedingungen erfüllt sind. Punkt! Sonst nicht. Und wenn sie nicht mehr erfüllt werden, wird sie wieder aufgelöst. Punkt! Das ist die Geschichte. Und die Fragen, die mit dem Beitritt zu tun haben: Also diejenigen, die früher die Türkei am nächsten Tag schon mit Erdoğan aufnehmen wollten, die sagen heute: Um Gottes Willen, wir dürfen gar nicht darüber reden! Im Rat braucht man 72 einstimmige Entscheidungen, damit ein Land Mitglied der Europäischen Union wird. Jetzt sind wir bei Entscheidung sechs und sieben! Es wird wieder getan, als würde nächste Woche die Mitgliedschaft kommen. Es ist doch ein Unfug, was hier erzählt wird, und es ist gegen die Menschen gerichtet.

Wir müssen weiterhin sagen: Die Türkei – wie Libanon und Jordanien und andere – hat sehr viel mehr für Flüchtlinge getan, als wir es getan haben. Und wenn ich hier von Ländern höre, die überhaupt keine Flüchtlinge aufnehmen, dann bitte: Die Türkei kümmert sich seit drei, vier Jahren um zweieinhalb Millionen Flüchtlinge. Dafür hat sie Anspruch auf Entlastung, in unserem Interesse und im Interesse der Flüchtlinge. Das sollten sich manche der Kolleginnen und Kollegen hier mal hinter die Ohren schreiben.


  Knut Fleckenstein (S&D). Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wir sind für die Vereinbarung mit der Türkei gewesen, und ich bin heute auch noch dafür, obwohl ich weiß, dass es an einigen Stellen eben noch nicht so optimal läuft, wie wir es gerne hätten.

Ich bin nach dem, was ich gehört und gesehen habe, ganz sicher, dass unsere griechischen Freunde und mit ihnen andere, die sie unterstützen, das in den Griff bekommen werden. Aber wir brauchen auch ein bisschen zusätzliche Hilfe, auch in der Argumentation. Auch von Ihnen, wenn wir zu Hause in unseren Wahlkreisen diskutieren. Dazu gehört dieser action plan, den wir für ausgesprochen richtig halten, aber von dem man nun auch mal ein bisschen sehen muss – irgendwann. Welche Projekte sind eigentlich gemeint? Was wird eigentlich wirklich geschehen? Da muss, wie der Hamburger sagt: Butter bei die Fische, das muss ein bisschen genauer sein.

Wir brauchen zweitens von Ihnen eine Antwort. In den Debatten hier in diesem Hause haben wir immer wieder darauf hingewiesen, wie wichtig es nicht nur für uns Sozialdemokraten ist, dass die Kapitel 23 und 24 eröffnet werden. Nun haben Sie die nicht eröffnet. Es steht in dieser Vereinbarung nichts drin. Aber Sie gönnen uns auch nicht ein einziges Wort darüber, warum das eigentlich nicht der Fall ist. Das macht nicht fröhlich, sondern skeptisch. Denn wir wollen unbedingt verhindern, dass der falsche Eindruck entsteht, dass wir unsere Werte sozusagen gleich mitverkaufen.

Lassen Sie mich noch einen letzten Punkt sagen, es geht um die Visafreiheit: Die Hohe Beauftragte hat gestern ganz klar gesagt: Wenn erfüllt ist, ist erfüllt, wenn nicht erfüllt ist, ist nicht erfüllt! Meine Bitte an die Mitglieder des Rates: Fangen Sie nicht an, zu tricksen. Fangen Sie nicht an, etwas aufzubauen, was es nicht gibt, sondern halten Sie sich genau an diese Tatsachen. Man muss auch nicht plötzlich packages packen. Die Menschen in der Türkei, in Georgien, in der Ukraine haben eine faire und verlässliche Behandlung verdient, und darauf bestehen wir.


  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga (ECR). Madam President, our relations with Turkey are deeper and more comprehensive than just outsourcing of the migration problem. I would like to underline two important areas of cooperation to be defined. First, eradication of the impunity of migration smugglers, and secondly, limiting the flow of European youth to ISIL.


  Dennis de Jong (GUE/NGL). Er was een tijd dat lidstaten van de Europese Unie of de Europese Gemeenschap gerespecteerde partners waren van internationale organisaties. Ze stonden aan de wieg van het VN-vluchtelingenverdrag. Ze stonden aan de wieg van het Hoge Commissariaat van de VN voor Vluchtelingen. We waren trots op het Europees Verdrag voor de rechten van de mens en we droegen universele waarden uit.

Tegenwoordig spreken we over Europese waarden en kennelijk betekenen die Europese waarden dat wij verdragen of overeenkomsten kunnen sluiten met landen die de mensenrechten schenden en waarvan wij dan denken dat ze vluchtelingen beschermen. In de Verenigde Naties is er onrust. De hoge commissaris is ontevreden over ons beleid. In onze zusterorganisatie, de Parlementaire Assemblee van de Raad van Europa, wordt de ene na de andere resolutie aangenomen waarin ons beleid wordt veroordeeld. Kennelijk willen we de outlaws worden in de internationale gemeenschap om Schengen te redden. Ik vind dat onaanvaardbaar. Ik steun dan ook ieder initiatief vanuit het Parlement waarbij de legaliteit, of liever gezegd de illegaliteit van de deal met Turkije wordt onderzocht. Uiteindelijk moet de rechter zich daarover uitspreken.


  Eva Joly (Verts/ALE). Madame la Présidente, M. Tusk et Mme Merkel se sont rendus samedi 23 avril à Gaziantep, dans l'est de la Turquie, pour visiter un camp où vivent 5 000 réfugiés syriens. Ce camp, qui sert de vitrine, est-il représentatif des conditions de vie des millions de réfugiés présents sur le sol turc? Évidemment, non. Mais cela intéresse-t-il ceux qui ont signé cet accord immonde avec le gouvernement Erdoğan? Il faut croire que non.

Quelques jours auparavant, Amnesty International s'inquiétait pourtant des probables renvois de dizaines de réfugiés en Syrie, hors de toute légalité internationale, et le flou est total sur la situation de centaines de milliers d'autres. Cette visite guidée semble pourtant avoir suffi à M. Tusk pour accorder un satisfecit au gouvernement turc et nous demander de regarder ailleurs.

Il est encore temps de nous ressaisir et de répondre à l'urgence par la création de voies légales et par l'attribution de milliers des visas humanitaires.

Pour faire honneur à ses valeurs, l'Union doit regarder la situation en face et apporter son aide à ceux qui fuient la guerre et la barbarie.


  Vicky Maeijer (ENF). Terwijl de heren Tusk en Timmermans afgelopen zaterdag thee dronken in Turkije, werd diezelfde dag de kritische Nederlandse journaliste Ebru Umar in Turkije in de cel gegooid. Want door haar mening te verkondigen trapte zij op de lange tenen van Erdoğan. En de Europese elite, die altijd de mond vol heeft over mensenrechten, vrijheid van meningsuiting en democratie, keek toe. Niemand sprak met de enige man die wat te vertellen heeft in politiestaat Turkije. Iedereen danst naar het pijpen van Erdoğan uit angst dat hij de deal opblaast. Met de Turkijedeal is de Turken dus niet alleen 6 miljard euro, visumvrij reizen en versnelde toetreding beloofd, Turkije is ook een ongekend chantagemiddel in de schoot geworpen. Allemaal dankzij een stel politieke lafaards zonder principes die de Europese Unie hebben onderworpen aan een dictator.

Voorzitter, de PVV zegt: Leve de vrijheid van meningsuiting. Verbreek de banden met Turkije als mevrouw Umar zaterdag niet als vrij mens op Schiphol landt. Veeg de Turkijedeal van tafel en laat Turkije nooit toetreden tot de Europese Unie. Dank u.


  Σωτήριος Ζαριανόπουλος ( NI). Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η συμφωνία Τουρκίας-Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, και της ελληνικής κυβέρνησης συμπεριλαμβανομένης, επιβεβαιώνει τις απόψεις του Κομμουνιστικού Κόμματος Ελλάδας. Είναι άθλιο παζάρι με θύματα πρόσφυγες, θύματα ιμπεριαλιστικών επεμβάσεων, αλλά και όλους τους λαούς.

Χιλιάδες οι εγκλωβισμένοι, φυλακισμένοι πια, σε κλειστά στρατόπεδα, σε άθλιες συνθήκες. Οι ΜΚΟ εκμεταλλεύονται την κατάστασή τους και ευρωπαϊκά κονδύλια. Οι φράχτες, οι απελάσεις, το Δουβλίνο, η Σένγκεν, ο εγκλωβισμός στην Ελλάδα, ονομάζονται, στην ευρωενωσιακή πολιτική ασύλου, «αποτροπή των δευτερογενών μετακινήσεων». Γι αυτό ονομάζετε την Τουρκία «ασφαλή χώρα» και είναι κροκοδείλια τα δάκρυά σας και για τους Κούρδους, αλλά και για τις συλλήψεις, τις διώξεις κάθε αντίθετης άποψης. Το ΝΑΤΟ αλωνίζει στο Αιγαίο, αποκλειστικά για την ενίσχυση της Τουρκίας, σε ρόλο στηρίγματος σε επεμβάσεις και ανάσχεση της Ρωσίας. Με τις πλάτες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και του ΝΑΤΟ, τελευταία, η Τουρκία αποθρασύνεται κλιμακώνοντας παραβιάσεις στο Αιγαίο, γκριζάροντας περιοχές του, διεκδικώντας, την επόμενη μέρα, μερίδιο των εδαφών στη Συρία και το Ιράκ.

Να δυναμώσει η λαϊκή αλληλεγγύη στους πρόσφυγες, η πάλη ενάντια στους ιμπεριαλιστικούς πολέμους, καταδικάζοντας την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση που στρέφεται ενιαία ενάντια σε εργαζόμενους και πρόσφυγες.


  Frank Engel (PPE). Madam President, among the many things that President Erdoğan has recently said was the sentence ‘we are not doing this for a thank-you’. And I’d like to make it clear for us that, by doing this, we are not condoning the descent of Turkey into authoritarian governance and into geopolitical adventurism. Yes, in terms of refugees, Turkey has done much more than what the European Union was capable of. I hold that it can protect refugees in a safe manner. I also hold that Turkey is entitled to have its citizens travel to Europe in a freer and in a more dignified manner that has been the case so far. But Turkey must now stop blackmailing us on the basis of this agreement; it’s only a start for the necessary deeper and more conclusive engagement with Turkey that the European Union is engaging in.

Finally, we should not close our eyes to the fact that, just after Erdoğan’s words about not doing this just for a thank-you, Turkey is supporting Azerbaijan in an aggressive war in the Caucasus which is fully illegal.


  Birgit Sippel (S&D). Frau Präsidentin! Unsere Mitgliedstaaten haben sich mit der Türkei getroffen und Zusagen gemacht. Griechenland soll Flüchtlinge schnell registrieren und Asylverfahren starten. Die notwendige personelle Unterstützung bleiben die anderen Mitgliedstaaten schuldig, eine Verteilung aus Griechenland in andere EU-Staaten findet nicht wirklich statt.

Die Türkei hat kein Gesetz, das allen Flüchtlingen Schutz gewährt, sie hat aber gleichwohl Schutz zugesagt. Wie das genau aussieht, ist nicht klar. Zudem wird gerade eine Mauer nach Syrien gebaut. Und dass wir großartige 72 000 Flüchtlinge aus der Türkei aufnehmen wollen, ist ebenfalls bemerkenswert peinlich. Insgesamt fehlt eine demokratische, parlamentarische Kontrolle bei der Umsetzung dieser Zusagen. Dass eine Visaliberalisierung sehr schnell möglich ist, halte ich derzeit für mehr als unwahrscheinlich.

Abschließend: Warum haben sich unsere Mitgliedstaaten überhaupt mit der Türkei getroffen? Die traurige Antwort lautet: Unsere Regierungen erweisen sich als unfähig bis nicht willens, eine gemeinsame humanitäre Strategie zum Umgang mit Flüchtlingen innerhalb der EU sowie für Perspektiven in Drittstaaten glaubwürdig zu gestalten. Das ist der eigentliche Skandal, und deshalb brauchen wir weniger Rat und mehr Europa.


  Bodil Valero (Verts/ALE). Fru talman! Jag är också mycket kritisk mot den här Turkiet-överenskommelsen, och särskilt svårt har jag för återtagandebestämmelserna. Men jag tänker också att när man nu gör en överenskommelse med en part så måste man kunna lita på den parten och på att överenskommelsen uppfylls från båda parter. Men det borde också angå oss hur Turkiet beter sig i övrigt när det gäller flyktingar. Hur beter man sig mot dem som försöker ta sig in i Turkiet från Syrien, till exempel?

Häromdagen kunde vi läsa i tidningarna att en grupp syrier som försökte fly till Turkiet dödades. De besköts av turkiska gränsvakter. Det var åtta personer, varav också kvinnor och barn. Det här innebär att under de senaste fyra månaderna så har 16 personer dött på väg från Syrien till Turkiet, skjutna av gränsvakter. Det här uppger det syriska observatoriet för mänskliga rättigheter.

Till tidningen Times, i det här fallet, så har Turkiet förnekat anklagelserna, men även Human Rights Watch och Amnesty talar om hur svårt det har blivit för syriska flyktingar att komma in till Turkiet. Det angår oss också.


  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). Madame la Présidente, comme on le sait, le schéma de réinstallation adopté à l'automne 2015 ne marche pas, malheureusement. Par contre, l'accord avec la Turquie adopté il y a un mois fonctionne, et ses objectifs commencent à être atteints: tout d'abord, comme le vice-président Timmermans le disait, la diminution draconienne du nombre des migrants, et ensuite, la protection de la Grèce, qui était très exposée.

On constate cependant trois effets secondaires dont il faut tenir compte: premièrement, le changement des itinéraires – la Libye commence à devenir le nouveau point de départ –, deuxièmement, l'apparition de tensions en Europe au sujet de la libéralisation des visas et de la négociation des chapitres, et troisièmement, point non négligeable, la montée des tensions en Turquie, notamment entre le président Erdoğan et le Premier ministre Ahmet Davutoğlu, y compris pour une question très sensible pour les Turcs, celle de la laïcité.

Ces trois points, je le pense, méritent notre attention.


  Kati Piri (S&D). Afgelopen weekend was ik in Griekenland om met eigen ogen te zien hoe de situatie daar is. Hoewel er vrijwel geen bootjes meer aankomen op de Griekse eilanden, is er grote moeite om de 55 000 mensen die nu in Griekenland vastzitten, een fatsoenlijke opvang te bieden. Op Lesbos moeten 3 600 mensen in detentie hun procedure afwachten in kamp Moria, waar normaal plek is voor 2 000. Mijn grootste zorg gaat uit naar de 150 kinderen die daar achter hekken en prikkeldraad opgesloten zitten, waarvan het jongste pas acht jaar oud is. Kwetsbare mensen worden terecht niet teruggestuurd naar Turkije. Er zijn speciale procedures voor hen. Maar waarom moeten ze wel in detentie? Waarom moeten jongens en meisjes die oorlog ontvluchten, achter slot en grendel? In Idomeni zitten nog altijd 10 000 mensen in een uitzichtloze situatie. Gisteravond nog kreeg ik een sms van Ali Faouri. Hij en zijn familie hebben Syrië drie maanden geleden ontvlucht. Zij zitten nu vast aan de Grieks-Macedonische grens. Ali, samen met alle anderen daar, wil weten wat hij moet doen. Hoe kan hij zich registreren als het al weken niet lukt om via Skype contact te krijgen met de asieldienst? Hoe kunnen wij mensen een snelle behandeling van hun asielaanvraag garanderen?

Het is duidelijk dat dit niet het moment is voor onze regeringsleiders om achterover te leunen omdat er nu even geen mensen aankomen. De rest van Europa moet verantwoordelijkheid nemen en solidariteit tonen: veilige routes bieden voor vluchtelingen uit Turkije en Griekenland helpen door zo snel mogelijk genoeg plekken beschikbaar te stellen voor herverdeling. Dank u wel.


  Milan Zver (PPE). Dovolite mi tri pripombe. Marčevski dogovor več kot očitno deluje. Dogovor je sicer problematičen, a brez njega bi zunanje meje Evropske unije zagotovo padle.

Tok beguncev v Grčijo oziroma v Evropsko unijo je praktično usahnil. Nadzor nad zunanjimi mejami se ponovno vzpostavlja in tako naprej.

Drugič, ceno poznamo. Sedaj se mora tudi Evropska unija odgovorno obnašati, a je potrebno biti pozoren. Turčija je trenutno res partnerica Evropski uniji, a to se lahko hitro spremeni.

Erdogan je namreč že zagrozil, da bo v primeru, da do junija Turčija ne dobi vizumske liberalizacije, bo spustil nov val beguncev v Evropsko unijo. Grožnje pač ne spadajo v partnerski odnos.

In tretjič – Makedonija. Pozivam Evropsko unijo in pa države članice, da izdatneje pomagajo Makedoniji. Če ne bomo stabilizirali razmer v tej državi, ne grozi le nov migracijski val po zahodnobalkanski poti, ampak tudi nov balkanski konflikt večjih razsežnosti.

Odgovornost za destabilizacijo v regiji pa nosimo tudi mi.


  Péter Niedermüller (S&D). Elnök Asszony, halljuk a vitában, hogy működik az Európai Unió és Törökország közötti megállapodás, kevesebb menekült érkezik az Európai Unióba. Ha lassan és vontatottan is, de megindult a relokáció, azaz úgy tűnik, hogy az európai menekültügyi politika minden nehézség ellenére kezd eredményessé válni. Van azonban egy másik oldala is a történéseknek, amelyekről eddig kevés szó esett, noha Timmermans úr éppen utalt rá. Nevezetesen: mi fog történni a törökországi menekülttáborokban élő emberekkel? Milyen perspektíváik vannak? Milyen élet vár ott rájuk? Senki nem tudja, hogy mennyi ideig kell nekik ott lenniük. Nekünk igenis felelősségünk van abban, hogy ezek az emberek megőrizhessék a jövőjüket, hogy tanulhassanak, dolgozhassanak.

Az Európai Uniónak nem csak arra kell pénzt fordítani, hogy a menekülteket távol tartsa, hanem arra is, hogy olyan körülményeket teremtsen a táborokban, amelyek között ezek az emberek föl tudnak készülni a jövőre és meg tudják őrizni emberi méltóságukat. És még valamivel szembe kell néznünk. Miközben a menekülteket minden erővel távol tartjuk Európától, semmit, de semmit nem teszünk azokkal a tagálamokkal szemben, amelyek nem hajlandók felelősséget vállalni, amelyek nem vesznek részt a közös európai politikában. Ki kell mondanunk: éppen ez a gyengeség bátorítja ezeket az országokat és az európai szélsőjobboldalt. Világossá kell tenni, aki nem vállal részt a közös európai politikából, az ne várjon az Unió támogatására más területeken sem.


  Esther de Lange (PPE). De heren van de Raad en de Commissie hebben heel terecht gewezen op de voordelen van dit niet perfecte akkoord. Maar laten we wel wezen, het is een akkoord dat de Europese Unie uit zwakte met Turkije heeft moeten sluiten omdat we zelf geen asiel- en migratiebeleid hebben, omdat we zelf geen sluitende grensbescherming hebben en omdat we zelf geen stem hebben in de regio waar de problemen ontstaan. We blijven chantabel door een land als Turkije zolang de EU zelf de zaken niet op orde heeft.

Naast dit akkoord zal er dus gewerkt moeten worden aan een betere grensbewaking en een echte kustwacht. Ik weet, en daarmee richt ik mij tot het voorzitterschap, dat dat gebeurt. Maar er is ook behoefte aan een volwaardig asiel- en migratiebeleid, aan terugnameakkoorden in handelsovereenkomsten en in ontwikkelingssamenwerking, en aan voldoende mankracht om snel het onderscheid te kunnen maken tussen economische migranten en echte vluchtelingen, die altijd onze bescherming behoeven.

Mevrouw de Voorzitter, de grote uitdaging voor Europa in deze ongekende situatie is om de mens te blijven zien in de mensenmassa. Als we daar niet in slagen, dan verraden we de waarden waarvan we als Europa zeggen dat we die zo hoog in het vaandel hebben staan. Dank u wel.


  Elly Schlein (S&D). Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, quest'accordo dei profili che si pongono in aperto contrasto con il diritto internazionale, in particolare nella sua parte più odiosa, che prevede un cinico gioco dell'oca che vede rimandate in Turchia persone che hanno diritto di chiedere asilo in Europa. E questo nonostante Amnesty stia documentando il rischio che siano rispedite nei paesi da cui fuggono. Come fa un Paese, che come ha chiarito la Commissione la settimana scorsa, non è mai stato considerato sicuro da nessuno Stato membro a diventarlo da un giorno all'altro?

Ancor più grave è l'assenza di una chiara base giuridica e il mancato coinvolgimento del Parlamento, che deve difendere le sue prerogative. Qui manca qualsiasi controllo democratico. Vergognoso poi che i governi europei si siano trovati in ginocchio, di fronte alle pretese del governo turco, poiché incapaci di attuare le soluzioni europee comuni che questo Parlamento chiede da un anno. È questa la famosa Europa a due velocità, che in otto mesi ricolloca a stento mille persone al suo interno, ma in sole tre settimane ne rispedisce trecento in Turchia? È scandaloso!


  Alessandra Mussolini (PPE). Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, non sarò certo io, né sono i giovani che vogliono un'Europa libera e sicura a dire "viva l'Austria" perché ha bloccato, nei fatti, la nostra frontiera e mi aspetto una decisione forte da parte dell'Unione europea. Ma per non trasformare quest'accordo, che è un primo passo nella resa, occorre che la Turchia accetti tutte le 72 condizioni e che ci sia una risposta immediata su Cipro e per valutare in modo complessivo la situazione e che ci sia un'immediata revisione di Dublino, ma non di facciata, bensì in termini reali, che ci possa essere, come ha detto il collega Weber, una sospensione dei visti, anche se non ci saranno delle risposte in ordine diplomatico con quello che sta accadendo.

E inoltre, occorre una valutazione attenta sui non siriani. Si è parlato molto della Grecia e si è parlato dell'aiuto che sta dando l'Europa: però oggi su tutti i giornali c'è scritto che la Grecia vuole che il tavolo tecnico sia trasformato in tavolo politico per le richieste di maggiore austerità del Fondo monetario internazionale.

Come si fa ad accogliere senza soldi? Quindi aiutiamo non solo con i mezzi ma anche con la sostanza.


  Μιλτιάδης Κύρκος ( S&D). Κυρία Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, χθες θα μπορούσε να ήταν, για τους ανθρώπους που δουλεύουν στα νησιά, μια καλή μέρα για την υλοποίηση της συμφωνίας Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης-Τουρκίας. Γιατί μόνο 212 άνθρωποι πέρασαν τα νερά μας: μικρός αριθμός σε σχέση με τις χιλιάδες του παρελθόντος και αυτό είναι αποτέλεσμα της συμφωνίας.

Όμως, ήταν και άλλος ένας λόγος που θα μπορούσε να είναι καλή μέρα: περιμέναμε ένα κλιμάκιο από τους 750 ανθρώπους που μας χρωστάτε, με βάση τη συμφωνία· ανθρώπους για την EASO και μεταφραστές. Αυτοί οι άνθρωποι θα έφταναν χθες, ένα κλιμάκιο από την Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή, από τα κράτη μέλη. Όμως, από το πλοίο δεν βγήκαν 750 άνθρωποι, βγήκαν μόνο 62: 32 άνθρωποι για την EASO και 30 μεταφραστές. Και οι άνθρωποι που εργάζονται για την υλοποίηση της συμφωνίας, λένε τώρα πια κάθε μέρα: «τα κράτη μέλη, η Επιτροπή, το Συμβούλιο, μας κοροϊδεύουν· δεν είναι δυνατόν να προσφέρουμε τη δυνατότητα στους ανθρώπους που περνάνε τη θάλασσα να έχουν εξέταση της αίτησής τους για άσυλο, ταχύτατα, σε κλειστά κέντρα κράτησης που έχουν όριο, και να μη μας στέλνει η Ευρώπη τους ανθρώπους που μας έχει υποσχεθεί». Είναι σαν να δηλητηριάζετε, εσείς οι ίδιοι, τη συμφωνία.




  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). Señor Presidente, Comisario, leo en la pantalla el título de este debate: aspectos jurídicos y control democrático del acuerdo de la Unión Europea con Turquía.

Este Parlamento no está para controlar a Turquía, pero sí lo que hacen y dicen la Comisión y el Consejo, y lo primero que sabemos es que no es un acuerdo, sino un trato con un comunicado de prensa.

¿Se pretende con ello sustraerlo a las reglas del Derecho internacional? Porque no llamarlo «acuerdo» puede evitar el cumplimiento del procedimiento del Derecho internacional, pero no lo sustrae a las reglas del Derecho internacional humanitario ni tampoco al control de este Parlamento.

Puede que no tengamos el poder de decidir su consentimiento o su rechazo, pero sí tenemos el derecho y el deber de debatirlo y de criticarlo porque, en primer lugar, contiene cláusulas absurdas y de imposible cumplimiento, como esa del «uno por uno» ―un inmigrante irregular retornado a Siria por cada refugiado realojado, como si los inmigrantes irregulares y los refugiados fueran categorías indistinguibles, cuando no lo son―, o como esa que no garantiza el principio de no devolución de los refugiados que no son sirios ―iraquíes y afganos―, que están excepcionados por Turquía del Derecho internacional humanitario.

Por tanto, este acuerdo es una chapuza; no me reconozco en este trato. Y si tuviera el poder de decidirlo con el botón rojo de mi escaño, lo rechazaría: degrada los estándares de la Unión Europea y supone un golpe irreparable al prestigio de la Unión en materia de asilo y Derecho humanitario.


Procedura catch-the-eye


  Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). Pane předsedající, já se domnívám, že dohoda Evropské unie s Tureckem funguje v rámci možností a podmínek, která má Evropská unie a které je také schopné Turecko plnit. Je to jistě příležitost k tomu, aby Evropská unie získala čas a vytvořila skutečně ochranu vnějších hranic, abychom přijali potřebnou legislativu pro pobřežní a pohraniční stráž. V tom případě i zde Evropský parlament a také předsedové vlád mají toto rozhodnutí ve svých rukou a budeme rozhodovat o podobě ochrany vnějších hranic.

Jsem také ráda, že se pan místopředseda Timmermans přihlásil k tomu, že zavedení bezvízové politiky pro Turecko není bezpodmínečné a že Komise zkoumá, zda jsou z turecké strany podmínky naplněny, a teprve pokud budou naplněny, pak bude moci být bezvízový styk zaveden. Já se domnívám, že je také třeba podpořit návrh frakce Evropské lidové strany na to, aby byla přezkoumána možnost záchranné brzdy, to znamená přerušit bezvízový styk.


  Κώστας Μαυρίδης ( S&D). Κύριε Επίτροπε, οι κανόνες δικαίου της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης έγιναν για να εφαρμόζονται. Και οι συμφωνίες μεταξύ Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και Τουρκίας έγιναν για να εφαρμόζονται επίσης. Στην αρχική σας τοποθέτηση - και μιλάω αργά για να γίνεται η μετάφραση σωστά - αναφερθήκατε με θετικό τρόπο, διότι αυτή η συμφωνία παράγει αποτελέσματα και τονίσατε ότι δεν υπάρχει άλλη επιλογή.

Ομολογουμένως, δεν περίμενα μια τέτοια τοποθέτηση από την Επιτροπή, με δεδομένο ότι η Τουρκία είναι σε ενταξιακό καθεστώς για πάνω από μια δεκαετία. Με δεδομένο ότι η Τουρκία έχει εμπορικές σχέσεις με την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση για πάνω από δεκαπέντε χρόνια. Δεν υπάρχει καμία άλλη επιλογή, λαμβανομένου υπόψη ότι διατηρούμε όλες αυτές τις σχέσεις;

Εάν, κύριε Επίτροπε, επικρατούν άλλες προτεραιότητες στην Επιτροπή, θεωρώ ότι είναι υποχρέωσή σας να το αναφέρετε. Αυτό δεν είναι οι κανόνες δικαίου της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης.


  Ruža Tomašić (ECR). Gospodine predsjedniče, odnosi između Zapada i Turske imali su svojih uspona i padova, ali to ne mijenja činjenicu da nam je Turska bila i ostala vrlo važan partner, a s takvima valja konstantno održavati produktivne odnose prožete međusobnim uvažavanjem i poštovanjem.

Tursku se u europskim institucijama prečesto kritiziralo bez neke velike osnove, a europski lideri nisu željeli razumjeti specifičnost turskog društva i geopolitičke okolnosti u kojima Turska danas egzistira.

Tako je naše savezništvo s Turskom došlo pod znak pitanja u potpuno krivo vrijeme i trebalo je proći dosta vremena da sa svojim partnerom dogovorimo zajedničko upravljanje migracijskom krizom.

Drago mi je da smo u tome naposljetku kako-tako bili uspješni, ali se isto tako nadam da nećemo popuštati Turskoj kad je riječ o ukidanju viznog režima i da ćemo tražiti zadovoljavanje svih tehničkih uvjeta. Ne smijemo trgovati sigurnošću svojih građana.


  António Marinho e Pinto (ALDE). Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, Senhor Representante do Conselho, pergunto: a quem serve um acordo que fecha as portas da Europa a dois ou três milhões de refugiados de guerra e as abre a dezenas de milhões de potenciais imigrantes turcos?

Que garantias podem dar a Comissão e o Conselho de que os seis mil milhões de euros que vão ser entregues à Turquia irão ser usados em benefício dos refugiados e não no aperfeiçoamento dos mecanismos de repressão interna na Turquia, nomeadamente, contra a imprensa livre, contra os curdos e, em geral, contra os opositores do senhor Erdogan, senão mesmo no apoio à continuação da guerra na Síria através do financiamento dos jiadistas? O que é que a União Europeia está a querer comprar à Turquia ao pagar-lhe, através desta espécie de outsorcing vergonhoso, a quantia de seis mil milhões de euros?


  Κώστας Χρυσόγονος ( GUE/NGL). Κύριε Πρόεδρε, στα πλαίσια της συμφωνίας Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης-Τουρκίας, της 18ης Μαρτίου, περιλαμβάνεται η προοπτική απελευθέρωσης των θεωρήσεων εισόδου για Τούρκους πολίτες στην Ευρώπη, με την τελική απόφαση να αναμένεται τον Ιούνιο. Ο κύριος Ερντογάν έχει ήδη απειλήσει ότι αν δεν συμβεί αυτό, θα πάψει να εφαρμόζει τη συμφωνία. Εντούτοις, ο ίδιος συνεχίζει να αποφεύγει την εκπλήρωση των υποχρεώσεών του οι οποίες περιλαμβάνουν την κατάργηση της θεώρησης εισόδου στην Τουρκία για πολίτες κρατών μελών της Ένωσης, όπως η Κύπρος, την ενεργοποίηση του προγράμματος μετεγκατάστασης και την παροχή καθεστώτος προσωρινής προστασίας και για μη Σύριους.

Η Ένωση δεν πρέπει να υποκύψει στους εκβιασμούς και δεν πρέπει να αποδεχθεί τη μερική και επιλεκτική εφαρμογή των συμφωνιών. Αν το καθεστώς Ερντογάν δεν τιμήσει την υπογραφή του, τότε πρέπει να του μιλήσουμε στη μόνη γλώσσα που σίγουρα θα καταλάβει, δηλαδή στη γλώσσα των πολιτικών και οικονομικών κυρώσεων.


(Fine della procedura catch-the-eye)


  Frans Timmermans, First Vice-President of the Commission. Mr President, with all the criticism of the agreement reached with Turkey, one almost forgets that since the implementation of this agreement people are no longer drowning in the Aegean Sea. One almost forgets that this uncontrolled irregular arrival of refugees in Europe is no longer happening on the scale we saw before, so there are many things that need to be improved, and there is a long way to go, but let us at least acknowledge that human suffering has been limited through joint action with Turkey.

Yes, we need to do more as I said in my introductory remarks, but one aspect I would like to come back to which was not mentioned by all of you is the need for Member States to do their part. It is now that Member States should take in people in a legal way, those who have the right to asylum and should be coming to Europe. There is still a war in Syria, people are still fleeing and people deserve international protection. It is our moral duty and legal duty to provide that protection, and now that we have ways of bringing people to Europe in a safe and legal way, Member States should deliver on what was agreed.

On Turkey, should we engage, should we not engage? Even without the need to tackle this issue jointly, which we could not tackle without Turkey – and by the way Turkey could not tackle without us – what have those years, the past years, the years of not engaging with Turkey, the years of standing back to back, the years of not talking to each other, done for human rights in Turkey, for the position of the press in Turkey? Nothing. We need to engage.

I think opening chapters 23 and 24 would be a huge opportunity for us to take the Turks to task on human rights, on the judiciary and the independence of the judiciary, on the freedom of the media, etc. This is what we need to do. If they want to come closer to the European Union so badly, let them prove that they can. Because now – and let me be very clear on this – the distance between us and Turkey is not decreasing, it is increasing because of human rights, the media and what is happening in civil society. And if they want to come closer to Europe, which is what they state, they should improve the situation of the media, of human rights, of civil society, let us be very clear about this. But all those years when we sort of felt comfortable by ignoring them but not engaging with them, have done nothing to improve the situation in Turkey, on the contrary. So I would say, let us engage with them.

And let us not forget that we are dealing with a much wider issue than just the relationship with Turkey on the handling of the refugee problem. The refugee problem is a global problem and it is a huge problem and it will be with us for a generation at least. The only way forward is to make agreements with our neighbours; the only way forward is to look more intensely at what is happening in Libya, at what is happening in the North of Africa, at what is happening in Sub-Saharan Africa.

The question for us is, are we going to help bring stability to other parts of the world, or are we going to sit and wait for instability to come to Europe? I would argue, let us engage with the rest of the world, let us bring development to Africa, let us bring stability to our wider neighbourhood. That is the only answer: to come to terms with this huge question. And step one is to engage with Turkey. But have no illusions – Turkey is only one part of the issue. The problem is much wider, much deeper, much more complicated if you look at places like Libya, and perhaps Egypt and Sub—Saharan Africa. So let us take our responsibility jointly and let us continue this extremely productive cooperation between the Commission and the European Parliament; jointly we might be able to get the Council to stay on the right track.


  Klaas Dijkhoff, President-in-Office of the Council. Mr President, the Council is fully aware that the agreement is not the end. It is not the solution. It is an outline of possible solutions and it is the beginning of the implementation and hard work that has been done and has to be done. The Council is also fully aware that the Member States have to step up their efforts when it comes to relocation, with delivering experts, with helping Greece and also with planned resettlement, and be ready, if the implementation bears fruit, to resettle people under the one-for-one scheme in much larger numbers than we are doing right now.

I also want to address some of the matters raised. There was talk of a food shortage and questions as to what we are doing when we hear about the situation in the camps. When you look at the situation in Greece, it is difficult. There are a lot of things to be built up from scratch. There are a lot of things that have never been done before – not in any country – and Greece has to deal with it. Part of the way it dealt with it before was by NGOs supplying the food. Well, when the NGOs stopped their work there because they were critical of the agreement – and it is their right to do so – then the food supply also fell short and it has to be resolved in another fashion. It has to be resolved and it is being resolved right now.

When I was there two days ago, I heard a lot of criticism and that a lot of things still have to improve, but this was not one of the things that were raised by the migrants that I spoke with. I am also happy that the NGOs are returning to Greece and are starting to do their work. They are not doing everything they were doing before, but they are re—engaging because they also see that the situation is at least improving. The Greek Government is also doing what it can to help, and Member States are supporting it. I am also happy to be able to say that the UNHCR is restarting all activities that were suspended just after the deal was struck. So we are seeing improvements, we are seeing positive effects already, but we also realise that a lot has to be done.

There was also talk about migrant flows replacing the route between North Africa and Italy. My opinion is that it is not replacing it. We saw this route last year and the year before. The route between North Africa and Italy was heavily used and led to a great influx. We now have one route that is increasing instead of two. We do not see a direct waterbed effect or the replacing of routes being taken, but this has to be taken care of and we have to prevent the second route causing the same horrible images, the same loss of life and the same risks being taken.

Of course there are a lot of things that have to be ironed out as well. I fully understand and agree with the criticism about, for instance, migrants stuck in Greece being uncertain and not knowing exactly when they will be processed. But one thing has to be clear: their only solution is to apply for asylum in Greece, get into that system and offer themselves up for relocation. The border will not be opening again. The Western Balkan route will not be opening again so it is no use remaining in the horrible conditions near the border. It is much better to voluntarily go to the facilities that Greece is opening and expanding every day and where there are better conditions for them.

I disagree with the statement saying that this agreement has the weakness of being unable to control the external borders. I do agree that control has to improve. I do agree that we have to work at full speed and I also hope for the Parliament’s support in that process to work on the European border guard. But if you want to control your borders well, you need to engage with the country on the other side of the border. You cannot just say that you have built a fence and are not talking to the country on the other side, especially when we are talking about borders at sea. You cannot just stay on the shore and say you that ‘you cannot get in, period’. You cannot survive being at sea so you have to engage with the country on the other side and you have to engage with countries on the other side of the external borders. So agreement with Turkey would have been necessary in any case. Even if we have the strongest European border guard in place ever, you still have to engage with the country that has to take in the people that are not allowed to cross your border and have to have good agreements about re-admission and how you deal with the situation and, in the end, offer security, safety and good conditions for real refugees.

Regarding the discussion about whether it is a statement or an agreement, I have a lot of agreements with a lot of people that are not legally taken to court so, from the Council position, we can have a discussion. But in our position it is not an agreement within the legal meaning of Article 218 of the Treaty. Of course, a lot of the things in that agreement between the Union and the Member States and Turkey have to be dealt with and elaborated on and those individual aspects will of course, when it is legally bound to be dealt with by the proper institutions.

To conclude, looking forward, I fully agree that we need to do much more than just implement what we have discussed today. We need to work at full speed on a European border guard system, on a revision of Dublin and on more structural European solutions. I look forward to continuing to work and continuing to improve the situation and to cooperate with the Parliament in all these matters.


  President. – Thank you, Minister. I want to thank also the Dutch Presidency for the strong engagement in this very difficult issue for Europe.


   La discussione è chiusa.

Dichiarazioni scritte (articolo 162)


  Clara Eugenia Aguilera García (S&D), por escrito. El pasado 18 de marzo se alcanzó un acuerdo con Turquía para gestionar la "Crisis de Refugiados". Un acuerdo controvertido por aplicar una lógica mercantilista a los reasentamientos. Entre otros, no queda claro cuál será el destino de aquellos refugiados que no están cubiertos por la excepción territorial de Turquía a la Convención de Ginebra, cuál será el impacto de este acuerdo sobre la planeada reforma del Sistema de Dublín o si Turquía respeta nuestros estándares de los derechos humanos. En mayo se va a celebrar la primera cumbre mundial de acción humanitaria que, por azar del destino, tendrá lugar en Estambul. En un mundo donde ya hay más de 120 millones personas refugiadas y los conflictos bélicos se multiplican y duran cada vez más, el punto clave de la acción humanitaria es el respeto a los principios y a la legislación internacional. En esa cumbre, el Parlamento Europeo debe asegurar al mundo que la UE trata a los refugiados como seres humanos con todos sus derechos. Parece innecesario recalcarlo, pero por desgracia no lo es. Hagamos que la aplicación de este acuerdo haga recuperar la convicción sobre el papel de la UE en el resto de mundo.


  José Blanco López (S&D), por escrito. El pasado 18 de marzo se alcanzó un acuerdo con Turquía para gestionar la "Crisis de Refugiados". Un acuerdo controvertido por aplicar una lógica mercantilista a los reasentamientos. Entre otros aspectos, no queda claro cuál será el destino de aquellos refugiados que no están cubiertos por la excepción territorial de Turquía a la Convención de Ginebra, cuál será el impacto de este acuerdo sobre la planeada reforma del Sistema de Dublín o si Turquía respeta nuestros estándares de derechos humanos. En mayo se celebrarála primera cumbre mundial de acción humanitaria que tendrá lugar en Estambul. En un mundo donde ya hay más de 120 millones de personas refugiadas y los conflictos bélicos se multiplican, el punto clave de la acción humanitaria es el respeto a los principios y a la legislación internacional. En esa cumbre, el Parlamento Europeo debe asegurar al mundo que la UE trata a los refugiados como seres humanos con todos sus derechos. Parece innecesario recalcarlo, pero por desgracia no lo es. Hagamos que la aplicación de este acuerdo haga recuperar la convicción sobre el papel de la UE en el resto de mundo.


  Cristian-Silviu Buşoi (PPE), în scris. Acordul dintre UE și Turcia din 18 martie ne demonstrează că există o cooperare concretă între Turcia și statele membre, mai ales cu Grecia care este cea mai afectată țară din UE de afluxul refugiaților. Ne bucură să vedem că au loc amendări ale legislației în acest sens în aceste state, că există un sprijin al Frontex pentru securitatea și controlul frontierelor UE și că refugiații nu își mai pun viața în pericol, deoarece se creează o cale legală de admitere a refugiaților sirieni din Turcia. UE are datoria morală de a oferi ajutor refugiaților, dar acest lucru trebuie făcut într-o manieră realistă și nu utopică. Adoptarea tuturor refugiaților de către statele membre nu constituie o măsură concretă pentru poporul sirian. UE trebuie să sprijine reîncadrarea într-un sistem de învățământ a copiilor sirieni refugiați în campurile din Turcia, deoarece ei vor constitui generația care va participa la reclădirea Siriei în anii ce vor urma încheierii războiului.

Prin urmare, salut intenția Comisiei de a sprijini crearea de programe de învățământ în Turcia pentru copiii refugiați. Și nu în ultimul rând, fac apel la Comisie pentru a facilita prin programele europene, furnizarea de servicii medicale mai bune și de medicamente refugiaților sirieni.


  Soledad Cabezón Ruiz (S&D), por escrito. El pasado 18 de marzo se alcanzó un acuerdo con Turquía para gestionar la "Crisis de Refugiados". Un acuerdo controvertido por aplicar una lógica mercantilista a los reasentamientos. Entre otros, no queda claro cuál será el destino de aquellos refugiados que no están cubiertos por la excepción territorial de Turquía a la Convención de Ginebra, cuál será el impacto de este acuerdo sobre la planeada reforma del Sistema de Dublín o si Turquía respeta nuestros estándares de los derechos humanos. En mayo se va a celebrar la primera cumbre mundial de acción humanitaria que, por azar del destino, tendrá lugar en Estambul. En un mundo donde ya hay más de 120 millones personas refugiadas y los conflictos bélicos se multiplican y duran cada vez más, el punto clave de la acción humanitaria es el respeto a los principios y a la legislación internacional. En esa cumbre, el Parlamento Europeo debe asegurar al mundo que la UE trata a los refugiados como seres humanos con todos sus derechos. Parece innecesario recalcarlo, pero por desgracia no lo es. Hagamos que la aplicación de este acuerdo haga recuperar la convicción sobre el papel de la UE en el resto de mundo.


  Nicola Danti (S&D), per iscritto. I primi risultati dell'accordo tra Unione europea e Turchia, che ha come principale obiettivo quello di ripristinare un sistema di ammissione legale dei migranti, possono considerarsi positivi: la consistente riduzione del numero di migranti irregolari che ha portato alla chiusura della "rotta balcanica", un aiuto logistico e materiale concreto al governo greco e un contrasto più efficace ai trafficanti di essere umani. Nei prossimi mesi l'accordo dovrà essere monitorato con grande attenzione e senso di responsabilità da parte delle istituzioni europee, senza deroga alcuna al rispetto degli standard minimi che sono richiesti al governo di Ankara, nella salvaguardia dei principi e dei valori fondamentali dell'Unione, quali la libertà di stampa e di espressione. Inoltre, l'avvio dell'accordo con la Turchia non dovrà far dimenticare la necessità di un impegno comune sulle rotte alternative, come quella "mediterranea", definendo quanto prima una strategia europea di ampio respiro per regolare i flussi crescenti che provengono anche dai paesi nordafricani. In questo senso, penso che le proposte innovative del governo italiano, contenute nel documento "Migration Compact", possano costituire un valido punto di partenza per indirizzare il dialogo nella giusta direzione e fornire alcune delle risposte di cui l'Unione europea ha bisogno.


  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR), в писмена форма. Споразумението между ЕС и Турция няма да проработи, защото Турция не спазва задълженията си. Турция продължава да организира и да направлява мигрантските потоци през Балканите. Само за една нощ на границата между Турция и България са били заловени 91 лица, преминали нелегално границата.

Отделно Турция е заплаха за националната сигурност на моята страна, защото тази съседка създава политически проекти на територията на България. Турция се опитва да овладее едно вероизповедание и по този начин да се намесва пряко във вътрешните ни работи, след като години наред се намесваше непряко, организирайки гласовете на изселниците в Турция в една или друга посока. Това е вредно и опасно за демокрацията в България.

Категорично съм против и визовата либерализация за Турция, която организира, финансира, обучава и тясно сътрудничи с „Ислямска държава“. Има голяма вероятност Европа да бъде залята от кюрдски бежанци, които, страхувайки се от систематичното етническо прочистване, извършвано от властите в Турция, ще бъдат изтласкани и накарани да бягат към ЕС. Да не говорим за демокрацията в Турция, където бият и арестуват журналисти, редакции на печатни и електронни медии се превземат с бой, политическите противници биват пребивани в залите на самия парламент. Категорично това не е държава, достойна да бъде част от европейското семейство.


  Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne Pri súčasnom vývoji migračnej krízy v Európe bolo iba otázkou času, kedy a v akej forme uzatvorí Európska únia dohodu s Tureckom, aby oslabila vplyv a možnosti pašerákov a pokúsila sa otvoriť cestu legálnej migrácii do Európskej únie. Podľa dohody by Európska únia mala prevziať z Turecka nanajvýš 72 000 sýrskych migrantov. Mala by na to využiť doteraz neobsadené miesta v už odsúhlasených programoch prerozdeľovania a presídľovania migrantov. Pokiaľ do vyčerpania tohto počtu miest neprestanú utečenci do Grécka prichádzať, bude program zastavený. Musíme však jasne povedať, že predmetná dohoda s Tureckom nevyrieši utečeneckú krízu, preto sa musíme spoločnými silami usilovať o čo najskoršie zabezpečenie vonkajších hraníc Európskej únie a obnoviť fungovanie schengenského priestoru bez vnútorných hraničných kontrol, čo nie je jednoduchá úloha, keďže napríklad Rakúsko na začiatku tohto týždňa sprísnilo hraničné kontroly na východnej hranici. Prijatím predmetnej dohody s Tureckom sa však Európska únia dostala do nezávideniahodnej situácie, pretože turecký prezident už Európsku úniu varoval, že ak pri plnení dohody zlyhá, Turecko počet utečencov v Európe nezníži. V budúcnosti tak môžeme rátať aj s ďalšími možnými požiadavkami zo strany Turecka v rámci znovuotvorených prístupových rokovaní, čo nie je fér voči členom Európskej únie, ktorí museli splniť všetky požiadavky do bodky.


  Eider Gardiazabal Rubial (S&D), por escrito. El pasado 18 de marzo se alcanzó un acuerdo con Turquía para gestionar la "Crisis de Refugiados". Un acuerdo controvertido por aplicar una lógica mercantilista a los reasentamientos. Entre otros, no queda claro cuál será el destino de aquellos refugiados que no están cubiertos por la excepción territorial de Turquía a la Convención de Ginebra, cuál será el impacto de este acuerdo sobre la planeada reforma del Sistema de Dublín o si Turquía respeta nuestros estándares de los derechos humanos. En mayo se va a celebrar la primera cumbre mundial de acción humanitaria que, por azar del destino, tendrá lugar en Estambul. En un mundo donde ya hay más de 120 millones personas refugiadas y los conflictos bélicos se multiplican y duran cada vez más, el punto clave de la acción humanitaria es el respeto a los principios y a la legislación internacional. En esa cumbre, el Parlamento Europeo debe asegurar al mundo que la UE trata a los refugiados como seres humanos con todos sus derechos. Parece innecesario recalcarlo, pero por desgracia no lo es. Hagamos que la aplicación de este acuerdo haga recuperar la convicción sobre el papel de la UE en el resto de mundo.


  Sergio Gutiérrez Prieto (S&D), por escrito. El pasado 18 de marzo se alcanzó un acuerdo con Turquía para gestionar la "Crisis de Refugiados". Un acuerdo controvertido por aplicar una lógica mercantilista a los reasentamientos. Entre otros, no queda claro cuál será el destino de aquellos refugiados que no están cubiertos por la excepción territorial de Turquía a la Convención de Ginebra, cuál será el impacto de este acuerdo sobre la planeada reforma del Sistema de Dublín o si Turquía respeta nuestros estándares de los derechos humanos. En mayo se va a celebrar la primera cumbre mundial de acción humanitaria que, por azar del destino, tendrá lugar en Estambul. En un mundo donde ya hay más de 120 millones personas refugiadas y los conflictos bélicos se multiplican y duran cada vez más, el punto clave de la acción humanitaria es el respeto a los principios y a la legislación internacional. En esa cumbre, el Parlamento Europeo debe asegurar al mundo que la UE trata a los refugiados como seres humanos con todos sus derechos. Parece innecesario recalcarlo, pero por desgracia no lo es. Hagamos que la aplicación de este acuerdo haga recuperar la convicción sobre el papel de la UE en el resto de mundo.


  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE), napisan. Sporazum s Turskom je neophodan kako bi se stvorio pravni okvir za neodržive situacije kojima svjedočimo već više od godinu dana. Nije idealan, ali je neophodan! Treba stati na kraj krijumčarenju ljudi i njihovoj tragediji koja na Mediteranu traje godinama. U tom zahtjevnom poslu milijuni izbjeglica u Turskoj trebaju dobiti pravo na zaštitu i skrb, a djeca pravo na obrazovanje. To je preduvjet i za ono što izbjeglice priželjkuju: siguran povratak u Siriju i nastavak normalnog života u svojoj zemlji.

Turska i Grčka imaju veliku obavezu da zajedničkim snagama osiguraju provođenje sporazuma na granici Europske unije. Iz tog razloga, ali i mnogih drugih dobro je što su obje vlasti spremne na suradnju kao nikada prije.

Vizni režim kojega treba ukinuti za građane Turske, treba ukinuti pod jednim uvjetom: Turska mora ispuniti sve što propisi EU-a traže u takvoj situaciji!


  Barbara Kappel (ENF), schriftlich. Mit dem EU-Türkei-Abkommen sollen zwei Ergebnisse erreicht werden: Das Flüchtlings- und Migrationsaufkommen in Europa soll reduziert und organisierten Schleusern die Basis entzogen werden. Bei der Umsetzung des Abkommens, nämlich der Rückführung von Flüchtlingen und Migranten in die Türkei, gibt es jedoch massive Probleme. Trotz der Vereinbarung ebbt die Welle illegaler Zuwanderung nicht ab, es ändern sich lediglich die Routen. Ebenso dürfen die 50.000 Flüchtlinge nicht vergessen werden, die seit der Schließung der Balkanroute in Griechenland festsitzen. Erschwerend hinzu kommt die Ankündigung der türkischen Regierung, das Abkommen mit der EU platzen zu lassen, sollte die EU nicht ab Juni 2016 eine Visabefreiung für türkische Staatsbürger umsetzen. Präsident Erdoğan hatte verlautbart, die Türkei könne Flüchtlinge wieder durchreisen lassen, falls die EU die Visumspflicht nicht wie vereinbart aufhebe. Dabei scheint jedoch seitens des türkischen Präsidenten vergessen worden zu sein, dass es für visafreie Reisen in die EU klare Anforderungen gibt, die die Türkei noch zu erfüllen hat. Ebenso bestehen Zweifel in den damit verbundenen Fragen zur Medien- und Meinungsfreiheit der Türkei. Europa wäre daher gut beraten, die Vereinbarung mit der Türkei mit Vorsicht zu genießen. Denn dieses Flüchtlingsabkommen – falls es je Anwendung findet – wird für die Mitgliedstaaten bedeutende Konsequenzen nach sich ziehen.


  Jaromír Kohlíček (GUE/NGL), písemně. Vztahy Turecka a zemí Evropy byly vždy velmi delikátní. V některých historických etapách sahalo Turecko do střední Evropy a teprve po roce 1683, kdy se Turkům nepodařilo dobýt Vídeň díky hrdinství českých vojáků rakouské armády, přestaly snahy jeho vládců o vyžadování plateb od svých sousedů, dnešních členských zemí EU. Tyto platby byly prováděny různým způsobem a vesměs se realizovaly jako dary sultánovi prostřednictvím vyslanců jednotlivých zemí, zejména Rakouska. Tato reminiscence, jako každé srovnání, má své slabé stránky, ale nic nemění na požadavku Turecka: Plaťte, nebo …!! Bylo by naivní dělat si iluze o demokratičnosti a dalším směřování současného režimu prezidenta Erdogana, na druhé straně přes pokračující vnitřní válku proti Kurdům a postupující islamizaci je Turecko stále poměrně demokratickým státem v porovnání s ostatními zeměmi severní Afriky a Blízkého východu. Přesto placení 6 miliard EUR kryté vládními podmínkami ze strany EU není šťastnou myšlenkou. Pašování imigrantů do zemí EU se totiž stalo jedním z nejlépe prosperujících byznysů srovnatelným s pašováním a distribucí drog. Nabízí se tedy otázka, co skutečně může tento problém vyřešit. Žádná z odpovědí nebude uspokojivá, ale rozhodně platby „tributu“ komukoliv problém nevyřeší. Skutečným řešením je stabilizace zemí, na jejichž rozkladu státy EU a USA pilně pracovaly.


  Андрей Ковачев (PPE), в писмена форма. Споразумението между Турция и Европейския съюз за регулиране на кризата промени коренно броя на пристигащите бежанци и имигранти, като създаде възможност за легална имиграция към Европа.

Въпреки това, проблемът е все още далече от трайно решаване. Не е възможно да се намери решение на мигрантската криза, ако Европейският съюз продължава да има 28 различни национални системи за предоставяне на убежище. Нека използваме предизвикателствата, за да ускорим не само създаването на единна система за убежище, но така също и обмена на специална информация между разузнавателните служби на държавите членки и създаването на Европейска информационна агенция, която да координира процеса, както и споделянето на отбранителния капацитет, което да доведе постепенно до общи въоръжени сили.

Също така, без решение на проблема в Сирия няма как да кажем, че мигрантската вълна към Европа ще бъде окончателно овладяна. Първоизточникът е в Сирия и в Либия. „Ислямска държава“ има сериозна база в Либия. Желанието на международната общност е да има единно правителство, след демократични избори, което да има контрол върху цялата територия на страната. Само с консолидиране и създаване на силна Европа „отвътре“ и борба с първоизточниците на проблемите „отвън“ ще можем да се справим с предизвикателствата и да излезем от тях по-силни.


  Csaba Molnár (S&D), írásban. A márciusban megkötött EU-török együttműködés óta több mint kétharmadával csökkent a görög szigetekre érkezők száma a Frontex uniós határőrizeti szerv szerint. Ezek alapján magabiztosan vonhatjuk le azt a következtetést, hogy a közös európai menekültpolitika működni kezdett. Ezzel szemben az egyéni tagállami megoldások, a kerítésépítések és a határzár csak fokozták az emberi szenvedést, megoldást nem kínáltak. A Törökországgal kötött alku azt szolgálja, hogy a menekültek többé ne tegyék kockára az életüket a veszélyes tengeri úton, ne kerüljenek az embercsempészek karmai közé. A török alku megteremtette annak lehetőségét, hogy a háború elől menekülők legális úton, biztonságos körülmények között, szabályozott módon érkezhessenek az EU területére.

Ahhoz, hogy az EU-török megállapodás továbbra is működhessen, szükséges az uniós tagállamok szolidaritása. Csak együtt tudunk szembenézni az EU történelmének legnagyobb válságával, minden tagállamnak ki kell vennie a részét. Beszéljünk világosan: a menekültválság nem fog magától megszűnni, ezért az uniós menekültügyi rendszer átfogó reformját sem halogathatjuk tovább. A felálló közös uniós határőrizet, a frontvonalban lévő tagállamok tehermentesítése, az uniós szolidaritás, a menekültügyi eljárások teljes harmonizációja és az amerikai zöldkártya-rendszerhez hasonló uniós kékkártya ezt a célt szolgálják. Az uniós menekültpolitikát csak az emberi méltóság, az emberiesség és a szolidaritás elveihez hűen alakíthatjuk át. Az európai értékek nem lehetnek alku tárgyai.


  Andrej Plenković (PPE), napisan. Potrebna je sveobuhvatna strategija kako bismo se suočili s migrantskom krizom, stavljajući naglasak na vraćanje kontrole nad vanjskim granicama EU-a. Turska kao jedan od ključnih partnera Europske unije mora biti dio rješavanja migrantske krize.

Izjava EU-a i Turske od 18. ožujka potvrđuje predanost provedbi zajedničkog akcijskog plana kako bi se pružila zaštita migrantima te prekinulo krijumčarenje ljudima. Pritom je važno osigurati postojanje učinkovitih mehanizma provedbe, sprječavanje alternativnih putova krijumčara ljudima, stvaranje odgovarajućih uvjeta za azilante te postojanje dovoljno ljudskih resursa koji će se time baviti u Grčkoj. Također je važno da provedba bude u skladu s međunarodnim i europskim pravnim normama te da se uzme u obzir nadolazeća reforma zajedničkog (dublinskog) sustava azila. Europska komisija i Europsko vijeće pritom moraju pratiti stanje ljudskih prava i slobode govora te položaj sirijskih izbjeglica u Turskoj.

Uzevši u obzir navedene mjere provedbe, ovakav dogovor predstavlja realističan plan rješavanja trenutne situacije.


  Algirdas Saudargas (PPE), raštu. Turkijos ministras Europos Sąjungai Volkan Bozkir vizito Austrijoje metu pareiškė, jog Ankara gali sustabdyti readmisijos susitarimą, jeigu ES iki birželio Turkijos piliečiams nesuteiks bevizio režimo. Tai jis pavadino „derybomis“. Įprastai derėdamasi su trečiosiomis šalimis ES sugeba tai daryti pagal savo iškeltas sąlygas. Tačiau tiek derybos dėl ES ir Turkijos susitarimo, tiek ir jo vykdymas klostosi visai kitaip, o Ankara vis dažniau užima gana kategorišką poziciją – viskas arba nieko. Susitarimas Turkijai ir taip suteikė daug privilegijų – pradedant milžiniška finansine parama ir baigiant atvertais naujais skyriais derybose dėl narystės ES. Taip pat išsakytas pažadas suteikti bevizį režimą Turkijos piliečiams. Ir nors tai įvyko Europą krečiančios migrantų krizės fone, ES negali nematyti to, kas yra objektyvu. Vis daugiau tarptautinių žmogaus teisių gynimo organizacijų išreiškia nerimą dėl galios centralizacijos Turkijoje, varžomų žmogaus teisių ir demokratinių laisvių. 2016 m. Pasauliniame žiniasklaidos laisvės indekse Turkija nukrito per dvi vietas ir šiandien užima vos 151-ą vietą iš 180-ies reitinguojamų valstybių. Niujorke veikiantis Žurnalistų apsaugos komitetas pareiškė, kad žiniasklaidos laisvė Turkijoje yra valdžios „apsiaustyje“. Nepaisant readmisijos susitarimo svarbos, turime išlikti principingi ir sprendimą dėl vizų režimo panaikinimo priimti laikantis griežtų sąlygiškumo kriterijų ir tai Ankara turi įsisąmoninti. ES ir Turkijos susitarimas neturi tapti Turkijos valdžios įrankiu šantažuoti ES išsižadėti pamatinių principų.


  Maria Lidia Senra Rodríguez (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Este acuerdo entre la Unión Europea y Turquía, así como el maltrato y la humillación con la que reciben a las personas demandantes de asilo, ponen de manifiesto como lo dijo el representante del Consejo un nuevo prisma. Sí, refleja cómo lo peor de la condición humana se ha apoderado de las instituciones europeas. También es verdad que no tiene precedentes, porque nunca antes la Comisión y el Consejo habían dado un aval tan grande a políticas violentas, ilegales y contrarias a los derechos humanos contra las personas que buscan asilo. Les pido que dejen de ser los sicarios del capital, que pongan fin a los conflictos que provocan, alientan o apoyan para defender los intereses de las transnacionales y que son la causa de esta grave situación. Pongan fin a esta Europa neoliberal, recuperen la democracia, los valores de solidaridad y el respeto a los derechos humanos. Pido a este Parlamento utilizar todos los recursos para poner fin a esta vergüenza y a todo el sufrimiento que están causando.


  Csaba Sógor (PPE), in writing. The EU-Turkey agreement should be maintained for as long as it works, and despite all the criticisms the results show that for the time being, it works: we no longer witness the uncontrollable flow of migration towards Europe, the activities of people smugglers have been disrupted and, most importantly, people no longer drown in the Aegean. Joint action with Turkey also created the possibility that, thanks to European funding, the three million refugees stranded in the country can benefit from more dignified living conditions, including through increased access to healthcare and education. Therefore it was a good decision to engage with Turkey, especially if we consider the results of Europe’s unilateral actions in the years before the agreement. Nevertheless, for the benefit of both Europe and the citizens of Turkey we should stand firm and make sure that, if signed, the visa liberalisation agreement contains strong emergency mechanisms in case Turkey does not respect the criteria for the visa waiver regime.


  Miguel Viegas (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Os eixos essenciais da chamada política migratória da UE face a esta gravíssima crise humanitária visam o aprofundamento da Europa Fortaleza, com a criminalização e expulsão dos refugiados e migrantes, promovendo uma agenda xenófoba e racista, a par de outras práticas discriminatórias, de intolerância, autoritárias e antidemocráticas. As decisões recentes do Conselho Europeu confirmam a prossecução de uma política desumana e cruel, perante dramas humanitários que são o resultado direto da ação intervencionista da UE, em articulação com os EUA e a NATO, no continente africano e no Médio Oriente.

Em clara violação do direito internacional, optam por aprofundar a resposta militarizada ao drama dos que fogem da pobreza extrema, da fome e dos conflitos militares, fechando-os no sinistro círculo de guerra que duplamente os condena. O acordo recentemente celebrado com a Turquia é bem ilustrativo da hipocrisia da UE e da total ausência dos valores elementares de respeito pelos direitos humanos e democráticos quando, para lá do compromisso dos 3 mil milhões de euros, acena com a adesão da Turquia à União Europeia como contrapartida para servir de Estado tampão retendo no seu território e nas suas fronteiras as vagas de refugiados.


  Henna Virkkunen (PPE), kirjallinen. EU:n ja Turkin välinen sopimus pakolaiskriisin hallitsemiseksi ja ihmissalakuljetuksen pysäyttämiseksi on tärkeä. Yhteistyötä Turkin kanssa tarvitaan. Turkki-yhteistyö on kuitenkin vain yksi monista toimista pakolaiskriisin ratkaisemiseksi. Ei voida tuudittautua siihen, että Turkki hoitaa EU:n pakolaisongelmat. EU:n puutteellisen ulkorajavalvonnan ja turvapaikanhakijoiden rekisteröinnin voivat laittaa kuntoon vain EU:n jäsenmaat itse.

Euroopan ohella myös Turkki on ollut kovilla pakolaisvirtojen kanssa. Syyriasta on sodan seurauksena tullut Turkkiin jo yli 2,5 miljoonaa turvapaikanhakijaa. Turkissa on tällä hetkellä väkilukuun suhteutettuna eniten pakolaisia maailmassa. Valtaosa Turkissa olevista pakolaisista elää pakolaisleirien ulkopuolella ja humanitaarinen tilanne on erittäin huolestuttava. Ihmisoikeusjärjestö Amnesty Internationalin raportoimat tiedot turvapaikanhakijoiden huonosta kohtelusta ja palautuksista Syyriaan on otettava vakavasti. Kansainvälisistä sopimuksista on pidettävä kiinni kriisitilanteissakin.

Osana pakolaiskriisin hoitamista EU on luvannut Turkille kuusi miljardia euroa taloudellista tukea sekä viisumivapaus- ja EU-jäsenyysneuvottelujen vauhdittamista. EU:n taloudellinen tuki alueelle on välttämätöntä. Sen sijaan viisumivapaus- ja EU-jäsenyysneuvottelujen kytkeminen osaksi pakolaissopimusta ei ole oikein. Nämä kysymykset on käsiteltävänä erillisinä ja niitä on arvioitava omista lähtökohdistaan, niille ehdoksi asetettujen kriteerien mukaisesti. Viisumivapaus voidaan myöntää vain, jos sille asetetut 72 edellytystä aidosti toteutuvat.

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