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Úterý, 10. května 2016 - Štrasburk Revidované vydání

15. Pomoc EU Libanonu a Jordánsku při zvládání dopadů syrské krize (rozprava)
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  President. – The next item is the debate on the statement by the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on EU assistance to Lebanon and Jordan to face the effects of the Syrian crisis (2016/2698(RSP)).

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Madam President, let me start by saying that I was just in Lebanon and Jordan – actually, physically, I was in Jordan coming from Lebanon – on the day of the terrorist attack in Brussels and I felt, I experienced myself, very directly, the support and the sympathy that these countries gave us Europeans on one of the most dramatic days of our recent history.

And I believe that that was a reflection of our partnership, our friendship, which is strong, as we work with each other, but basically we support each other – which is sometimes more important than that – but that was also a reflection of the fact that those countries are facing that kind of challenge every single day that goes by.

Because when we mention the effects of the Syrian crisis, we tend normally to focus on the refugee crisis – which is indeed the case, I will come to that in a moment – but we should not underestimate the risks in terms of security, the threats, the challenges that these two countries are facing due to the crisis in Syria and the spread of Daesh in their own region.

So I think we should always keep this in mind: that they are exposed to different levels of threats and pressures, and the way in which they are resisting this storm, which is actually a perfect storm, is quite remarkable. And let me also mention that we discuss these two countries together very often. Our work with them is always highlighted together. They are very different one from the other – I know you all know that as regards their political situation, social situation and obviously this very same composition of the countries – but indeed they have some elements in common.

First of all, they are giving shelter and hope to millions of people fleeing Syria. They show a great example of peaceful coexistence among different faiths and nationalities, which is an example for the Middle East, an example for Europe and also an example for the whole world. And they can play an important role in the solution of so many crises, starting with Syria, obviously – we sit together in the International Support Group for Syria. But let me mention, for instance, the key role that Jordan plays when it comes to the Middle East peace process.

I believe we all agree across the different political families on this: that our support for Jordan and Lebanon is an investment, is in the best interests of the countries, of the countries’ citizens, of Syrian refugees, of the whole region in terms of stability and security, and it is also in the best interests of European citizens.

There are over one million registered refugees in Lebanon. The real figure is likely to be higher – perhaps around 1.5 million – as the UNHCR, as we know, is no longer allowed to register new arrivals, which is something that should be fixed as quickly as possible. This means that one quarter of the Lebanese population are Syrian refugees – one quarter.

Lebanon is just a bit bigger than Strasbourg’s region, Alsace; but Lebanon alone hosts almost as many Syrians as the entire European Union. I would like us to keep this in mind, very clearly, when we speak about these two countries, facing at the same time a neighbouring country that is torn by war and the threat of Daesh. So those who believe that refugees might destroy our Union should look at these figures and – allow me to be blunt – feel ashamed.

There are over 630 000 registered refugees in Jordan. The recent census shows that 1.2 million Syrians are in the country. So these are the figures; these are the numbers; and these are issues that are not debatable. These are there, they are facts. But let us also keep in mind that we are talking about real people behind the numbers, with names, faces, stories to tell, hopes for the future, and that we have to support these countries also for the sake of the humanity that is behind these numbers.

I visited refugee camps in Jordan and Lebanon several times, and the last time was on the very day of the terrorist attacks in Brussels. If I can share with you on a personal note, it was very difficult for me in those hours to decide to keep the agenda of our meetings going with what was happening just a few metres away from our European institutions.

For me it was important to hold the meetings inside the refugee camps in Jordan that day, as I did in Lebanon on the previous day, because in the camps, but also in the local communities that are hosting them outside of the camps, you very often meet people who are fleeing from the same atrocities that we sometimes experience in Europe. These are in most cases people fleeing from the atrocities of Daesh and who can tell you stories that you would never ever want to hear.

Obviously, we had held other meetings and visits before that – myself, Commissioner Hahn, Commissioner Stylianides – on several occasions, and what I saw in those days, what my colleagues and friends have seen every time we go there, is people that even if they have experienced the worst atrocities in their lives, still have a smile on their face, still find a reason to hope and still believe that it can be possible to go back to their homes. When you ask them – sometimes 10-year-old boys and girls in the school, sometimes 17-year-old boys and girls, hoping to go to university – if you ask them: what is your dream, if you can express one wish, what would it be? It is not to come to Europe, it is to go back to Syria. All of them! So I think that we have a collective responsibility towards those hopes that are still alive in their minds and in their hearts.

We have obviously a duty to work on a solution to the Syrian crisis. This is something that we are constantly doing. I was just in Paris for one of the meetings with the Syrian opposition and some of our partners in the region in Europe and the United States. To continue working on that, we will have another meeting of the Support Group for Syria next week, so our work on that side does not stop: it is tireless. But we have a duty to feed this hope with concrete measures every single day.

In those camps and in the local communities that are hosting so many refugees, both in Lebanon and Jordan, we have almost always also seen the European Union in action. We have seen schools paid for with European support, food and clothes, both thanks to our help, babies born in hospitals that we finance. We are literally giving life in those places, and it made me proud of our European Union. It showed me that our work can have a direct impact on every single life that we invest in, and this makes the figures for our money, our support, our investments in the region, real when you see the baby that was born the previous day, when you see the children in school, when you see the food and water coming.

The European Union is the first donor in the region. This means that we have been helping Syrian refugees with almost EUR 6 billion mobilised so far by institutions and Member States together – EUR 6 billion! And this is something of which I remind our partners around the world every time I meet them, from Washington to Tokyo. Because I believe that we have to reach a point where this is felt as a global responsibility – not just a regional one, not just a European one, but a global one – and I believe that we are slowly managing somehow to broaden the spectrum of actions that are taken also by other actors in order either to welcome refugees or support financially other countries that are welcoming them there.

The pledges of the International Donors Conference in London last February are already materialising, building in many cases on long—standing efforts that, as you know, we have undertaken since the beginning. You know that more than half of the money pledged in London and which is coming in concrete projects comes from the EU budget, and if you look at the EU budget and Member States’ budgets combined, this makes up two thirds of the pledges in London.

We are trying to address the refugees’ immediate needs but also, as I said, to keep hope alive. In concrete terms, hope is the possibility to go to school for the children, to learn a job, to imagine your own life after exile, and for this very reason we are very much focusing especially on two main issues – the support we give to children and young people and the support we give to women – because we know very well that these are the two engines for keeping hope alive in the families that flee Syria.

This is important for Syria and its future. This is important for the Syrian people. This is important for the host countries, but this is also important for Europe because it is quite clear that hope can succeed where the fear of fences and border police can only fail. So this is also a very pragmatic approach that we can take. Investing in schools, education, job creation for the young people of Syria in Jordan and Lebanon is also a way of investing in their future close to home.

At the same time, we also need to support the host communities and their resilience. So we are working on the compacts of mutual commitments with Lebanon and Jordan, which will come on top of the commitments agreed in London and will be annexed to our new bilateral partnership priorities. If an agreement is reached, and I am quite positive about that, the European Union could provide overall over EUR 1 billion in 2016 and 2017 for these initiatives, both in Jordan and Lebanon. And this is not only about aid, because when Europe acts as a union, as we managed to do in London, we can mobilise a unique and quite impressive number of different assets ranging from trade to policy dialogues.

For Jordan, for instance, we are looking into a temporary relaxation of rules of origin to announce trade investments and job opportunities for Syrian refugees also. That would create job opportunities for the Syrians and for the Jordanians in the host communities that are more exposed. I called the compacts a win—win—win proposal. They would benefit the refugees, the host communities and us.

In fact the compacts are being designed to build on mutual commitments, and let me stress how proud I was that we managed to shape these compacts in the London Conference out of a mainly UK idea, using mainly EU tools for the benefit of us all. And I believe this is something that our friends in the UK should consider when we talk about the added value of our common instruments.

On our mutual commitments: for instance, while we provide financial support to schools for attendance for refugee children in Lebanon, we also need the local authorities to create a protective environment around the children, so the parents can feel confident about sending their children to school.

In our relationship with Jordan and Lebanon we can learn a great deal; we can learn a lot from each other, and perhaps Europe has more to learn than we would want to admit. I agree with the wise words of the King of Jordan, His Majesty King Abdullah, when he says that countries that are hosting a relatively small number of refugees should maybe act more and preach less.

But let me also take a moment to remember the tens of thousands of Syrian refugees stranded at Jordan’s north-eastern border, the ‘Berm’. The vast majority of them are women and children and they need urgent humanitarian assistance, which is difficult to deliver in such a remote area. I am aware that the issue is very sensitive and there are a number of aspects, so I am very grateful to the Jordanian Government for its decision to allow 20 000 people from the area to be hosted at the Azraq camp. This is a very important move, and I hope that relief and protection for refugees at the Berm can be found quickly.

I know that this House, this Hemicycle, this Parliament supports the work we are doing with both Jordan and Lebanon, and let me tell you that your contribution will be important and will be welcome in continuing this important work.

On my side you know that I will guarantee that I will always work to strengthen our ties with these two countries at all levels, especially because –I know we normally focus on the fact that they are hosting the refugees, but let me stress once more – their resilience is strategic to our security. This is not one region out of many; it is our region and it is the most troubled region in the world. So their resilience is somehow a very strategic element of our internal security as well. King Abdullah is a very respected and inspiring figure in the Muslim world. and I remember that we listened to his words here in this Hemicycle last year. And I have had the pleasure of meeting him and Queen Rania on several occasions.

Let me say that obviously we are also focusing very closely on the political situation in Lebanon, especially on ending the political crisis. That is crucial to realising the full potential of our partnership, and maybe we will have another occasion to come back to this proper discussion on the future of Lebanon’s political and institutional situation another time in this Hemicycle.

But let me close by quoting the words of King Abdullah of Jordan speaking in this Hemicycle, from that podium, one year ago, who said: ‘Our victory now depends on our unity. Europe’s role is vital ... It is essential that our regions renew the source of our great strength: the mutual respect that binds and sustains us.’ I believe that we have a responsibility to each other, and that responsibility is our duty to tell our friends and partners: Europe is with you as you are with Europe. We will not leave you alone because our common victory depends on our unity.

I thank you very much. I look forward to listening to your views on that.

(Applause)

 
  
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  Elmar Brok, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. Frau Präsidentin! Frau Vizepräsidentin! Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich bin beeindruckt von der Rede. Weil diese Rede, Frau Mogherini, die Sie gehalten haben, uns Europäern den Spiegel vorzeigt. Wir klagen und hören manches Geschreie von den äußeren Seiten des Hauses von der Überlastung Europas. Wenn ich mir vor Augen halte, was in anderen Teilen der Welt – und gerade in der Region – auf sich genommen wird, dann ist es geradezu lächerlich, was wir an Belastungen bisher haben.

Ich war in den letzten zwei Jahren verschiedentlich im Libanon. Wenn ich sehe, dass ein Land mit vier Millionen Einwohnern, das genauso zerstritten ist durch den proxy war der Saudis und der Iraner und seit 60 Jahren 300 000 palästinensische Flüchtlinge in Lagern hat, jetzt nochmal einmal weit über eine Million aus Syrien aufgenommen hat, dann ist das eine unglaubliche Anstrengung und moralische Leistung.

Wenn ich sehe, dass der König von Jordanien wegen der palästinensischen Flüchtlinge, die seit Jahrzehnten da sind, gar keine eigene Mehrheit mehr in seinem Land hat und dieses sehr arme Land jetzt noch einmal diese Zahl von Flüchtlingen auf sich genommen hat, dann würde ich uns alle mal einladen, das mal auf die Bevölkerungszahl der Stadt, in der man wohnt, hochzurechnen und sich anzuschauen, was dort an Belastungen da sind. Übrigens muss man auch hier die Türkei mit einbeziehen, die auch diese hohen Belastungen in großen Teilen mit übernommen hat. Aus diesem Grund finde ich es wichtig – und ich glaube, das wird so sein –, dass wir sie voll unterstützen, was die finanzielle Ausstattung betrifft und was auch den politischen Rückhalt betrifft. Dies ist eine Frage von christlicher Nächstenliebe, dies ist eine Frage von Humanität. Und jedes einzelne Menschenleben muss hier gerechnet werden und nicht immer die allgemeinen Rechnungen aufgestellt werden.

Dies ist eine Frage unserer Sicherheit. Wenn diese Region explodiert, wird das dramatische negative Folgen für uns haben, und deswegen sollten wir uns endlich klar machen, dass dies nicht eine Frage ist, wie wir hier besser dastehen können – indem wir uns da raushalten – sondern, dass wir für unsere Interessen kämpfen, wenn wir dort den Menschen helfen – den Staaten, wie den Flüchtlingen. Deswegen kann ich Ihnen von meiner Fraktion nur volle Unterstützung dafür zusagen, dass wir hier auch mehr machen, sowohl die Mitgliedstaaten als auch die Europäische Union. Darüber müssen wir auch reden, wenn wir über die midterm review, über den Haushalt reden, wo hier neue Schwerpunkte gesetzt werden.

 
  
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  Victor Boştinaru, on behalf of the S&D Group. Madam President, I would like to thank High Representative Mogherini for her passionate plea for solidarity and action. This is the message we need, and it is a clear invitation to Member States to take action to show that our moral standards are equally practised and not only spoken – that they are not only good teachings for others.

The situation today in Lebanon and Jordan is not sustainable. There are more than two million refugees in two small countries, in which they represent between 10 and 30% of the population. The UN’s humanitarian appeal for 2015 shows that 61% of the needs have been financed. A lot was promised in February at the London Conference on Syria, but we know very well that funding shortages means that most of the vulnerable Syrian refugees in Lebanon and Jordan live well below the UN poverty line. The generosity of the communities in the two countries is high, but it might not be enough. If we fail to help the two countries, then they could become the refugees of tomorrow. I quote you, Madam High Representative: ‘Jordan and Lebanon are rocks in the Middle Eastern storm’, and therefore I believe we have to support them by all means.

Jordan sets an example through its important efforts towards democracy and Lebanon is a stable but fragile state surrounded by so many threats. It is imperative to support their economic and social resilience in these difficult times. The EU has been a leading donor in the region, but we have to feel the sense of urgency and take difficult decisions. We also have to understand that if we want a comprehensive strategy to tackle the migration crisis, cooperation with Turkey is of equally huge importance.

On behalf of my S&D Group, I urge the Commission for the pledges to be disbursed and for the EU compacts to be finalised as soon as possible in order to immediately strengthen our assistance and cooperation with them using the full range of EU policies. Finally, I will also encourage the Commission and the European Parliament to respond immediately and effectively to the Jordanian request to grant the special arrangement on rules of origin, which we hope can help to provide new jobs for the Jordanians and Syrian refugees alike.

 
  
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  Bas Belder, namens de ECR-Fractie. Begin februari van dit jaar waarschuwde de Jordaanse vorst Abdullah ervoor dat zijn land een boiling point, een kookpunt, had bereikt vanwege de instroom van de honderdduizenden Syrische vluchtelingen. De feiten spreken voor zich. Syrische vluchtelingen maken thans 20 procent uit van de totale Jordaanse bevolking. Daardoor ziet het Hasjemitische Koninkrijk zich gedwongen om maar liefst 25 procent van zijn nationale budget aan hen te spenderen. De budgettaire rek in Amman is er dan ook volkomen uit. EU-hulp in deze nijpende situatie in de vorm van het scheppen van noodzakelijke werkgelegenheid – denk aan stimulering van de toeristische sector en een betere markttoegang van Jordaanse producten tot de Europese markt – is meer dan welkom. Ik sluit mij van harte aan bij de verzoeken van de Jordaanse autoriteiten in deze.

Nog dramatischer is de situatie in Libanon. Daar vormen de Syrische vluchtelingen reeds 25 procent van de totale bevolking. Bovendien is 90 procent van deze Syrische vluchtelingen soenniet, met alle gevolgen van dien voor de delicate religieuze balans tussen soennieten, sjiieten en christenen in het land. Nieuwe Libanese visummaatregelen voor Syriërs hebben inmiddels geleid tot grootschalige illegale Syrische immigratie in het land. Het trieste gevolg is dat momenteel 70 procent van de Syrische vluchtelingen in Libanon in diepe armoede verkeert. Vorige maand nog bracht een onderzoeksrapport naar buiten dat 70 procent van de Syrische vluchtelingenkinderen in Libanon op de arbeidsmarkt meedogenloos wordt geëxploiteerd. Een insider vertelde mij dat er sprake is van slavernij en mensenhandel op grote schaal, om nog maar niet te spreken van de weerzinwekkende seksuele slavernij waaronder de Syrische vrouwen lichamelijk en psychisch gebukt gaan in Libanon.

Hoge Vertegenwoordiger, ik verzoek u de Libanese autoriteiten dringend aan te spreken op kinder- en vrouwenmisbruik onder Syrische vluchtelingen in eigen land en zorg te dragen voor de ultieme bescherming van hun menselijke waardigheid.

 
  
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  Cecilia Wikström, on behalf of the ALDE Group. Madam President, I would like to congratulate the High Representative on her speech, which was full of passion and compassion for the people that are in need of our support.

During the last few months we have had a debate in Europe on the unprecedented arrivals and migrants on our shores. Heads of State have stated that Europe, the richest continent on the planet, can no longer cope with the numbers of refugees arriving. Let us be clear: we are facing a challenging situation. This is true, but this is mainly because we have completely failed to find a sustainable common European solution. If you were to spread the 1.5 million asylum seekers evenly throughout the Member States of the Union, it would imply that every city of 10 000 persons would receive 30 asylum seekers. Does this merit the crisis narrative? The amount of asylum seekers making their way to Europe over the past few years corresponds to not even 0.3% of our population. How about comparing that with the Lebanese situation where I, together with some ALDE colleagues, studied the situation a few weeks ago? Lebanon, a country approximately one-third of the size of Belgium with 4 million citizens, has received somewhere between 1.2 and 1.8 million refugees from Syria, which means that one in every four persons in Lebanon is a Syrian refugee.

This does not merit the crisis rhetoric. We in Europe are complaining over and over again that refugees should stay in the neighbouring countries as we sit back. Colleagues, mainly on the right wing of this House, are stating over and over again that it is not the same because the UNHCR and other NGOs will take care of the responsibility for them, but the truth is that the UNHCR only has the capacity to help about 15% of the refugees in Lebanon. In my view, while we must assist Lebanon and Jordan, we must first of all sort out our own failed asylum system rather than trying to close immoral deals or statements with increasingly authoritarian governments such as the Turkish one.

 
  
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  Marisa Matias, em nome do Grupo GUE/NGL. Senhora Presidente, Senhora Mogherini, quero começar por lhe agradecer sinceramente o empenho na solução política para a situação que se vive na Síria.

Não é de números que estamos a falar, na verdade: é de pessoas e de vidas que estamos a falar.

E prestar contas não é apenas prestar contas do dinheiro que é investido nos países como o Líbano ou a Jordânia: é prestar contas também das opções políticas da União Europeia, porque nem todo o dinheiro do mundo junto pode ajudar a lavar consciências.

Nós, obviamente, temos que apoiar o Líbano, a Síria e a Jordânia, quer no processo político na Síria, quer na questão dos refugiados no Líbano e na Jordânia, porque são países que dão abrigo e esperança, como disse, e bem, a milhões de pessoas.

Mas isso não basta. Não podemos achar que por um processo de outsourcing resolvemos o problema, ao colocar os refugiados nos países de fronteira. Precisamos de soluções políticas também e de uma resposta que não seja de vergonha da União Europeia.

Penso que, a esse respeito, o acordo com a Turquia faz parte do problema e não da solução. É, de facto, uma vergonha: falamos de países mais pobres e a União Europeia tem a obrigação de fazer muito mais no acolhimento destes refugiados e numa resposta política para o problema de fundo que é o conflito.

 
  
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  Barbara Lochbihler, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. Frau Präsidentin! Sehr geehrte Frau Mogherini, auch von mir herzlichen Dank für Ihr ausgezeichnetes Statement! Eine politische Lösung in Syrien ist nicht in Sicht. Die Hälfte der syrischen Bevölkerung ist auf der Flucht, jeder vierte Syrer hat sein Land inzwischen verlassen und Zuflucht in einem anderen Land gesucht. Allein in den vier Nachbarländern Türkei, Libanon, Jordanien und Irak leben mehr als 4,5 Millionen Flüchtlinge, und es besteht kein Zweifel, dass die Region noch auf Jahre hinaus auf internationale Hilfe angewiesen bleibt. Auf der Syrien-Geberkonferenz Anfang Februar in London wurden für dieses Jahr fünf Milliarden Euro und für die kommenden Jahre ein ähnlicher Betrag zugesagt. Die erforderlichen Summen liegen allerdings weitaus höher.

Ich habe im vergangenen Jahr den Libanon besucht und intensive Gespräche mit syrischen Flüchtlingen geführt. Den meisten Flüchtlingen ist bewusst, dass sie auf Jahre nicht in ihre Heimat zurückkehren werden. Daher ist es wichtig, dass internationale und lokale Hilfsmaßnahmen über eine Grundversorgung hinausgehen und Perspektiven eröffnen. Dabei sind für Flüchtlinge eine angemessene schulische Ausbildung sowie ein Zugang zum Arbeitsmarkt von zentraler Bedeutung.

Zum Offenhalten von Perspektiven gehört auch, dass syrische Flüchtlinge eine realistische Chance haben, zu ihren engsten Angehörigen in die EU nachzuziehen. Leider wird mir regelmäßig von großen Schwierigkeiten bei der Bewilligung von Anträgen auf Familienzusammenführung berichtet, zum Beispiel in deutschen Botschaften und Konsulaten. Denn neben finanzieller und operativer Unterstützung muss es ein wesentlicher Bestandteil europäischer Hilfe sein, dass syrische Flüchtlinge weiterhin bei uns Schutz suchen können.

 
  
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  Fabio Massimo Castaldo, a nome del gruppo EFDD. Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, gentile Alto rappresentante, grazie per il suo discorso e per il suo impegno. Io penso che su questo tema ci sia una sostanziale e forte unità di vedute tra la maggior parte dei membri di quest'Aula. Chi direbbe oggi che non vogliamo convintamente aiutare due paesi eroici come Giordania e Libano?

Mio malgrado, però, mi trovo a dover fare un'analisi e a fare dei conti che da un certo punto di vista mi dispiace fare. Se andiamo ad analizzare, ad esempio, il Trust fund "Madad", che si occupa proprio di aiutare i rifugiati siriani, e andiamo a comparare quello che noi facciamo in Giordania e Libano, da un lato, e in Turchia, dall'altro esce fuori una discrepanza notevole. Prima abbiamo fatto dei conti, abbiamo detto delle cifre importanti: ci sono circa 1 300 000 profughi in Libano, e almeno 650 000 – ma probabilmente un milione – in Giordania. Avremo quindi circa 2,5 milioni di profughi che in cambio ricevono, fra i due paesi, un aiuto di 1,8 miliardi. Per la Turchia, contando quello che viene dal Trust fund, i 3 miliardi del Refugee facility e altri 3 miliardi dell'accordo di marzo 2016, arriviamo a oltre 6,3, e non voglio ovviamente contare i fondi preadesione.

In Giordania e in Libano ci sono rifugiati dai tempi delle prime guerre israelo-palestinesi, centinaia di migliaia. Ci sono sforzi incredibili per la convivenza, mentre in Turchia vediamo invece un atteggiamento ambiguo contro Daesh e un atteggiamento ancora da condannare per quanto riguarda una non sufficiente lotta ad esempio contro i traffici di petrolio. In sostanza, mi viene da dire: perché usiamo questo discrimine positivo per un paese che però dimostra molto meno impegno? Forse perché la Turchia ci ricatta, mi viene da pensare? Possiamo accettare di essere forti con i deboli e deboli con i forti? Davanti agli sforzi di questi paesi, dico di no.

Dobbiamo continuare sulla strada di Londra, se dobbiamo fare un discrimine positivo deve essere proprio verso Giordania e Libano, aumentando enormemente gli sforzi e non cedendo ai ricatti di personaggi autoritari che invece vorrebbero piegarci ai loro voleri. Aiutare Libano e Giordania, vuol dire affrancarli anche dal ricatto di altre potenze regionali come l'Arabia Saudita, tutt'altro che solidale con i rifugiati, ma molto interessata ad esacerbare, ad esempio, gli scontri tra sunniti e sciiti in Libano stesso e le guerre per procura. La loro stabilità è la nostra, la loro prosperità è la nostra. Onoriamo il premio Nobel per la pace dell'Unione europea ogni giorno sul campo.

 
  
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  Franz Obermayr, im Namen der ENF-Fraktion. Frau Präsidentin! Die europäische Unterstützung für den Libanon beläuft sich mittlerweile auf gut 860 Millionen Euro jährlich. Das begrüße ich, stemmt doch das kleine Land mit über einer Million offizieller Flüchtlinge die Hauptlast, was die Aufnahme von Flüchtlingen in der Region angeht. Doch wir brauchen eine stärkere Zweckbindung dieser Mittel. Der Libanon war über Jahre Vorbild für die Integration verschiedener Religionen. Das ist durch das Vordringen extremistischer islamischer Kräfte massiv gefährdet.

Insbesondere die Situation der Christen droht sich nachhaltig zu verschlimmern. Gerade den zunehmenden Aggressionen gegen Christen in Flüchtlingslagern muss aber Einhalt geboten werden, und zwar nicht ausschließlich hier in Europa, sondern bereits im Nahen Osten. Die Union muss daher ihre Finanzhilfen für die Bewältigung der Flüchtlingskrise auch an Bedingungen knüpfen. Religiösen Minderheiten gehört auch in Flüchtlingslagern Schutz geboten, notfalls auch durch konfessionell getrennte Camps.

 
  
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  Udo Voigt (NI). Frau Präsidentin! Werte Kollegen! Frau Mogherini! Auch ich bin in der letzten Woche aus Syrien und dem Libanon zurückgekommen, und mir ist dort aufgefallen, dass die Flüchtlingslager unmittelbar an der Grenze mittlerweile leer sind. Das heißt, der Flüchtlingsdruck lässt nach. Ich verstehe nicht, warum Sie immer über den Verbleib der Flüchtlinge reden, ohne gleichzeitig zu berücksichtigen, dass sich die Lage in Syrien völlig verändert hat: 62 Städte, Dörfer und Gemeinden sind in den letzten sechs Wochen von der syrischen-arabischen Armee zurückerobert worden.

Ich bin in Maalula gewesen und habe gesehen, wie dort von 7000 Einwohnern 1500 zurückgekommen sind. 5500 Wohnungen stehen dort leer, und so sieht es in anderen Dörfern und Städten auch aus. Man könnte einiges tun, wenn man, statt Schulen zu finanzieren, sich darum kümmert, die Rückkehrbereitschaft der Flüchtlinge in sichere Gebiete zu fördern. Ich denke, dass dort gerade einiges möglich ist. Ich vermisse auch, dass Sie bei Ihren Fragen diejenigen einbeziehen, die Hauptverursacher der Flüchtlingskrise sind, nämlich die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika. Wie viele Flüchtlinge nehmen die denn auf?

 
  
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  Андрей Ковачев (PPE). Г-жо Председател, г-жо Могерини, искам да се присъединя към това, което казахте, и да изразя респект към усилията на Йордания и Ливан за намаляване на човешките страдания на милиони в региона.

Европейският съюз е най-големият финансов донор за сирийската криза, който до този момент е допринесъл с над 5 млрд. евро от бюджета си и от бюджетите на страните членки под формата на хуманитарна помощ и подкрепа за икономическото развитие и стабилизация.

Много често, ние подчертаваме, че Турция е приютила над 2 млн. бежанци, но забравяме малките държави Ливан и Йордания, че са приели на територията си общо 1,7 млн. сирийци, което се равнява на над 20% от тяхното общо население. С други думи, натискът над Ливан и Йордания е огромен. Не бива да забравяме, че в двете страни живеят и стотици хиляди палестинци и иракчани поради другите конфликти в Близкия изток.

В наш интерес не само по отношение на ценностите, на хуманността и състраданието, но и в наш интерес за намаляване на бежанската вълна към Европа е да помогнем и на Сирия, и на Йордания.

След споразумението с Европейския съюз, Европа трябва да помогне и за решаване на бежанския проблем в другите в другите страни, но също така трябва да се обърнем и към решения вътре при нас. С променящия се свят около нас, с кризите в европейското съседство, ние трябва да сме много по-единни и наистина от така наречена „мека сила“ да станем и „твърда сила“ – да имаме общ отбранителен капацитет, да имаме общо опазване на външнaтa границa, общо разузнаване.

Във външната политика Европа трябва да бъде много по-единна и консолидирана.

Аз много искам, г-жо Могерини, да имаме единен глас пред света и този глас да бъде вашият глас, който да се чува, Европа да бъде респектирана и да участва не само с хуманитарна помощ и помощ за развитие, но и с намирането на политически решения за кризите около нас.

 
  
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  Elena Valenciano (S&D). Señora Presidenta; tengo que felicitarla, señora Mogherini, felicitarla y también darle las gracias en nombre de todos aquellos y aquellas que seguimos creyendo en una Europa sólida, pero también en una Europa solidaria. Y escucharla a usted es un bálsamo, la verdad, en esta geografía política europea que, desgraciadamente, no tiene ni su energía ni su compromiso, señora Alta Representante. Así que gracias y enhorabuena por todo lo que está haciendo.

Efectivamente —lo hemos dicho ya todos—, Líbano y Jordania, junto con Turquía, son los países que más refugiados procedentes de la guerra de Siria han acogido. Muchos de estos países ya tenían un número muy alto de refugiados también palestinos —es el caso de Jordania y de Líbano—, y son países que tienen muchas dificultades internas. La Alta Representante ha mencionado los problemas de seguridad; tienen muchos problemas sociales, tienen estructuras sociales que no soportan la cantidad de necesidades que se les plantean, así que su esfuerzo es doble y el ejemplo debería servir a los Estados miembros de la Unión Europea que se están comportando con este egoísmo a la hora de abordar la crisis de los refugiados.

A los europeos nos gusta mucho dar lecciones, pero tal vez deberíamos dar ejemplo en vez de lecciones y, en este caso, tomar ejemplo de países que con dificultades mucho mayores han hecho un esfuerzo enorme de generosidad. Ojalá los europeos y, sobre todo, los Gobiernos europeos hubiéramos estado a su altura.

Creo que en este Parlamento encontrará, señora Mogherini, mayoritariamente un apoyo decidido a sostener el esfuerzo hacia Líbano y hacia Jordania, porque es una decisión inteligente, porque es una decisión justa, porque apela directamente a los valores que defendemos y apela también a nuestros propios intereses en términos de seguridad y para que la Unión Europea siga teniendo una voz fuerte en el mundo. La voz que usted, señora Mogherini, hoy está representando.

 
  
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  Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR). Pani Przewodnicząca! Dziękuję bardzo pani Mogherini za jej osobisty wkład na rzecz tego regionu i osobiste nim zainteresowanie. Myślę, że to jest bardzo wyraźny sygnał dla naszych partnerów w Libanie i Jordanii, że szczególnie doceniamy to, co robią dla uchodźców z sąsiednich krajów. Myślę, że powinniśmy po pierwsze politycznie wyciągać wnioski z błędów, które my jako Zachód popełniliśmy w tym regionie. Bo popełniliśmy błędy, nie ma co dyskutować w tej kwestii. Po drugie, powinniśmy bardzo mocno wspierać w sensie politycznym, gospodarczym, humanitarnym te dwa państwa, aby potrafiły rozwiązywać kwestie uchodźców, gdyż to leży w naszym elementarnym politycznym, społecznym, gospodarczym interesie. Jeszcze raz kieruję osobiste podziękowania do pani komisarz Mogherini.

 
  
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  Marietje Schaake (ALDE). Madam President, I would like to thank the High Representative for her heartfelt remarks today on a very tough situation in which too many people find themselves. The risk, danger and additional human suffering of a destabilised Lebanon – and that is what I will focus on – must not be underestimated, because the vast majority of the approximately 1.2 refugees in Lebanon are young and female. With a population of 4 million people in total, no other country is sheltering so many – until recently, with open borders.

The Lebanese people are five times as poor as the average European, and 25% of the population are refugees. Let those who claim that we are the first to suffer the consequences of the ongoing terrible war in Syria, think again and look to Lebanon. It should humble and shame all of us. Let the situation in Lebanon we are discussing today be a reality check for those who still preach shelter in the region as a mantra that will be a self-fulfilling prophecy, or who see the outsourcing of our problems to Turkey as the only credible solution. Do we plan to do as comprehensive a deal with Lebanon, or only when people reach our shores? This would be too cynical, but we do have to look at what is spent per capita, also in Lebanon, and make sure that we look at the bigger picture, including stability, infrastructure, countering terrorism and countering radicalisation.

 
  
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  Younous Omarjee (GUE/NGL). Madame la Présidente, Madame la Vice-présidente, je voudrais aussi vous remercier pour votre intervention. Nous avons été dans les camps de réfugiés à la frontière turco-syrienne, et je connais la signification des sourires des enfants syriens et des sanglots des parents.

Vous conviendrez avec moi que cette situation – cette aide humanitaire absolument nécessaire pour la Jordanie et le Liban – révèle aussi notre indignité, non pas celle de l'Union européenne, mais celle de l'Europe, cette Europe qui n'est pas capable d'accueillir le dixième des réfugiés accueillis au Liban et en Jordanie, soit à peu près 1,7 million de personnes.

Je serai ce dimanche en Jordanie et au Liban, avec la commission des budgets, et il me sera bien difficile, dans ces conditions, de faire la leçon tant au Liban qu'à l'État jordanien. Cette situation révèle aussi notre immoralité, car, en définitive, ce que nous faisons, c'est délocaliser notre mauvaise conscience ainsi que nos peurs.

 
  
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  Ulrike Lunacek (Verts/ALE). Madam President, let me thank Ms Mogherini not just for her words today, but also for her tireless efforts and the tireless efforts of all around her to make this world a better place to live in, especially for refugees in Jordan and in Lebanon.

I myself had the chance last week to represent President Schulz at the first Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region of the Women in Parliaments Global Forum, and there I had also a chance to visit the Azraq camp, which is funded to a large extent by EU money. There was a big EU flag there which, they told us, had not been there for long – so now it is there!

But the most touching thing was seeing kids in school: the education there. The young ones – like elementary school kids – were really eager to learn, so many of them, and saying what they wanted to become when they get older, also wanting to return. But then, the older they get, the fewer are attending school. We saw some preparing for graduation, and we heard that the reason why there are fewer of them as they get older is, in part, because there is no prospect for them to get scholarships to universities, for example.

So my colleague Beatriz Becerra and I decided that we will start a small Parliament initiative, with – hopefully – other parliamentarians, to support those young people – mostly the young women, but also some of those young men – to get some scholarships to be able to do what Ms Mogherini said: to keep hope alive for them to have a prospect in life. That will, hopefully, be one of our small contributions, to also work on that.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8)).

 
  
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  Udo Voigt (NI), Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. Ist Ihnen bekannt, dass in Syrien die gesamte Ausbildung bis zum Abschluss des Studiums vom Staat finanziert wird? Wenn die Menschen zurück könnten in ihre Heimat, könnten sie dort kostenlos ausgebildet werden.

 
  
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  Ulrike Lunacek (Verts/ALE), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. Ja, aber Sie wissen selbst, dass es in Syrien derzeit nicht möglich ist zu studieren. Das heißt, sie könnten in Jordanien studieren. Aber dort müssen sie dafür bezahlen. Und es wäre wohl sinnvoll, das auch zu unterstützen. Natürlich hoffen wir, dass der Krieg in Syrien bald vorbei ist. Aber dazu braucht es gemeinsame Bemühungen, und das machen auch Frau Mogherini und viele andere.

 
  
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  James Carver (EFDD). Madam President, we must pay tribute to Jordan and Lebanon, whose hospitality has helped ease the pressures facing EU countries by people traversing the dangerous migration routes into Europe, exacerbated by Chancellor Merkel’s earlier unwise comments. Concerns have already been raised by the Archbishop of Canterbury, highlighting the continued threats facing Christians and other minorities seeking equal sanctuary, and I would like to hear what actions are being taken to protect such groups, who face real threats within refugee camps from radical Islamists. As a grandson of both an Ashkenazi refugee and also of a lady who opened her own house to a family of refugees fleeing the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, I well understand the human suffering endured during a refugee crisis.

However, I am concerned by the wider political motives being played out as we hear continued commentary of how the EU has supposedly delivered peace since the Second World War, when in fact it has actually been achieved by the United Nations and NATO. So rather than channelling Member States’ money through EU institutions – which, at best, have a mixed record – let us instead work through the institutions that have a track record in not just bringing opposing sides to the negotiating table, but are best able to deliver results, rather than the aspirational aims of an EU desperately seeking a wider role on the international stage.

 
  
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  Zoltán Balczó (NI). Elnök Asszony! Libanon és Jordánia uniós támogatása indokolt, mert így elérhető, hogy kevesebb bevándorló érkezzen Európába. Mert ennek a bevándorlásnak súlyosak a következményei. Az anyagiakat számszerűsítve is tudjuk: ez öt évre 250 000 euró, hatalmas összeg, hiszen ennek alapján számították ki a kvótát elutasító tagállamok büntetési tételét.

De van ennél súlyosabb következmény is. Egy szimbolikus példát említek: Hamburgban egy kevéssé használt evangélikus templomot mecsetté alakítottak át, ahol nem csak pénteken van kihasználva. Nos, lehet azt mondani, hogy örüljünk neki, hogy a funkció nem változott, Isten háza Isten háza maradt, de hadd idézzem Erdogan török elnököt. 1997-ben isztambuli polgármesterként büszkén hirdette egy beszédében: „A mecsetek a mi laktanyáink, a kupolák a sisakjaink, a minaretek a bajonettjeink, a hívek a katonáink.” Ezen mindenkinek el kellene gondolkodnia.

 
  
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  Michael Gahler (PPE). Frau Präsidentin, Frau Hohe Beauftragte! Wir können in der Tat stolz sein auf das, was wir im Bereich der humanitären Hilfe für den Libanon und für Jordanien geleistet haben. Ich bin aber genauso davon überzeugt, dass wir uns damit nicht ausreichend einbringen.

Ich erwarte schon, dass wir im außenpolitischen Bereich bei der Lösung der Syrienfrage doch deutlich aktiver werden, denn wir sollten es nicht den USA und Russland überlassen, was dort geschieht. Denn wenn etwas schiefgeht, werden wir die Konsequenzen spüren. Vor allem die Flüchtlinge gehen weder nach Russland noch in die USA. Von daher der Appell, doch da auch mehr zu tun. Denn wir sehen, dass wir in Jordanien eine Situation haben, wo die Großzügigkeit bemerkenswert ist. Sie teilen ihr Bildungssystem, sie teilen ihre knappen Ressourcen wie Wasser, Energie und Wohnraum. Das treibt auch die Preise nach oben.

In Jordanien muss man feststellen, dass Gruppen wie die Muslimbrüder Stimmung gegen die Politik des Königs machen. Das macht mich sehr besorgt. Daher bitte ich, dass wir doch auch noch überprüfen, ob wir die Hilfe speziell auch für Jordanien nicht noch aufstocken können.

Wir müssen auch zur Kenntnis nehmen, dass im Nordosten des Landes der IS bereits einsickert. Da müssen wir vielleicht auch in Jordanien Hilfestellung in anderer Form leisten, um dagegen zu kämpfen. Ich hoffe insgesamt, dass wir das Engagement beibehalten, um diese beiden Länder zu stabilisieren.

 
  
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  Josef Weidenholzer (S&D). Frau Präsidentin! Wir sollten diese wichtige Debatte viel öfter führen. In der Tat ist die Situation in den Herkunftsländern die wichtigste Herausforderung für die Lösung der Flüchtlingskrise. Nicht alles ist rosig, man muss auch eingestehen, dass wir auch Fehler gemacht haben, dass wir auch versagt haben. So waren etwa die Kürzungen beim World-Food-Programm ausschlaggebend für den rapiden Anstieg der Flüchtlingszahlen im vergangenen Sommer.

Unterstützungsmaßnahmen in den Herkunftsländern sind aber nicht nur aus Eigeninteresse wichtig: Sie helfen Staaten wie dem Libanon und Jordanien. Jeder, der einmal in diesen Ländern war und diese Lager besucht hat, wird mit mir übereinstimmen: Es ist großartig, was in diesen Ländern geleistet wird, wie die Bevölkerung bereit ist, das Wenige mit den Flüchtlingen zu teilen. Wenn ein Land, wie Jordanien, das an Wassernot leidet, mehr als 600 000 Menschen zusätzlich beherbergt. Diese Bemühungen müssen wir unterstützen, mit Geld, mit mehr Geld und mit dem Aufbau von Strukturen der Selbstverwaltung, wie etwa in Zaatari. Diese Strukturen brauchen wir, wo Menschen die Geschicke selber in die Hand nehmen, ihre Kinder in den Schulen erziehen und ökonomisch aktiv werden können. Wir sollten aber auch einen Schritt weiter gehen und uns überlegen, ob wir nicht auch systematisch weitergehen sollten, wie es etwa nach 1945 die Amerikaner in Europa mit dem Marshall-Plan gemacht haben. Wir sollten darüber nachdenken, ob wir nicht einen Schuman-Plan für diese Länder entwickeln sollten.

 
  
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  Helga Stevens (ECR). Ik ben precies één jaar geleden zelf de situatie gaan opmeten in het vluchtelingenkamp Zaatari in Jordanië. Het moet gezegd dat de inrichting en het beheer van dat kamp door de VN-vluchtelingenorganisatie UNHCR lof verdient. Waar schort het dan, nu die kampen leeglopen? Waarom stappen die gezinnen in gammele bootjes richting Europa? Het antwoord is dat er onvoldoende middelen zijn en dat laat zich erg concreet voelen. Zo zijn de voedselrantsoenen al sinds enige tijd zeer laag. Wat doet dan een uitgehongerd gezin dat daar geen arbeidskaart kan verkrijgen? Vluchten, of hun dochters op jonge leeftijd uithuwelijken en hun zonen uitsturen om te bedelen.

Europa moet niet met de morele vinger zwaaien en de grenzen open houden. Europa moet bijdragen aan de opvang in de regio met adequate middelen voor de vluchtelingenkampen. Dat we dit jaren na het uitbreken van de oorlog in Syrië nog steeds moeten herhalen, maakt mij moedeloos. Dat particuliere organisaties met eigen middelen hulp moeten bieden aan mensen en kinderen met een beperking maakt mij kwaad.

 
  
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  Mike Hookem (EFDD). Madam President, the money that the EU granted to Lebanon and Jordan was simply a bribe to stop more people coming to the EU as Brussels tried to deal with a migrant crisis which is bringing this place to its knees. Over the winter, refugees in camps in Lebanon had to burn toxic plastic because they had no firewood, yet give the EU a big stage to announce its benevolence and it finds billions to give away. The real reason it is so generous to these countries taking in refugees is because if they follow the other millions crossing the border into Greece, the project would collapse. The Commission has decided it is better instead to use taxpayers’ money to keep these people in camps, some of which are run by Daesh, whilst economic migrants flood the EU’s external borders – most making their way to richer countries like Germany, Sweden and the UK.

The EU is taking control of our immigration and asylum policy and is fining countries a quarter of a million pounds per refugee they refuse to take in, and the people have had enough. We can see that in the polls ahead of the UK referendum and in the increasingly desperate stories being pumped out by Project Fear, including disgraceful claims that if we leave this political union we will be plunged into a third world war. It is British lives which brought Europe out of tyranny and NATO which kept the peace, not the EU – just as the EU will have no impact in dealing with the Syrian war.

 
  
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  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος ( NI). Κυρία Πρόεδρε, ο Λίβανος και η Ιορδανία είναι δύο από τις χώρες της Μέσης Ανατολής που συνολικά φιλοξενούν 1,7 εκατομμύρια πρόσφυγες από την Συρία, παράλληλα με τους πρόσφυγες που φιλοξενούν από την Παλαιστίνη και το Ιράκ. Η βοήθεια που πρέπει να δοθεί στις χώρες αυτές από την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση πρέπει να είναι σημαντική ώστε να μπορέσουν να αντιμετωπίσουν ανθρωπιστική κρίση που έχει προκύψει ως απόρροια του εμφυλίου πολέμου στη Συρία.

Το πρόβλημα όμως δεν είναι μόνο οικονομικό· εστιάζεται κυρίως στην πιθανότητα της αποσταθεροποίησης των δύο αυτών χωρών εξαιτίας των παρενεργειών που δημιουργεί η ύπαρξη μεγάλου αριθμού μεταναστών σε αυτές. Γι' αυτό, η βοήθεια που πρέπει να δοθεί εκεί, πρέπει να δοθεί σε πραγματιστική βάση ούτως ώστε να αποφευχθούν τα λάθη που έγιναν στην περίπτωση της Ελλάδος. Διότι, όπως όλοι γνωρίζετε, ο εσφαλμένος τρόπος με τον οποίον Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση χειρίστηκε το θέμα των προσφύγων και μεταναστών στην Ελλάδα έχει ήδη δημιουργήσει πολλά προβλήματα και κινδυνεύει να μετατρέψει τη χώρα αυτή σε στρατόπεδο συγκεντρώσεως δυστυχισμένων ανθρωπίνων υπάρξεων.

Γι' αυτό λοιπόν, στη βοήθεια που θα δοθεί στον Λίβανο και την Ιορδανία, θα πρέπει να αποφευχθούν τα λάθη καθόσον σήμερα, στην περίπτωση της Ελλάδος, εξαρτόμαστε από την καλή θέληση της Τουρκίας - αν θα μας εκβιάσει ή όχι - και από την καλή θέληση ορισμένων κρατών μελών, εάν τελικά θα συμφωνήσουν με το ποσοστό των μεταναστών που πρέπει να δεχθούν ή αν θα κλείσουν τα σύνορά τους.

 
  
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  Andrej Plenković (PPE). Gospođo potpredsjednice, prije svega zahvaljujem Visokoj predstavnici Mogherini na vrlo sadržajnom izlaganju glede pomoći EU-a Libanonu i Jordanu u suočavanju s posljedicama sirijske krize.

Europa i druge zemlje u susjedstvu Sirije suočavaju se s najvećim izbjegličkom krizom od kraja Drugog svjetskog rata. Naš odgovor na taj izazov mora biti europski i cjelovit pristup koji se temelji na načelu solidarnosti prema ljudima koji bježe od ratne ugroze, ali i zahvale i potpore zemljama poput Libanona i Jordana koji su podnijeli najveći teret u zbrinjavanju izbjeglica u ovom ratom opustošenom dijelu svijeta.

Pozdravljam napore EU-a, a posebice one koji su obavljeni u svrhu zaštite i sigurnosti civila, a naročito djece, kao što smo imali prigode čuti. Važne su preuzete obveze na Londonskoj konferenciji, kao i priprema kompakta za Libanon i Jordan koji bi trebali osigurati zapošljavanje i gospodarske mogućnosti za dobrobit zemalja domaćina i sirijskih izbjeglica. To je dodatna vrijednost na već alociranu financijsku potporu od milijardu EUR za Jordan i više od 770 milijuna za Libanon. Važno je da nastojimo podržavati međunarodne napore za rješavanje uzroka migracija, uključujući provedbu rezolucije Vijeća sigurnosti o Siriji, dogovor u Münchenu o prekidu neprijateljstava, humanitarni pristup i nastavak razgovora o političkoj tranziciji kao i napore posebnog predstavnika Staffana de Misture.

Ključna je vidljivost EU-a u rješavanju sirijske krize, a osobito u kontekstu predstojećeg osvajanja naše nove globalne strategije o vanjskoj i sigurnosnoj politici.

 
  
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  Andrea Cozzolino (S&D). Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, gentile Alto rappresentante, vorrei insistere soprattutto su un aspetto, ringraziandoti per l'intervento che hai svolto qui e per la passione e l'intelligenza con cui hai voluto, con il tuo intervento, raccogliere l'appello generale di questo Parlamento. Io credo che noi dobbiamo mettere l'accento soprattutto su un aspetto: la tragedia siriana ha un impatto enorme in termini economici e in termini sociali e civili sia in Libano che in Giordania.

Gli ultimi dati che ci consegnano alcuni istituti internazionali ci dicono per esempio che il tasso di disoccupazione giovanile in Giordania è salito dal 19 al 35-39 %. In Libano, il crollo della crescita del PIL – il Libano è un paese che negli ultimi dieci anni è cresciuto con un tasso molto elevato – e l'aumento della domanda di servizi pubblici primari potranno generare una perdita stimata intorno ai 7,5 miliardi di dollari. Quindi siamo in presenza non solo di una crisi drammatica dal punto di vista dell'accoglienza, ma siamo di fronte a una crisi drammatica che mette in discussione l'esistenza stessa dei due singoli Stati, da un punto di vista economico e sociale.

Per questo sono fondamentali due linee di indirizzo: da un lato, avere un coordinamento sulle risorse, avere chiarezza e trasparenza sull'impatto delle nostre politiche, delle nostre scelte. Quei suggerimenti che sono venuti da altri colleghi parlamentari vanno nella giusta direzione, se non è il caso addirittura di immaginare un vero e proprio piano straordinario dell'Europa verso quella che tu hai definito la nostra regione. E in secondo luogo, quello su cui insisto di più è questo straordinario piano per l'istruzione e la formazione. 1 700 000 bambini e adolescenti tra i 5 i 17 anni vivono nei campi profughi o sono vittime della tragedia siriana. A loro noi dobbiamo un piano straordinario di formazione, istruzione e possibilità di approcciare un lavoro nuovo.

Ecco, credo che queste siano le scelte che stanno davanti a noi.

 
  
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  Monica Macovei (ECR). Doamnă președintă, Libanul și Iordania găzduiesc peste 1,7 milioane de refugiați din Siria, adică circa 20 % din populația celor două țări cumulată. Trebuie să recunoaștem acest efort și să-l susținem în continuare. Am contribuit deja cu asistență financiară de peste un miliard de euro și acești bani sunt vitali pentru ca Libanul și Iordania să poată gestiona criza refugiaților. Cele două țări le pot oferi refugiaților sirieni o viață sigură, aproape de țara lor natală. De asemenea, scade dorința de a porni în călătorii riscante pe mare.

Susțin inițiativa Uniunii de a acorda 350 de milioane de euro pentru educația copiilor sirieni refugiați. Acești bani au ajutat Libanul și Iordania să înscrie aproximativ 140 000 de copii sirieni în școlile publice. Se salvează o parte din generația de copii sirieni, desigur, nu toți.

 
  
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  Jaromír Štětina (PPE). Paní předsedající, Jordánsko a Libanon se k uprchlické krizi postavily lidsky a zodpovědně. Tyto dvě země přijaly celkem více než čtyři miliony uprchlíků, což je více než třetina jejich celkové populace.

Připomeňme si i země Visegrádské čtyřky. Je to skupina zemí, která často upomíná svou judeo-křesťanskou civilizaci a principy humanismu a má své zkušenosti s emigrací obyvatel z doby komunistické totality. Země Visegrádské čtyřky mají také několikanásobně vyšší hrubý národní produkt než Libanon a Jordánsko. Dohromady máme více než šedesát milionů obyvatel. Přesto Visegrádská čtyřka doposud přijala pouze asi tisíc uprchlíků.

Pan Kaczynski nedávno uvedl, že nepřijme jediného uprchlíka z důvodu zajištění bezpečnosti. Evropská komise přišla nedávno s návrhem, který výrazně napomáhá zajištění řádné ochrany vnějších hranic Evropské unie a tedy bezpečnosti v rámci prostoru bez vnitřních hranic. Návrh na zřízení Evropské pohraniční stráže se nyní projednává u nás v Evropském parlamentu. Doufám, že frakce Evropských konzervativců a reformistů, jejíž jsou členové strany Právo a spravedlnost součástí, tento návrh z důvodu zajištění bezpečnosti, kterou argumentují, podpoří.

Jordánsko a Libanon si zaslouží nejen naše uznání, ale také pokračující finanční podporu v rámci regionálního fondu Evropské unie. To nejmenší, co můžeme udělat, je usnadnit práci těm, kteří zachraňují životy místo nás.

 
  
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  Afzal Khan (S&D). Madam President, I would like to thank the High Representative for all she is doing. Syrian refugees now make up almost 20% of the combined population of Lebanon and Jordan. To put things in perspective, this is equivalent to the EU taking in over 100 million refugees. The EU has significantly stepped up assistance, becoming the leading donor with over EUR 4.7 billion spent. However, no amount of aid is going to help Lebanon and Jordan accommodate the immense number of Syrian refugees. We must end the Syrian conflict so that refugees can eventually return home. Otherwise, the EU will have to engage in greater burden sharing – financially, but also in taking in more Syrian refugees. Meanwhile, we must work with these countries to address legal frameworks pertaining to their treatment of refugees.

Madam High Representative, are you planning to raise the question of employment laws for refugees, given that there is strong evidence that many Syrian refugees – including women and children – are exploited in the workplace?

 
  
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  Marek Jurek (ECR). Pani Przewodnicząca! Dzisiejsza debata jest dowodem na to, że kiedy mówimy naprawdę o uchodźstwie wojennym, możemy rozmawiać spokojnie. Wiemy, że Liban i Jordania to są kraje, które od wielu miesięcy, od ponad roku doświadczały masowego uchodźstwa ludzi, którzy po prostu przejeżdżali przez granicę z ogarniętych wojną Syrii i Iraku. Gdybyśmy wtedy od początku reagowali na to, co się tam dzieje, zamiast zgłaszać takie deklaracje jak deklaracje przewodniczącego Junckera o przyszłej legalizacji nielegalnej imigracji, po pierwsze wysłalibyśmy sygnał, że pomocy udzielać można tam, gdzie mamy rzeczywiście do czynienia z uchodźstwem wojennym. Po drugie, nie stworzylibyśmy impulsu, który zachęcił setki tysięcy ludzi do podejmowania złych decyzji życiowych. Warto przemyśleć ten przykład. Oczywiście bezsporne jest to, że tym państwom, które ponoszą tak ciężkie brzemię, trzeba udzielać pomocy– ale nie mieszajmy tych kwestii z atakami na kraje, które po prostu trzeźwo myślą o zjawisku zorganizowanej nielegalnej imigracji.

 
  
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  Dubravka Šuica (PPE). Gospođo predsjednice, slažem se s gđom Mogherini da ovu bliskoistočnu regiju trebamo promatrati kao našu regiju, a sve u kontekstu EU-a. U svakom slučaju neovisno o tome treba pohvaliti i Jordan i Libanon, ali i Vaše napore, gđo Mogherini, koje ste uložili kako bismo humanitarnu pomoć održali na zavidnoj razini.

Cijenimo sve ono što činite: 6 milijardi EUR nije mali novac koji je EU uložio kao najveći donator, ali isto tako slažem se s Vama da svaki izbjeglica na tom području ima svoje ime i prezime i da ih sve zaista trebamo promatrati na taj način. Isto tako kad usporedimo brojke, odnosno Tursku koja je primila 2 milijuna izbjeglica i Libanon i Jordan koji su primili njih 5 milijuna, onda se zaista trebamo zamisliti, uz sve one Iračane i Palestince koje su te zemlje dosad primile.

U svakom slučaju trebamo imati jedinstveni pristup, pojačati obrambene kapacitete i slažem se s onima koji kažu da ne možemo samo humanitarno djelovati - moramo tražiti i političko rješenje. Sigurna sam da i Vi na to jednako gledate. U svakom slučaju, EU treba biti predvodnik i ne možemo prepustiti SAD-u i Rusiji da rješavaju to pitanje, koje je teško i znam da na njega ne postoji jednostavan odgovor, ali na tome trebamo svi zajedno raditi.

 
  
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  Δημήτρης Παπαδάκης ( S&D). Κυρία Πρόεδρε, τη στιγμή που τα κράτη μέλη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης αδυνατούν να καταλήξουν σε συμφωνία για τη μετεγκατάσταση κάποιων χιλιάδων προσφύγων στις χώρες τους μη επιδεικνύοντας την απαραίτητη αλληλεγγύη, και την ίδια στιγμή που ο Ερντογάν εκβιάζει με τον χειρότερο τρόπο την Ευρώπη, ο Λίβανος και η Ιορδανία έχουν μετατραπεί σε δεξαμενές εκατομμυρίων προσφύγων έτοιμες να εκραγούν. Ενδεικτικά περίπου ένα εκατομμύριο Σύροι έχουν βρει καταφύγιο στο Λίβανο, αποτελώντας το ένα τέταρτο του πληθυσμού. Λίβανος και Ιορδανία είναι δύο χώρες με προσφυγική κουλτούρα. Ο Λίβανος φιλοξενεί ήδη 500.000 Παλαιστινίους κι άλλο ένα εκατομμύριο η Ιορδανία, θύματα όλοι των ισραηλινο-παλαιστινιακών διενέξεων του παρελθόντος και τώρα πρέπει να διαχειριστούν αλλά 2,5 εκατομμύρια Σύρους. Μπορούν όμως να αντέξουν ένα τέτοιο φορτίο χωρίς να αποσταθεροποιηθούν οικονομικά και για πόσο χρόνο; Ο πρωθυπουργός του Λιβάνου ανέφερε ότι η χώρα του μέχρι στιγμής έχει δαπανήσει το ένα τρίτο του ΑΕΠ της για τους πρόσφυγες, ενώ ο βασιλιάς της Ιορδανίας δήλωσε πως για να μπορέσει η χώρα του, η οποία υλοποιεί πρόγραμμα λιτότητας του IMF, να καλύψει στοιχειωδώς τις ανάγκες των προσφύγων χρειάζεται 2,5 δισ. ευρώ ετησίως. Η ανάγκη για ευρωπαϊκή βοήθεια στον Λίβανο και στην Ιορδανία είναι επείγουσα και επιτακτική. Πέραν όμως από την ανθρωπιστική πλευρά, η βοήθεια πρέπει να στοχεύει στην αποτροπή της αποσταθεροποίησης αυτών των χωρών, εξαλείφοντας τα βαθύτερα αίτια που φέρνουν τα προσφυγικά κύματα.

 
  
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  David Martin (S&D). Madam President, as my colleague Afzal Khan said and the previous speaker just said, Jordan and Lebanon’s handling of the refugee crisis should put us in Europe to shame. Our inability to cope with one million refugees really should make us worry and be humbled compared to what the Lebanese and the Jordanians have been able to do.

I do not know Lebanon very well, but I know Jordan quite well. Jordan has, over the years, taken in Palestinian refugees and refugees from the Iraqi war. They have not, by and large, put these people in camps, but have welcomed them and integrated them into their society and made them part of the Jordanian economy. The Syrian crisis, however, has put an almost unmanageable strain on that country. I applaud the Commission’s response to the crisis in both these countries. I hope that, when more resources become available, we will be able to put more money into the area, but we also need to look at our trade policy and other policies to see how we can help Jordan. They are not blessed with the natural resources of their neighbours, so we should be looking at how we can, for example, change our rules of origin to help them trade more with us to create jobs inside the country and tackle the very severe unemployment they face.

 
  
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  Arne Lietz (S&D). Frau Präsidentin! Sehr geehrte Frau Mogherini, herzlichen Dank für Ihr engagiertes Eingangsstatement und insbesondere auch Ihre Bezugnahme auf die Bedeutung Jordaniens für die noch ausstehende Lösung des Nahostkonflikts. Libanon und Jordanien gehören mit zu unseren wichtigsten und verlässlichsten Partnern bei der Aufnahme von syrischen Kriegsflüchtlingen. Allein Libanon hat insgesamt 1,5 Millionen Flüchtlinge aufgenommen, was insgesamt etwa 30 % seiner Bevölkerung ausmacht, in Jordanien sind es 10 %. Im Vergleich zur EU mit ihren 500 Millionen Einwohnern kann man wirklich sagen, dass die Europäer sich vor ihrer Verantwortung drücken, was eine Schande ist.

Libanon und Jordanien benötigen dringend unsere weitere Unterstützung. Ende 2015 habe ich mir die Lage vor Ort in Libanon angeschaut und dabei mit vielen Flüchtlingen gesprochen. Wenn wir die Stabilität in diesen Ländern und in der gesamten Nahostregion gewährleisten wollen, müssen wir solidarischer werden. Wenn Europa diese Länder schon nicht mit Flüchtlingskontingenten unterstützt und sie dabei entlastet, müssen wir ihnen maximale Unterstützung im Handel, durch humanitäre Hilfe, aber auch durch Wirtschaftsförderung geben.

Vielen Dank an die Hohe Vertreterin und ihr Team für ihr intensives Engagement für eine diplomatische Lösung, damit wieder Frieden nach Syrien zurückkehrt. Wir müssen verstärkt zusammen an dem von Ihnen beschriebenen Traum der Flüchtlinge arbeiten, dass sie zurück nach Hause kommen und mit unserer Hilfe ihr Land wieder aufbauen können.

 
  
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  Gilles Pargneaux (S&D). Madame la Présidente, Madame la Haute représentante Mogherini, tout d'abord, je voudrais vous féliciter pour l'action que vous menez dans ce domaine. Vous faites preuve de compassion, d'empathie humanitaire et de courage politique. Oui, de courage politique quand on entend à longueur de débats sur les bancs de l'extrême droite de notre hémicycle des discours de honte, de haine et de peur, alors que, comme cela a été rappelé dans ce débat, nous n'accueillons que moins d'un dixième des réfugiés qui sont accueillis au Liban et en Jordanie, comme vous l'avez aussi rappelé tout à l'heure, Madame la Haute représentante.

Vous faites preuve d'empathie et de compassion. J'étais présent dans un camp dans la vallée de la Bekaa, au Liban, il y a quelques semaines, et j'ai pu voir que les enfants scolarisés étaient accueillis et souriaient dans un contexte pourtant particulièrement difficile. Vous avez raison, nous avons raison: que l'Union européenne finance les réfugiés qui sont accueillis avec difficulté mais, en même temps, avec courage au Liban ou en Jordanie.

Par conséquent, il est de notre devoir de vous soutenir dans l'action que vous menez à la tête de la diplomatie européenne en faveur des réfugiés qui sont dans ces pays. Les soutenir, c'est nous défendre nous-mêmes, nous, Européens. Je vous remercie encore pour votre action.

(L'orateur accepte de répondre à une question "carton bleu" (article 162, paragraphe 8 du règlement)).

 
  
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  Marek Jurek (ECR), pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. Co wspólnego z empatią ma rytualne powtarzanie przez całe lata, że nie będzie żadnych rozmów z rządem syryjskim na temat pokoju w sytuacji, kiedy widzimy, jak burzone są domy, jak przez całe lata dziesiątki tysięcy ludzi muszą stamtąd uciekać, jak ludzie umierają z głodu w oblężonych miastach? Czy przyglądanie się temu wszystkiemu to jest empatia? Naprawdę, ważmy słowa.

 
  
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  Gilles Pargneaux (S&D), réponse "carton bleu". En 1995, quand François Mitterrand, président de la République française, est venu pour la dernière fois devant le Parlement européen, il a dit – et il avait raison – que "le nationalisme, c'est la guerre".

Face à ces nationalistes, face au discours nationaliste que nous entendons, nous devons faire en sorte, avec l'Union européenne et dans le cas de la diplomatie européenne, de parvenir à des solutions humanitaires qui permettent effectivement aux enfants accueillis dans ces camps de réfugiés, au Liban, en Jordanie ou ailleurs encore, de trouver, par notre financement, une source d'espoir.

C'est ce qui est le plus important dans l'action que nous menons. Ce que nous faisons avec Mme Mogherini est non seulement courageux, mais c'est aussi de l'empathie humanitaire, et cette empathie humanitaire, jamais les nationalistes ne pourront la développer.

 
  
 

Catch-the-eye procedure

 
  
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  Julie Ward (S&D). Madam President, I have just come back from a visit to Jordan, where I attended the recent Women in Parliaments Conference. As the EU has very rightfully provided the lion’s share of humanitarian aid to Jordan and Lebanon, we must be sure that the funding goes to empower women and girls in these communities so that they can take a lead in building up lives in harsh conditions and lay the ground for post—conflict peace building.

The No Lost Generation programme, aiming to provide education to more than half a million Syrian refugee children, is incredibly important. Education must aim to empower young women and girls socially, economically and politically, and address specific gender-based needs such as violence against women and girls.

Jordan has suffered economic losses because of the wars going on around it, with factories closed in the border region and many jobs being lost, yet still it has managed to welcome and house millions of Syrian and Iraqi refugees. The European Union and its national governments bear a grave moral responsibility to provide these refugees with shelter and protection. We must take an example from Jordan and Lebanon and follow suit.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR). Κυρία Πρόεδρε, σύμφωνα με τα πιο πρόσφατα στοιχεία της Ύπατης Αρμοστείας του ΟΗΕ για τους Πρόσφυγες, ο αριθμός των Σύρων προσφύγων σε Ιορδανία και Λίβανο ξεπερνά τις 1,5 εκατομμύριο ψυχές. Ο Λίβανος ειδικά, που είναι μια μικρή χώρα με 4,5 εκατομμύρια κατοίκους, φιλοξενεί αυτή τη στιγμή περισσότερο από ένα εκατομμύριο πρόσφυγες. Είναι η χώρα με την υψηλότερη αναλογία προσφύγων-μόνιμου πληθυσμού στον κόσμο. Όπως καταλαβαίνουμε όλοι, η κατάσταση αυτή δεν μπορεί να συνεχιστεί για μεγάλο χρονικό διάστημα, χωρίς να ξεσπάσει κάποια μείζονα ανθρωπιστική κρίση. Αργά ή γρήγορα οι πρόσφυγες αυτοί θα βρεθούν ξανά στο δρόμο της φυγής και πολλοί απ̕ αυτούς θα έχουν κατεύθυνση την Ελλάδα. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση πρέπει να λάβει όλα τα απαραίτητα προληπτικά μέτρα για την αντιμετώπιση της επερχόμενης κρίσης. Έχω προσωπικά προτείνει από καιρό τη δημιουργία hot spots στις πρώτες χώρες υποδοχής των προσφύγων και την οργάνωση της άμεσης επανεγκατάστασής τους στις χώρες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Αυτό φυσικά απαιτεί πόρους. Αντί λοιπόν να δαπανώνται 6 δισ. ευρώ σε βοήθεια για την Τουρκία, στην οποία αποδεδειγμένα δεν μπορούμε να έχουμε καμιά εμπιστοσύνη, ας δοθεί έστω μέρος αυτών των χρημάτων για την οργάνωση προσφυγικών καταυλισμών και hot spots στην Ιορδανία και στον Λίβανο.

 
  
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  Ivo Vajgl (ALDE). Spoštovana gospa Mogherini, vi ste v to svojo funkcijo prinesli nekaj novega. Pokazali ste, da vas ni sram pokazati čustva in občutljivost in sočutje. Resnično, narodi na Bližnjem vzhodu kažejo več sočutja, ko gre za begunce, ki prihajajo iz sosednjih narodov.

Moram pa reči, da bi bilo prav, da se spomnimo tudi, da je tudi Evropa poznala več solidarnosti, ko je šlo za begunce iz Španije, iz Nemčije, iz Češke, iz Bosne in Hercegovine, iz različnih držav. Skratka, mi smo sprejemali tiste, ki so nam bili podobni.

Imamo pa problem, ko gre za priznavanje različnosti, multikulturnosti, drugačne religije, drugačne vrednote. Poznamo ta svet samo kot mesto eksporta naših vrednot, naše demokracije in tako naprej.

Gospa Mogherini, jaz bi vas prosil, da – tudi ko gre za reševanje problemov, političnih problemov – pokažete enako občutljivost in enako voljo in enako energijo. Gotovo boste dobili podporo v temle Parlamentu in to je toliko bolj važno poudariti v trenutku, ko se nam nakazujejo – poglejmo ameriške volitve – voditelji, ki lahko vnesejo v svet več nemira kot konstruktivnosti.

 
  
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  Ελευθέριος Συναδινός ( NI). Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η Ευρωπαϊκή πολιτική για την παροχή στήριξης στην Ιορδανία και τον Λίβανο από τη μία, και στην Τουρκία από την άλλη είναι παντελώς λάθος. Ήδη έχουν αναφερθεί αριθμοί προσφύγων στον Λίβανο, την Ιορδανία και, αντίστοιχα, στην Τουρκία. Η οικονομική βοήθεια, βέβαια, σε Λίβανο και Ιορδανία και Ιράκ μαζί, ανέρχεται σε 350 εκατομμύρια, σε αντίθεση με τη βοήθεια στην Τουρκία που ανέρχεται σε 6 δισεκατομμύρια ευρώ. Στον Λίβανο οι πρόσφυγες περνούν εξονυχιστικούς ελέγχους και τους χορηγείται κάρτα παραμονής ή απελαύνονται αν δεν πληρούν τα κριτήρια. Για ανανέωση της κάρτας πληρώνουν 100 δολάρια ή πρέπει να εγγυηθεί λιβανέζος πολίτης. Στην Ιορδανία οι πρόσφυγες έχουν πρόσβαση στην αγορά εργασίας, αν όμως η εργασία διεκδικείται από έναν Ιορδανό και έναν πρόσφυγα ταυτόχρονα, την εργασία αναλαμβάνει ντε φάκτο ο υπήκοος της χώρας. Στην Ευρώπη της διαφορετικότητος και των ανοιχτών συνόρων, όλα αυτά φαντάζουν ρατσιστικά. Είναι όμως δημοκρατικό να πληρώνει η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση αυτά τα ποσά στην Τουρκία η οποία, μαζί με τη Σαουδική Αραβία και το Κατάρ, δημιούργησε το ISIS, πνίγει αθώες ψυχές στο Αιγαίο, κάνει παραεμπόριο πετρελαίου και κλεμμένων αρχαίων με τους Daesh. Για τους Έλληνες, στο κακό που ακούει στο όνομα "Τουρκία του Ερντογάν και του μουσουλμανικού σουνιτισμού εξτρεμισμού" μια λύση υπάρχει. Επιβολή εμπάργκο, διακοπή κάθε χρηματοδότησης και τερματισμός της διαδικασίας ένταξής της στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση.

 
  
 

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Madam President, I would like to thank you all for what seems to me to be an uncontroversial – or almost uncontroversial – field of support, reminding ourselves that the debate we had tonight was on the EU assistance to two countries to face the effects of the Syrian crisis. We have had – and I am sure we will have at other times – a debate on our political work on solving the Syrian crisis, which is a different debate – obviously linked, but a different one. I would love to discuss the recent developments with you. Some of you mentioned this in two different ways, some saying that a political solution is not on the horizon and others saying that it is already solved. As very often happens, probably the truth is somewhere in between. I am not completely negative about the fact that we might come to some sort of political transition in Syria in the coming months. We are working hard on this and believe me when I tell you again – we were together with John Kerry and others yesterday – the European Union is not only helping to assist in managing the effects of the Syrian crisis, but also playing a major role in the political work to find a solution to the Syrian crisis, but this is not the debate we are having tonight. Again, I would welcome another debate specifically on this in one of the next sessions.

Let me come to some of the issues you raised during the debate. One: some of you mentioned something that I believe is critical and crucial. This debate is about us supporting Jordan and Lebanon, not only because of their hosting of Syrian refugees, but also because of their crucial importance and the importance that we attach to their economic, social and security resilience. Let me also be frank – as, you will know by now, I always am – I find it unacceptably cynical whenever we discuss our support for these countries just because we do not want refugees to come to Europe. To me this is completely unacceptable from a moral point of view. Let me also add that it is somehow striking that sometimes the same narrative of those who want to protect our identity – including the purity of our background, be it on a religious or cultural basis – do not listen to the words of Pope Francis, which tell us that this is what we have to do: protect people’s lives, make sure that our European approach to asylum is up to the values that we have in our foundations. I am not a Catholic myself, but being an Italian and a Roman, I can tell you that I have learnt in in my years of life something very basic. If you are a Catholic, if you are a Christian, you cannot pick and choose the words of the Pope that you like the most and ignore the others. This is not sustainable. Sorry, that came from my heart, because last week in the Vatican we had a very moving – and also very politically relevant – event where the Charlemagne Prize was presented to Pope Francis, and I think we had some lessons for Europe there as well.

Coming to politics, I will quickly answer some of the questions you have mentioned. Regarding special arrangements for Jordan on the rules of origin, I told you in the beginning, in my opening remarks, that we are working on that. We will need all your support to make sure that this happens in a coherent way, which means that it would be good, when we come to the decisions, to be supported in translating our political will into concrete acts. I believe this can be a real game—changer for the Jordanian economy and the hosting communities because, in this way, we could create jobs both for Syrian refugees and for Jordanians, thus preventing a major social problem in the country and also an economic one.

The same goes for the budget. I took note of what Elmar Brok mentioned at the beginning of our debate – and I will remember it when we come to a debate on our budget – namely that we might work together on increasing the level of the budget we have for our external action in general and, in particular, for some of these aspects. We have now, as I mentioned, invested EUR 6 billion so far. This also means that, for instance, the World Food Programme, which I met just a few weeks ago, is now financed until the end of the year, which is something that has never happened before. This is thanks to European Union support.

But I would like to mention not only the money we spend, but also the effects that we bring with this money. I understand that you all visited the camps, so you have seen some of the projects we fund, some of the children that go to school thanks to our funding, and some of the health and education facilities we support. I would like to mention some figures because, again, these translate into concrete action. With our funds, we support the enrolment in public schools of more than 112 000 Syrian child refugees. We have rehabilitated 35 public schools – and I visited one of them. Every school obviously hosts many children, allowing education, because we also need to focus on preventing radicalisation in the future, and we risk having a lost generation there, which is also an investment in our security and the stability of the region. We are guaranteeing psychosocial support for 8 000 children and you can imagine how key this is for the future of the region and the country. We are supporting immunisation for 310 000 Syrian and vulnerable Lebanese children. I could continue. I understand very well, as I am a politician myself, that you do not need only to tell your constituencies how much money was spent but what it brings, and this is what it brings, which again is a moral duty. In my opinion, it is a humanitarian duty but also an investment in our own security and stability. Here again, when it comes to the budget, I count on your support to translate our common position in words into something concrete.

Let me close on one last point that also concerns money, namely the London pledges. Some of you mentioned the fact that we pledged a lot in London and that the money is not there. It is there. There is one thing on which you can always be sure: when the European Union pledges money, this translates immediately into projects funded. This is true for Lebanon and Jordan and is true for other projects on the humanitarian, and also on the development, level. This is true for instance – and this reflects a link with one of the debates to follow, because I love night sessions in Parliament and I never finish before midnight so we have another two! – on the pledges we made in Cairo for Gaza, where you can be sure the European Union pledges all translated into financing. So when we pledge, the money is there and the projects we have started to finance out of those pledges are already there. I and my team are ready to provide you with all the details about all the projects that are already in place. This allows us also to say to our partners in the region and in the world that we are doing our part, please do yours. Here I would call for you to help me in reaching out to parliaments all over the world and asking them also to do their part in what is a humanitarian duty that we all collectively share.

(Applause)

 
  
  

VORSITZ: RAINER WIELAND
Vizepräsident

 
  
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  Der Präsident. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 162 GO)

 
  
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  Cristian-Silviu Bușoi (PPE), în scris. – Liban și Iordania sunt un exemplu pentru Europa și pentru întreaga comunitate internațională de coexistență pașnică între diverse naționalități și religii într-o regiune conflictuală, cum este Orientul Mijlociu. Prin urmare, susțin strânsa colaborare dintre UE și aceste două state - parteneri strategici ai Europei pentru soluționarea crizei din Siria, precum și în procesul de pace din Orientul Mijlociu. UE trebuie să își întărească relațiile cu Liban și Iordania, mai ales prin acordarea de ajutoare financiare pentru gestionarea eficientă a crizei refugiaților sirieni cu care se confruntă, aceste două țări oferind azil pentru aproximativ 1,7 milioane de refugiați din Siria. Salut ajutorul deja acordat Libanului și Iordaniei, UE fiind principalul donator pentru Orientul Mijlociu, cu aproximativ 6 miliarde de euro mobilizate până acum de instituțiile europene și de statele membre.

 
  
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  Lorenzo Cesa (PPE), per iscritto. – Mi trovo assolutamente d'accordo con l'intervento dell'Alto Rappresentante Federica Mogherini: il sostegno finanziario dell'Unione europea al Libano e alla Giordania, al fine di gestire la crisi dei rifugiati siriani, è un investimento importante e necessario, direi indispensabile, non solo per aiutare questi due paesi ad affrontare un'emergenza umanitaria di proporzioni inaudite, ma anche per garantire una certa sicurezza e stabilità in Europa. Recentemente ho avuto modo di incontrare il Vescovo Maronita del Libano, il Patriarca Béchara Boutros Rai che, in un interessante intervento, ha raccontato in che modo in Libano convivono pacificamente le due religioni, musulmana e cristiana e come sia importante che in Europa ci si renda conto della necessità di aiutare i rifugiati siriani a ritrovare una propria dignità, una casa e una vita decente, non solamente ospitandoli all'interno dei confini europei, ma anche aiutandoli a ritornare a casa loro, in una situazione di pace e benessere. Ricordiamo che il Libano accoglie un milione di rifugiati, su una popolazione di 4 milioni e nel frattempo, insieme alla Giordania, deve anche affrontare la loro propria lotta contro il terrorismo di Daesh che tenta in tutti in tutti i modi di destabilizzare una situazione già di per sé fragile.

 
  
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  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR), в писмена форма. – Случващото се в Ливан и Йордания граничи с хуманитарна катастрофа. Не ме учудва, че 65% от регистрираните сирийски бежанци са на възраст под 25 г. Тези хора бягат от задължителната военна служба, или в армията на Асад, или в опозиционната Свободна сирийска армия, или в редиците на Ислямска държава.

Същевременно Ливан и Йордания са ограничили максимално възможността на сирийските бежанци да учат и да работят легално, а ги принуждават да разчитат единствено и само на хуманитарна помощ и работа на черно. Именно поради тази причина животът на сирийските бежанци в Ливан и Йордания е истинско бедствие и само с предоставянето на хуманитарна помощ той няма да се подобри.

На мнение съм, че Европейският съюз трябва да спре да бъде само и единствено донор на хуманитарна помощ, а да сътрудничи със страните приемащи бежанци да се намерят начини за подобряване на живота им. Ако това не се случи, се опасявам, че голяма част от хората, избягали в Ливан и Йордания, ще търсят начини да се придвижат до Западна Европа.

 
  
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  Ramona Nicole Mănescu (PPE), in writing. – The highest burden in coping with the wave of refugees falls upon the neighbouring countries of the conflict areas. Among these countries, the most difficult situation is faced by Lebanon and Jordan. Turkey is not the only country that is in difficulty. If we consider the population of Lebanon, of just 5.8 million people, the 1.2 million refugees it is hosting is a bigger burden than any other similar situation in the world. This means six times more refugees than Turkey and 15 times more than Germany. I must remind European leaders of the clear and very concrete proposals regarding the support EU can offer to Lebanon which we received from Mr Nabih Berri, the Speaker of the Parliament of Lebanon, during his recent visit to the European Parliament. Similar proposals were also forwarded to the EU by the Jordanian authorities. The European Union has a clear and direct interest in helping Lebanon and Jordan deal with this situation. It is in no one’s interests to just sit and watch how these countries are bowing under the pressure of the wave of refugees. Such a possible grim future is also a threat to Europe’s security, and it must be addressed before it is too late.

 
  
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  Urmas Paet (ALDE), kirjalikult. – Tuleb meeles pidada, et põgenikud Liibanonis ja Jordaanias on eelkõige sõjapõgenikud. Inimesed, kes soovivad naasta oma kodumaale ja ehitada oma elu üles seal, mitte liikuda edasi Euroopasse elama. Selleks et neil oleks võimalik Süüria naaberriikides oodata, kuni sõda lõppeb ja koju minemine taas võimalik on, tuleb neile tagada elementaarsed eluks vajalikud tingimused, nagu lastele võimalus käia koolis, täiskasvanutele võimalus töötada ning arstiabi. Siin on ELil võimalik oluliselt panustada nii rahaliselt ja otse, läbi erinevate ÜRO abiorganisatsioonide kui ka inimressursiga.

 
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