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Tirsdag den 7. juni 2016 - Strasbourg Revideret udgave

9. Status for de eksterne aspekter af den europæiske dagsorden for migration: hen imod en ny "migrationsaftale" (forhandling)
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President. The next item is the debate on the Commission statement on the state of play of the external aspects of the European migration agenda: towards a new ‘Migration Compact’ (2016/2757(RSP)).

 
  
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  Frans Timmermans, First Vice-President of the Commission. – Madam President, Federica Mogherini and I are very happy to be with you here today. As you know, in the last couple of months we have been working very closely with your Parliament on the issue of the smugglers working between Turkey and Greece, the terrible loss of life in the Aegean Sea. Because of what we have done, the business model of the smugglers on that road has been broken, people are no longer dying in the Aegean, and the numbers coming across from Turkey are very low indeed. But, look at the southern Mediterranean. People are dying, drowning in the sea. Smugglers have found a new business model, so our work is far from over. We must do the same we have done on the route through the Aegean also in the southern Mediterranean to find solutions, sustainable solutions.

We cannot tolerate this, the loss of human life on this scale, and we must do everything we can to stop it. That means we must engage more effectively with third countries of origin and transit to address the migration challenge in the long term, but also right now, immediately, and by we, I mean both the EU and the Member States.

Learning from last year’s most important lessons, including the Valletta summit, today we propose a new partnership framework for across-the-board cooperation on migration with third countries. And we are asking you, the European Parliament, the European Council, Member States and the European Investment Bank, to give it their full backing. This framework rethinks how all actors – Member States, EU institutions and third countries – work together to bring order to migration flows and strive for well-managed migration. It establishes a result-oriented approach to mobilise and focus all EU and Member States’ tools and resources for that purpose.

We propose to use a mix of positive and negative incentives to reward those third countries willing to cooperate effectively with us and to ensure that there are consequences for those who do not. This includes using our development and trade policies to create leverage. Member States would need to play their part and be ready to mirror this approach through their actions and resources. We will set up a coordination mechanism to make sure we fully tap the EU’s collective influence. Together, we can achieve much more.

Operationally, our short-term objective is to save lives in the Mediterranean, increase returns of those who do not have the right to stay, and enable migrants and refugees to stay closer to home rather than embark on dangerous journeys. As we stem irregular migration flows, we must open up legal ways to Europe for those in need, in particular with more resettlement for refugees.

We will develop compacts tailored to each partner country’s specific circumstances, whether country of origin or transit or hosting a large refugee population. This approach will help bring tangible benefits for the refugees, for third countries, and obviously for the European Union and our own citizens.

We propose to first launch contacts with a limited number of priority countries: Jordan, Lebanon, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Mali and Ethiopia. We will also increase our engagement with Tunisia and Libya. To start with, the focus will be on improving border and migration management on the ground. This will require appropriate financing. The Africa Trust Fund will immediately be strengthened with EUR 500 million from the reserve of the European Development Fund. We are calling on Member States to match this to reach one billion. This could be done now, not waiting for the next boat to capsize. But this is not only about additional funds. This is as much, maybe even more, about better mobilising the funds we – the EU and Member States – have at our disposal. Combining our forces, a total of EUR eight billion could be made available to support the compacts for the next five years.

Looking at longer-term challenges, we also need to do more to improve opportunities in countries of origin so people are not compelled to leave. For that, we need to reconsider our traditional models of development cooperation and give a much greater role to private investors.

While bottlenecks to investment differ across regions, we think we can replicate outside Europe the success, if not the exact design, of our internal European Fund for Strategic Investments, so we will shortly propose a new external investment fund aiming to crowd in private investment in developing countries starting with Africa and the EU’s neighbourhood. For this we will mobilize EUR 3.1 billion which should trigger total investment of up to 31 billion, and we could even reach 62 billion if Member States and other partners match the EU’s contribution.

I am convinced that by doing this, we can reach concrete results together with our partners. For this, we need the full commitment of all EU institutions, Member States and partner countries.

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vicepresidente della Commissione e Alto Rappresentante dell'Unione per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza – Signora Presidente, mi permetta di usare un momento per associarmi al sentimento di dolore che quest'Aula ha espresso ieri per la perdita di Gianluca Buonanno. Siamo sempre stati, io e Gianluca, su posizioni opposte, anche in modo vivace, come era sempre con lui, sia in quest'Aula sia quando eravamo insieme al Parlamento italiano. Sicuramente oggi saremmo stati su posizioni opposte. Ma siamo innanzitutto esseri umani. Davanti a questo immenso dolore, vorrei esprimere le mie più sincere condoglianze alla famiglia, innanzitutto alla moglie e ai bambini, ai suoi cari e anche al suo gruppo politico sia qui che in Italia.

Switching to English and turning to the issue we are presenting today, together with Frans, together with the rest of our colleagues in the Commission. We have today a couple of very strong messages on one side – political messages – and also a couple of very strong, concrete commitments that we are presenting today. We hope we will get the full support of the Parliament, and also of the Council and the rest of the institutions.

The first message is in the method; we are sitting here together again and last month we were also sitting here together on another issue: I think it was on the SDGs. This is the way in which this Commission has chosen to work; joining the different strengths of our policies, works and tools – external and internal – and trying to give a strategic vision to our actions. I would like to thank not only Frans, but also our services, for the excellent teamwork we have developed over these years.

The second strong message is a shift in paradigm and attitude. We need to move from the narrative we have had so far – that the refugee and migration crisis is a European crisis, to the recognition that this is not only an issue for Europe. The majority of the movements of people in the world are happening inside Africa, inside Asia and not only towards Europe, and that it is a global phenomenon that we need to face with a global approach.

I was in New York yesterday addressing the UN Security Council, meeting the Secretary-General and working with them on the preparation of the summit on migration that the UN will hold in the margins of the General Assembly in September. This is the right approach that we are trying to encourage. It is a global responsibility: every single partner, every single country, every single region in the world, every single regional organisation and every international institution has to do its part. Europe is trying to do its part, saving lives and saving lives at sea. With our operation Sophia, we have saved already tens of thousands of lives. All others have to do the same. Also, because it is not only the people that are dying at sea that we have to save, it is also the thousands of people dying in the desert before they reach the shores of the Mediterranean – they are not on our TV screens, but they are also human lives. This is a shift in mentality, a shift in approach, that would bring us to build partnerships; global partnerships are what we need to face a global phenomenon like this.

The third strong message is that we need to focus on our partnership approach, firstly with the countries of our immediate region around the Mediterranean – compacts with Jordan and Lebanon were already decided in February. In this package, we have a strong message for their implementation, but the other message we have is a strong focus on Africa. Africa, for demographic reasons, for economic reasons, for inequalities, for climate change reasons, is going to continue to be a major continent when it comes to movement of people. This is not going to disappear anytime soon unless we take a strategic approach in the long term – as well as in the immediate term – to face the inequalities and the policy issues that are at the core of the reason why people are leaving their own countries. With this communication, we put our relations with Africa in terms of strategic partnership, strongly and also with some resources on it.

So coming to the facts and the commitments. Frans already mentioned the numbers of the economic commitment we put in. Firstly, there is the increased contribution to the trust fund for Africa – the extra EUR 500 million – bringing it to EUR 2.3 billion for EU funds for migration-related actions in Africa. Let me here raise a plea to the Member States to match this commitment, because we will need to be consistent on that side too.

The second concrete commitment: the renewed partnerships under the migration compacts tailored to the priority countries we have identified, Jordan and Lebanon. As I have said, we already developed compacts during the London conference earlier this year, so now it is about delivering on this. We have identified Nigeria, Niger, Senegal, Mali and Ethiopia as further priority countries. I have launched already processes to debate with all of them in the last seven or eight months to discuss with their governments and presidents, as well as civil society and local authorities, what is needed in these countries. Sometimes it is specific areas of the countries or specific villages or regions in the countries where the majority of the flows originate, because of difficult economic, climatic, social or sometimes human rights situations. Our actions must be targeted where they are needed, and we have to have a win-win approach, moving from the delivery of aid to investment in Africa, especially starting with the aforementioned countries.

The win-win approach is what we need because, if this is a global phenomenon, we need to manage it together. This means that these countries, which are at the same time countries of origin, of transit and of destination, all need our support to manage better their internal challenges when it comes to hosting refugees and migrants. This also means providing support to the local authorities, infrastructures and possibility to sustain the effort from all different points of view.

Third, the long-term approach. Frans mentioned that we have launched an external investment plan which is a Copernican revolution in our approach to development cooperation. We discussed this with the EU development ministers and the foreign ministers in the last two Foreign Affairs Councils. Investing in Africa and trying to mix, in a smart way, European funds, public funds, private investors – we don't have to be scared of bringing the private sector in – and international financial institutions, starting with the EIB as guarantors. Following the good example of the European Fund for Strategic Investments, we need to learn the lessons that can be learned there, and develop a long—term investment plan for our partners who need infrastructure, social improvements, creation of jobs and support for growth in those countries.

This, I believe, is finally an approach that is at the same time immediate and strategic. This can complement, in a coherent way, the proposals that we adopted last year with the agenda on migration, which already had one external part of measures. This builds on that, on the excellent achievement we had in the Valetta summit, building on partnership with our African friends and developing in a coherent way the work we have done in the last year, broadening and deepening our work, both in the immediate and in the short term.

 
  
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  Manfred Weber, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, sehr geehrte Damen und Herren Vizepräsidenten! Migration ist das Megathema unserer Zeit, und wir werden wahrscheinlich noch viele Diskussionen dazu führen. Der Grundsatz dabei ist für meine Fraktion klar: Es sind zwei Seiten einer Medaille. Die eine ist: Ja zum Helfen, Ja zur Partnerschaft – wir müssen das Sterben in unserer Nachbarschaft beenden. Andererseits ist aber auch sehr klar: Wir müssen Europa vor neuen Zuwanderungswellen, vor neuen Migrationswellen beschützen, vor denen auch die Europäer Angst haben. Das sind die zwei Seiten der Medaille, die es zu beantworten gilt.

Dabei ist mir zunächst auch wichtig, das zu machen, was beide Kommissionsvertreter deutlich gemacht haben, nämlich zunächst mal unseren Bürgern zu vermitteln: Wenn Europa einig ist, wenn wir gute Kommissionsvorschläge haben, dann können wir auch liefern. Die monatelange Ausnahmesituation auf dem Balkan ist gestoppt, das Durchwinken wurde beendet. Wir haben in der Ägäis jetzt wieder Recht und Ordnung hergestellt. Den Schlepperbanden wird das Handwerk gelegt. Und das Wichtigste, was zum Ausdruck gebracht worden ist: Das Sterben wurde zumindest eingedämmt, es sterben heute weniger Menschen in der Ägäis. Das heißt: Wenn wir gemeinsam handeln, liefern wir auch. Hilfe kommt auch stärker vor Ort an, die ersten einige hundert Millionen von den neuen Geldern sind jetzt beispielsweise in der Türkei investiert worden, wir helfen vor Ort. Es funktioniert, und wir alle wissen, dass es sich erst um den Anfang einer langfristigen Entwicklung handelt, die Migrationsfragen in den Griff zu kriegen. Deswegen müssen wir an der Gesetzgebung arbeiten. Ich bedanke mich ausdrücklich im Namen der EVP-Fraktion, dass wir bei der Coast Guard parteiübergreifend im LIBE-Ausschuss eine so gute Kooperation gefunden haben und dort zeigen, dass wir gemeinsam liefern wollen, auch bei den sicheren Drittstaaten, bei all den Themen, die wir gesetzgeberisch auf den Weg bringen.

Enttäuschend ist – das darf ich noch dazu sagen –, dass die Mitgliedstaaten nach den aktuellen Zahlen beim African Trust Fund versagen. Wir haben 1,8 Milliarden aus dem EU-Budget auf dem Tisch liegen und bisher nur 81 Millionen von den Mitgliedstaaten bereitgestellt bekommen. Der Rat, der nicht anwesend ist, sollte sich das hinter die Ohren schreiben. Die Zusagen, die in Valletta gemacht worden sind, sollten bitte auch umgesetzt werden! Das ist der erste Schritt.

Der zweite Schritt ist aber jetzt die Frage, wie wir vor allem mit unserem Nachbarn, mit Afrika, strategisch umgehen. Uns allen muss bewusst sein, dass das Schicksal unseres Kontinents, das Schicksal Europas, engstens mit der Entwicklung des afrikanischen Kontinents verbunden ist. Ich bedanke mich deswegen für die Vorschläge, die heute von der Kommission kommen, von Federica Mogherini, von Frans Timmermans, ich möchte auch die Herren Kommissare Hahn und Stylianides erwähnen, die mitgearbeitet haben. Ich bedanke mich dafür. Das sind gute Basisvorschläge für die Arbeit, die wir zu erledigen haben. Wenn man sich bewusst macht, dass sich bis zum Jahr 2050 die Bevölkerungszahl Afrikas verdoppeln kann, dann ist das eines der Megathemen unserer Zeit, worauf Europa Antworten geben muss. Wir müssen da Wahrheiten beschreiben. Eine Wahrheit ist: Wir müssen uns hinwenden, wir müssen die Probleme ernst nehmen, und das nicht nur aus Mitleid gegenüber Afrika, sondern aus Eigeninteresse. Aus Eigeninteresse müssen wir uns diesem Kontinent zuwenden. Wir werden auch mehr Geld investieren müssen, mehr Wohlstand abgeben müssen. Wir werden Gelder von den bereits bereitgestellten Mitteln besser verwenden müssen, aber wir werden auch neue Wege gehen müssen. Und deswegen möchte ich für die EVP-Fraktion auch unterstreichen, dass die Idee, den EFSI sozusagen für Afrika neu aufzusetzen, den Leverage-Ansatz zu verwenden, bei uns auf konstruktive Mitarbeit stoßen wird und wir dem auch offen gegenüberstehen.

Die Handelspolitik wurde angesprochen: ein wichtiges Tool der Europäischen Union. Es gilt, über Handelspolitik Partnerschaft aufzubauen, weniger aus der europäischen Perspektive, sondern auch mehr aus der afrikanischen zu denken. Aber es gilt auch, Klartext zu reden. Denn wenn ein Partner in Afrika zum Beispiel bei der Rückführung von Illegalen, bei der Rückführung von abgewiesenen Flüchtlingen und Asylbewerbern nicht kooperiert, dann muss das auch Konsequenzen bei der Handelspolitik haben. Dann kann man nicht weiter business as usual machen und Geschäfte weiter so betreiben wie bisher. Wir müssen da mit den afrikanischen Partnern Klartext reden.

Ich möchte noch einen Gedanken in die Diskussion einbringen, weil ja heute auch über die Blue Card und über die legalen Wege nach Europa gesprochen worden ist: Meine Fraktion ist bereit, sich an der Frage konstruktiv zu beteiligen. Wir brauchen bei der Blue Card eine Weiterentwicklung. Aber ich möchte auch zum Nachdenken anregen: Wir haben in der Europäischen Union nach wie vor Millionen Menschen ohne Arbeit, wir haben Millionen junger Menschen im Süden des Kontinents ohne Arbeit. Und deswegen möchte ich für meine Fraktion schon deutlich machen: Blue Card kann nicht bedeuten, dass wir jetzt neue Wege öffnen, um noch mehr Arbeitsmigranten nach Europa zu holen. Wir müssen zunächst einmal dafür sorgen, dass die europäische Jugend eine Zukunft hat, bevor wir uns über die afrikanische auf diesem europäischen Kontinent Gedanken machen.

Ich bedanke mich für die Vorschläge, die heute gekommen sind. Europa kann das gemeinsam schaffen, und Europa wird das gemeinsam schaffen!

 
  
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  Gianni Pittella, a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signori Vicepresidenti della Commissione, diciamo la verità: siamo stati miopi in questi anni. Non abbiamo visto che c'era di fronte a noi un giovane continente, che aveva tanti problemi e tante potenzialità, e soprattutto non abbiamo compreso che, con questo continente, noi avremmo potuto condividere queste sfide. Se ci pensate, tutte le grandi sfide che riguardano noi riguardano anche l'Africa. La lotta al terrorismo: facciamo la lotta al terrorismo senza l'Africa? Il governo dei flussi migratori: lo facciamo senza l'Africa? Il dialogo interreligioso? Lo sviluppo economico, civile e culturale? L'Africa per noi è un partner. Ora finalmente c'è la svolta. E c'è la svolta – diciamo anche qui la verità – grazie al governo italiano e grazie alla Commissione europea. Dico grazie a entrambi, Federica Mogherini e Frans Timmermans, e a tutta la Commissione europea per queste proposte.

Ci sono due nodi, vado subito al concreto. Il primo nodo è la risorsa finanziaria. Voi avete fatto il massimo: 500 milioni dal fondo di riserva è quello che poteva fare realisticamente la Commissione europea. Ora c'è da fare da parte degli Stati membri. Non si può a parole dire e poi non mettere a disposizione i soldi, anche da parte degli Stati membri. E poi c'è il meccanismo di moltiplicazione e di leva sul quale dobbiamo verificare bene innanzitutto la BEI. Deve essere fatta la governance, ma deve anche modificare la sua missione, che non può essere quella di finanziare soltanto i progetti con la tripla A, altrimenti progetti con la tripla A, in Africa, non se ne finanziano, e ci pigliamo in giro. E tutto possiamo fare tranne che prenderci in giro. I progetti in Africa sono rischiosi e quindi non sono da tripla A.

La seconda questione è politica e culturale. Il Compact, questo programma, non è un programma solo securitario. Certo, serve a gestire bene i flussi migratori. Facciamo attenzione al tema "i giovani africani vengono a togliere il posto di lavoro ai giovani europei". Questa è una storia che non regge nemmeno sul piano scientifico. Fatevelo dire da chi studia questi problemi. Il Compact, questo programma serve a securizzare, certo, ma serve soprattutto a realizzare un partenariato politico, economico, civile e culturale con l'Africa. Se è soltanto uno stratagemma per frenare i flussi è pochissima cosa. Se invece è, come io sono convinto che sia, uno strumento per realizzare finalmente una grande alleanza, è una grande cosa e merita di essere chiamato come una svolta rivoluzionaria.

 
  
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  Helga Stevens, namens de ECR-Fractie. – De Commissie komt vandaag met een nieuw masterplan. De bedoeling lijkt om financiële steun aan de voornaamste Afrikaanse transitlanden te geven in ruil voor twee prestaties. Ten eerste moeten zij migranten tegenhouden door mensensmokkelaars te bestrijden. Ten tweede moeten zij illegale migranten uit Europa terugnemen.

NVA pleitte eerder voor het afsluiten van ‘antiverdrinkingsakkoorden’ met alle landen rond de Middellandse Zee. We stellen vandaag vast dat daaraan gehoor wordt gegeven. Er wordt voorgesteld om vanuit de EU migranten terug te sturen naar Tunesië, Egypte, Mali, enzovoort, en tegelijkertijd inspanningen te leveren om echte vluchtelingen te hervestigen. Push-backs, gecombineerd met hervestiging dus, ons vertrouwde mantra.

De grens- en kustwacht van de EU, aan de oprichting waarvan ik actief bijdraag als schaduwrapporteur, kan die terugkeeroperaties uitvoeren. Om tot een totaalaanpak te komen, rest ons nu nog de invoering van een maximumplafond voor op te vangen asielzoekers.

 
  
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  Guy Verhofstadt, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, first of all let me say to the Commission that I am very pleased with the global approach that you have finalised this morning – alongside the European Border and Coast Guard, the new asylum system and the new proposals on economic migration. Let us hope that we achieve a result by the end of the year.

I have to tell you that this is also a bit of a personal matter, because my first European Council was in 1999 in the north of Finland in Tampere, where we decided: from now on there is going to be a European asylum and migration policy. That was decided in principle in 1999 and now, 17 years later – I should say, finally – maybe we are nearly there.

So I am positive about the global approach, but I am more critical about the idea of now making migration compacts with third countries. If the Commission intends to simply duplicate the deal with Turkey, then I have a number of key problems with this, because I have here Amnesty International’s report of one week ago about this Turkey deal.

For Europe it is a way forward. There are fewer people coming to Europe – at any rate in that part of the Mediterranean, because, in the meanwhile, there is an increase in the number of people flowing to Europe in other parts of the Mediterranean and I think the one is connected to the other.

But in addition to that – and independently from that – what the report is saying is that for the refugees this is certainly not the solution to their problems. They live in awful conditions. There are more than 100 000 of these migrants who are stuck between IS and a wall that Turkey is building up, kilometre by kilometre, on the border with Syria. At the same time there is no possibility for these people to have asylum, because Turkey has not ratified all the protocols of the Geneva Convention and so asylum is not possible for Syrian refugees. The conclusion, then, is that for refugees this deal is tragic. It is a drama. It is a problem.

So to say today that we have the solution to our problems, that we are simply going to duplicate the deal with Turkey and we are going to roll it out to all the other countries: sorry, I do not think that is the way forward in the future. It is simply saying: OK, we will give you money and you keep the refugees. Well, that cannot be the deal. That cannot be a compact.

So my proposal is that, instead of having this migration compact, we need a real partnership with these countries. This real partnership has, I think, some tricky elements. It first of all means us, together – not them – us Europeans together, opening reception centres in these countries to pick up these migrants and refugees, in reception centres – in Libya, in Egypt, in Tunisia, in Lebanon, in Jordan, in the North African countries. Secondly, in these reception centres we can manage this together and make a distinction between those who are real refugees who can be resettled inside the European Union – which is one possibility – and those who are migrants.

For our part we need to establish projects in the transit countries or in the countries of origin to give them a life, an expectation and a future in these countries of origin. There the situation is better than ever because, let us not forgot, Africa today has growth of between 4% and 5%. There is a basis for good projects in these transit countries and countries of origin.

That seems to me to be the way forward, not to say: we are giving you money, we have already been promising you money for two decades but we never gave it to you, now you can have it if you keep the refugees. For me that is not a compact. If that is the compact, I am against it. I hope it will not be by accident if we can make real partnerships with them, managing the borders together, making projects in the transit countries and so on. Then it is a way forward. So you have to adapt your proposal in that way.

Finally, on the last element, the question of the Blue Card, I have to tell you one thing. The Blue Card – which does not in fact exist for the moment, there are 10 000 Blue Cards – is a good attempt. I do not think that a directive is the right way forward, Mr Timmermans. I think there is a better way forward, which is to make one Blue Card, like there is one green card in the US: one Blue Card instead of a directive which will lead to 28 blue cards in the European Union. I think we, as the European Parliament, have the task, with you, to push the Council to accept one system instead of the 28 systems that could result from this directive.

(Applause)

 
  
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  Barbara Spinelli, a nome del gruppo GUE/NGL. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signori Vicepresidenti della Commissione, nel Migration Compact citate sei volte i diritti, ma l'intera vostra proposta li contraddice, li mescola a controverità, è espulsione mal mascherata.

Dite che l'accordo con la Turchia ha salvato vite, ma i morti semplicemente si spostano. Sono mille, a maggio, nel Mediterraneo. Dite che bisogna aiutare i fuggitivi nei loro paesi, annunciate aiuti a sedici paesi africani, ma condizionate ogni cooperazione economica ai rimpatri e al controllo delle frontiere. L'aiuto promesso è un diktat: o relegate i profughi in vostri campi-prigioni o niente aiuti. Chi subisce guerre non lasci la Siria, lo Yemen, la Libia, l'Afghanistan, non si azzardi più a fuggire le dittature in Sudan, Eritrea, Stati cui l'Unione prospetta accordi munifici come quello con la Turchia.

Voi dite che i fuggitivi devono divenire più resilienti, autosufficienti, restando nei paesi d'origine o di transito. Mi chiedo se sappiate di che cosa parlate quando psicologizzate sfacciatamente sulla resilienza. Chi inventato tutto questo e accusa il governo italiano in primis pensa di avere le mani pulite e il cuore bianco, come Lady Macbeth prima di accorgersi di quel che ha fatto, ma le ha sporche di violazioni sistematiche del diritto internazionale e di un accordo vergognoso con la Turchia. State facendo già ora, signor Timmermans, signora Mogherini, le politiche che sono chieste in Europa dalle destre più estreme.

 
  
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  Judith Sargentini, namens de Verts/ALE-Fractie. – We zijn nog driftig in de weer met de Turkije-deal en vandaag spreken we alweer over een nieuwe deal, een deal met landen in Afrika. Een nieuwe deal waar de Europese Commissie met de lidstaten probeert om de doden op zee te voorkomen en migratie in goede banen te leiden.

De grote weeffout die we hebben gemaakt met Turkije, herhaalt zich. De weeffout is dat wij niet zeggen: "Afrika, Afrikaanse landen, wij zien uw problemen. Hoe kunnen wij u helpen?" Maar dat we zeggen: "Wij, wij in Europa, we hebben gillende populisten en daarom willen we migratie stoppen". Alles lijkt erop gericht om vluchtelingen tegen te houden in plaats van te helpen.

En kijken we dan naar de cijfers, dan vraag ik me af of uw voorstellen hun doel wel bereiken. Dit jaar zijn er in hetzelfde tijdvak al meer mensen omgekomen dan een jaar geleden. Hoe kan dat nou? En waarom zouden uw voorstellen dit oplossen? Er zijn niet meer migranten geweest die de oversteek maakten, maar wel meer die het met de dood hebben moeten bekopen. Is er niet simpelweg iets mis met hoe we de helpende hand op zee bieden?

Een belangrijke vaststelling die u maakt is dat armoede de reden is van veel Afrikanen om naar Europa te komen. En u start – en dat tot mijn vreugde – ook weer de discussie over legale migratie. Wij denken daar graag over mee, maar tegelijkertijd breekt u met een fundament onder ontwikkelingssamenwerking. Het doel van ontwikkelingsgeld is armoedebestrijding. Dat staat ook in ons Verdrag van Lissabon. Maar wat schetst onze verbazing? Die gelden wil de Commissie inzetten om mensen dáár te houden, om de grenzen dicht te houden.

Mijnheer Timmermans, als ik met de grote sociaaldemocraat Schaeffer mag spreken: van grenzen dichthouden kan niemand eten. Ik ben benieuwd hoe uw collega Mimica hier eigenlijk naar kijkt? Of de ministers voor Ontwikkelingssamenwerking in Europa? Of de leden van de Commissie voor ontwikkelingsbijstand van de OESO? U haalt geld weg bij de allerarmsten om er douaniers mee te betalen.

Geachte vicevoorzitter, twee citaten van u: "The MDG showed us that lack of development of some countries is a threat to all, but so is unsustainable development on a global scale. This is the challenge that today we commit to overcome together". Dat waren uw woorden bij de introductie van de doelstellingen inzake duurzame ontwikkeling. U zei ook: "In countries like ours there is no excuse for meeting the 0.7 GDP" voor ontwikkelingshulp. Dat is waar, maar u vergeet dat nu en u gebruikt het geld om het fort Europa te versterken in plaats van ongelijkheid in de wereld te bestrijden.

 
  
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  Rolandas Paksas, EFDD frakcijos vardu. – Kaip žinome, lojalumas nėra perkamas. Net jeigu ir pavyksta ką nors papirkti, jis būna trumpalaikis. Ar Komisija siūlo vienu kitu milijardu eurų papirkti Rytų Afrikos šalis, kad iš jų būtų pristabdytas migrantų antplūdis į Europą? Ar dėl to paties jau anksčiau bandyta šešiais milijardais eurų ir bevizio režimo pažadais nupirkti Turkiją? „O šventas naivume!“ – jei galėtų, sušuktų ant laužo sudegintas čekas Janas Husas, nes pinigai bus išleisti, o problema tęsis ir toliau. „O laikai, o papročiai!“– šiandien vėl nusistebėtų Ciceronas. Gal mes pradėkime ramybės mokestį mokėti ir teroristams, kad ramu būtų Paryžiuje, Londone, Briuselyje ir visose Europos valstybių sostinėse? Negi po pusmečio ar metų rimtais veidais iš tiesų galėtume pradėti svarstyti ir šį pasiūlymą? Dar kartą pakartosiu, ką sakiau šios migrantų krizės pradžioje: pagrindinė Europos Sąjungos dvišalių ar daugiašalių sutarčių su Afrikos valstybėmis sąlyga privalo būti saugumo ir sienų regione užtikrinimas. Visi šio regiono valstybėms teikiami pagalbos projektai taip pat gali ir turi būti susieti su taikos ir saugumo šiose valstybėse užtikrinimu. Dar viena esminė ir vykdoma sąlyga – griežta ir profesionali pačios Europos Sąjungos išorės, ypač jos pietinių sienų, kontrolė. Ir dar, būtina atsisakyti kvotų politikos. Ji buvo, yra ir bus akivaizdi migracijos į Europą paskata, nes taip siunčiamas signalas „jūs čia laukiami, jumis bus pasirūpinta“. Tai akivaizdu. Ir nereikia manyti, kad to nesupranta patys migrantai ir jų kontrabandininkai. Mielieji, kai gesinamas didžiulis gaisras, jeigu reikia, iškertami miškai, perkasami keliai, statomos smėlio ir žemių užtvaros, niekas neįtikinėja prekybos centrų nepardavinėti degtukų ar žiebtuvėlių.

 
  
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  Harald Vilimsky, im Namen der ENF-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, meine Damen und Herren! Wenn man den Ausführungen der Europäischen Unionsnomenklatura, also der Kommissare und der Mehrheitsfraktionen, hier zuhört, hat man den Eindruck, dass diese Migrationswellen mehr politisch gewollt, als tatsächlich ein Phänomen sind.

Erinnern Sie sich zurück, wie die ganze arabische Halbinsel ins Chaos verfallen ist, wie das mit Ägypten und Mubarak der Fall war, mit Tunesien und Ben Ali, wie das in Libyen mit Gaddafi der Fall war, und wie man dann in Syrien Assad zu bekämpfen versuchte, und wie überall die Applauswellen ausbrachen, dass hier ein Arabischer Frühling eine viel bessere Zeit gebracht hat.

Als dann nicht der Arabische Frühling, sondern die ganzen Probleme kamen und die ersten großen Migrationsströme Richtung Europa unterwegs waren, wissen Sie, wer da die ersten waren, die das lautstark beklatscht haben – mit Ausnahme der politisch Linken? Die ersten, die das lautstark beklatscht haben, waren die Bosse der deutschen Automobilindustrie: Es war Mercedes, es war AUDI, und es war BMW, die sich darüber gefreut haben, dass hier möglicherweise Heerscharen von Billigarbeitskräften ins Land kommen und damit die Profite der großen Konzerne noch mehr und noch mehr werden. Bitte, machen Sie das mit Ihrem Gewissen aus, was Sie hier bewerkstelligen und welche fatale Politik Sie hier eigentlich betreiben.

Was Österreich betrifft, kann ich nur sagen, dass wir immer ein offenes Herz für Menschen gehabt haben, die Schutz und Hilfe gesucht haben. Das war im Jahr 1956 mit den Ungarn so, 1968 mit den Tschechen, im Jahr 1990 und den folgenden mit den Bosniern. Aber jetzt, wo eine interkontinentale Migrationswelle auch Richtung Österreich unterwegs ist, wo Menschen vier, fünf sichere Drittländer durchqueren, unter denen auch Unionsländer sind, die alle für sie nicht sicher genug sind, wo europäische, kommt man zu einem Punkt, wo man sagen muss: Stopp, es reicht!

Dieses Recht wurde sogar auch einmal innerhalb der Europäischen Union bedacht, indem man Erstaufnahmestellen in der Region schafft indem man nach sicheren Zonen in der Region Ausschau hält, aber mit Sicherheit nicht, indem man nach weiterhin Strategien Ausschau hält, um mehr und mehr und mehr hereinzuholen nach Europa sonst geht dieses Schiff Europa unter.

 
  
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  Σωτήριος Ζαριανόπουλος ( NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, όποιος δεν επισκέφθηκε hotspot, κέντρα κράτησης προσφύγων στα ελληνικά νησιά ή ανοιχτά στρατόπεδα στην υπόλοιπη Ελλάδα μπορεί να παραπλανηθεί από το ρατσιστικό δηλητήριο της ναζιστικής Χρυσής Αυγής και των ευρωπαίων συμμάχων της. Ας σκεφτεί ο καθένας πώς θα ήταν, αν άφηνε τη χώρα του για να γλιτώσει από τον πόλεμο, την εξαθλίωση και βρισκόταν φυλακισμένος με κίνδυνο απέλασης, γιατί η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση παράνομα δεν τον θεωρεί πρόσφυγα. Να εγκλωβίζεσαι σε κέντρο κράτησης με τα παιδιά σου σε μια σκηνή, στο κρύο, τη βροχή και τον αφόρητο ήλιο. Να είσαι πεινασμένος και να πετάς το φαγητό, γιατί δεν κάνει ούτε για τα σκυλιά, ενώ εκατομμύρια ξεκοκαλίζονται από ιδιωτικές εταιρείες σίτισης ή μη κυβερνητικές οργανώσεις που χρηματοδοτεί αδρά η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση χωρίς αυτές να προσφέρουν τίποτε. Οι πρόσφυγες λένε: «Δεν ζούμε! Απλά αναπνέουμε· δεν έχουμε κανένα μέλλον.»

Η συμφωνία Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης-Τουρκίας καθιστά την τελευταία ρυθμιστή των προσφυγικών ροών, που σήμερα εκτρέπονται προς Ιταλία με εκατοντάδες πνιγμένους και μέσα σε ένα παζάρι μπορεί να επαναληφθούν κάνοντας την κατάσταση αφόρητη. Βάλατε μαζί με την ελληνική κυβέρνηση και τα κόμματα τον νατοϊκό λύκο να φυλάει τα θύματά του και να υποδαυλίζει εντάσεις στα Βαλκάνια. Μόνο το Κομμουνιστικό Κόμμα Ελλάδας καλεί τον ελληνικό λαό μαζί με τους πρόσφυγες να παλέψουν για άμεση μεταφορά τους με ευθύνη του κράτους και του ΟΗΕ στις χώρες προορισμού τους, με εξασφάλιση ανοικτών, αξιοπρεπών ανθρώπινων χώρων φιλοξενίας, για όσο διάστημα μείνουν στην Ελλάδα, με όλες τις απαραίτητες υποδομές και υπηρεσίες.

 
  
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  Roberta Metsola (PPE). – Madam President, I very much welcome this debate. As politicians, we need to move away from just fire-fighting and start to tackle the causes of migration, otherwise we risk our actions always being too little, too late. Our focus must be on preventing these situations from occurring in the first place.

Migration is a global phenomenon but one that requires measured, compassionate and effective European leadership. Europe needs thinking that goes beyond tomorrow’s headline and focuses on tomorrow’s generation, and this means that the Commission – and, crucially, as we have heard, the Member States – must put up the money to help build capacity in third countries. We need to pump investment into developing countries, a form of Marshall Plan that will give people a chance of a future there without fear.

Of course we need better readmission and return tools for those not eligible for protection. Safe third countries must do more to accept their nationals back. This must be part and parcel of our negotiations, and then we can work to build capacity in their law enforcement, judicial and, crucially, asylum systems, so that people in need of protection can also find safe haven in states outside of the European Union.

 
  
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  Knut Fleckenstein (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Gianni Pittella hat es schon gesagt: Natürlich begrüßen wir diese Initiative. Heute Morgen haben deutsche Medien davon gesprochen, dass es darum ginge, Druck auf afrikanische Staaten aufzubauen. Ich glaube, darum geht es nicht in erster Linie.

In erster Linie geht es wirklich um eine Partnerschaft. Es geht darum, die Fluchtursachen gemeinsam zu bekämpfen, in Demokratie, in Umwelt, in Arbeitsplätze zu investieren, damit sich Menschen nicht mehr auf den Weg machen müssen. Es geht darum, den Menschenschmugglern das Handwerk zu legen, auch durch Kooperation in der Küstenwache und ähnliches. Es geht darum, legale Migration zu ermöglichen, weil wir sie zum Teil in Europa brauchen. Es geht darum, in den Partnerstaaten eine Situation zu schaffen, die eine Rücksendung und Rücknahme ermöglicht. Das ist nicht nur richtig, das ist längst überfällig. Dieser Plan geht eben über kurzfristiges Krisenmanagement hinaus. Nur eine langfristige nachhaltige Kooperation kann uns hier helfen, das nachzuholen, was wir über Jahrzehnte versäumt haben.

Einfach wird das nicht. Zwei Sorgen begleiten uns in dieser Diskussion: Die erste Sorge ist die Finanzierungssorge. Sie, Herr Weber, haben schon darauf hingewiesen. Wenn von 11,8 Milliarden 81 Millionen in den einen Topf eingezahlt worden sind, dann glaube ich den Mitgliedstaaten nicht, dass sie wirklich etwas tun wollen, und dann bin ich auch nicht so optimistisch, dass ich ihren Prognosen glaube. Deshalb kann es nur so gehen, dass die Mitgliedstaaten schnell und unmittelbar auch in einen solchen Topf einzahlen, denn sonst würde unser Geld auch versickern.

Die zweite Sorge betrifft die Frage, mit wem wir in den einzelnen Staaten eigentlich kooperieren wollen: Investitionen in Frieden, Fortschritt, Demokratie, ja, sind dringend erforderlich, pragmatische Ansätze und Realismus aber auch. Wir dürfen deshalb nicht nur nach dem Motto one size fits all mit allen gleich verfahren, sondern müssen individuelle Verträge aushandeln, die sich auch an unseren europäischen Werten orientieren.

(Der Redner lehnt es ab, eine Frage von Herrn Etheridge nach dem Verfahren der "blauen Karte" gemäß Artikel 162 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)

 
  
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  Geoffrey Van Orden (ECR). – Madam President, I think we need a fundamentally different approach, with absolute priority on reducing the number of migrants entering the EU from outside. The current human-rights-driven agenda merely encourages migration. The pull factors of an open door, the near certainty of remaining once arrived on European soil, poor enforcement and repatriation, excessively generous welfare payments, and a legal straitjacket of international human rights conventions, are of far greater significance than the lack of physical barriers to migration – and Mr Verhofstadt’s ticket offices are not the answer, by the way.

I am also concerned about the effects of visa liberalisation. There are indications that many people from third countries enter the Schengen area legally and then overstay. These people are not effectively recorded, net departure is not enforced. What is the Commission going to do about this?

By the way, we should not expect Member States to provide additional EU budget funding to cover migration policies. Funds must be found from elsewhere within the budget. There must be former priorities which can be dropped and now there are new priorities. That is where you find the money from. There is no excuse for trying to call for more money from Member States.

 
  
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  Cecilia Wikström (ALDE). – Madam President, there is no doubt that we must cooperate better with third countries in our neighbourhood in order to manage the root causes of migration, to ensure safe and legal routes to Europe as well as a dignified returns policy for those that are not entitled to international protection.

I agree with the Commissioner on this, but we must get our act together and manage migration flows. Just deporting everybody to so-called third countries is a dead end. It is a no-go, and the Commission must realise that the EU-Turkey statement, or deal, or whatever status it has, is a dead end. It is a no-go created to circumvent the democratic scrutiny of this House.

Let us instead now focus on the creation of a dignified European asylum system assisting our neighbourhood but never, never, outsource European responsibility to third countries, otherwise this continent, this Union, will be held hostage indefinitely.

 
  
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  Marie-Christine Vergiat (GUE/NGL). – Madame la Présidente, Madame Mogherini, vous nous avez fait un très beau discours, mais il ne correspond pas à la réalité de vos politiques. M. Timmermans, d'une certaine façon, est plus franc.

Le monde est face à une crise humanitaire. Voici la réalité de cette crise humanitaire, selon le HCR: 28 millions de nouveaux déplacés en 2015 ont fui conflits et catastrophes naturelles; un million d'entre eux arrivés en Europe et la solidarité européenne, zone économique la plus riche du monde, est égale à zéro ou presque. Sur 160 000 relocalisations promises, seules 1 500 sont effectives.

L'Union a cédé au chantage de la Turquie et veut aujourd'hui modéliser cet accord pour l'Afrique. Toutes les politiques extérieures de l'Union devraient être mobilisées pour contraindre les États récalcitrants à réadmettre les migrants, comme si l'Afrique ne vivait pas déjà une terrible crise humanitaire. 25 % des réfugiés mondiaux s'y trouvent et 87 % des migrations africaines sont intra-africaines. Loin de tarir les migrations, vous allez les rendre encore plus dangereuses. Déjà 2 500 morts depuis le début de l'année, sans doute plus de 7 000 à la fin de l'année. Le cap des 10 000 a été franchi depuis 2014, selon les annonces du HCR.

Aujourd'hui, comment osez-vous nous dire que le modèle des passeurs a vécu? Ils s'adaptent. Je ne vois pas le changement, la révolution, je vois le cynisme, y compris par les ponctions sur le FED au bénéfice de pays comme l'Érythrée et le Soudan, et nous en voyons aujourd'hui les dégâts.

 
  
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  Ska Keller (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, some colleagues have mentioned partnership and addressing poverty, human rights violations and that sounds very nice.

The problem is just it is not in the paper. What the Commission is actually proposing here colleagues is to use all foreign policy instruments that the EU has as its disposal for one sole purpose, namely to stop refugees and migrants on their way to Europe. Development aid, trade policies, we do not even have sanctions to sanction the human rights violations in trade agreements. But now we will use trade sanctions when a country is not taking back the refugees, the people that fled from that specific country.

The Commission even wants to give money to a country like Eritrea, where people are fleeing for good reasons: because of torture; because of forced labour; because of human rights violations. and the money is not going to Eritrea on the condition that those human rights violations would be stopped, no. The condition is to stop people from fleeing from these conditions. I really wonder what after all of this is left from our value-driven EU foreign policy.

And you have mentioned the global responsibility, and indeed that is very important, but where is the responsibility of the European Union itself, of our Member States? We cannot go around telling everyone, all the transit countries, to house more refugees if we ourselves – as one of the richest continents of the world – are not doing our job. How can we tell Jordan, Turkey, other countries to house more refugees if we ourselves are not able to house a mere million? Money, even if well spent, is not enough.

And on resettlement, how are you Commissioners going to force Member States to accept a sizeable amount of refugees, sizeable meaning at least hundreds of thousands each year, and up to 20 000 that we were promised a year ago, of which only 4 000 have actually been resettled? Where is that responsibility? I think the problem we need to address is inside the European Union. It does not help to externalise the problems and look for solutions elsewhere. We have to find the solution inside the European Union.

 
  
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  Laura Ferrara (EFDD). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la proposta illustrata dalla Commissione è di fatto una rielaborazione del Migration Compact del premier italiano Renzi, in cui a prevalere è una logica di cooperazione non disinteressata, ambigua, con pochi elementi di novità, basata sullo scambio piuttosto che sui bisogni e sui diritti di chi fugge e di chi accoglie. Sul modello dell'accordo UE-Turchia, che è realizzato a costo della dignità e del sistema dei valori europei, l'Unione europea cercherà di ottenere collaborazione nella gestione dei flussi migratori attraverso l'ennesima erogazione di miliardi e miliardi di euro.

Poco si dice sulla natura di governi e regimi oppressivi e dittatoriali a cui toccherebbero gli aiuti, sui tassi di corruzione presenti in quei paesi e sull'instabilità di governi come la Libia, con la quale risulta difficile pensare a possibili operazioni. Allora siamo favorevoli, in termini generali, ad una cooperazione allo sviluppo e a salvare le vite umane, ma senza ipocrisie. Sono decenni che si parla di aiuti ad un continente che dalle principali potenze occidentali ed europei ha conosciuto principalmente sfruttamento e destabilizzazione.

 
  
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  Marcus Pretzell (ENF). – Frau Präsidentin, meine Damen und Herren! Frau Mogherini möchte ein globales Problem lösen. Frau Mogherini, machen Sie sich nicht lächerlich, Sie lösen nicht einmal die Probleme hier in Europa! Die CSU hat sich heute mit dem grünen Slogan „Wohlstand abgeben“ hervorgetan. Wir Europäer müssen Wohlstand abgeben nach Afrika und nach Asien. Eine halbe Milliarde, eine Milliarde, ja immerhin bis zu 62 Milliarden, wenn denn private Investoren auch in Afrika und Asien investieren möchten. Das ist der gleiche Taschenspielertrick, wie wir ihn schon beim Juncker-Plan hier vernommen haben. Auch diesmal wird es nicht funktionieren. Ich möchte fast sagen: Es wird erst recht nicht funktionieren, weil die Investitionsmöglichkeiten in Afrika nach wie vor immer noch schlechter sind als in der Europäischen Union, auch wenn wir uns dort angleichen.

Auch wenn es 62 Milliarden sind, die dort investiert werden – es wird nicht reichen. Alleine die Bundesregierung hat den in Deutschland bereits ansässigen Flüchtlingen bis zu 93 Milliarden Euro versprochen, damit sie in Deutschland Unterstützung bekommen. Sie glauben doch nicht, dass Sie Millionen Menschen in Afrika und Asien mit 62 Milliarden ködern können, wenn alleine die deutsche Bundesregierung 93 Milliarden verspricht!

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel 162 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)

 
  
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  Bill Etheridge (EFDD), blue-card question. – And thank you, sir, for having the courage of your convictions to answer a question. I wish everyone had the same courage. Do you think that the EU public will be joyfully celebrating the calls we have heard in this Chamber for global wealth redistribution on a scale that would have had Karl Marx’s eyes watering, or do you think the taxpayers of the EU might think that perhaps they would like to keep some of that money for themselves and have it spent in their own countries? Do you think they share the zeal of some of our colleagues for throwing money elsewhere rather than in their home countries?

 
  
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  Marcus Pretzell (ENF), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Nun, Herr Kollege, Sie haben ja zum Glück in Ihrem Land die Möglichkeit, über die Mitgliedschaft in der Europäischen Union abzustimmen. In der Tat würde sich Franz Josef Strauß vermutlich im Grab umdrehen, wenn er die Worte seines Parteikollegen, Herrn Weber, heute vernommen hätte. Dieser Slogan "Wohlstand abgeben", den kennen wir von den Grünen und Kommunisten, aber das ist nichts, was einer sogenannten konservativen Kraft, auch nicht in Bayern, eigentlich gut zu Gesicht stünde. Insofern viel Glück bei Ihrem Unternehmen am 23 Juni.

 
  
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  Udo Voigt (NI). – Frau Präsidentin, werte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Immer, wenn man in Europa nicht mehr weiter weiß, wird offensichtlich ein neuer Plan aufgelegt. Von Herrn Timmermans haben wir im Oktober letzten Jahres den neuen Plan gehört, 160 000 Flüchtlinge umzusiedeln. Gerade einmal 1 400 sollen umgesiedelt worden sein, genaue Zahlen kennt man nicht. Herr Timmermans selber sprach davon, was wir im Ägäischen Meer geschafft haben, müssen wir auch im südlichen Mittelmeer schaffen. Was haben wir denn im Ägäischen Meer geschafft? Wie viele von den 72 000 syrischen Flüchtlingen wurden bisher umgesiedelt? Wie ich hörte, haben sich von den 28 Mitgliedstaaten erst fünf daran beteiligt, dass Flüchtlinge umgesiedelt werden, und einige wenige Hundert wurden umgesiedelt. Wie hat man denn bis jetzt den Verursacher, die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, eingebunden, dass sie Flüchtlinge nehmen? Und Frau Mogherini, ein letztes Wort: Es ist richtig, Leben auf See zu retten. Doch dann sollte man diejenigen, die man gerettet hat, nach dem australischen Modellwieder dahin zurückbringen, wo sie hergekommen sind.

 
  
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  Milan Zver (PPE). – Pozdravljam danes predstavljen predlog Evropske komisije o novem migracijskem dogovoru. Do zdaj smo v Evropi le gasili požar z različnimi akcijami, kratkoročnimi, ki so bile sicer nujne, da smo začasno zajezili migrantski pritok. Z novo dublinsko uredbo in novim migracijskim dogovorom pa se bližamo celoviti rešitvi in tudi dolgoročni rešitvi.

Finančno pomoč v višini 8 milijard eurov bodo države partnerke v Afriki in na Bližnjem vzhodu najprej uporabile za izboljšanje, menedžiranje migracij, še posebej pa za nadzor meja, za reševanje azila, boja proti korupciji in tako naprej. Pomemben del tega predloga je vzpostavitev vstopnih točk v izvornih državah.

Predvsem pa pozdravljam idejo o evropskem skladu za zunanje naložbe, ki mora biti oblikovan z zasebnim kapitalom ter biti tudi razvojno usmerjen. Šele investicije v realno gospodarstvo in v socialno okolje lahko vplivajo na to, da marsikoga odvrne od tvegane poti v Evropo in drugam.

Zavzemamo se za to, da bo razvojna pomoč, ki jo plačujejo evropski davkoplačevalci (mimogrede, precej več kot ameriški in pa kitajski), v prihodnje bolj selektivna. Treba je nagraditi tiste države, ki izpolnjujejo svoje mednarodne obveznosti, ki so pripravljene ponovno sprejeti svoje državljane in ki sodelujejo pri upravljanju tokov nezakonitih migrantov ter celo nudijo mednarodno zaščito državljanom tretjih držav.

Neodgovornim vladam, ki pa ne sodelujejo, je potrebno pomoč odpraviti, kakor tudi trgovinske in vizumske ugodnosti.

(Govornik se je strinjal, da bo sprejel vprašanje, postavljeno z dvigom modrega kartončka (člen 149(8)).

 
  
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  Tibor Szanyi (S&D), Kékkártyás kérdés. – Tisztelt Képviselő Úr! Ön említette, hogy beruházások szükségesek azokban az országokban is, amelyek kibocsátói a mostani migrációs hullámnak. Két kérdésem is lenne. Az egyik az, hogy Ön alkalmasnak látja-e a Juncker-tervet kiterjeszteni egy ilyen programra? Illetve a második kérdésem, hogy Ön lát-e feladatot a bilaterális kapcsolatok erősítésében a külügyi szolgálat számára, hogy ne csak a pénzügyekről beszéljünk.

 
  
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  Milan Zver (PPE), odgovor na vprašanje, postavljeno z dvigom modrega kartončka. – Dejstvo je, da je ta ideja, ta koncept mišljen kot Junckerejev plan 2 za države izven Evropske unije. In normalno je, da brez investicij, tujih investicij, zlasti pa evropskih (Evropa tudi največ prispeva k razvojni pomoči, bolj kot druge države, bolj kot Amerika in tako naprej), brez tega ne bo gospodarskega zagona in tudi blagostanja v teh državah, od koder prihajajo begunci.

Tako da se mi zdi ta sklad dolgoročno najpomembnejša ideja in najpomembnejši ukrep Evropske unije pri preprečevanju migracij.

 
  
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  Pier Antonio Panzeri (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il successo dell'azione europea dipende da una serie di condizioni. Innanzitutto, una politica migratoria efficace, sia interna che esterna, basata sulla legalità, sulla solidarietà e sul rispetto dei diritti umani. In secondo luogo, un investimento su partner affidabili, certo con una politica realista, ma consapevoli – lo dico anche al collega Verhofstadt – che per avere partenariati veri serve un nuovo approccio meno liberista nelle politiche commerciali: cooperazione e non sfruttamento.

In terzo luogo, infine, servono basi finanziarie sufficienti e vere. Qui bisogna superare le ombre ancora presenti nel dibattito tra gli Stati membri e l'assenza del Consiglio oggi su un documento che si dice di svolta dà molto da pensare. Per quanto mi riguarda era preferibile la strada degli Eurobond. Ma, se prendiamo per buone le proposizioni avanzate da voi, allora è utile che si inserisca una clausola di salvaguardia che individui un termine per verificarne il funzionamento e che, nel caso negativo, si mettano in campo gli strumenti finanziari più idonei per risolvere e affrontare il problema.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, είναι δεδομένο ότι στο πρώτο μισό του αιώνα που διανύουμε θα γνωρίσουμε πρωτοφανείς μετακινήσεις πληθυσμών όχι μόνο λόγω πολεμικών συγκρούσεων. Η αντιμετώπιση των προσφυγικών αλλά και των μεταναστευτικών ροών πρέπει λοιπόν να αποτελέσει την κύρια κοινή προσπάθεια του ΟΗΕ αλλά και των κρατών της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης για τα επόμενα χρόνια. Θα πρέπει λοιπόν να χτυπηθούν τα κυκλώματα των διακινητών και να υπάρξει πίεση για την εφαρμογή τόσο της συμφωνίας με την Τουρκία, η οποία συνεχίζει τους εκβιασμούς, όσο και της συμφωνίας της Βαλέτα. Αυτό σημαίνει επιτάχυνση των διαδικασιών επαναπροώθησης αλλά και δημιουργία hotspots σε Τουρκία, Λίβανο, Ιορδανία και σε χώρες της Αφρικής για απευθείας επανεγκαταστάσεις προσφύγων στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Σε βάθος χρόνου πρέπει να επιβληθεί ρήτρα κατανομής των μεταναστών σε επίπεδο Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, όπως συμβαίνει και με τους πρόσφυγες. Το προσφυγικό και το μεταναστευτικό απαιτούν συνολική προσέγγιση, και αυτό σημαίνει πόρους για την αντιμετώπιση της φτώχειας στα αναπτυσσόμενα κράτη καθώς και στήριξη της ανάπτυξης και επενδύσεις στις χώρες της Μέσης Ανατολής και της Αφρικής υπό τον όρο του εκεί σεβασμού των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων.

 
  
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  Nathalie Griesbeck (ALDE). – Madame la Présidente, nous sommes nombreux, bien sûr, à partager l'élan et l'ambition du projet de coopération, d'aide et de partenariat avec les pays tiers ciblés, partenariat que nous espérions depuis longtemps, depuis Tampere, comme l'a souligné tout à l'heure Guy Verhofstadt.

Je voudrais vous prendre au mot, aujourd'hui, à propos de la priorité que vous avez placée en tout premier lieu, en tête du texte, celle de sauver les vies en Méditerranée, d'autant plus qu'il y a à peine 5 ou 6 jours, un naufrage terrible de 700 personnes a illustré cette urgence. Vous prendre au mot à propos de la vision stratégique, du changement de paradigme dont vous parliez, en vous proposant de le mettre en œuvre en actes, et pas seulement en mots ou en intentions.

C'est la raison pour laquelle je ne comprends pas qu'au moment où nous travaillons d'arrache-pied sur le règlement de création d'un corps européen de gardes-frontières et de garde-côtes, le Conseil et la Commission européenne refusent que le sauvetage et la recherche en mer soient un élément à part entière de la gestion intégrée des frontières extérieures.

C'est là l'une des missions de Frontex, profitons de cette volonté politique forte pour mettre nos mots et nos paroles en cohérence avec nos actes à travers ce texte relatif à la création d'un corps de garde-côtes aux frontières extérieures.

 
  
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  Malin Björk (GUE/NGL). – Fru talman! Detta förslag handlar inte om samarbete. Det handlar inte heller om migration. Det handlar om att stoppa flyktingar, om att mobilisera alla möjliga medel i detta enda syfte – ekonomiska, handelspolitiska, viseringspolitiken och till och med militära medel. Ser ni inte själva vilken farlig, människofientlig och framtidsfientlig utveckling detta är?

EU–Turkiet-avtalet är ett skammens avtal som bryter mot internationell rätt och människors rättigheter, och nu vill ni fortsätta på samma spår. Att ytterligare externalisera och stänga EU:s gränser genom liknande avtal mellan länder som t.o.m. Eritrea och Sudan. Det är en återvändsgränd.

EU:s medborgare förväntar sig inte ett cyniskt stängt Europa där vi knappt kan andas längre. Vi förväntar oss en allvarlig diskussion som tar sin utgångspunkt i hur vi ska kunna organisera ett mer solidariskt och mer värdigt mottagande och ta ett större ansvar för att ta emot flyktingar i Europa. Tillbaka till ritbordet!

 
  
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  Josep-Maria Terricabras (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, I fully agree that our response to the present humanitarian crisis in Europe should be a comprehensive. I agree that Africa should receive our increasing political consideration. Nevertheless, the first ideas proposed on the migration compact do not mention two extremely important points: firstly, there is no mention of the defence of human rights. We seem only interested in getting rid of present and future refugees. Of course, we are ready to pay to get rid of them.

The second point is closely related to the first. Apparently, we totally trust all African leaders – morally and economically. My question is: are we going, for instance, to trust the countries which were mentioned here as we have trusted Turkey? Without defence of human rights, without a strong democratic control on our own procedures and on our agreements with third countries, we are about to repeat all the mistakes made in the recent past.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

 
  
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  Janice Atkinson (ENF), blue-card question. – So you talk about human rights, but do you not agree with me that the human rights industry actively works against us? On a radio programme recently on the BBC, I actually challenged the Red Cross and said you turn economic migrants into refugees, and he openly admitted that. It is there to hear on tape. I was in the Greek migrant camps three weeks ago and the same thing is going on. Do you actually believe that taxpayers’ money should be wasted on such initiatives?

 
  
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  Josep-Maria Terricabras (Verts/ALE), blue-card answer. – I just believe that we should not confuse things. Human rights should be accomplished everywhere. If someone does not, well that is not my fault. I am sorry, we should do that.

 
  
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  Mike Hookem (EFDD). – Madam President, having been to the camps along the northern coast of the Schengen area, I can tell you it is a bonanza for criminal gangs and terrorists. In Dieppe I even saw port security letting Albanian people traffickers climb fences into the port, and it was I who was threatened when I asked him to stop this happening. Not one penny of British taxpayers’ money should go into this disastrous EU migration policy, and if you want to control migration, if you want to stop deaths in the Mediterranean, then we need be turning boats back.

Britain has a new problem this summer. We have our own invasion of migrants to the south coast and the EU has tried to hide its plans for a common EU coastguard and border force by holding the debate at the first plenary session after the UK referendum. Now I ask myself, why would they want to do that? Is it because they know the British people would recoil at EU control in territorial waters without having to even ask permission from the government? I hope people who are undecided about how to vote in the UK referendum listen to what the EU are planning, that immigration policy is decided at EU level and they are asking for EUR 50 billion to fund it. It is yet another reason for the people of Great Britain to vote to leave.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

 
  
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  Franc Bogovič (PPE), vprašanje, postavljeno z dvigom modrega kartončka. – Po 23. juniju je zagotovo pričakovati še naprej vrsto let pritisk migrantskega toka iz Afrike in ostalih držav. A mislite, da Britanija po 23. juniju, v kolikor izstopi iz Evropske unije, ne bo tista država, ki bo pri rešitvi tega humanitarnega problema delno tudi sodelovala? In ali mislite, da če ne boste sodelovali, bodo problemi minili sami od sebe, brez da bi se Britanci kar koli brigali o tem in kar koli pomagali za rešitev tega problema?

 
  
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  Mike Hookem (EFDD), blue-card answer. – Well, can I correct you? It is 23 June. You will have missed it on the 25th.

I hope that, when we leave the European Union, the European Union will sort this problem. We, as an island nation, will sort out our own problem and sort out our own borders.

 
  
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  Lorenzo Fontana (ENF). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, permettetemi di ringraziare, anche a nome del mio gruppo, l'Alto rappresentante Mogherini per le parole di cordoglio e anche di tutti i colleghi dell'Aula che ci sono stati vicini in questo momento.

Al di là di questo, tornando all'argomento, io devo dire che trovo che ci siano due cose che dovrebbero essere sottolineate. La prima è che è vero che ci sono i flussi di migranti. È vero anche che questi flussi spesso sono incentivati e spesso ci guadagnano soprattutto le organizzazioni criminali, che tra l'altro a volte sono anche quelle organizzazioni terroristiche che magari poi fanno gli attentati nei nostri paesi e talvolta si alleano proprio con quelle organizzazioni criminali europee. Quindi abbiamo il dovere morale di bloccare questi flussi.

Dall'altra parte, c'è un diritto secondo me inalienabile, che è quel diritto che deve permettere a una persona di vivere e crescere nel paese nel quale è nato. Quindi vanno bene sicuramente gli aiuti nei confronti dei paesi africani, ma facciamo attenzione, perché bisogna vedere che questi paesi africani poi applichino tutte quelle politiche per fare in modo che queste persone possano rimanere nei loro territori e che magari non andiamo, purtroppo come abbiamo fatto in parte con la Turchia, a fare delle alleanze con paesi che purtroppo non rispettano i diritti umani e creano delle grosse difficoltà anche in quelle che sono le nostre politiche.

 
  
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  Ελευθέριος Συναδινός ( NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, συζητάμε για ένα σχέδιο αντιμετώπισης των βαθύτερων αιτιών της μετανάστευσης. Αναρωτιέμαι όμως τι απέγιναν τα παλιά. Πέτυχαν ή απέτυχαν; Χρειάζονται επικαιροποίηση ή έχουν καταντήσει παλιόχαρτα; Το μόνο σίγουρο είναι ότι δεν υπάρχει κάποιος να αναλάβει την ευθύνη και να πει με θάρρος και περισσή αλήθεια ότι απέτυχε, να ψελλίσει ένα «mea culpa». Ως τώρα αποτύχατε οικτρά. Το αποδεικνύουν οι φράχτες στα σύνορα των βαλκανικών χωρών και η χρήση του άρθρου 25 της συνθήκης Σένγκεν από τα κράτη μέλη. Τώρα προωθείται νέο σχέδιο επανεισδοχής με τρίτες χώρες ενώ το περίφημο σχέδιο επανεισδοχής με την Τουρκία ουδέποτε εφαρμόστηκε. Προωθείται αναθεώρηση της μπλε κάρτας για υψηλά καταρτισμένους λαθρομετανάστες, όταν η ανεργία των νέων επιστημόνων διαρκώς αυξάνεται. Μιλάτε για ένταξη και απορρόφηση των λαθρομεταναστών, όταν γνωρίζουμε πολύ καλά ότι προέρχονται από χώρες με νοοτροπία και θρησκευτικές πεποιθήσεις έξω από κάθε έννοια κράτους δικαίου και ειρηνικής συνύπαρξης. Επιτέλους, ας αναλάβει κάποιος την ευθύνη της αποτυχίας! Πλέον οι αποτυχημένες πολιτικές σας βάφονται με το αίμα αθώων ανθρώπων στο Παρίσι, στις Βρυξέλλες, στην Κοπεγχάγη και το Αιγαίο Πέλαγος. Πλέον μετρώνται με στατιστικά αυτοκτονιών, με ξεριζωμούς νέων ανθρώπων από τις πατρίδες τους, με αυξημένα ποσοστά κατάθλιψης και ροπής προς ψυχοτρόπες ουσίες. Τέλος, θέλω να επιστρέψω στο αιμοσταγές ΚΚΕ και τον ευρωβουλευτή του τα σταλινικού τύπου σχόλια για τη Χρυσή Αυγή.

 
  
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  Mariya Gabriel (PPE). – Madame la Présidente, nous sommes plusieurs à avoir demandé depuis longtemps dans cette Assemblée une véritable intégration de la migration dans les politiques extérieures de l'Union et une véritable diplomatie de la migration. C'est aujourd'hui chose faite au niveau conceptuel. Il nous reste donc le défi de concrétiser ce changement fondamental de notre approche.

À ce propos, je voudrais mettre l'accent sur trois éléments. Premièrement, une réflexion approfondie est nécessaire sur le financement. D'une part, les bonnes pratiques qui existent déjà dans les pays sélectionnés et dits prioritaires méritent d'être mieux valorisées; d'autre part, la question de l'efficacité de nos instruments financiers et, en particulier, du FED doit être posée. Il faut réduire le nombre de priorités pour avoir un meilleur impact.

Deuxièmement, oui, l'Afrique est un continent clé. En matière de gestion des migrations, il convient de renforcer le soutien aux contrôles aux frontières entre les pays africains et à la gestion des migrations intra-africaines. En ce qui concerne les causes de la migration, il est impératif d'obtenir des résultats dans la coopération au développement. Cela demande un réel effort et nous le faisons: trouver une approche et des incitations qui fonctionnent et ne pas négliger d'autres outils, économiques et commerciaux, comme leviers des réformes liées à l'état de droit et aux droits de l'homme.

Une remarque générale: attention au message que l'on enverra à tous les autres pays qui ne sont pas prioritaires pour le moment. Et une question particulière: quel rôle pour les organisations régionales africaines?

Enfin, deux questions quant à la mise en œuvre du plan d'action adopté à La Valette: quelles mesures ont été proposées pour valoriser le potentiel humain et financier de la diaspora africaine en Europe? Qu'en est-il de la coopération entre les pays subsahariens, les pays du sud de la Méditerranée et les pays européens?

 
  
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  Enrique Guerrero Salom (S&D). – Señora Presidenta, al adoptar el paquete sobre migración, la Comisión ha tomado, en mi opinión, el enfoque correcto, el enfoque que se basa en una visión estratégica y global, atendiendo a los distintos aspectos de la realidad migratoria; que se basa en el acuerdo y en la asociación con los países emisores y de tránsitos de migración y que mira a un proyecto a medio y largo plazo. Porque, cuando en el mundo hay sesenta millones de personas desplazadas como consecuencia de conflictos bélicos, es evidente que ser un actor global en la prevención y en la solución de conflictos es un elemento esencial para luchar contra la emigración. Porque, cuando en el mundo, además, hay otros sesenta millones de personas desplazadas a consecuencia del hambre por crisis humanitarias, es evidente que necesitamos inversión para acabar con la pobreza en esos territorios.

Simplemente subrayo, como ponente del Parlamento Europeo para la ayuda humanitaria, que todo este proceso debe estar basado en el respeto de los derechos humanos, del Derecho humanitario internacional y de los principios de la acción humanitaria.

 
  
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  Bernd Kölmel (ECR). – Frau Präsidentin! Ich darf für die ECR und insbesondere für die Alpha-Partei sagen: Wir betrachten die Maßnahmen, über die wir heute diskutieren, als absolut richtig. Allerdings muss man dazu auch ausdrücklich sagen, so sehr es richtig ist, die Hilfe möglichst nahe an den Krisenherden zu leisten, genauso wichtig ist es natürlich, dass man die flankierenden Maßnahmen nicht vergisst. Die flankierenden Maßnahmen sind eindeutig hier in Europa in der EU zu suchen.

Da hat die EU nach wie vor versagt. Wir haben noch immer keine einheitliche Vorgehensweise bei der Sicherung unserer Außengrenzen, wir haben keine einheitliche Rechtsanwendung, die Mitgliedsstaaten der EU agieren völlig unterschiedlich. Wir erleben, dass es immer noch Staaten gibt, die sagen, wir können Flüchtlinge in unbegrenzter Zahl aufnehmen, wir tun das. Es gibt welche, die haben Quoten eingeführt, und es gibt welche, die betreiben Abschottungspolitik.

Wie man auf so einer Basis die EU-Außengrenzen vernünftig sichern soll, ist logischerweise ein Rätsel. So kann es nicht gehen, deshalb müssen wir neben dieser Hilfe, die wir in Afrika leisten müssen, auch in der EU unser Haus in Ordnung bringen.

 
  
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  Angelika Mlinar (ALDE). – Ich begrüße es, dass die Kommission mit finanziellen Anreizen eine Lösung der Flüchtlingskrise unterstützen will. Das Abkommen mit der Türkei kann dabei jedoch kein Vorbild sein. Genauso wenig wie ich hoffe, dass wir auf österreichische Vorschläge hören, die uns von einem „australischen Modell“ überzeugen wollen, nämlich vom Abdrängen von Booten auf das offene Meer, von Internierungslagern für Flüchtlinge auf abgelegenen Inseln und dem Freikaufen von Verantwortung durch Zahlungen an Länder mit schlechten oder gar keinen Menschenrechtsstandards.

Abgesehen von der EU-Rechtswidrigkeit und dem Widerspruch zur Flüchtlingskonvention ist das auch praktisch nicht umsetzbar: Denn welcher europäische Marinesoldat soll denn konkret mit welchem Schiff in welchen Hoheitsgewässern dafür sorgen, dass die Schlauchboote keine europäische Insel erreichen?

Ich erwarte mir von europäischen Außenministern Initiativen auf europäischer Ebene, die eine Lösung für alle Mitgliedstaaten zum Ziel haben. Aber mangels solcher europäischer Initiativen sollte Österreich genau wie alle anderen Mitgliedstaaten zumindest die Beschlüsse der Kommission und des EU-Parlaments umsetzen. Damit wäre uns allen geholfen.

 
  
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  Κώστας Χρυσόγονος ( GUE/NGL). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή κάνει λόγο για ένα σύμφωνο για τη μετανάστευση με κεντρικές ιδέες τον έλεγχο των εξωτερικών συνόρων της Ένωσης και την καταπολέμηση του δουλεμπορίου σε συνεργασία με αφρικανικά και ασιατικά κράτη κατά το πρότυπο της πρόσφατης συμφωνίας με την Τουρκία. Όλα αυτά όμως αποτελούν απλώς τρόπους προσωρινής διαχείρισης και δεν αντιμετωπίζουν την ουσία του ζητήματος. Οι έντονες μεταναστευτικές ροές οφείλονται αφενός στις απάνθρωπες οικονομικές πολιτικές λιτότητας και στην ανυπαρξία δημογραφικής πολιτικής στο εσωτερικό της Ένωσης, με αποτέλεσμα η Ευρώπη να υποφέρει από δραματική υπογεννητικότητα, αφετέρου στη φτώχεια και τους πολέμους στον ευρύτερο γεωγραφικό μας περίγυρο. Χρειαζόμαστε ένα άλλο μείγμα πολιτικής· στο εσωτερικό, προκειμένου να υποστηρίζεται περισσότερο η ανατροφή παιδιών και η δημιουργία θέσεων εργασίας για τους νέους, και στο εξωτερικό, ώστε να επικρατήσει ειρήνη στη Μέση Ανατολή και τη Βόρεια Αφρική και να βελτιωθούν οι συνθήκες διαβίωσης των ανθρώπων εκεί. Αν δεν υπάρξει αυτή η αλλαγή πολιτικής, το πρόβλημα θα επιδεινωθεί περαιτέρω.

 
  
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  Molly Scott Cato (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, while I acknowledge the concerns that some people have about the impact of migration, the standard of debate on this issue during our referendum campaign in the UK has become highly distasteful. Those who argue we should leave the Union are deliberately confusing three issues: first, control of our borders. Leave campaigners know we still control our borders, which is why Vote Leave wrote to the Home Secretary asking her to refuse permission for Marine Le Pen to enter the UK to help them campaign.

Secondly, asylum for those who need it, the central theme of this debate. Here the UK has rejected our responsibility of acting in solidarity with the countries under most pressure. We should be working with them to protect those fleeing conflicts for which we are more responsible than most as a result of our disastrous policy interventions in the Middle East.

Thirdly, free movement. This is a crucial part of the single market on which our economy depends. Leaving it would damage businesses and households and limit opportunities for thousands of British people who live, work and retire across the EU.

 
  
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  Janice Atkinson (ENF). – Madam President, an African trust fund? You want billions from the UK taxpayers' pockets for Africa? The UK is already the second largest contributor of foreign aid. Only last year we contributed GBP 2.5 billion worth of money in foreign aid; but you want more.

Taxpayers actually fund the NGOs who are actively working against the wishes of the UK citizens and the citizens across Europe. I was in Greece with the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE) last week. The message from the Socialist MEPs is that we will re-open our borders; our borders will be open. Even the NGOs were actually shocked at that, saying this would lead to riots in the camps. Unless we set the political messages right, billions will not make any difference, as the human rights industry is actively working against us. The only way we can stop and help genuine asylum-seekers is to reject your proposals, rejects the EU and vote Brexit on 23 June.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

 
  
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  Tomáš Zdechovský (PPE), otázka položená zvednutím modré karty. – Vážená paní Atkinsonová, souhlasíte s názorem některých lidí, kteří jsou pro setrvání Velké Británie v Unii, že ti, co chtějí vystoupit z Evropské unie, často neznají fakta a říkají nesmysly. Třeba Vy jste tady tvrdila, že ve výboru LIBE jsme pro otevření hranic Evropské unie. Kdy jste byla naposledy na zasedání výboru LIBE? A kdy jste slyšela, že bychom tam někdy něco podobného říkali?

 
  
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  Janice Atkinson (ENF), blue-card answer. – I was in a meeting of the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE) a couple of weeks ago, where I represented my group ahead of a discussion post going to the Conference of Presidents. I specifically asked for something that should not go onto the agenda, which was the EU—Turkey deal. So I was there representing my group, but we were actually ignored by the LIBE Committee. Timothy Kirkhope, a British MEP, refused to have our group’s proposal put forward.

When I was in the migrant camps three weeks ago, the Socialist, Péter Niedermüller, actually said that we have open borders here. We are working with the Commission to open our borders. Now, there are three groups in here that were represented in that meeting who said that you could not give that message, it is dangerous. The NGOs told me that. So should ask your socialist colleagues what they are saying about having open borders. That is sending the wrong message to Africa and the rest of the millions that want to come as migrants to our countries and that we cannot afford.

 
  
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  Janusz Korwin-Mikke (NI). – Problem nie polega na tym, że zalewają nas imigranci, tylko na tym, że niewłaściwi imigranci. Oni wcale nie chcą pracować w Bayerische Motorwerke ani w Aldi. Obiecano im duże zasiłki i oni chcą duże zasiłki. Już kiedyś określiłem ich, co mnie kosztowało 3000 euro, ale dyplomata kongijski powiedział, że Europę zalewa afrykańskie szambo. Otóż możemy być dumni, że uwolniliśmy część Afryki od tego szamba, ale naszym obowiązkiem jest nauczenie tych ludzi rozumu. Otóż nic tak nie uczy rozumu, jak głód. Trzeba przestać płacić im zasiłki i zmusić ich po prostu do pracy. A ponieważ najlepszym nauczycielem jest przykład, musimy dać przykład i przestać płacić zasiłki również sobie, gdyż własnych ludzi też demoralizujemy.

Jak wiadomo, socjalizm jest to ustrój, w którym bohatersko pokonuje się trudności nieznane w żadnym innym ustroju. I właśnie słyszę, że cały czas na tej sali wszyscy usiłują to zrobić. Dziękuję za uwagę.

(Mówca zgodził się odpowiedzieć na pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki (art. 162 ust. 8 Regulaminu))

 
  
 

President. Mr Korwin-Mikke, just to tell you that you should respect us without using inappropriate words in a debate in Parliament. I would say it is a matter of respect.

 
  
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  Marita Ulvskog (S&D), blue-card question. – Mr Korwin-Mikke, I just want to know what facts you are using when you are talking like you did just one minute ago. Are there any facts? Do you know how much other parts of the world have got in values from exploiting the African continent during hundreds and hundreds of years? I want facts.

 
  
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  Janusz Korwin-Mikke (NI), odpowiedź na pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. – Nie bardzo rozumiem, na czym polega i jaki jest związek z tym, że eksploatowano Afrykę. Amerykę też eksploatowano i rozwija się znakomicie. Natomiast ja się powołuję po prostu na opinie dyplomaty z Konga – z kraju, który wie coś na temat emigracji z Afryki.

Natomiast jedno wiem: jak się ludziom płaci za nierobienie, to się ludzi demoralizuje. Wszystkie zasiłki trzeba zlikwidować. Ludzie muszą żyć z pracy, a nie zasiłków.

 
  
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  Frank Engel (PPE). – Madam President, it is not always a pleasure to notice to what degrees of surrealism debates in this House can turn. I had in principle the intention of starting with the statement that, judging by the number of references to the poor British taxpayers that have been made by right-wing British Members of this House – who so far have not refused any single European subsidy for themselves – out of pure humanitarian concerns we should wish for them to vote to leave on 23 June, because after that maybe the British taxpayers will be reassured.

More to the point, I would want to say the following. I would want to believe, High Representative/Vice-President, what you have expounded to us but I doubt that it is going to be enough. I doubt it is going to be anywhere near enough; maybe for a migration compact of some sort with a number of select African countries, that could work. But for the development of Africa, for turning African fortunes around or for orienting African dynamism and growth into a different direction? I doubt it.

The EUR 500 million alone that we are supposed to take from the European Development Fund reserve is much less than the Chinese are going to be investing in a single railway line from Mombasa to Central Africa in the coming years. That shows the discrepancy between our intentions and what we are ready and willing to put on the table when the worst comes to the worst, or when action is called for in order to replace words. I would really wish for us to be able to finally contribute to an African renaissance, but with those means I am afraid it is not going to be good enough.

 
  
  

ΠΡΟΕΔΡΙΑ: ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΠΑΠΑΔΗΜΟΥΛΗΣ
Αντιπρόεδρος

 
  
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  Isabella De Monte (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, le recenti tragedie di migranti avvenute al largo delle coste libiche e dell'isola di Creta ci ricordano come tale fenomeno sia ancora in una piena fase di emergenza. Dopo la chiusura della rotta balcanica, per i richiedenti asilo l'unica scelta percorribile per raggiungere l'Europa resta il Mediterraneo.

Le proposte presentate oggi in quest'Aula mirano ad affrontare con un approccio nuovo la crisi migratoria, puntando su una nuova cooperazione tra l'Unione europea e i paesi di origine e di transito dei flussi migratori. Investire nell'economia di questi paesi, attraverso particolari progetti infrastrutturali e con risorse che vengano non solo dal bilancio comunitario, è sicuramente un buon punto di partenza per migliorare l'azione europea in questo settore. L'Italia da tempo chiede politiche che vadano in questa direzione. Il fenomeno dei flussi migratori verso l'Europa non si esaurirà di certo in breve tempo, ma per il successo delle azioni annunciate oggi sarà necessario il contributo di tutti, perché è bene ricordare che si tratta di una questione europea e non di pochi singoli Stati.

 
  
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  Roberts Zīle (ECR). – Eiropas Komisija atgriežas pie pārbaudītām metodēm, kā tas ir noticis iepriekšējās migrācijas krīzēs no Marokas uz Spānijas krastiem, no Lībijas uz Itālijas krastiem pirms padsmit gadiem. Respektīvi, maksāt, lai migranti paliek ārpus Eiropas Savienības.

Mogherini kundze arī minēja, ka mainījies naratīvs, ka migrācijas krīze ir ne tikai Eiropas Savienības, bet globāls jautājums. Pareizi! Es domāju, tāpat ir pareizi, ka Ziemeļāfrikai palīdzības vietā tiek sniegtas investīcijas. Taču būtiski ir mainījies arī pašas Eiropas Savienības naratīvs par migrāciju. No tā, ko mēs dzirdējām vēl pavisam nesen, ka visiem migrantiem jānodrošina vieta Eiropas Savienībā. Ka tie visi strādās Eiropas Savienības ekonomikā un pat ievilks darbā bezdarbā nomocītos Eiropas Savienības jauniešus, un ka galvenais — pats svarīgākais — ir sadalīt visus patvēruma meklētājus pa dalībvalstīm. Tādējādi sanaidojot daudzas no šīs pašām valstīm savā starpā.

Skatoties nākotnē, būtiskākais risks paliek. Kriminālā noziedzība nepametīs šo ienesīgo un drošo migrantu biznesu. Un iespējams, ka tā pāries uz šīm Ziemeļāfrikas vai Tuvo Austrumu nometnēm un projektiem.

 
  
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  Urmas Paet (ALDE). – Loomulikult on süsteemne lähenemine migratsioonikriisile äärmiselt oluline, nii et seetõttu on see initsiatiiv ka tervitatav. Selge on, et praeguseks ei ole ei Euroopa Liit ega ka kogu maailm teinud kaugeltki piisavalt selleks, et põgenikel oleks võimalik turvalist varjupaika saada võimalikult nende koduriigi lähedal. Näiteks Süüria põgenikud Türgis, Liibanonis ja Jordaanias vajavad tööd, koolikohti lastele ja arstiabi, et oodata sõja lõppu Süürias ja siis kodumaale tagasi pöörduda. Paljud, isegi enamik sõjapõgenikest ei taha tulla Euroopasse, vaid nad on selleks olnud sunnitud.

Euroopa Liit peab oluliselt suuremal määral toetama põgenikke võimalikult nende kodumaa lähenduses, näiteks ÜRO põgenikeorganisatsiooni kaudu. Ainult see vähendab põgenike survet Euroopale ja tragöödiat Egeuse merel ja Vahemerel. Kui põgenikel neis riikides elementaarseid tingimusi ei ole, siis ei aita ka Türgi või muu riigiga tehtud kokkulepped. Meeleheitel inimesed leiavad igal juhul uue ja senisest ohtlikuma tee.

 
  
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  Νεοκλής Συλικιώτης ( GUE/NGL). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, τη στιγμή που μιλάμε για μια νέα μεταναστευτική συμφωνία, η κατάσταση αντί να καλυτερεύει χειροτερεύει. Καθημερινά αθώοι άνθρωποι, μεταξύ αυτών πολλά παιδιά και βρέφη, καταδικάζονται σε θάνατο. Μονάχα την τελευταία εβδομάδα του Μαΐου 900 άνθρωποι πρόσφυγες ξεψύχησαν στη Μεσόγειο. Η κατάσταση είναι ντροπιαστική και απαράδεκτη. Δεν γίνεται η επίσημη πολιτική της Ένωσης να συνεχίζει να καταστρατηγεί τις διακηρυγμένες αρχές της για αλληλεγγύη, να κλείνει τα σύνορα, να προωθεί τις απελάσεις, να υπογράφει ντροπιαστικές συμφωνίες με την Τουρκία για τους πρόσφυγες. Η κατάσταση είναι τραγική. Ακόμα και οι άνθρωποι που σώζονται από τα πολύνεκρα ναυάγια βρίσκονται αντιμέτωποι με άθλιες συνθήκες διαβίωσης, ενώ τα hotspots μετατρέπονται σήμερα σε στρατόπεδα συγκέντρωσης. Για να σταματήσει το έγκλημα πρέπει να πάψουν οι κούφιες υποσχέσεις και να ληφθούν άμεσα μέτρα. Να δημιουργηθεί άμεσα ένα κοινό και δίκαιο σύστημα ασύλου, στηριγμένο στην έμπρακτη αλληλεγγύη και την ισότιμη κατανομή βαρών. Να δημιουργηθούν νόμιμες και ασφαλείς οδοί καθώς και ένα μόνιμο δεσμευτικό και δίκαιο σύστημα για την κατάσταση των προσφύγων. Εξίσου σημαντικό είναι να γίνουν ανθρώπινοι και αξιοπρεπείς χώροι φιλοξενίας των προσφύγων τόσο στην Ένωση όσο και στις τρίτες χώρες.

 
  
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  Gerolf Annemans (ENF). – Collega's, in wat u, de machthebbers van deze onzalige Europese Unie, een migratiepact noemt, stelt u dat er nood is aan een meer Europese benadering van migratie. Ik kan de burgers van de Unie nochtans verzekeren dat dit pact alles behalve compact is. De deur wordt wagenwijd opengezet voor wat jullie legale vormen van migratie noemen, voor een verdere uitbreiding van chantageverdragen à la de 'dirty deal' met Erdogan, voor nieuwe belastingen door middel van migratieverplichtingen en voor allerlei andere variaties op jullie steeds terugkerende thema meer middelen, meer belastinggeld voor altijd maar meer immigratie. De burgers van de Unie zijn gewaarschuwd. Er moet uit de mislukking van Schengen en uit de mislukking van het opengrenzenbeleid van de Europese Unie niet afgeleid worden dat er meer, maar logischerwijze dat er minder dan ooit behoefte is aan een Europese benadering van migratie.

 
  
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  Емил Радев (PPE). – Безпрецедентната миграционна криза от последните няколко години ясно показа, че нито една държава не може да се справи сама и затова са необходими както координирани общоевропейски действия, така и тясно сътрудничество с трети държави. Затова съм на мнение, че Европейският съюз трябва да предприеме три конкретни мерки с цел намаляване на миграционния натиск към Европа.

На първо място, трябва да се прави разлика между икономически мигранти и бежанци. Търсещите по-добър начин на живот могат да се възползват от легалните начини за влизане на европейската територия, но според нито едно законодателство те нямат право да влизат в Европейския съюз нелегално, опитвайки се да преминат нерегламентирано границите. Трябва да се разсее надеждата, че Европа ще им окаже същата подкрепа, както на бежанците, бягащи от война.

Освен това, Европейският съюз трябва да засили връщането на нелегални имигранти и в държавите им на произход. Затова приветствам подсилената роля на Европейската гранична и брегова охрана в тази насока. Но за да бъде ефективна работата на новата служба, Европейският съюз трябва бързо да подпише споразумения за реадмисия с държавите на произход.

На последно място съм на мнение, че трябва да се разгледа отново възможността за създаване на горещи точки извън европейската територия. Вярвам, че тази мярка ще доведе до намаляване на миграционния натиск към Европа, защото единствено тези, които имат право на международна закрила, ще могат да достигнат до държавите членки вследствие на одобряване на молбата им според европейското законодателство.

Преодоляването на миграционната криза изисква нови мерки и подход от страна на Европейския съюз, като засилването на международното сътрудничество е важен компонент от пакета действия на Съюза в тази насока.

 
  
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  Richard Howitt (S&D). – Mr President, I welcome this communication. It was understandable that priority was accorded to negotiations with Turkey, but other more vulnerable countries also need our attention, something which was acknowledged today. But when Member States have contributed just 80 million to the 1.8 billion Trust Fund for Africa, the European Parliament must insist that genuine new money be provided and that development aid in particular should not be diverted, as otherwise more for more risks becoming more for less. It is one reason why the Italian proposal for eurobonds as part of the compact should be considered. These bonds would be not just financial bonds, but bonds of solidarity between Europe and the wider world.

Following the UN Conference on Financing for Development, the pledge is made for climate finance at COP21 and Europe’s own support for a financial transactions tax. We have to be open to creating new innovative forms of international finance to meet new international challenges.

I admit that the idea of a grand bargain with third countries to halt refugee flows is distasteful to many. You do not bargain over people’s lives. But let us face it, the EU has done precisely that, linking visa and trade concessions to readmission agreements over many years. So if the money is genuinely additional, if we recognise that 86% of refugees are in the global South and not making their way to Europe, if this new money first and foremost improves the lives and livelihoods of those refugees and of all peoples in the countries to which they have fled, if Europe honours its promise of safe routes for legal migration, then we should give it our support.

Finally, this communication on first reading does appear to fall into the trap of assuming that Europe in its external policy is much more effective as a funder than as a political actor. I praise the commitments in the communication to global diplomacy on migration, but would have liked to see more emphasis on the EU’s diplomatic role in conflict resolution, as well as on active efforts to ensure that human rights and international humanitarian law are upheld, not just saying it, but doing it. Nevertheless, I know that to be the personal commitment of the High Representative/Vice-President and on this and other issues she and First Vice-President Timmermans have our support.

 
  
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  Janusz Korwin-Mikke (NI). – Mr President, in my speech the English word ‘shit’ was used. It was not my word. In Polish it was ‘szambo’, which in English is ‘cesspool’ or something like that, and the word in German was ‘Abschaum’ which in English means ‘scum’, not ‘shit’. So please, I am not responsible for the translation.

 
  
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  Πρόεδρος. – Μάλιστα. Ακούσαμε τη δύσοσμη ερμηνεία όσων είπατε. Προχωρούμε στους επόμενους ομιλητές.

 
  
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  Richard Sulík (ECR). – Herr Präsident ! Die politischen Eliten der Europäischen Union sind viel zu schwach, um Europa wirklich zu schützen. Lieber bezahlen sie andere Länder, damit diese uns die Migranten vom Hals halten. Das ist nicht nur heuchlerisch, das ist auch gefährlich, weil wir uns von diesen Ländern abhängig machen. Dabei war es die Schließung der mazedonischen Grenze, die die Flüchtlingszahlen spürbar gesenkt hat, und nicht dieser zweifelhafte Pakt mit der Türkei. Genauso muss Italien begreifen, dass es seine Grenzen schließen und bewachen muss, sonst macht es Österreich, und das direkt am Brenner. Es ist eine Illusion zu denken, dass irgendwelche Verteilungsmechanismen oder Strafzahlungen oder Afrika-Schuldverschreibungen die Lösung des Problems sind. Ja, helfen wir den Menschen, die Hilfe brauchen, aber helfen wir ihnen dort! Die Mehrheit der Bevölkerung der europäischen Länder ist gegen eine Masseneinwanderung. Wenn die heutigen politischen Eliten dies nicht begreifen und es nicht schaffen, Europa zu schützen, werden die Menschen Extremisten wählen, nicht weil sie selbst Extremisten wären, sondern weil die politischen Eliten kläglich versagt haben.

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel 162 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)

 
  
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  Silvia Costa (S&D), domanda "cartellino blu". – Vorrei sapere, quando lei dice che l'Italia deve chiudere le frontiere, se questo significa che deve respingere in mare le persone che arrivano dal mare e che spesso vengono, appunto, da luoghi dove ci sono guerre, persecuzioni o altro, sono bambini, donne, persone vulnerabili. Cosa intende lei per chiudere le frontiere sul mare, da parte dell'Italia? Respingerli?

 
  
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  Richard Sulík (ECR), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Sie müssen sie nicht wieder zurück ins Meer werfen, auch nicht erschießen. Man kann sie dorthin zurückbringen, wo sie hergekommen sind. Dort muss Europa natürlich zentrale Lager errichten, wie es sie im Libanon und in der Türkei gibt. Solche kann es auch in Libyen geben. Auch im Libanon gibt es sie. Das ist die Lösung. Nicht alle in Europa zu verteilen und dann zurückzuschicken wie ein Paket von Zalando. So funktioniert das eben nicht.

 
  
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  Pavel Telička (ALDE). – Mr President, the deal with Turkey basically broke up the business models of the smugglers between Greece and Turkey. And of course what we are seeing is reorganisation on a route which is much more risky and is a deadly one. In this respect, I must say that your package is an essential one. We can discuss the details – we might have nuances and some disagreements – but it is the right approach. I do not see anything problematic in linking, basically, development aid, cooperation investment with control of migration flows, and I see no problem in linking it with the root of the problems which, of course, exist.

I obviously leave aside the fact that we have got human rights problems in Turkey and elsewhere and we will have to tackle them. I would like to say that this is the right approach, but it will not work out well – or sufficiently well – if we do not have a strict, vigorous, serious return policy. This is something that we need to work on. If we have that and we have a balance, I am sure that we will finally create a unity in the European Union, a unity that we need for a European solution. I think that, at that moment, the polarisation that we have on some other aspects of that issue will go away.

 
  
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  Mara Bizzotto (ENF). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sull'emergenza immigrazione siamo stanchi di sentire le solite balle del governo Renzi e della Commissione, cara Mogherini. Da anni noi siamo gli unici a denunciare il pericolo dell'immigrazione clandestina, che sta invadendo l'Italia e l'Europa, e per questo ci avete chiamato razzisti, populisti, xenofobi. Voi, Commissione e governo italiano, finora avete fatto tante chiacchere e zero fatti. Anzi, ancora peggio, avete nascosto la testa sotto la sabbia, avete dichiarato che gli immigrati sono risorse e vanno aiutati tutti.

Vergognatevi! Vergognatevi perché state prendendo in giro la povera gente. Vergognatevi perché voi siete complici di questa invasione di massa. Il Migration Compact di Renzi sarà l'ennesima bufala, così come è stata una bufala il Piano Juncker per il ricollocamento degli immigrati. La tragica verità è che i piani europei e quelli del governo italiano sono aria fritta e ogni giorno migliaia di clandestini invadono l'Italia. Basta quindi con le bugie. L'invasione dei clandestini va fermata subito e l'unica soluzione è chiudere le frontiere e difendere i nostri confini.

 
  
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  Elmar Brok (PPE). – Herr Präsident, Frau Vize-Präsidentin, Herr Vize-Präsident,liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wenn ich hier so manchem Redner zuhöre, muss ich sagen, dass diejenigen, die keine Flüchtlinge haben wollen, auch alle Maßnahmen verhindern wollen, dass keine Flüchtlinge kommen. Das ist – glaube ich – die Scheinheiligkeit, Herr Sulík, für die Sie besonders stehen.

Ich glaube, die Vereinbarung mit der Türkei bedeutet: A: den Menschenhändlern das Handwerk zu legen, und zweitens: die Möglichkeit zu haben, dass den Menschen, den Flüchtlingen in der Türkei durch die zur Verfügung gestellten sechs Milliarden geholfen werden kann. Dieses beginnt zu funktionieren, das muss man deutlich sagen.

Man kann die Menschen in den Booten nicht an den Schlepphaken nehmen und zurückbringen. Warum sollen die Länder sie denn wieder aufnehmen, wenn hier nicht Vereinbarungen mit diesen Ländern getroffen worden sind. Hören Sie auf mit Ihrem Stuss!

Wir müssen weiterhin feststellen, dass der Vorschlag gekommen ist, jetzt den Versuch zu unternehmen, auf Afrika zu setzen. Das ist doch sehr viel komplizierter, weil das dort ein langfristiges Entwicklungsproblem ist. Dort den Menschen zu helfen, dass Entwicklungsfähigkeit da ist, dass in den Flüchtlingslagern vernünftige menschliche Bedingungen herrschen, dass sie dort in der Nähe ihrer Heimat bleiben können, Versuche zu unternehmen, gegen die Menschenhändler an der nordafrikanischen Küste vorzugehen, ihnen das Business-Model kaputt zu machen, das sind doch an sich vernünftige Ansatzpunkte, die Vorschläge, die Sie haben.

Wenn die Menschen auf dem Meer sind, muss man sie retten und bei uns aufnehmen. Was anderes kann ich als Christ nicht verantworten. Deswegen müssen wir sehen, dass die Angelegenheit an der griechischen Küste vernünftig und menschlich geregelt wird. Dies ist der einzige Weg, und deswegen bitte ich Sie, mit Ihrem Vorschlag fortzufahren und ihn in die Tat umzusetzen.

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel 162 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)

 
  
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  Andi Cristea (S&D), întrebare adresată în conformitate cu procedura „cartonașului albastru”. – Stimată colegă, ați făcut referire, în intervenția dumneavoastră, la acele state care nu vor să primească migranți. Aș dori să vă întreb cum comentați poziția intransigentă a președintelui României, domnul Iohannis, în această privință.

 
  
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  Elmar Brok (PPE), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Also erstens habe ich nicht gesagt, dass über Länder gesprochen wird, sondern über einige Kollegen, die gegen Flüchtlinge sind und gleichzeitig gegen Maßnahmen sind, dass Flüchtlinge nicht kommen.

Zweitens bin ich der Auffassung, wenn es auf diese Art und Weise gelingt, dass wir weniger Flüchtlinge haben, ist es vielleicht auch leichter, über die relocation zu reden.

Drittens hätte ich Herrn Sulík auf seine Frage gern Folgendes geantwortet: Ich glaube, wir sollten feststellen, dass der entscheidende Ansatzpunkt ist, an die Ursachen heranzugehen, in den Ländern den Krieg zu beenden, Entwicklungsprobleme zu lösen und zwischendurch zu helfen, nicht die Menschen auf das Meer kommen und ertrinken zu lassen – denn das ist die bittere Konsequenz –, oder durch Stacheldrahtzäune auf dem Brenner oder in Mazedonien Europa zu teilen. Griechenland und Italien sind große europäische Kulturländer, und die möchte ich nicht zu Flüchtlingslagern für Europa machen, indem ich wieder Grenzzäune durch Europa ziehe, die schlimmer sind als die Grenzzäune, die es im Kalten Krieg gegeben hat.

 
  
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  Δημήτρης Παπαδάκης ( S&D). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η επιτυχία του νέου συμφώνου για τη μετεγκατάσταση δεν έγκειται στη θέσπιση νέων μέτρων για αντιμετώπιση της προσφυγικής κρίσης αλλά στην πιστή εφαρμογή του χωρίς παρεκκλίσεις, αλλιώς θα εκτεθούμε και πάλι ως Ευρωπαίοι, όπως με την εφαρμογή του προγράμματος μετεγκατάστασης, όπου υπερτέρησαν οι εθνικοί εγωισμοί. Αλληλεγγύη, ίση κατανομή βάρους, προσήλωση στις αρχές και αξίες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, σεβασμός των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων, έμφαση στις νόμιμες διόδους μετανάστευσης, συνεργασία μεταξύ Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και τρίτων χωρών προέλευσης και διέλευσης, επαρκής και βιώσιμη χρηματοδοτική βάση. Αυτά είναι τα βασικά στοιχεία που πρέπει να διέπουν το νέο σύμφωνο. Πρέπει να υπάρχει κοινή διαχείριση των εξωτερικών συνόρων, η οποία θα κατοχυρώνει την ασφάλεια, καταπολεμώντας παράλληλα εγκληματικές δραστηριότητες. Ωστόσο διαχείριση συνόρων δεν συνεπάγεται κλείσιμο συνόρων.

 
  
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  Giovanni La Via (PPE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, grazie ai signori Vicepresidenti della Commissione per questa proposta che oggi ci hanno presentato, che secondo me va nella direzione giusta. Dobbiamo avviare un processo virtuoso di investimenti nei paesi di provenienza dei profughi, per far sì che rimangano in quella sede e che in quella sede ci siano condizioni di sviluppo tali anche da frenare il processo. Sappiamo bene che i numeri africani, l'aumento della popolazione africana, farà sì che da qui a trent'anni i flussi rischierebbero enormemente di salire. Quindi abbiamo un lasso di tempo nel quale intervenire e nel quale dobbiamo costruire delle relazioni stabili con questi paesi.

Non so se i 500 milioni saranno sufficienti, ma sono un primo passo nella direzione giusta. Ma sicuramente dovremo fare di più. Il Vicepresidente Timmermans ha parlato di mix di incentivi positivi e negativi. Bene, vorrei cominciare a sentire qualcosa anche in termini negativi per quei paesi, anche in Europa, che non partecipano pienamente dei processi e che evidentemente non vogliono fare la loro parte. Perché tutti siamo paesi europei e non ci sono paesi che, essendo più vicini alla frontiera, devono fare di più, ma dobbiamo tutti collaborare con uno sforzo comune. Per cui, ben vengano anche gli incentivi negativi per chi si oppone ai processi e non collabora in modo fattivo a che ci sia un successo in quest'operazione che è veramente europea.

(L'oratore accetta di rispondere a una domanda "cartellino blu" (articolo 162, paragrafo 8, del regolamento)

 
  
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  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D), blue-card question. – Because of the economic situation, because of the social situation, because of the civil wars taking place nowadays in some countries in Africa, Europe is going to see more and more people trying to come to Europe in the years ahead – especially from Africa. Do you not think that in the end the European Union has to come up with a long-term strategy and policy to meet this important challenge? It is not only practical measures or effective solutions that need to take place now: we need a long-term strategy for this.

 
  
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  Giovanni La Via (PPE), risposta a una domanda "cartellino blu". – La strategia della quale stiamo parlando non è una strategia di breve respiro, perché fare investimenti in paesi africani sicuramente non darà un ritorno di breve termine. Abbiamo parlato di un programma che deve riguardare già diversi anni, e quindi di un pacchetto di miliardi, e probabilmente dovremo fare ancora di più perché questa strategia sia più efficiente ed efficace. Quindi concordo col fatto che debba essere una strategia di lungo periodo, perché nel breve periodo dovremo tamponare, e sono altri gli strumenti per tamponare.

 
  
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  Maria João Rodrigues (S&D). – Mr President, the choice is very clear. Either Europe remains an old continent on the defensive or it sets a partnership for the future with the neighbouring countries to support their development, to better manage migration and also to support refugees.

The choice is so clear. Of course this means a big undertaking, a big undertaking based on investments, but let me underline that investment is also jobs. Many new jobs could be created for both young people in Europe and in the neighbouring countries. I believe that you should use this argument of jobs – new jobs which can come from this initiative – to convince Member States to put more resources into the initiative because we need more contribution from the Member States. Let me tell you that, so far, young people in Europe understand this very well. They share this vision, they have many initiatives in this direction, and it is my pleasure to announce that very soon young people’s organisations will come forward with concrete proposals in exactly this direction.

 
  
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  Paulo Rangel (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, o primeiro ponto que eu queria aqui sublinhar, e que é aquele que eu penso que é mais importante saudar nesta iniciativa da Comissão, é, de facto, a compreensão dos fatores estruturais.

Nós temos aqui duas frentes, uma que é uma frente imediata, que é de salvar vidas, e acho que aí nós não podemos hesitar em pôr todos os recursos que temos à disposição para salvar as vidas que se estão a perder todos os dias no Mediterrâneo. Isto é uma obrigação indeclinável de uma organização com a União Europeia e dos países da União Europeia.

Mas depois é preciso enfrentar o fator estrutural. E aqui eu acho que para além do Médio Oriente, onde há, enfim, claramente, no caso da Jordânia do Líbano, já a ideia dos pactos para avançar, é fundamental a questão africana. E, em particular, como português que conhece bem a situação africana e aquilo que será decerto o fluxo de pessoas nos próximos anos, isto será uma coisa para se manter durante bastante tempo e não apenas uma crise conjuntural. Acho que é fundamental nós sermos capazes de intervir nomeadamente na África subsariana e por isso eu acho que aqui a Comissão está, de facto, no caminho certo e que os diferentes países da União Europeia, se querem efetivamente, por um lado, abrir-se aos refugiados, mas, por outro lado, também controlar essa crise, têm justamente de aderir a este plano da Comissão.

E, portanto, eu diria que isto são muito boas notícias nesta fase e dou os parabéns aos dois vice-presidentes pelo esforço que fizeram. Não é fácil defender esta posição nesta altura.

 
  
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  Tanja Fajon (S&D). – To, da zdaj sklepamo partnerstva z afriškimi državami, je pravzaprav zaskrbljujoče. Revščina v Afriki ni problem od včeraj. To bi morali delati že zdavnaj. Ni pa to kritika na predlog. Želim le, da ni prepozno.

Ob zavedanju, da solidarnost držav članic Unije ni več realnost, da države v afriškem skladu že danes ne prispevajo tega, kar so obljubile.

Strinjam se, da begunska oziroma migracijska kriza ni le evropski problem, in v tem vas podpiram v globalnem pristopu. A sprašujem se, kaj so tiste nagrade in posledice, ki jih omenjate ob predstavitvi kompakta, za članice, ki ne bodo sodelovale.

Strinjam se, da so nujna večja vlaganja in tudi preobrat v pristopu. Ampak prvič, ne na način, da s tem breme preprosto preložimo na afriško celino in zapremo meje Evrope. In drugič, ne na način, da evropski denar pride v napačne roke. Strogi moramo biti, komu in kako dodeljujemo sredstva. Nujno je zagotoviti, da imamo iskrene in poštene partnerje v afriških državah.

Obenem je prav tako nujno krepiti zakonite in varne poti priseljevanja v Evropo, kar pravite. Slišali smo, da je balkanska pot zaprta, da je manj umiranja v Sredozemskem morju, ampak narašča trgovina z ljudmi in odpirajo se nove migracijske poti.

Ne morem mimo nepredstavljivega dejstva, da lahko prišleki v Grčiji za azil zaprosijo le preko Skypa. To so stvari, ki jih je mogoče izboljšati takoj in dati upanje ljudem.

In nazadnje, strinjam se, da evropsko upravljanje z migracijami zahteva dolgoročni, strateški pristop. Vendar ta ne sme biti usmerjen le k zajezitvi tokov z Afriko, ampak in zlasti k vzpostavitvi iskrenega sodelovanja z Afriko, ki bo krepilo afriško celino v političnem in gospodarskem smislu, v sodelovanju z Evropo in v stikih med ljudmi.

 
  
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  Μιλτιάδης Κύρκος ( S&D). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η εκρηκτική πληθυσμιακή ανάπτυξη της Αφρικής σε συνδυασμό με την τεράστια φτώχεια ορισμένων περιοχών και με τους πολέμους θέτει ένα καυτό ερώτημα: Μπορεί η μαζική, κατά εκατομμύρια μετανάστευση πολιτών από την Αφρική να αποτελέσει μέρος της λύσης; Η Επιτροπή, με αφορμή την εισροή δεκάδων χιλιάδων οικονομικών μεταναστών από την Αφρική και όχι μόνο, προσπαθεί να δώσει μια διπλή απάντηση και λέει «όχι», προτείνοντας ένα νέο φιλόδοξο πλαίσιο συνεργασίας με κίνητρα και αντικίνητρα για τις χώρες της Αφρικής και της γειτονιάς μας. Προσπαθεί να δώσει δηλαδή μια διπλή απάντηση και στην υπανάπτυξη αλλά και στη μείωση των μεταναστευτικών ροών. Εάν μας πείσετε ότι με το σχέδιο αυτό θα χτυπηθεί η τεράστια κατασπατάληση πόρων και η διαφθορά στην υλοποίηση των δράσεων μέσω ενός μηχανισμού διαφάνειας αλλά και ουσιαστικής διερεύνησης των καταγγελιών από την κοινωνία των πολιτών, πιστεύω ότι η πρότασή σας θα αποτελέσει μια πολύτιμη συνεισφορά. Αλλιώς κινδυνεύουμε να μιλάμε για έναν μηχανισμό συνδιαλλαγής με αξιωματούχους των αφρικανικών χωρών, οι οποίοι θα αυξάνουν τα προνόμιά τους, ενώ η Ευρώπη θα τους πληρώνει για να δέχονται τους πολίτες τους πίσω.

 
  
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  Elly Schlein (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, non ci sono dubbi sull'importanza di un piano di investimenti per l'Africa che può trarre grandi benefici da un vasto programma di cooperazione. Eppure, questa proposta pare incentrata soprattutto a rafforzare la cooperazione e le capacità degli Stati terzi, affinché impediscano alle persone che fuggono da guerre e povertà di raggiungere le nostre coste. Alla base del documento vi è una condizionalità che tradisce il senso della cooperazione e a questa intende sottoporre l'intero rapporto coi paesi terzi, che dovrebbe basarsi su rispetto reciproco ed equità.

Trovo preoccupante deviare i fondi destinati alla cooperazione per finalità di border management; esso non crea opportunità per i giovani africani, non combatte le diseguaglianze, ma le aumenta, e non aggredisce le cause profonde dei flussi migratori. Qui bisogna che gli Stati membri passino dalle parole ai fatti, perché finora anche gli aiuti promessi non si sono visti. Esternalizzare le nostre frontiere e responsabilità non è la soluzione, tanto più che i governi europei ancora si rifiutano di mettere in campo quelle soluzioni comuni che sole potrebbero affrontare il fenomeno.

 
  
 

Παρεμβάσεις με τη διαδικασία «catch-the-eye»

 
  
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  Seán Kelly (PPE). – Mr President, I have listened to this debate from the outset. Naturally it is a very controversial topic and, as a result, the debate was somewhat controversial too. But, at the same time, I think that credit must be given to the Commission for coming to terms with this very, very difficult and challenging issue and also for giving leadership when leadership is actually minimal in many instances. The idea of a new partnership agreement with Africa make sense, using trade and development policies as leverage and, of course, ensuring that aid goes to those who need it most, and also bringing order to chaos and having legal rather than illegal immigrants. All that is necessary. People might not like it, but I think it is necessary, as is, in particular, the emphasis that this is a global problem which, like COP 21, Europe cannot solve on its own. It can give leadership and hopefully, as was the case with COP 21, we can get a global agreement that will deal with the situation in the long term and, hopefully, end the migratory flows, especially for those who have to flee.

 
  
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  Marlene Mizzi (S&D). – Sur President, nirringrazzjak. Ili tliet snin, kemm ili fil-Parlament, nitkellem fuq il-migrazzjoni u fuq il-problemi li din tista' toħloq. L-enfasi tiegħi dejjem kienet: ejja nagħtuhom futur ġo pajjiżhom. Hekk biss nistgħu nibdew intaffu l-problemi ekonomiċi ta' dawn in-nies, insalvawhom minn difna żgura fil-Mediterran u nevitaw il-problemi li l-migrazzjoni mhux kontrallata tista' toħloq għall-pajjiżi Ewropej.

Għalhekk smajt b'sodisfazzjon lill-Kummissarji Timmermans u Mogherini li llum tkellmu u ffukaw fuq il-proposti ta' għajnuna lill-pajjiżi Afrikani, ġo pajjiżhom. Permezz ta' investiment, ukoll mal-privat, u ta' għajnuna finanzjarja konsiderevoli. Inkunu attenti biss li l-biljuni ta' fondi proposti u l-investiment verament ikun ta' benefiċċju għaċ-ċittadini u mhux jispiċċaw fil-bwiet tal-ftit għax inkella l-problema hemm tibqa'.

 
  
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  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Предложенията и политиките на Европейската комисия по отношение на кризата с нелегалните мигранти могат да бъдат описани еднозначно като впечатляващ провал. Провал беше тезата, че всички нелегални имигранти могат да бъдат поканени и приети на европейския континент, защото са заявили, че са бежанци, а всъщност голяма част от тях са нелегални мигранти. Провал беше идеята, че могат да бъдат разпределени квотно тези хора, първо временно, после и постоянно, тъй като не разпределихте никого с тези разпределения. Споразумението с диктатора Ердоган, освен провал беше и тежко лицемерие, защото се споразумявате с един диктатор в името на човешките права, който всекидневно нарушава човешките права и който всекидневно смазва принципите на либералната демокрация.

Също така провал е и обещанието да бъдат изплатени милиарди евро от джоба на европейския данъкоплатец като откуп за този човек. Провал ще бъде и това предложение, а сега имам и едно друго предложение към колегите, които защитават тезата, че могат да приемат всички нелегални мигранти. Дайте пример, вземете по едно семейство в къщи и ни покажете как се прави.

 
  
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  Marielle de Sarnez (ALDE). – Monsieur le Président, c'était un débat intéressant, mais en même temps, je reste sur ma faim.

Je pense qu'il faut vraiment que l'Europe ait une stratégie claire, ait une vision, et ce n'est pas tout à fait le cas aujourd'hui: on donne plus le sentiment de "subir" que d'agir.

Et pourtant il faut agir, il faut agir dans deux directions.

Premièrement, il faut avoir une véritable politique de développement: cela ne sert à rien de raconter, matin, midi et soir, que nous sommes ceux qui donnons le plus d'argent à l'Afrique, il faut que nous repensions notre politique de développement pour qu'elle soit utile et efficace, ce qui n'est pas le cas aujourd'hui.

Deuxièmement, il faut construire des voies légales pour l'immigration économique. C'est la seule façon de lutter contre l'immigration illégale; il faut donner, par exemple, des visas à entrées multiples qui permettent à un migrant de venir travailler quelques mois, de repartir chez lui et de revenir éventuellement quand il a du travail.

Il faut lutter contre tous les employeurs – je pense aux domaines de l'agriculture, du BTP – qui emploient illégalement les clandestins, et il faut en même temps permettre que les réadmissions soient effectives. Et c'est en marchant sur ces deux jambes que l'Europe arrivera peut-être à apporter enfin une réponse à cette question.

 
  
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  Josu Juaristi Abaunz (GUE/NGL). – Señor Presidente, señora Mogherini, señor Timmermans, no dudo de su buena voluntad, faltaría más, pero incluso la retórica llega tarde en todo esto. El señor Pittella ha sido muy elegante, pero yo no creo que sea solo miopía por parte de los Estados miembros. Estos saben desde hace mucho tiempo que las personas refugiadas mueren también en la travesía africana y saben, por supuesto, que un desarrollo integral y sostenible de África es justo y necesario para África. Lo saben desde hace mucho tiempo y no han hecho nada —bueno, desgraciadamente, han hecho mucho, demasiado—. Así que me gustaría preguntarles: ¿con qué garantías cuenta la Comisión Europea?, ¿cómo van a conseguir que los Estados miembros cambien su política exterior, comercial, económica, militar y cultural hacia África? Porque en realidad se trata de esto. Sin ese cambio, no habrá ni plan, ni alianza estratégica, ni nada.

 
  
 

(Τέλος παρεμβάσεων με τη διαδικασία «catch-the-eye»)

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, sometimes listening to some of the comments, let me be very frank, we had doubts and thought that maybe a careful reading of the proposal itself could be useful, to start from the facts.

In the debates this afternoon you mixed many different things. Mr Verhofstadt was asking at the beginning – it is a pity he is not here – whether this is a duplication of the deal with Turkey. The two situations are completely different. As Frans mentioned at the beginning, from Turkey we have mainly Syrian refugees. It is temporary – hopefully temporary, we are working also on that, this is another story – a flow of refugees, asylum seekers. That falls into one specific international legal framework. We are trying to deal with that in a sort of immediate and also – let me use this word that I do not like at all, but that is the reality of our policies today – emergency mode.

What we are putting on the table here is something completely different. It is something that starts from the fact that with Africa we have a common interest in working on the development of the continent with a sense of partnership.

Some of you asked how are the African interlocutors reacting to this? Very well. Yesterday I was in New York at the Security Council. African countries, but not only African countries, Latin American countries, were saying: This is the right way to go because finally you are not only investing in development – which is the right thing to do, by the way, in itself. And incidentally, I am proud to say that the European Union is the first donor worldwide, it is the first – and if you want, I can give you the figures for it also being the first donor to Africa – the first donor internationally with more than half of the official development assistance worldwide: EUR 68 billion in 2015, over EUR 20 billion ODA to Africa every year, and this is going to stay. I am proud of that.

This is the right thing to do anyway but there is another issue. Please go to Ethiopia and talk to the women that came back voluntarily, not from Europe but from the Gulf because they were becoming slaves, while we support projects from the ILO to reintegrate them into their communities, offering training and job opportunities. Listen to their stories and then come back to me and say that we are doing deals on their shoulders. No. We are protecting their lives and their rights. Go and talk with the young girls from Nigeria who turn into sex slaves in Europe and tell me that the deal we want to strike with Nigeria is not to protect their rights and their lives.

I am sorry, but you do not protect the lives of people only by saving them at sea. You also save their lives at the beginning of the journey. Go to Lampedusa and listen to the stories that the survivors tell you, or if you cannot fly there, watch the movie ‘Fuocoammare’ (Fire at Sea). There was a showing of it a couple of months ago in the European Parliament in Brussels. Listen to those words that tell you that these people are turned into slaves from the very beginning of their journeys. They are in chains crossing the deserts, locked in jails in Libya, locked in the boats that then sink.

We have a human responsibility – and our African partners as well have a human responsibility – to protect their lives. This is what we are talking about, and doing this together with international agencies starting from the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) and the UNHCR.

So what we are talking about is job creation, perfectly rightly, for African women, for African youth – go to Agadez, that was living from tourism before security made it impossible – about offering those young people job opportunities that are not linked to the smuggling networks or the criminal organisations, working on education, working on social development, working also on human rights and protection of the people. This is what we are talking about.

So, is it enough? No. But sorry, if we never start to do the right thing, in 10 years’ time the people who come after us will be facing exactly the same thing and I wish the people that were here 10 years ago had made the same choices as we are proposing to you today, because maybe today we would have better situations in Africa and also in Europe. We have to start somewhere.

So we know very well this this proposal is not going to turn the situation upside down in 24 hours, but there is no policy that could do that, and we should stop selling illusions to our people. But there are good things we can start doing consistently in partnership to change things, and we have to start.

So this is what we are proposing today. This goes together with opening regular channels for migration, for sure, this also is not my direct responsibility. This is also linked to the need for Member States to be coherent and do their part. This is also about other actors in the world doing their part and being coherent, from Asia to Latin America, to North America and the international organisations, to the UN system and to our African partners, because the only thing that would change Africa is not only our compacts, it is African leadership.

And here, believe me, we are very straightforward, very much so, because there is no other way of changing African societies other than yes, investing, but also creating, together with investments, the conditions for investments to flourish which are: the rule of law, interconnection within the continent – if you want to fly or to travel from one African capital to another you have to fly to Europe; does that make sense? – developing infrastructures, developing security conditions that are good for European investments, that are good for African investors as well, and people. So yes, it can be win-win-win.

Last, but not least, some of you mentioned the fact that, as the flows diminish or go down to zero on the eastern route, we see an increase on the central Mediterranean route. Let me tell you, please have a look at the numbers but most of all at the nationalities. They are two completely different routes and there is no link, as of today. Last year, through Libya to Sicily, we were facing a major inflow of Syrians. It is not the case today. At the moment we are not seeing a shift. It is simply that Africa is young, it is poor, it is facing the dramatic effect of climate change, and it is only natural that this happens, if we do not work with a long-term strategic perspective to change this. That is what we are suggesting to you to do.

 
  
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  Frans Timmermans, First Vice-President of the Commission. – Mr President, I will make just a few remarks in addition to what High Representative Mogherini said. It is my deep conviction that the only way we can maintain a humane refugee policy, based on our most fundamental values, is if we make a clear distinction between people who deserve international protection and people who come to Europe because they see economic opportunity in Europe.

All too often – and we have heard it again here today – people pretend that everyone arriving on Europe’s shores is an economic migrant. I have heard some of your Members saying it today. This is a cheap way of getting rid of your moral and legal responsibility vis—à—vis people who deserve international protection, but it is made possible because, until now, we have not been good enough at making a clear distinction between people who deserve international protection and people who do not. Why? Because for too many years Greece and Italy were left alone with a problem. They asked time and time and time again for a European solution and the only answer they got from the rest of Europe was that ‘it’s not our problem, but your problem, so take care of it’.

So now we need to solve it and the only sustainable way of solving it is by doing it in a European way. We can solve it, and get pan—European support for a humane refugee policy, if, and only if, we sort out the issue of economic migration in a sustainable way, and the compact with African countries is one element for doing that. That is why I passionately believe in this way forward. I have heard no one who criticises it giving us a better idea. If you have a better idea, share it with us. But to simply say, ‘let everyone into Europe’ is the shortest way to ending our humanitarian policy, the shortest way to ending the reception of refugees in Europe and the shortest way to giving populists the opportunity to say that everyone who comes here is an opportunist looking for a better future at our expense.

Tell that to a family fleeing from Raqqah, fleeing from Aleppo, from barrel bombs. Tell them that they are economic migrants. It is a scandal. So that is why we believe that, as part of a comprehensive long-term migration and refugee policy, we also need to be able to show that we can return people to their places of origin if they do not have the right to international protection and, more importantly, that we create opportunity in African countries so that economic growth does not disappear into the pockets of the elite but goes to everyone with talent and every young person has an opportunity to build a life for themselves in their country of origin. That is what we need to do and this is surely not going to be done on its own. We need the Member States to contribute. The biggest problem here is not just a lack of finance. It is the lack of clear direction, of coordinated efforts, of doing the same thing from all 28 with the European Union and its institutions and all doing it in the same vein, instead of having individual, very often post—colonial, ideas of how to have a relationship with individual African countries. Let us bring some order into this.

Finally, let us never forget that we are talking about human beings. We are not talking about numbers or objects. We are talking about people who have dreams – like you and me – who want a better life for their children and who do not want to be abandoned by the rich part of the world. I had a very wonderful experience last week in Sweden, a country that has taken in per capita more refugees than any other European country – more than 160 000. Now that they have the impression that we are slowly getting this under control, you see the mood in the Swedish society shifting towards, ‘OK, let us make a success of this’, companies offering thousands of intern places for refugees, schools accommodating many new pupils and communities welcoming new citizens. I hope that next week at the European Championships we will see Zlatan Ibrahimović being one of the stars – the son of people who fled the Balkan wars 20 years ago and who is now a very proud Swede, and Sweden is very proud of him. Let us see how many Zlatans we will have 20 years down the road in Sweden.

 
  
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  Πρόεδρος. – Η συζήτηση έληξε.

Γραπτές δηλώσεις (άρθρο 162)

 
  
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  Francisco Assis (S&D), por escrito. – Se atendermos a que, como todos os estudos e estimativas apontam, a atual vaga de refugiados é exponencial e tenderá a aumentar, percebemos que este é o maior desafio civilizacional para a Europa desde o fim da Segunda Grande Guerra. É evidente que sempre haverá migrações por razões económicas. Todos os seres humanos têm o direito de procurar sair da pobreza e ambicionar a uma vida melhor. Dois milhões de portugueses fizeram-no ao longo do século XX. A Europa tem de reconhecer que a sua história, a sua riqueza humana, cultural e linguística foi moldada por migrações e que continuará a sê-lo. Temos de nos habituar a pensar um pouco mais além do imediato. Há todo um trabalho de informação e de pedagogia a fazer, começando pelos responsáveis políticos e terminando nas escolas. Numa altura em que impera a contabilidade, corremos o risco de desumanizar os refugiados: o risco de deixarmos de ver neles seres humanos e passarmos a ver apenas números. É dever de cada um de nós contrariar o discurso do preconceito e do medo e lembrar que a nossa dignidade humana depende de reconhecermos em primeiro lugar a dignidade do outro.

 
  
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  Cristian-Silviu Buşoi (PPE), în scris. – În primul rând, doresc să felicit Comisia pentru că a reușit, prin lucrul îndeaproape cu Parlamentul, să pună capăt traficului cu refugiați ce opera între Turcia și Grecia. Deja putem vedea rezultatele pozitive: reducerea la zero a pierderilor de vieți omenești în Marea Egee și diminuarea fluxului de refugiați sirieni din Turcia. Nu la fel stă situația și în sudul Mediteranei. Firește, este vorba de un cu totul alt context, ținând seama de originea etnică a migranților. Nu este vorba de refugiați de război, ci de persoane care din motive demografice, economice și de inegalități continuă să vină din Africa spre Europa. Această agendă europeană asupra migrației trebuie abordată atât dintr-o perspectivă de susținere economică, cât și una de asigurare a domniei legii în statele africane. Recomand mobilizarea instituțiilor europene și a statelor membre în găsirea unor instrumente și resurse care, în colaborare cu țările terțe, să ducă la controlul fenomenului migrației. Statele din Africa și din vecinătatea Europei trebuie ajutate prin fonduri de investiții de către UE, dar nu trebuie neglijat controlul acestor fonduri; cum cheltuiesc țările terțe acești bani. Este nevoie de o strategie pe termen lung în care să conlucrăm noi, europenii, cu statele africane.

 
  
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  Soledad Cabezón Ruiz (S&D), por escrito. – Para los socialistas la política comunitaria de inmigración, tanto en su dimensión interna como en la externa, debe basarse en la solidaridad y el reparto equitativo de la responsabilidad, el respeto por la legalidad y por los derechos humanos. El éxito del llamado «migration compact» dependerá de que se financie adecuadamente y se dote de recursos presupuestarios suficientes. Se necesita una acción exterior de inversión robusta, con socios confiables y que actúe en origen, en los llamados países emisores, con iniciativas de desarrollo innovadoras, también desde el punto de vista de su financiación. La UE debe seguir insistiendo en una gestión mejorada de los flujos de migración y en un control de sus fronteras exteriores efectivo. La UE debería ayudar a los países emisores con iniciativas de «capacitación» y a través del suministro de equipos y tecnología, mientras que estos terceros países deben también participar en activamente en las actividades de búsqueda y rescate. La Guardia Europea de Fronteras y Costas debería, dentro de su nuevo mandato, intensificar la cooperación con terceros países y ejercer una función de coordinación de los flujos de migración desde el pleno respeto por los derechos fundamentales y los valores europeos.

 
  
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  Lorenzo Cesa (PPE), per iscritto. – Saluto con grande piacere, oggi, la presentazione del nuovo Migration Compact da parte del nostro Alto rappresentante Federica Mogherini. Ritengo che, dopo un eccellente lavoro, siamo finalmente giunti ad una svolta europea, grazie anche al contributo dell’Italia, da cui è partita la richiesta di elaborazione di questo documento innovativo. Finalmente l'Europa ha elaborato una difesa chiara delle proprie frontiere. Aiutare i paesi di origine e transito delle migrazioni, con un piano di investimenti mirato al loro sviluppo economico, permette di prevenire e, forse, di evitare nuovi flussi e quindi nuove tragedie. Dobbiamo aiutare soprattutto questi paesi – Giordania, Libano, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Mali, Etiopia, Tunisia e Libia – dai quali altrimenti partirebbe un esodo inarrestabile. Questa inversione di tendenza è l'unico modo per impedire che disperati trovino la morte nel Mediterraneo. Ogni euro speso per l'Africa e per il Mediterraneo è un euro speso per l'Europa. Un altro investimento che dobbiamo fare riguarda la creazione di una polizia di frontiera, preparata e dotata di mezzi per individuare rapidamente gli infiltrati nelle migliaia di rifugiati che cercano riparo in Europa.

 
  
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  Dita Charanzová (ALDE), písemně. – Politická frakce ALDE i já osobně již delší dobu voláme po tom, aby bylo možné v rámci migračních přesunů umožnit také legální migraci, například cestou revize směrnice o evropské modré kartě pro nové pracovní síly, zejména pak kvalifikované. Tito lidé by měli mít standardní možnost dostat se legálně do EU při splnění objektivních kritérií. Jsem ráda, že Evropská komise nám předkládá návrh, který takovou reformu kodifikuje. Určité sektory v Evropě trpí nedostatkem pracovních sil a toto může být jedna z cest, jak tento nedostatek řešit. Například v České republice pouze v automobilovém sektoru dnes podle odhadů schází na 50 tisíc kvalifikovaných pracovníků. Dlouhodobě říkám, že mít migraci pod kontrolou mimo jiné znamená, že existují legální možnosti pro ty, kteří splňují dané podmínky, jak se v rámci Evropské unie uplatnit. Legální migrace je bez pochyby také jednou z cest, jak zvýšit naši konkurenceschopnost a inovativní potenciál. „Odliv mozků“ do USA, mimo jiné také ze zemí EU, je toho velmi dobrým příkladem.

 
  
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  Miriam Dalli (S&D), in writing. – If we rewind the clock back to the past few years it becomes pretty evident that every year, every June and July this Parliament meets in Strasbourg to yet again debate the issue of migration, emphasising the fact that more hundreds of people have once again perished in the central Mediterranean trying to make it to European shores. This Parliament calls for all EU Member States to act and address this issue, but once again very little happens. The time for speeches has long been gone. The time for action was years ago, but the EU as a whole failed to act in a way which really matters and which can change things. Long-term solutions to challenges are needed more than ever before. Southern Mediterranean arrivals’ journeys are spearheaded by a need for development, a necessity for employment and a thirst for globalisation. These challenges cannot be solved with quick-fix policies, but a with long term strategy that generates growth, encourages development, ensures education for all and grants opportunities for the many and not for the few in a way which is fully transparent, democratic and accountable.

 
  
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  Iratxe García Pérez (S&D), por escrito. – Para los socialistas, la política comunitaria de inmigración, tanto en su dimensión interna como en la externa, debe basarse en la solidaridad y el reparto equitativo de la responsabilidad, el respeto por la legalidad y por los derechos humanos. El éxito del llamado «migration compact» dependerá de que se financie adecuadamente y se dote de recursos presupuestarios suficientes. Se necesita una acción exterior de inversión robusta, con socios confiables y que actúe en origen, en los llamados países emisores, con iniciativas de desarrollo innovadoras, también desde el punto de vista de su financiación. La UE debe seguir insistiendo en una gestión mejorada de los flujos de migración y en un control de sus fronteras exteriores efectivo. La UE debería ayudar a los países emisores con iniciativas de «capacitación» y a través del suministro de equipos y tecnología, mientras que los terceros países deben también participar activamente en las actividades de búsqueda y rescate. La Guardia Europea de Fronteras y Costas debería, en el marco de su nuevo mandato, intensificar la cooperación con terceros países y ejercer una función de coordinación de los flujos de migración desde el pleno respeto por los derechos fundamentales y los valores europeos.

 
  
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  Michela Giuffrida (S&D), per iscritto. – Discutiamo oggi qui, nello stesso giorno in cui l'ONU ci dice che in soli due anni i morti nel Mediterraneo hanno superato quota 10 000 e mentre in questi anni si è proceduto in ordine sparso tra pressanti appelli del Parlamento e clamorose mancate decisioni del Consiglio. Oggi ci troviamo all'ennesimo confronto su una proposta sulla quale fortemente ha spinto l'Italia che ha visto arrivare sulle proprie coste, e in particolare nella mia regione, la Sicilia, più di 48 000 persone.

L'approccio italiano, quel Migration Compact che riteniamo non più differibile, anzi urgentissimo, è ora in buona parte della Commissione. L'immigrazione non è un problema dello Stato membro e neppure esclusivamente un problema europeo, è globale e non può essere affrontato senza il coinvolgimento di un continente come l’Africa alla cui pacificazione dobbiamo tutti contribuire con risorse, progetti concreti e una efficace cooperazione. Ora serve però la condivisione di ognuno degli Stati membri, senza se e senza ma, serve un nuovo approccio e l'intervento di ciascuno per soluzioni che non siano più emergenziali ma strutturali, vere, senza più cedere a interessi elettoralistici e facili populismi e demagogie come quelli che ancora oggi sento in quest'Aula.

 
  
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  Ana Gomes (S&D), por escrito. – Mil mortos só na semana passada no Mediterrâneo: percebe-se que o Conselho e a Comissão não têm ideias nem como lidar com as causas da crise humanitária, nem para enfrentar consequências, apostando em replicar o imoral negócio de "outsourcing" com a Turquia. E continuam a dar negócio aos traficantes não abrindo vias legais e seguras de acesso, tal como se demitem de explicar aos europeus que os fluxos de migrantes e refugiados podem ajudar a travar o envelhecimento da Europa. E não avançam sequer para criar instrumentos para financiar a integração de refugiados e migrantes.

Tratar África “one-size-fits-all” é um erro grosseiro. Um Plano Marshall para África deve começar por parar a austeridade destruidora do emprego na própria União. Precisamos que os governos europeus parem de acolher fluxos ilícitos de capitais que elites cleptocratas roubam aos seus povos e Estados. Parem de sustentar regimes opressivos, como os do Egipto, Sudões, Etiópia, Eritreia, entre outros, que reuniram na Conferência de La Valetta. E parem de desperdiçar a União para agir coordenadamente nos quadros PESC e PCSD a fim de resolver conflitos, combater o terrorismo e a criminalidade organizada, reforçar a "rule of the law", promover o desenvolvimento sustentável em África, na vizinhança e além delas.

 
  
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  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE), napisan. – Prijedlozi Komisije su dobrodošli i korak naprijed, ali nisu dovoljno. Treba nam kratkoročna politika s konkretnim odlukama kako bi spasili živote ljudi, ali i više, puno više od toga. Ne treba nam dugoročna politika prema Africi. Treba nam, naime, trajna politika prema Africi, prema svim onim afričkim zemljama koje su zemlje podrijetla migranata i prema zemljama koje su tranzicijske zemlje.

Samo trajna politika s potpuno novim konceptom može razriješiti probleme u zemljama koje trebaju postati naši partneri, a ne nova neokolonijalna područja i ekonomije. Sveukupno Pakt za migracije je korak u pravom smjeru, ali udvostručenje populacije u Africi u narednih par desetljeća očekuje trajno rješenje!

 
  
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  Светослав Христов Малинов (PPE), в писмена форма. – Европейската комисия определи миграционния натиск като „новото нормално положение“ и представи нов план за партньорство с трети държави. Удовлетворен съм от усилията да се изгради дългосрочна стратегия за справяне с проблема, защото данните са категорични, че няма изгледи миграционният натиск към Европа да спре, нито да намалее в следващите години. Този план признава, че това ще бъде основният проблем на ЕС и на следващото поколение европейски граждани. Този проблем е и вероятно единственият, който не можем да разрешим с постигане на по-добър стандарт на живот и икономически растеж в Европа. Колкото по-добри условия имаме тук, толкова повече желаещи да дойдат при нас ще има.

Повече от половината имигранти в Европа не идват от региони на военни конфликти. В следващите години ЕС ще бъде убежище за климатични бежанци, за които все още не говорим много. Ето защо трябва да насърчим постигането на по-добри условия на живот в държавите от Африка и да подпомогнем тяхното икономическо и социално развитие. Тази инвестиция е необходима за опазването на нашите европейски стандарти, права и свободи. Приветствам пакета от специални споразумения, договорености и мерки и се надявам началото на тази дългосрочна стратегия да бъде възприето и подкрепено от всички европейски правителства.

 
  
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  Luigi Morgano (S&D), per iscritto. – La proposta della Commissione di un nuovo patto europeo sulla migrazione è indubbiamente un passo in avanti rispetto alla situazione attuale, anche nella misura in cui recepisce l'omonima proposta del governo italiano. Per arginare la tragedia umana che ha visto, secondo i dati Caritas, ben 2 814 vite spegnersi nel tentativo di raggiungere il nostro continente solo nel 2016, è necessario agire direttamente nei paesi di provenienza di migranti e rifugiati. Tuttavia, non è solo con concessioni di denaro che troveremo soluzione all'aumento dei flussi migratori. Bene investire 8 miliardi in Etiopia, Eritrea, Niger, Nigeria, Mali, Libano e Giordania, ma servirà un controllo sulla gestione dei fondi, sulle condizioni di migranti e rifugiati, o si rischia una risposta non efficace. Si eviti, peraltro, di nascondere l'ennesimo fallimento degli Stati membri nell'arrivare a una condivisione di responsabilità sui ricollocamenti con un piano d'investimento. Solo quando recupereremo uno spirito di solidarietà tra europei, saremo in grado di trovare anche una soluzione umana e giusta per aiutare chi ha bisogno.

 
  
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  Olga Sehnalová (S&D), písemně. – Vítám představení paktu pro migraci ze strany Komise, neboť se jedná o krok ke skutečné pomoci a vnímání zásadního, byť dosud méně zdůrazňovaného faktu, že problémy spojené s migrací je nutné řešit především v těch zemích, kde vznikají – ať už se jedná o země, které museli uprchlíci opustit, nebo o země, kterými procházejí. Důležité nyní bude zaměřit se na detaily provádění navržených opatření, včetně například toho, jak budou tyto návrhy financovány či do jakých projektů budou směřovat, aby pomoc byla skutečně efektivní a dlouhodobá, založená na partnerství s uvedenými zeměmi.

 
  
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  Ελισσάβετ Βοζεμπεργκ-Βρυωνιδη ( PPE), γραπτώς. – Η προσπάθεια των τελευταίων ετών για μία ολιστική ευρωπαϊκή προσέγγιση στον τομέα της μετανάστευσης οφείλει να αποτελέσει αναμφισβήτητα προτεραιότητα και της εξωτερικής πολιτικής της ΕΕ. Η υπεύθυνη στάση της Ευρώπης έναντι τρίτων χωρών προέλευσης/διέλευσης οικονομικών μεταναστών είναι καθοριστικής σημασίας. Μην ξεχνάμε ότι περίπου τα 2/3 των μεταναστών παγκοσμίως προέρχονται από λιγότερο αναπτυγμένες χώρες, με τους μισούς από αυτούς να μεταναστεύουν σε αναπτυγμένες χώρες. Στη Σύνοδο Κορυφής της Μάλτας, όπου συμμετείχαν οι Αφρικανικές Χώρες, αποτυπώθηκαν εκ νέου οι κατευθύνσεις για τη συνεργασία ΕΕ-Αφρικής και επιβεβαιώθηκε η εξυπηρέτηση αυτών των δράσεων μέσω του νεοσυσταθέντος Καταπιστευματικού Ταμείου Έκτακτης Ανάγκης για τη σταθερότητα και τη μετανάστευση στην Αφρική. Εντούτοις, οι διαδικασίες έχουν προχωρήσει εκτότε με πολύ αργούς ρυθμούς, διότι, μεταξύ άλλων, οι χώρες αυτές δεν συνεργάζονται ουσιαστικά με την ΕΕ σε θέματα που αφορούν στην αντιμετώπιση της παράτυπης μετανάστευσης και κυρίως στην εφαρμογή μίας αποτελεσματικότερης πολιτικής επιστροφών. Πρόσφατα, επεσήμανα με σχετική ερώτησή μου προς την Επιτροπή την άμεση ανάγκη προώθησης συμφωνιών επανεισδοχής με τις αφρικανικές χώρες προέλευσης οικονομικών μεταναστών, με τις οποίες σήμερα ουδεμία τέτοια συμφωνία υφίσταται. Παράλληλα, πρέπει να προσφερθούν, ως επιβράβευση, περισσότερα κίνητρα στις τρίτες χώρες που συνεργάζονται, όπως στοχευμένη χρηματοδότηση και ευκαιρίες εκπαίδευσης για τον περιορισμό των μεταναστευτικών ροών από αυτές.

 
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