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Procedimiento : 2016/2677(RSP)
Ciclo de vida en sesión
Ciclo relativo al documento : O-000082/2016

Textos presentados :

O-000082/2016 (B8-0706/2016)

Debates :

PV 22/06/2016 - 20
CRE 22/06/2016 - 20

Votaciones :

Textos aprobados :


Debates
Miércoles 22 de junio de 2016 - Bruselas Edición revisada

20. Efectos de las sanciones de los Estados Unidos para las empresas de la Unión en Irán (debate)
Vídeo de las intervenciones
PV
 

La Présidente. – L'ordre du jour appelle le débat sur la question orale à la Commission sur les répercussions des sanctions américaines sur les activités commerciales de l'Union européenne en Iran, de Bernd Lange et Marietje Schaake, au nom de la commission du commerce international (O-000082/2016 - B8-0706/2016) (2016/2677(RSP)).

 
  
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  Bernd Lange, Verfasser. – Frau Präsidentin! Entschuldigung, aber ich hatte die Information, dass wir 16 nach 7 mit der Debatte starten. Frau Präsidentin, Frau Kommissarin, in der Tat, die Anfrage betrifft die Auswirkungen der Sanktionen der Vereinigten Staaten gegenüber dem Iran auf europäische Unternehmen. Wir haben ja glücklicherweise den sogenannten Atomdeal mit Iran erreicht und damit auch das Aufheben von Sanktionen verhandelt. Es ist gut, dass das Atomprogramm des Iran auf einen vernünftigen Weg gebracht wird und im Gegenzug die wirtschaftlichen Erholungsprozesse eingeleitet werden.

Wir haben allerdings das Problem, dass viele US-Sanktionen schon vor der Diskussion über den Atomweg Irans verhängt worden sind, 1979 schon. Diese Sanktionen sind nicht aufgehoben worden, und sie haben natürlich in gewisser Weise auch eine exterritoriale Wirkung auf europäische Unternehmen. Insofern gilt es noch einmal der Frage nachzugehen, wie die europäischen Firmen damit umzugehen haben. Es hat nachweislich Probleme bei einigen Unternehmen gegeben. Einige andere haben nach heftigen Diskussionen mit den amerikanischen Behörden eine Ausnahmeregelung bekommen, aber nichtsdestotrotz wird hier einer Ungleichbehandlung zwischen amerikanischen und europäischen Unternehmen Tür und Tor geöffnet.

Deswegen ist es wohl umso wichtiger, hier wirklich mal Klarheit in das Feld der exterritorial wirkenden Sanktionen zu bringen. Insbesondere gilt das für den Bankensektor für den Zugang zu Finanzmitteln. Es kann nicht sein, dass hier europäische Firmen von einen vernünftigen Finanzierung ihrer Projekte ausgeschlossen sind. Wir alle wissen, wie viel die neuen Möglichkeiten mit dem Iran bedeuten gerade für die Stabilisierung dieser Region und auch für die Entwicklung der iranischen Gesellschaft, und insofern haben wir als Handelsausschuss entsprechend die Fragen formuliert, wie die Kommission, Frau Kommissarin, wie Sie die konkrete Situation beurteilen und welche entsprechenden Maßnahmen Sie ergriffen haben, um die Implementierung der commitments wirklich sicherzustellen.

Wie gedenken Sie insbesondere gegenüber den Vereinigten Staaten nochmals klarzumachen, dass diese exterritoriale Betroffenheit eben nicht Auswirkungen auf die europäischen Firmen haben darf? Eine weitere Frage ist, ob Sie schon mal mit den Amerikanern geredet haben und was die Antwort der Amerikaner gewesen ist, und wie Sie letztendlich in Zukunft die Aktivitäten europäischer Unternehmen in diesem Kontext sicherstellen wollen.

 
  
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  Elżbieta Bieńkowska, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, five months after the lifting of UN, EU and US economic sanctions in return for the implementation of Iran’s nuclear-related commitment, it is really timely to debate the impact of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) on the relations between Iran and EU businesses. This is really important.

Let me first of all stress that the lifting of sanctions was a key element of the nuclear agreement and an effective implementation of the sanctions lifting is a condition for sustainability and success of the plan. It is in our interests, and Iran can reap the economic benefits of it. It is undeniable that we are at a very critical juncture where we need to make sure that all remains on track during the visit of the High Representative and seven other commissioners, including myself, to Tehran in April. We could witness the domestic debate in the country about the merits of the plan, and international engagement is still vital.

Successful implementation of the deal is also a key here in the EU. The EU continues to be closely engaged, including through the High Representative’s coordinating role of the Joint Commission overseeing the implementation of the deal.

Let me assure you that we have faithfully met our commitments, as agreed under the plan of action, by lifting the sanctions and publishing guidance on implementation day, providing clarity on the subject. But we have also engaged with the private sector to provide clarity and reassure operators wanting to go back to Iran.

Let us be clear, there are still challenges we need to overcome. The financial and banking issues we are experiencing should not be underestimated, but they should be put into perspective. Iran has been isolated from the world economy for more than 10 years. Iranian banks have been cut off from the international financial system for the same period of time. We have always known that the full reintegration of Iran into the world economy would not happen overnight, but I am confident it will succeed. There are other elements that banks take into consideration in their assessment: the full and correct comprehension of the scope of US sanctions, as well as Iran’s banking regulations and anti-money-laundering and counter-terrorist financing controls.

We are engaging very actively on both fronts: the EU with the Member States has been holding regular consultation with Washington since 16 January this year; the US has updated twice its guidance, publishing additional frequently asked questions. This has demonstrated ongoing commitment to provide clarity to business operators and to keep the guidance a living document. We also invited the Director of the Office of Foreign Assets Control to inform our finance ministers and encourage him to further reach out to the private sector. In addition, we are planning to hold a symposium in Brussels on the lifting of sanctions for business operators, with contributions from both EU and US experts.

In the same spirit, the High Representative chaired a ministerial meeting on 19 May 2016 with the Foreign Ministers of Germany, France, the UK and US. The release of the joint statement on post-JCPOA business with Iran was a clear signal to reassure financial operators and to encourage them to engage with Iran.

Let me also take this opportunity to share with you how appreciative we are of the US efforts to provide clarity about the scope of the remaining US primary sanctions and to reach out to the banking sector in Europe. In addition, it is important that Iran takes the necessary steps on the regulatory framework and business environment. Companies are concerned about these issues, in particular on anti-money laundering and countering financing of terrorism and of course, more needs to be done. Cooperation and consultations in the Financial Action Task Force framework should be treated as a priority. Our visit to Iran has served as an opportunity to establish the basis for cooperating and providing assistance in these domains.

Despite all the challenges, the results of the plan are already positive, with a 22% growth in trade between the EU and Iran in the first quarter of 2016, compared to the same period last year. Thirty-three Iranian banks have been reconnected to SWIFT so far. More recently, it was reported that 200 small and medium-sized international banks, including European ones, have started correspondent relationship with Iranian banks. Major banks are becoming more comfortable as they start to comprehend the new rules in practice. To enhance the economic dialogue and cooperation, in October we are planning a European economic mission to Iran with representatives of European SMEs and businesses. As an element of the trade promotion role of the Member States, another promising avenue is the use of national credit insurance companies, which could provide cover and additional reassurance to investors.

All of these issues together form the complex reality. It will still require, of course, some time as the international business community needs to adjust to the new reality of the post-implementation deal. While we cannot force banks or other businesses to take certain decisions in commercial matters, we will continue to be committed to ensuring that Iran can reap the benefit of the plan of action. With that in mind, we can better continue our consultations with the US in order to get as much clarity as possible, continue reaching out to the European business community and provide assistance to Iran’s banking and financial system. Dialogue and persistence are the way forward.

 
  
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  Victor Boştinaru, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, I would like to tell the Commissioner how glad I was, one year ago, to see a breakthrough on the Iranian nuclear deal after difficult and long negotiations. The EU played a crucial role in this success, and as I said at that time, the deal has to be beneficial to all parties involved. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, adopted in October, can be a significant step forward for the security, stability and development of the entire region. But it remains extremely important that it is implemented thoroughly and in good faith by all partners and all sides as soon as possible.

We should not forget that the significance of this deal extends beyond its technical details: it has been celebrated by the Iranian people, following its conclusion, with the hope that it will improve their living standards. It is essential that we deliver on that. Only successful implementation will allow us to show the benefits of diplomacy and negotiation over the politics of obstructionism and confrontation.

In spite of the partial lifting of sanctions, EU companies still face substantial difficulties in accessing the Iranian market, and this is mostly due to the fact that many US financial sanctions are still in place and have an extra-territorial impact. Much as we are aware of some of the remaining US and regional partners’ concerns on issues such as security, in particular, and the use of ballistic weaponry, it is important to use all our channels of cooperation with the USA in order to remove, or at least find a temporary solution to, the difficulties faced by European companies and to ensure in the long term, together with our Iranian partners, the security and legal certainty of European investments in Iran.

Finally, the Commission should explore, as soon as possible, the adoption of new mechanisms and measures to lessen the dependence of European companies on US credit and insurance institutions.

 
  
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  Jan Zahradil, za skupinu ECR. – Vážená paní předsedající, já se obávám, že máme k Íránu pořád ambivalentní postoj. V mém výboru INTA je mnoho poslanců, kteří se zabývají stavem lidských práv v různých zemích a jsou ochotni podporovat nejrůznější sankce nebo ekonomická opatření vůči zemím, které porušují lidská práva, ale mám pocit, že u Íránu to neplatí a že bohužel podstatu tohoto teokratického diktátorského režimu stále podceňujeme. Tam dochází k posunu ve společnosti, který není ještě reflektován v těch vládnoucích kruzích. Je to teokratická diktatura, je to součást antizápadní koalice společně s Ruskem, s Asadem a hnutím Hizballáh, například v Sýrii. Je to stát, který usiluje o regionální hegemonii, což by bylo zcela jistě nevýhodné pro Evropu, pokud by se něco takového stalo, a je to stát, který nikdy neopustil své jaderné ambice. Takže já bych doporučoval, abychom byli k Íránu i po ekonomické a obchodní stránce velmi ostražití.

 
  
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  Marietje Schaake, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, Commissioner and colleagues, this debate is about creating more clarity for EU-based companies looking to trade with or invest in Iran after the lifting of sanctions as a result of the nuclear deal. But ongoing as well as new US-based sanctions for human rights violations or to deter Iran’s missile programme – regardless of the validity of those goals, and I think they are valid – have led to uncertainty for European companies. As a result of the extraterritorial impact, an estimated half of interested companies are holding back. The need for financing, insuring and transporting products going to Iran can lead to a chain reaction where banks do not trust that their services, even if fully legal in Europe, will not be punished in the US or by the US: not only billion-dollar fines, but also new visa requirements that hinder access, or undermine trust in being able to access, the US after doing business with Iran.

Since we requested this debate, Secretary Kerry has met with EU-based banks and the question is this: has this sufficiently clarified their concerns, according to the Commission? And what has the Commission or the External Action Service done to address these concerns with US officials to get more predictability and clarity for European companies? And have you engaged in the underlying problem and addressed it with the Iranian authorities – namely the fact that a significant role for the Revolutionary Guard in the Iranian economy hinders the emergence of a truly private sector, and also risks that the benefits after the deal will go to a few and not to the many. Does the current situation of uncertainty jeopardise the deal at all?

Key for our group, and key for the EU to be effective and credible is for us to be able to make our own policies – in tandem with the US when needed, as we successfully did to bring Iran back to the negotiating table – but always independently, based on our own assessments and decisions of which foreign policy tools benefit our interests and, most importantly, our values.

 
  
  

IN THE CHAIR: MAIREAD McGUINNESS
Vice-President

 
  
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  Javier Couso Permuy, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señora Presidenta, la Unión Europea sigue siendo rehén de los intereses estadounidenses y se encuentra, una vez más, supeditada a sus políticas exteriores y económicas. Las sanciones estadounidenses restringen el espacio político y comercial de la Unión Europea y afectan a sus intereses. Unas sanciones que son contrarias al Derecho internacional y que atentan, sobre todo, contra la población. Como pasó con las sanciones contra Irak en 1990, que, según la Organización de Naciones Unidas, causaron más de medio millón de niños muertos.

Desde la aprobación del plan de acción integral conjunto, la Unión Europea anunció que levantaría las sanciones económicas, incluyendo el embargo del crudo y la prohibición para el comercio y el transporte. Pero las empresas europeas siguen teniendo dificultades para acceder al mercado iraní como consecuencia del impacto extraterritorial de las acciones estadounidenses. Muchas empresas, que también desarrollan actividades empresariales en los Estados Unidos, pueden ser acusadas de violar las sanciones estadounidenses con consecuencias negativas. ¿Dónde está la soberanía de Europa?

 
  
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  Klaus Buchner, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Wir haben jetzt eine historische Chance, die jahrzehntelange Isolation des Iran zu beenden und in Kontakt mit dem Land zu kommen. Das ist dringend nötig, wenn wir dort die Menschenrechtslage verbessern wollen, wenn wir auch die Situation des Terrorismus im Nahen Osten beeinflussen und verbessern wollen.

Die Gesellschaft im Iran braucht die Aufhebung der Sanktionen, denn dort gibt es Arbeitslosigkeit, dort leben viele Menschen unterhalb der Standards, die wir für nötig halten. Das kann sich nur ändern, wenn durch Handel, durch Aufhebung der Sanktionen die wirtschaftliche Lage im Land verbessert werden kann. Deswegen ist es, auch um den Trend zum Terrorismus innerhalb des Landes, sprich zu den radikaleren Strömungen, zu stoppen, unbedingt nötig, den Lebensstandard im Land zu verbessern. Deswegen bleibt uns gar nichts anderes übrig, als jetzt die wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit zu verstärken und die Sanktionen aufzuheben, mögen sie auch aus Sicht der USA aus historischer Entwicklung heraus berechtigt sein.

Trotzdem meine ich, dass es nicht tragbar ist, wenn sich deutsche, europäische Unternehmen an die Sanktionen der USA halten müssen. Das ist ein fundamentaler Widerspruch zur Souveränität der Europäischen Union.

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel 162 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)

 
  
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  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D), blue-card question. – Do you not think that the Commission should address the extra-territorial impact of US sanctions with the American officials and make sure that EU companies can do business, in line with EU policies, without fear of violating US sanctions and of possible fines?

 
  
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  Klaus Buchner (Verts/ALE), – Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Ja, ich meine natürlich, dass diese Sanktionen in Verhandlungen geklärt werden müssen, in Verhandlungen zwischen der EU und den USA selbstverständlich. Ich stimme dem voll zu.

 
  
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  Tiziana Beghin, a nome del gruppo EFDD. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la mia domanda è: ma chi decide le regole per le imprese europee? Siamo noi o è Washington? Dall'ottobre 2015 la Commissione europea ha progressivamente rimosso le sanzioni e permette di nuovo alle nostre imprese di commercializzare con l'Iran, mentre gli Stati Uniti non hanno ancora rimosso le loro sanzioni e, oltre a vietare alle loro imprese di fare affari in Iran, stanno multando in modo salato le imprese europee che ne fanno, in virtù di una legge che permette agli Stati Uniti un'applicazione extraterritoriale delle loro sanzioni. Questo perché il governo americano ritiene che chiunque usi il dollaro nelle transazioni riconosca implicitamente la sua sovranità.

È ovvio che l'Iran ha ancora molta strada da fare, soprattutto per quanto riguarda il rispetto dei diritti umani, ma da quando le sanzioni non bloccano più il commercio le imprese europee stanno velocemente riempendo i vuoti lasciati nel mercato iraniano da anni di embargo e trovo quanto meno ridicolo che, dopo aver ricevuto l'autorizzazione dei vari governi europei, le nostre imprese siano bloccate da quello americano.

Per quanto riguarda l'Italia, per adesso solo una grande banca italiana è stata colpita dalle multe americane, mentre un'altra grande banca sta ancora aspettando il responso e un'impresa italiana è stata investigata dagli USA ma senza ricevere multe. Lo stesso però non si può dire per altre imprese europee che dovranno pagare. La procedura per chiedere a Washington una deroga a queste sanzioni è lunga e molto complessa, non facilmente accessibile, soprattutto per le piccole e medie imprese.

Quindi non voglio negare, lo ribadisco, che la strada dell'Iran dal regime a democrazia sia ancora molto lunga, ma questa strada passa anche per una progressiva integrazione nel sistema commerciale internazionale e soprattutto, se l'Europa ha deciso di dare il via libera agli investimenti delle nostre imprese in Iran, l'ultima parola non deve certo spettare agli Stati Uniti.

 
  
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  Mario Borghezio, a nome del gruppo ENF. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, alla vigilia del voto su Brexit di domani ci si sarebbe aspettati una posizione più energica da parte dell'Unione europea, almeno su questi temi, quando si tratta di difendere le imprese europee, ma non abbiamo nemmeno chiaro quali siano le sanzioni contro l'Iran che gli Stati Uniti hanno tolto.

È una situazione di completa incertezza, anche nelle parole della Commissione, mentre da parte dall'Iran si ripetono gli inviti alle imprese europee ad entrare in quel mercato che è spettacolare, specialmente per un paese come il mio, l'Italia, che era il primo dei partner prima delle sanzioni. A Genova, ci dicono i trasportatori, ci sono decine di migliaia di container fermi, pronti per partire con merci, che potrebbero sollevare notevolmente la nostra economia.

È incredibile che l'Unione europea si fermi, si mostri così debole, così incerta, di fronte a un problema di questo genere, che è, direi a colpo d'occhio, collegato con un interesse diffuso delle nostre imprese e quindi anche dei nostri lavoratori. Il Parlamento, a differenza della Commissione, si mostri unito e parli chiaro sull'abolizione di queste sanzioni e dei rischi di ammende sulle nostre imprese da parte degli organi di controllo americani.

 
  
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  Bruno Gollnisch (NI). – Madame la Présidente, je suis ravi de ce débat sur la répercussion des sanctions américaines contre les activités des entreprises européennes en Iran parce que, d'abord, j'ai posé moi-même, il y a deux mois, une question écrite en ce sens à la Commission, dont j'attends toujours la réponse; ensuite, parce que l'actualité de ces derniers jours montre que l'administration américaine favorise ses entreprises nationales contre leurs concurrentes européennes. L'administration américaine a levé les sanctions pour les entreprises américaines et elle maintient la menace pour les entreprises européennes. Voilà la réalité.

Le secrétaire d'État, John Kerry, proclame partout que les Européens peuvent faire des affaires en Iran mais Airbus, par exemple, attend depuis cinq mois le feu vert de l'OFAC, l'Office of Foreign Assets Control, pour pouvoir concrétiser la vente d'avions conclue en janvier. Sans ce feu vert, aucune banque, échaudée par l'amende faramineuse imposée à la banque BNP Paribas – ce ne sont pas des millions de dollars, ce sont des milliards de dollars, neuf milliards pour la seule banque BNP Paribas dans l'indifférence complète de la Commission et de toutes les autorités européennes. C'est une honte, c'est un véritable scandale qui révèle l'état de vassalité dans lequel vous êtes à l'égard des autorités de Washington.

 
  
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  Damiano Zoffoli (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, gli accordi di Vienna e il conseguente e progressivo ritiro delle sanzioni che, ricordiamolo, hanno contribuito a diminuire del 70 %, dal 2005 ad oggi, l'interscambio commerciale fra l'Iran e l'Unione europea, aprono nuove opportunità per le aziende europee in un paese di 80 milioni di abitanti, che rappresenta la più grande attrazione per gli investimenti internazionali dopo la caduta del muro di Berlino.

Penso alla meccanica, ai trasporti, al campo dell'ambiente, alla lotta all'inquinamento e alla fornitura di tecnologie per lo sfruttamento delle rinnovabili. Il cammino è stato tracciato, ora tutti gli attori coinvolti in questo processo – Unione europea, Stati Uniti, Iran – devono percorrerlo insieme, per costruire rapporti solidi basati sulla fiducia reciproca e non solo sul rispetto degli accordi sottoscritti.

Dall'Iran ci si aspettano segnali concreti di apertura e cambiamento, a partire dal tema fondamentale dei diritti umani, mentre sul fronte economico è indispensabile lavorare soprattutto sul sistema bancario, ancora oggi poco trasparente, anche alla luce delle raccomandazioni della task force di azione finanziaria, per evitare il riciclaggio di denaro e contrastare il finanziamento delle attività terroristiche.

L'Unione europea chiede d'altra parte agli Stati Uniti d'America di favorire la possibilità di investimenti in Iran; ad oggi è impossibile per qualsiasi azienda con almeno il 10 % di azionariato statunitense fare affari commerciali con l'Iran, a causa delle sanzioni ancora in essere che limitano la libertà di azione.

Chiediamo quindi con forza alla Commissione che si faccia portatrice di questo messaggio nei confronti delle autorità americane. È indispensabile che i tanti memorandum d'intesa fino ad oggi sottoscritti da aziende pubbliche e private europee si trasformino in contratti e in azioni concrete.

 
  
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  Николай Бареков (ECR). – Както знаете, г-жо Председателстващ, аз отговарям за Иран в делегацията, както и в комисията по енергетика. Европа е длъжна да се възползва икономически и политически от договора за ядрената програма. Европейският бизнес географски и икономически е най-близко до възобновяване на връзките с иранския бизнес, особено в областта на енергетиката.

Трябва да регламентираме тези отношения в триъгълника Америка – Европа – Иран. Това е работа на Европейската комисия. Има оставащи неясноти, които са със срока на прекратяването на санкциите, както с този срок, така и с допълнителните финансови санкции от страна на Съединените Щати.

По искане на Европейския съюз България прекрати своята ядрена програма за втора централа. Българската държавна компания беше осъдена миналата седмица за близо 650 милиона евро от руската държавна компания. Появи се предложение на българския премиер правителството да продаде руския ядрен реактор на Иран.

И тук задавам въпроса: Ще имаме ли подкрепата на Европейската комисия, като се има предвид, че иранското правителство очевидно не бърза с демократизацията на страната и все още има пречки за пълното покриване на капацитета в отношенията Иран – Съединени Щати?

 
  
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  Pavel Telička (ALDE). – Madam President, today the Commissioner has given us an answer to the question, which I would say was twofold.

Commissioner, you have given us an answer on the efforts that you personally, the Commission, your colleagues and also Member States’ representatives are making vis-à-vis Iran. I think that it was rich in information. I am sure that you are making an effort. I think that we have a double agenda there. We have got an economic agenda and we still have an agenda that has to do with the quality of ‘democracy’ in Iran, human rights abuse, etc. On that part I must say that I found your response satisfactory.

To be absolutely frank with you, I do have difficulties with the second part of the twofold answer, namely with the US part. You also took somewhat less time in answering that question. You said that there is progress on getting clarity on the guidelines and that there is an effort on the US side. I am sure that this is the case, but the fact is that we do have cases which have concrete implications. I am Czech. I do not come from a country where Airbus would have a production line, but I think that is one really flagrant case, Airbus versus Boeing. Boeing, which clearly started negotiations with Iran much later than Airbus, has signed a deal – I think it was last week – while Airbus has now been waiting for five months for US Treasury clearance. I think that is unacceptable. So we do not just need to hear what efforts are taking place, but we really need results. Tell us how we can assist you, but let us be more concrete on those issues in the future.

 
  
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  Beatrix von Storch (EFDD). – Frau Präsidentin! Der Iran hat den Atomdeal unterschrieben und deswegen haben die EU und die USA die Sanktionen gegen den Iran aufgehoben, wie wir gehört haben, aber nur zum Teil. Die USA machen wieder Handel mit dem Iran und General Electric beispielsweise könnte Geschäfte mit den Persern machen, wenn aber Siemens das gleiche tut, drohen Sanktionen durch die USA.

Also Handel mit dem Iran oder mit den USA. Das ist die aktuelle Position der USA, und Sie haben, wie es gerade schon angemerkt worden ist, im Prinzip nichts dazu gesagt, wie Sie daran arbeiten wollen. Ich frage mich, warum die Amerikaner machen das, und was tun Sie? Das amerikanische Ölunternehmen ExxonMobile kann im Iran einkaufen, und jedes andere Unternehmen, das das tut, verbaut sich damit den amerikanischen Markt.

Die USA sind für Freihandel, wir sind für Freihandel, also schlage ich vor, dass die USA aufhören, den freien Handel zu bestrafen, sonst verfestigt sich nur der Eindruck, dass sie nur Freihandel sagen, letztlich aber ihre eigene Vormachtstellung auf Kosten aller anderen verteidigen, so wie beim TTIP.

 
  
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  Gilles Lebreton (ENF). – Madame la Présidente, l'Iran a donné toutes les garanties exigées par le traité du 14 juillet 2015 en ce qui concerne son programme nucléaire. En contrepartie, les sanctions européennes ont donc été levées en janvier 2016. Plus rien ne devrait théoriquement s'opposer à la reprise de relations commerciales normales entre l'Iran et le reste du monde.

Les banques européennes hésitent toutefois à financer les projets commerciaux avec l'Iran, car elles craignent de se voir infliger des amendes par les États-Unis. C'est ainsi que le contrat de vente de 118 Airbus, signé récemment par les présidents français et iranien, est paralysé. Les États-Unis doivent s'engager par écrit à ne plus infliger de telles amendes et à rompre ainsi avec leurs pratiques antérieures à 2015. L'Union européenne doit, pour une fois, prendre son courage à deux mains et exiger des États-Unis cet engagement écrit. À défaut, la France devra prendre son destin en main et demander à sa banque centrale de financer les projets français en Iran.

 
  
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  Zoltán Balczó (NI). – Elnök Asszony! 2015 júliusában megállapodás született a nemzetközi közösség és Irán között. Irán korlátozta és ellenőrizhetővé tette atomprogramját, cserében pedig elvileg feloldották az ellene irányuló szankciókat. Azért csak elvileg, mert az Egyesült Államok mindent megtett azért, főleg a bankszektorban, hogy a szankciók fönnmaradjanak. Az EU-nak alapvető érdeke, és nem csak gazdaságilag, a migráns ügy kapcsán is, a jó, kiegyensúlyozott kapcsolat Iránnal és az egész térségnek a stabilitása. Ehhez az Egyesült Államoknak valóban meg kell szüntetnie a szankciókat, és nyomást kell gyakorolnia kiemelt partnerére, Szaúd-Arábiára. Mert Szaúd-Arábia jelenleg Jemenben háborús bűnöket is elkövetve avatkozik be, és ennek kapcsán tovább nő a feszültség Iránnal, és ennek a feszültségnek az enyhítése, megszűntetése az EU-nak is az alapvető érdeke.

 
  
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  Ruža Tomašić (ECR). – Gospođo predsjednice, ovaj slučaj dobro opisuje delikatnu poziciju Europske unije u globalnim diplomatskim, vojnim i trgovinskim odnosima. Mi smo ključan partner Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama i zbog toga smo dugi niz godina, pa čak i desetljeća, uživali određene povlastice, no to partnerstvo može imati i negativnih strana kao u slučaju poslovanja naših tvrtki u Iranu u trenutku kad SAD još uvijek nije u potpunosti ukinuo sankcije toj zemlji.

Neki kolege će ovo iskoristiti kako bi propitkivali partnerstvo s Amerikom, a ja mislim da je to pogrešno. Ovo je situacija na kojoj treba graditi novu poziciju Europske unije kao snažnog samostalnog aktera na globalnoj razini koji uživa povjerenje svojih američkih partnera, a u očima istočnih sila im dodaje potrebnu dobronamjernost i vjerodostojnost.

Isprepletenost europskih i američkih vrijednosti i interesa je konstanta koju nema smisla nijekati, ali to ne znači da Europa ne može igrati konstruktivniju ulogu i u određenim slučajevima biti ta koja udara tempo i određuje smjer politike Zapada.

 
  
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  Marcus Pretzell (ENF). – Frau Präsidentin, meine Damen und Herren! Das ist wieder mal ein wunderbares Beispiel dafür, dass in der Europäischen Union und im Übrigen auch in der US-amerikanischen Administration zwar sehr gern über den freien Handel geredet, aber ganz wenig dafür unternommen wird. Die Kommission sieht dabei zu.

Während Banken aus Europa weiterhin fürchten müssen, Finanzierungen von Deals im Iran durchzuführen, weil sie mit Sanktionen in den USA zu rechnen haben, und damit praktisch für alle kleinen und mittleren Unternehmen Geschäfte im Iran unmöglich gemacht werden, erleben wir jetzt, dass das Ganze auch im großen Spiel funktioniert. Airbus wartet seit Januar auf eine Freigabe für einen Deal mit dem Iran und heute – nein, gestern – gibt die Firma Boeing einen 25-Milliarden-Dollar-Deal mit dem Iran bekannt. Es ist vollkommen offensichtlich, was hier passiert: Das ist ein Wirtschaftskrieg der Amerikaner, nicht gegen den Iran, sondern gegen die Europäische Union, und die Kommission sieht dabei tatenlos zu.

 
  
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  Λάμπρος Φουντούλης ( NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, οι Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες της Αμερικής συνειδητά επιλέγουν να εμποδίζουν τις ευρωπαϊκές επιχειρηματικές δραστηριότητες στο Ιράν. Ο λόγος είναι προφανής και φυσικά δεν έχει τίποτα να κάνει με δήθεν ανησυχίες για το πυρηνικό πρόγραμμα του Ιράν. Το βασικότερο που τους απασχολεί είναι η προώθηση των αμερικανικών εμπορικών συμφερόντων στη χώρα αυτή. Χαρακτηριστικό παράδειγμα είναι η περίπτωση της Αirbus, που όπως γνωρίζετε έχει κλείσει συμφωνία με την κρατική IranΑir για την προμήθεια 118 αεροσκαφών από τα τέλη Ιανουαρίου. Λόγω όμως της χρήσης κάποιων υποσυστημάτων αμερικανικής προέλευσης, απαιτείται έγκριση από την αμερικανική κυβέρνηση για την πώληση των αεροσκαφών, η οποία, πέντε μήνες μετά, δεν έχει δοθεί ακόμα. Φυσικά, η κωλυσιεργία αυτή ωφέλησε την αμερικανική Boeing που πριν από λίγες ημέρες ολοκλήρωσε τις διαπραγματεύσεις με το Ιράν για την προμήθεια 100 δικών της αεροσκαφών.

Με αυτές τις επιδείξεις συμμαχικής αλληλεγγύης και εμπορικών συναλλαγών, όπως τις εννοούν οι Αμερικανοί, φροντίζουν να ξεκαθαρίζουν κάθε φορά το ποιος έχει το πάνω χέρι σε αυτή τη συμμαχία.

Αυτό ας το λάβουν υπόψη τους οι θιασώτες των συμφωνιών τύπου TTIP, για το ποιο θα είναι το μέλλον της Ένωσης, διότι θέματα όπως του Ιράν είναι απλά μία εικόνα από το διατλαντικό εμπόριο, μέλλον που κάποιοι εδώ πέρα υποστηρίζουν.

 
  
 

Catch-the-eye procedure

 
  
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  Nicola Caputo (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, gli effetti extra-territoriali delle sanzioni adottate dagli Stati Uniti nei confronti dell'Iran continuano a creare difficoltà alle imprese europee nell'accesso al mercato iraniano. A seguito delle sanzioni tra il 2012 e il 2013, le importazioni totali dell'Unione europea dall'Iran sono diminuite dell'86 % e il totale delle esportazioni è diminuito del 26 %.

I paesi europei hanno dato seguito agli impegni previsti dal piano d'azione congiunto globale, ora spetta agli Stati Uniti revocare le misure restrittive. Dopo l'impegno iraniano ad adoperare il nucleare solo per scopi civili occorre consolidare i segnali di apertura che giungono da Teheran e indirizzarli verso un dialogo costruttivo a livello internazionale, che apra la strada ad una piena reintegrazione dell'Iran nella comunità internazionale. È del tutto evidente, infatti, che riallacciare i rapporti commerciali con una parte importante del mondo arabo ha una valenza fondamentale per la stabilizzazione dell'area e per un miglioramento dei diritti umani.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, οι περισσότερες ευρωπαϊκές επιχειρήσεις δεν αποτολμούν να ανοίξουν δουλειές με το Ιράν, παρά τη συμφωνία του περασμένου χρόνου για το πυρηνικό πρόγραμμα της Τεχεράνης. Αυτό συμβαίνει επειδή φοβούνται ότι θα τους επιβληθούν πρόστιμα από τις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες για παραβίαση των αμερικανικών κυρώσεων στο Ιράν, που συνεχίζουν να βρίσκονται σε ισχύ. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση οφείλει να δώσει λύση σε αυτό το μείζον ζήτημα, που περιορίζει την ανάπτυξη διμερών εμπορικών σχέσεων του Ιράν με κράτη μέλη της Ένωσης.

Η χώρα αυτή των 80.000.000 κατοίκων βρίσκεται σε κατασκευαστικό οργασμό. Στα άμεσα σχέδια είναι η κατασκευή επτά αεροδρομίων τα επόμενα χρόνια, ενώ οκτώ πόλεις γνωρίζουν ραγδαία επέκταση. Αυτό το γεγονός ανοίγει τον δρόμο και μπορεί να αποτελέσει ανάσα επιβίωσης, τόσο για τις κατασκευαστικές από την Ελλάδα, που έχουν πληγεί από τις πολιτικές της τρόικας, όσο και για ελληνικές εταιρείες προμήθειας στον χώρο τεχνολογιών αιχμής, των φαρμάκων, των παραφαρμακευτικών προϊόντων αλλά και των ιατρικών ειδών. Αναμένουμε, κυρία Bienkowska, τη δράση της Κομισιόν.

 
  
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  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE). – Gospođo predsjednice, kada sam svojedobno posjetio Iran sankcije su još uvijek bile na snazi, ali uvjerio sam se koliko je iranskom gospodarstvu stalo do suradnje s europskim gospodarstvom, koliko je iransko gospodarstvo u prilici da pruži mnoge mogućnosti za ulaganje u europsko gospodarstvo. I zato sam uvjeren da je ova situacija u kojoj se sad nalazimo ništa drugo nego jedna igra s Europskom unijom od strane naših američkih prijatelja. To upravo pokazuje događaj oko Boeinga i prodaja Boeinga, iako je Airbus također bio u prilici da napravi dobar posao, ali on ga neće napraviti.

Ja zato kažem da ovdje imamo dvije situacije: imamo ekonomski interesantnu situaciju za Europsku uniju i politički interesantnu situaciju za Europsku uniju. Iskoristimo obje situacije jer nam idu u prilog.

 
  
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  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος ( NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, ένα από τα μεγαλύτερα σφάλματα της εξωτερικής πολιτικής της Ευρωπαϊκής Ενώσεως είναι η απόλυτη και ανεξήγητη σύμπλευσή της με εκείνη των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών. Η εμμονή αυτή έχει δημιουργήσει πολλά προβλήματα σε χώρες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ενώσεως και έχει στραφεί πολλές φορές και εναντίον των συμφερόντων της Ενώσεως. Χαρακτηριστικό παράδειγμα αυτής της καταστάσεως είναι τα προβλήματα που αντιμετωπίζουν οι εταιρείες των ευρωπαϊκών χωρών που δραστηριοποιούνται στο Ιράν, εξαιτίας των κυρώσεων που δεν έχουν άρει ακόμα οι Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες για τη χώρα αυτή.

Έτσι δημιουργείται μια κατάσταση αθέμιτου ανταγωνισμού για τις ευρωπαϊκές εταιρείες και παράλληλα, εάν αυτές έχουν συναλλαγές και με τις ΗΠΑ, κινδυνεύουν να υποστούν κυρώσεις, δηλαδή να δεχθούν πρόστιμα. Αυτό είναι μια απαράδεκτη κατάσταση και πρέπει οπωσδήποτε η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση να απαλλαγεί τάχιστα από αυτή την άτυπη κηδεμονία, για να μπορούν οι ευρωπαίοι επενδυτές να δραστηριοποιηθούν στην ιρανική αγορά αλλά και στον τομέα της ενέργειας.

 
  
 

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

 
  
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  Elżbieta Bieńkowska, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, I think this was a very useful exchange and I want to thank all Honourable Members for the clarity of their interventions. I assure you that we are analysing all of the subjects, especially particular cases. Later on I will refer to Airbus-Boeing very briefly. But as far as this debate is concerned, I conclude that we share a common interest in ensuring that the plan of action works for all participants, especially for European companies and businesses, and leads to Iran’s reintegration into the world economy. Let me again reiterate that the EU is fully committed to providing all necessary assistance and the necessary references to the private sector on the lifting of sanctions, both business opportunities in Iran and, of course, defending the interests of European companies.

On Airbus, I can only say that Airbus signed a deal months ago. At the end of January, during the visit of the Iranian President to France, it signed a deal with Iran on 28 January for the export of aircraft. As for Boeing, they only signed a memorandum of understanding, so not a contract, also for the export of aircraft, very recently. So the situation of both companies is almost the same, but with Airbus it is a deal and with Boeing it is just a memorandum of understanding. Of course, we all know that the implementation is an ongoing task and we need to be diligent with our joint efforts, but I will of course pass all of your concerns and your comments to High Representative Mogherini. Again I want to thank you for bringing the topic to the agenda. Hopefully we will also discuss it in the future because it is really important for our European economy.

 
  
 

President. – The debate is closed.

 
  
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  Eric Andrieu (S&D), par écrit. – Je soutiens la réintégration de l'Iran dans la communauté internationale et leur demande d'adhésion à l'OMC. Il est fondamental que les Iraniens constatent que l'accord fonctionne. Par conséquent, nous devons travailler à l'élimination de toutes les barrières des deux côtés afin de lever les sanctions établies par le plan d'action global conjoint.

 
  
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  Nicola Danti (S&D), per iscritto. – Nell'ottobre 2015 l'Unione europea, le Nazione Unite e gli Stati Uniti siglavano un accordo di portata storica con l'Iran e adottavano un piano d'azione congiunto globale (PACG). Il suddetto piano comprendeva un impegno in base al quale il programma nucleare iraniano avrebbe avuto unicamente scopi pacifici, in cambio della revoca progressiva delle sanzioni contro Teheran. Un nuovo capitolo delle relazioni internazionali che apriva ad un dialogo costruttivo tra l'Unione europea e l'Iran, con il positivo risultato di dare sicurezza alle imprese europee che intendono investire in quel paese e consentire condizioni favorevoli per la stabilizzazione e lo sviluppo sociale ed economico della società iraniana. Questo processo di ricostruzione delle relazioni commerciali e del dialogo con l'Iran è oggi ostacolato dalle mancata revoca delle sanzioni finanziarie da parte degli Stati Uniti; un impegno politico finora disatteso che ha un impatto extraterritoriale grave sulle imprese europee, che non soltanto affrontano un difficile accesso al mercato iraniano ma spesso sono costrette a subire ammende o addirittura il divieto di operare liberamente. Sono dunque convinto che nei prossimi mesi l'Unione europea debba agire attivamente per garantire che anche gli Stati Uniti applichino in pieno quanto previsto nel PAGC.

 
  
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  Ilhan Kyuchyuk (ALDE), in writing. – In January 2016 the Council lifted all nuclear related economic and financial EU sanctions against Iran. This follows verification by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) on the same date that Iran had implemented the agreed nuclear-related measures as set out in the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). The EU has been joined by the US and the UN which also lifted their sanctions against Iran upon verification. However, the US has suspended not terminated its nuclear-related sanctions on Iran while at the same non-nuclear US economic sanctions remain in place, notably the ban on US citizens and companies trading with Iran. Recently, the US imposed fresh sanctions on Iran over an Iranian ballistic missile test. Continuing US sanctions represent a real trade barrier for many European companies which want to access the Iranian market especially since many of them have business activities in the US. The EU should discuss this issue with our American partners in order to find a working solution that will benefit all sides. Trade with Iran is important for the EU, but a transatlantic partnership with the US is vital for the Union and its Member States since it is the largest bilateral trade and investment relationship in the world.

 
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