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Процедура : 2016/2773(RSP)
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RC-B8-0885/2016

Разисквания :

PV 06/07/2016 - 5
CRE 06/07/2016 - 5

Гласувания :

PV 06/07/2016 - 6.12
CRE 06/07/2016 - 6.12
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P8_TA(2016)0312

Разисквания
Сряда, 6 юли 2016 г. - Страсбург Редактирана версия

5. Подготовка на работната програма на Комисията за 2017 г. (разискване)
Видеозапис на изказванията
PV
 

Presidente. – L'ordine del giorno reca la discussione sulla dichiarazione della Commissione sul tema "Preparazione del programma di lavoro della Commissione per il 2017" ((2016/2773(RSP)).

 
  
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  Frans Timmermans, First Vice-President of the Commission. – Mr President, for several years now Parliament has engaged with the Commission in a constructive, structured dialogue, as provided for in the framework agreements. From the Commission side, your input at an early stage in the preparation for the Commission Work Programme is very important and welcome. Today I am here to listen to you about the priorities for next year, as you see them, and the Commission will pay particular attention to the resolution you intend to adopt tomorrow.

I welcome the fact that the Council too is now anchored in this process thanks to the interinstitutional agreement on better lawmaking. It did not get much attention outside of the institutions but I think it is a great innovative approach to make sure that all three institutions are equally locked into our priorities. Our dialogue is all the more important in light of the current challenges, which can only be met together. We need to agree on a focused, prioritised agenda which can deliver on the big things where Europeans expect our Union to produce concrete results.

The work of the Juncker Commission is guided by the 10 priorities of the political guidelines. This was the basis on which Parliament approved the College of Commissioners and this will not change. More than ever, we need to get our heads down and work hard to focus on key challenges ahead for our economies and societies – areas where the EU can make a real and positive difference to people’s lives and help them regain a sense of control over their futures and destinies.

Jobs, growth and investment must therefore remain at the top of our agenda. The European Fund for Strategic Investments is producing results and should be extended beyond 2018. The Commission has accelerated work under the European Agenda on Migration for a swift, coordinated response to the refugee crisis. We presented a package on legal migration last month; our Dublin reform is already before you; and we will come forward with the remaining proposals to strengthen our common European asylum system next week. I count on you to make swift progress on these difficult but important issues.

Having invested considerable efforts towards the Paris climate deal, we now need to begin delivery across the full range of our climate and energy policies. Our proposal for ratifying the Paris agreement has been tabled and we will make the proposal on the Effort Sharing Decision for the non-ETS sector before the summer break. By the end of the year, we will make proposals on renewables and energy efficiency. So there is significant work to do in this area, and rapid delivery should be a priority for all of us.

The digital single market package, presented on 25 May 2016, with proposals on geo-blocking, cross—border parcel delivery and customer protection, has the potential to deliver significant benefits for businesses and consumers. If we can ensure that these proposals are adopted in 2017, alongside the proposal on portability and coinciding with the end of roaming charges, we will have made a major step towards delivering results for our citizens. We are also following up on the Five Presidents’ report on European monetary union, completing the banking union, building a capital markets union and reinforcing multilateral surveillance.

Reinforcing the social dimension of our policies is a key aim of this Commission and I think you have seen that clearly reflected in this year’s European Semester. In terms of initiatives, we recently presented a New Skills Agenda on which we hope discussions can advance rapidly. The public consultation on a European pillar of social rights will close in December and the follow—up initiatives will come next year.

One thing is clear: in meeting the challenges we face, we need to coordinate our action with the European institutions and with the Member States. We need to make the best use of the means at our disposal. The mid—term review of the Multiannual Financial Framework is a key moment. The College will hold a first discussion before the summer break and present its review in the course of the autumn.

By the end of this year we will have a lot on the table. The Commission Work Programme for 2017 will take this into account. We will also identify key proposals which are currently before Parliament and the Council to start a discussion with you on setting common priorities in a joint declaration, as is provided for in the interinstitutional agreement on better lawmaking. As in the two previous years, the work programme will focus on a limited number of new initiatives which the Commission makes a political commitment to deliver between October 2016 and December 2017.

Making sure that the existing body of law is fit for purpose is as important as tabling new initiatives, and I see what I would almost call a cultural change in the three institutions, to place a focus on that aspect of our work as well. The REFIT (Regulatory Fitness and Performance) platform is already working on opinions on a number of key stakeholders’ suggestions to feed into the discussions on the Commission Work Programme. The platform has worked very hard and has come up with a number of important suggestions and opinions that can be very useful to all of us. We are also updating the REFIT scoreboard to make it easier to use.

Our dialogue on the work programme is an important and concrete aspect of the cooperation between our institutions. The Commission is committed to working closely with you and the Council in the preparatory process. I reiterate that today I am here to listen to you. What you say here, honourable Members, and then your resolution, will help us shape the letter of intent which will be sent to you on 14 September in parallel with the President’s State of the Union address. After that, our dialogue will continue in the Conference of Committee Chairs, in the Conference of Presidents and here in plenary when we present the work programme to you on 25 October.

Let me finish with one remark. If we do this work together as two institutions and also incorporate the Council in these discussions, then nobody on the Council side will be able to say, when they go home, ‘That’s Brussels: that is not us’. We will get them into the process and then they will have to defend their own responsibility in that process when they go home. Brussels is all of us, including national governments.

(Applause)

 
  
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  József Szájer, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, there are two types of politicians, and after the UK referendum we have seen both.

One is very good at and very effective in destroying things which have been built through decades of hard work. After the destruction is completed, they leave the scene and do not want – or are not able – to participate in building further. The sign of this escapism is shown at this very moment with Mr Farage’s empty seat.

The majority of colleagues in this Parliament have been choosing a different way, which is to deliver in time the Commission work programme 2017 for the first time in several years, which is one way of participating in rebuilding, step by step, through hard work. After the turbulent past years, something for sure needs rebuilding. There is a need for economic recovery, for renewal, for a better Europe, but what we most need to rebuild is the diminishing public support for the European project. Let me quote my favourite sentence from the resolution we are going to adopt this afternoon: ‘Europe now faces many common global challenges, but also increasing frustration and worry among many citizens about uncertain life prospects and the lack of opportunities that citizens expect decision-makers to respond to’, and ‘whereas it is urgent to win back the hearts of Europeans’. This is the most important which we have to do, but merely by continuing our job, business as usual, we cannot do that. We have to rebuild the trust only with change, sometimes with radical change in order to meet the requirements and the expectations of citizens.

I do not want to fall into the other trap of politicians to exaggerate too much, but I think that this resolution – with the very good collective work of the last few months of negotiations with the leadership of Maria João Rodrigues – is a step in the right direction. A modest step, but I think in rebuilding Europe, rebuilding trust is a very important one.

It is significant that this is the first time in several years that we are bringing this paper, the knowledge of the Commission, much earlier so we can really use this instrument in order to influence by hard negotiations the work of the Commission. Just let me end by saying that what we want is basically to provide the best conditions for future young generations, for SMEs, for business, to create employment and to reshore jobs. The single market is a great opportunity but needs a digital dimension. There is a new deal, as the Commissioner has mentioned. A new deal is needed in order to rebuild the trust, not just between the people and politicians, but also between European and national politicians. This is how we can listen to the hearts of the people. Listen to your heart.

 
  
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  Maria João Rodrigues, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, the European Union, as we know, is dealing with overlapping crises – refugees, security, terrorism, unemployment, divergences – but the most recent one, which is raising a fundamental question, is the Brexit issue.

Citizens are concerned about the way to get control of their lives. There is a big choice about that. Either we go back to national borders or we are able to build, together, better European solutions. For this we need to have a strong and clear road map. This EP resolution is Parliament’s first contribution to defining that road map. We think that the road map should be clear on better European solutions – and, firstly, on how to address citizens’ concerns. We are calling for a strong European pillar of social rights, ensuring that all citizens can count on good working conditions, social protection and social services, while also getting access to better skills for better jobs. This is particularly crucial for young people in Europe.

We know, too, that Europe needs to deliver on a new EU global strategy. We welcome the proposal from Federica Mogherini and the Commission in this direction because we think that Europe needs to renew, first of all, the way it works with neighbouring countries to stabilise them and support their development. This is also the best way to manage migration flows, while ensuring that we can host refugees in a manner commensurate with European standards.

Moreover, we need to ensure, once and for all, that we reverse the current trend of economic and social divergences undermining the very heart of Europe. This is happening in the EU as a whole and we need to address it with a strong policy for economic and social cohesion. It is happening too inside the eurozone, and for that we need to complete economic and monetary union with banking union and fiscal capacity.

So these are our requests. We are glad to work with the Commission and the Council and we believe the community method is the right way to deliver these European solutions.

 
  
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  Vicky Ford, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, the report on the annual work programme lets us – the elected politicians – set out our priorities and expectations of the Commission, and my Group in the ECR tabled a very detailed resolution touching on every policy theme of work that we do here in Parliament. More investment in industry, in research and development, and advancing the digital market would strengthen the economy, and create more jobs and growth. On migration and the refugee crisis, we want to work to help the most vulnerable, but also ensure that national governments have a final say. We want to support our fishermen and farmers, remove red tape from businesses large and small, and give European taxpayers value for money.

In the joint resolution there was much I could agree with but, unfortunately, in negotiations the Left called for more EU taxes, increases to the EU budget and mandatory targets for migration, and my Group could not agree to these issues.

On Brexit: in the past few weeks, I have spoken to thousands of people. Those voting ‘Remain’ did so for economic and political stability, but those voting ‘Leave’ said they felt that the EU was out of touch and undemocratic. They spoke of these five presidents they had not elected; they saw high unemployment on the edges of the euro area and feared it would spread; many of them felt the pressure of migration on their own local communities. ‘Leave’ won and we need to respect that, but please do listen to those real concerns.

I hope a new relationship will be found that is mutually beneficial to both sides, that minimises the economic uncertainty – not just in the UK, but across the continent too – and allows us to continue to work on vital issues like security. But it is going to take time and space and calm, cool heads to rebuild that trust. I hope we will find that time and space in the year ahead.

 
  
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  Sophia in 't Veld, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, we are discussing the Commission Work Programme at the most difficult moment in the history of European integration. The European Union is disintegrating at a frightening speed. Anti—EU forces are on the rise, demolishing what has been built up over decades by the post-war generations but, instead of offering an alternative vision for the future, they just jump ship. Thank you, Mr Farage.

Against this this backdrop, the Work Programme of the Commission must be more than a mere list of legislative proposals. It must offer the outlines of a new European Union because the kneejerk reflex to the current anti-EU mood is to weaken Europe even further, assuming that if we scrap a few more directives people will suddenly embrace the European project. But that is a dramatic mistake. People’s existential anxieties will not be addressed by eliminating rules on vacuum cleaners or the curve of cucumbers.

People are anxious and insecure because, in just a few decades, the world has changed beyond recognition. Globalisation, the digital revolution and urbanisation have radically changed the way that we live. Our communities have become much more diverse with immigration and advancing gender equality. Political and economic leadership is no longer the monopoly of middle-aged white alpha males. Agriculture and industry have been overtaken by the knowledge economy and what was considered a very good CV 30 years ago no longer opens doors today. Our old familiar world has gone. There is a 50-50 split in the population that is reflected in the electorate, not just in Europe, but also in the United States and elsewhere. Each side is terrified of the world view of the other and our task is to offer a plan for healing this rift.

We must do justice to both. It is not just about a victory of one group over the other, it is about creating a society where both feel safe and at home. The kneejerk reflex of weakening the EU in response to the rise of anti-EU sentiments is the wrong one. It does not do justice to those who do want to grasp the opportunities the 21st century world offers, nor does it help in any way those who feel threatened by a new world. It is a mistake to think we can weaken the anti—EU populists by weakening the EU. We have to make the EU stronger, more democratic and more accountable, and more able to act and address the big challenges of today.

The European Parliament and the European Commission have, by and large, understood this, but the national governments are tearing the European Union apart like a bunch of political hooligans, using Europe like a punchbag, and this must stop. I call on all national politicians to stop Europe-bashing. Stop the blame game. Stop the lies. Take your responsibility for Europe. We all have a responsibility to offer a real prospect to all European citizens, a Europe where everyone has a place, a place for all – young and old, city and countryside, men and women, people of all shapes and sizes and all walks of life – and that must be the message of the Commission Work Programme.

 
  
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  João Pimenta Lopes, em nome do Grupo GUE/NGL. – Senhor Presidente, discutimos este programa de trabalhos ante a enorme magnitude política da decisão soberana do povo britânico de abandonar a União Europeia. Uma expressão soberana que resulta e evidencia a profunda crise política, económica e social do projeto de integração capitalista europeu e das profundas contradições que o caracterizam que resultam da sua natureza de classe. Uma expressão que confirma o cada vez maior distanciamento dos povos da Europa, da União Europeia e das suas políticas de exploração dos trabalhadores e dos povos, em benefício do grande capital europeu. Lançam agora fugas para a frente que aprofundarão o carácter federalista da União Europeia e a concentração de poder no seu seio, em confronto direto com os interesses e aspirações dos povos. Pintem-nas como quiserem, a União Europeia não é reformável e aos que contrariem as vossas políticas de austeridade, empobrecimento e exploração, mesmo que de forma moderada, a resposta são chantagens, ameaças e sanções.

Esta é a vossa matriz. Exige-se a reversibilidade dos tratados e a revogação do Tratado orçamental e do Tratado de Lisboa. Exige-se a criação de um programa de apoio aos Estados-Membros que pretendam negociar a saída do euro pondo termo à submissão e espartilho da moeda única. Exige-se a renegociação das dívidas soberanas, em boa parte ilegítimas. Exige-se a revogação da união bancária, o controlo público da banca e a recuperação dos instrumentos soberanos de regulação da economia dos Estados—Membros.

Será a luta dos povos a romper com as vossas políticas, construindo uma Europa de cooperação, de paz e de solidariedade entre países soberanos e iguais em direitos.

 
  
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  Bas Eickhout, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, I think the words most heard in these last weeks are ‘wake-up call’ and ‘no business as usual’. These words at least are being used by everyone but the big question is, of course: what do we do with that? Are we really serious that we want a change of course, or is it just rhetoric that we are pretending to listen to citizens but then just continuing as we have always done? And I fear sometimes it is the latter.

If you listen to some of the Prime Ministers, they are saying that what Europe should do mainly is focus on the internal market and trade. That has been the message of Europe for decades. That was the message that Cameron was trying to get across to UK citizens. He lost on it. And I would almost like to say to those politicians who think that this would be the way to get out of this crisis: ‘It is not the economy, stupid’. It is not.

It is people not feeling that the EU is giving them social protection, people feeling that their society is losing its grip because there is no control over multinationals and that the countries have no idea how to gain control over this. That is the core of the problem and that is what we expect from Europe: to give protection to the people, to give social protection to the people, and that is where the EU needs to deliver. And that is why we need a change of course: in our economic governance, for example, which is still focused only on reducing debt. That needs to change. That is a reform that we are asking for, and that is very crucial.

But it is the same when you look at future challenges. The challenges of the future lie in our economy. It needs to be a resource-efficient economy. That is the future challenge that needs to be addressed and not to be looking back at the 20th century. And look at the reaction of a lot of leaders. They say now in the UK that they want to lower corporate tax to keep companies. Other countries want to get companies to come to their country. It is that race to the bottom that our citizens have rejected. And if we are not able to overcome this together – instead of a closed Council where there is no transparency, where they are just fighting for their national interests – if we cannot overcome that, then we can carry on saying for a long time that is not business as usual but, in the end, it is business as usual: a race to the bottom where our citizens are losing out.

 
  
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  David Borrelli, a nome del gruppo EFDD. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il Presidente Juncker, nel presentare il suo piano d'azione 2016, esordì con questa frase: "è il momento di andare oltre l'ordinaria amministrazione". E perché si riteneva utile e necessario andare oltre l'ordinaria amministrazione? Perché, ci disse Juncker, i cittadini si aspettano che l'UE faccia la differenza. Dopo un anno, quali risultati vediamo? In quali settori i nostri concittadini possono dire che l'UE abbia fatto la differenza? Per costruire un piano efficace e coerente per il 2017 è necessario rispondere a queste domande ed è necessario rispondere con concretezza, guardando in faccia alle situazioni.

Nessuno qui vuole negare che in questi mesi le istituzioni europee si siano trovate davanti a sfide importanti, a sfide nuove, a sfide anche inaspettate. Ma l'Unione ha fatto la differenza? Le dieci azioni chiave proposte dal piano di lavoro della Commissione 2016 hanno fatto la differenza? È evidente a tutti noi che alcuni risultati non si ottengono nel breve termine, che occorre tempo per vedere gli effetti consolidati nel campo dell'economia e della pacificazione di aree di crisi. Ma la direzione deve essere chiara e la velocità adeguata alle esigenze: alcune iniziative come l'economia circolare sono indicazioni positive e collaboreremo affinché vengano adeguatamente implementate. Ma la situazione in Europa è difficile e, per alcuni dei nostri paesi, addirittura grave. Occorre agire con una modalità più strategica, più coordinata e anche, a mio avviso, più comprensibile ai cittadini.

Un segnale forte voleva essere la creazione del Fondo strategico per gli investimenti ma nella sua attuazione è risultato mancante di un'anima e di una forte visione e ancora una volta i dati ci dicono quanto abbia premiato i più i paesi forti a scapito dei paesi più deboli. La direzione giusta è quella nella quale l'Unione aiuta l'Europa e gli europei a liberare e attivare energie; occorre che il piano di lavoro 2017 faccia la differenza nel creare un habitat favorevole a tanti e non solo a pochi, anche se eccellenti, a quanti chiedono semplicemente di essere liberati da oneri burocratici, tasse e pregiudizi per costruirsi una vita. La liquidità c'è: la Bce continua mettere soldi in circolazione. Facciamo in modo che vadano all'economia reale.

C'è poi un'Europa che guarda verso l'esterno e che ci preoccupa ancor di più. È il caso di un'Europa che si dota di una strategia globale ma non riesce più a dialogare con la Russia, se non attraverso lo strumento delle sanzioni. È un'Europa che chiude il corridoio balcanico, senza elaborare una strategia per contenere anche gli altri corridoi di transito dei migranti, come quello del Mediterraneo centrale. Il piano di lavoro del 2017 della Commissione sarà il piano centrale di tutta la legislatura. Quello che può avere la forza e il tempo di essere pienamente sviluppato nei due anni seguenti. Pretendiamo quindi che sia all'altezza dell'auspicio della Commissione stessa, ossia che ci consenta di dire, tra un anno, che questa volta la Commissione ha fatto veramente la differenza

Una battuta sola. Io non vedo alcuni non vedo nessun presidente di nessun gruppo. Viene continuamente attaccato l'onorevole Farage ma io sono copresidente del gruppo EFDD e sono l'unico presidente presente oggi in questa discussione, perché quando c'è da lavorare e da pianificare, io sono sempre presente. Quindi chiedo più rispetto per il mio ruolo.

 
  
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  Florian Philippot, au nom du groupe ENF. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le représentant de la Commission, mes chers collègues, jusqu'à quand continuerez-vous à répéter les mêmes phrases creuses, à proposer toujours les mêmes mesures délétères? Ne serez-vous jamais capables d'entendre et de comprendre ce que vous disent les peuples avec de plus en plus de force – ce qu'ils vous diront, d'ailleurs, une nouvelle fois, le 2 octobre prochain en Hongrie lors du référendum sur les épouvantables quotas de migrants que vous imposez au peuple?

Il me semble pourtant que la situation est claire. Le seul programme de travail de la Commission qui mériterait d'être discuté est celui préparant la dissolution concertée de l'Union européenne, à commencer par les accords de Schengen et par l'euro, au bénéfice des souverainetés nationales retrouvées et d'une saine coopération entre les nations.

La sidération manifestée en ces lieux mêmes à la suite du vote britannique et les propos de rage contre la démocratie et contre les peuples qui ont suivi montrent que vous n'avez pas prévu, et encore moins préparé, les modalités concrètes permettant à un État membre de sortir de l'Union européenne. Votre idéologie, évidemment, vous en empêche, alors que ce devrait être aujourd'hui votre priorité, car le vote britannique – soyez-en certains – ne sera pas une exception, mais le premier d'une longue série.

Les peuples d'Europe se sont réveillés et rien ne les arrêtera. L'incapacité complète des institutions européennes à se réformer et à écouter pour devenir utiles les condamne à disparaître. Les peuples veulent – que cela vous plaise ou non – retrouver leur souveraineté, leur liberté, le pouvoir de déterminer librement leur destin.

Alors, Monsieur le représentant de la Commission, faites savoir à M. Juncker que, plutôt que de s'entretenir avec les dirigeants des autres planètes, plutôt que de s'acharner avec une Europe largement rejetée par la majorité des peuples et que vous voulez imposer aujourd'hui simplement par l'intimidation, la terreur et la force, il devrait avec réalisme préparer la déconstruction européenne et la reconstruction des États-nations. Il pourrait aussi d'ailleurs – ce serait classe –, devant l'échec de sa Commission, s'excuser et démissionner.

Il n'est plus possible de continuer à nier le réel. Il ne sert à rien de chercher des arguties juridiques pour empêcher le Brexit. Oui, le Royaume—Uni va quitter l'Union européenne, et c'est heureux. D'autres suivront et, si une telle perspective vous brise le cœur, si vous n'arrivez pas à l'anticiper, mieux vaut pour vous tous, pour tout le monde, que vous renonciez de vous-même à une charge aussi lourde.

 
  
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  Ελευθέριος Συναδινός ( NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, δυστυχώς, ο κύριος Juncker και η Επιτροπή έχουν απογοητεύσει πλήρως, όχι τόσο από την ανικανότητά του ως Προέδρου της Επιτροπής, ο πρώτος, όσο από την παντελή έλλειψη αυτοκριτικής και ανάληψη ευθύνης. Θα ήταν τιμιότερο μετά από τόσες παταγώδεις αποτυχίες να παραιτηθεί, παρότι διατείνεται υπέρ της εκλογής του, αν μπορεί βέβαια να θεωρηθεί εκλογή, όταν υπάρχει μόνο ένας υποψήφιος. Στη χώρα μου αυτό ονομάζεται διορισμός υπαλλήλου, όχι εκλογή.

Να εξηγήσω με απλά λόγια τον ισχυρισμό μου: πέρυσι ο κύριος Juncker όταν παρουσίασε το αντίστοιχο πρόγραμμα του 2016, καταλήγοντας είχε αναφέρει ως τους πλέον σημαντικούς στόχους, την αντιμετώπιση της προσφυγής κρίσης, της ανεργίας, την εμβάθυνση της Νομισματικής Ένωσης, την εμπέδωση κλίματος ασφαλείας μετά την επίθεση στο Charlie, την αποκατάσταση σταθερότητας στην ελληνική οικονομία και μια δίκαιη συμφωνία με το Ηνωμένο Βασίλειο. Ένα χρόνο μετά, υπάρχει ανεξέλεγκτη μετανάστευση, η ανεργία καλπάζει, οι νέοι προχωρούν σε εσωτερική μετανάστευση στην Ελλάδα, κλείνουν οι επιχειρήσεις και υπάρχει έλεγχος τραπεζικών κεφαλαίων. Το λουτρό αίματος πολλαπλασιάστηκε στο Παρίσι, στις Βρυξέλλες και αλλού, ενώ οι Βρετανοί ψήφισαν την έξοδό τους από την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Κύριε Juncker, μάλλον είστε ακατάλληλος και, σε όρους αγοράς, θα έπρεπε να είχατε απολυθεί.

 
  
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  Andrzej Grzyb (PPE). – Po pierwsze, chciałbym stwierdzić, że tytuł dzisiejszej debaty dotyczący planu pracy na rok 2017 nabiera zupełnie nowego znaczenia w związku z wyjściem Wielkiej Brytanii z Unii Europejskiej. Po drugie, wszyscy pytamy, w jaki sposób powinniśmy działać. To pytanie jest obecne w państwach członkowskich, w Parlamencie, w Komisji Europejskiej, ale również wśród obywateli. Jak połączyć oczekiwania obywateli z rozwojem ekonomicznym? Po trzecie, na pewno dobrym wyznacznikiem jest reagowanie odpowiednio do skali problemów. Myślę, że maksymę „to be big on big things and small on small things” należy potraktować bardzo serio. Po czwarte, w działaniach legislacyjnych, jak i aktach wykonawczych Komisja powinna ograniczyć się do środków, które są niezbędne, zaś zrezygnować z takich, które obywatelom kojarzą się z przeregulowaniem, z biurokracją. Po piąte, tam gdzie do właściwego funkcjonowania wspólnego rynku nie jest konieczne ujednolicenie standardów, pozostawmy to państwom członkowskim; tam gdzie musimy konsolidować wspólny rynek, trzeba egzekwować europejskie standardy, na przykład bronić swobody przepływu osób czy świadczenia usług. Po szóste, przed nami stoją ważne dla wszystkich państw członkowskich i obywateli wyzwania, jak bezpieczeństwo energetyczne, tworzenie unii energetycznej, gospodarka cyfrowa czy rozpoczęte prace nad gospodarką o obiegu zamkniętym i wdrożeniem biogospodarki. To są miejsca pracy i to jest rozwój małych i średnich przedsiębiorstw.

 
  
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  Enrique Guerrero Salom (S&D). – Señor Presidente, hace dos años el Presidente Juncker presentó el decálogo de prioridades de la Comisión para este período. Desde entonces, se han sacudido las crisis en la Unión Europea: la crisis financiera, la crisis del euro, la crisis de los refugiados o las crisis de seguridad, que de alguna manera han interferido en el trabajo de la Comisión, pero es cierto que la Comisión ha ido trabajando de manera continuada en algunos asuntos que son menos visibles, que son insuficientes, pero que son básicamente positivos.

Lo que hace esta propuesta de Resolución es definir los grandes retos que tenemos por delante y pedir medidas europeas para responder a esos retos: al crecimiento insuficiente de nuestra economía, que es un crecimiento prolongadamente insuficiente y menor que el de otros competidores u otras grandes economías; al mantenimiento de un desempleo sostenido, insostenible en el ámbito de la juventud; a la desigualdad creciente dentro de la Unión; al deterioro de la cohesión territorial; a la pérdida de derechos laborales y de protección social; a la quiebra del respeto de las reglas democráticas en varios países de la Unión; a la solidaridad respecto a la cohesión territorial dentro de la Unión Europea; y al alejamiento de los ciudadanos.

Y esperamos que esas respuestas europeas, propiciadas por la Comisión, tengan el apoyo del Parlamento y del Consejo.

 
  
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  Ελένη Θεοχάρους ( ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, παρόλη όλη την πεσιμιστική διάθεση, την καχυποψία και τους κλυδωνισμούς, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση μπορεί να γίνει καλύτερη. Θα μιλήσω για κάποια ζητήματα που μπορούν να αυξήσουν την κλονισμένη εμπιστοσύνη των μικρών κρατών προς τις Βρυξέλλες, και βεβαίως καλωσορίζω τη δουλειά της Επιτροπής και των κρατών μελών, που ενεργά προάγουν τον πόλεμο εναντίον της φοροδιαφυγής.

Αλλά, θεωρώ ότι η πρόταση για ενιαίο εταιρικό φορολογικό συντελεστή είναι αντίθετη με την πρακτική του ελεύθερου ανταγωνισμού και δεν καταπολεμά, σε καμιά περίπτωση, την φοροδιαφυγή, ενώ με την αύξηση του εταιρικού φόρου, οι πλείστες εταιρείες θα στραφούν εκτός Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης με καταστροφικές συνέπειες για τα μικρά κράτη, και αναφέρομαι και στην Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία. Ήδη, το Λονδίνο μειώνει τον εταιρικό φόρο από 20% στο 15%.

Όσον αφορά τη μετανάστευση, η Επιτροπή οφείλει να παρακολουθεί στενά την εφαρμογή της συμφωνίας Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης-Τουρκίας και δεν πρέπει να προχωρήσει στην κατάργηση της θεώρησης τουρκικών διαβατηρίων, αν η Τουρκία δεν εκπληρώσει όλα τα κριτήρια. Αν δεν αναγνωρίσει την Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία και αν δεν εφαρμόσει όλες τις υποχρεώσεις της προς την Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία. Πρέπει, επίσης, να υπάρχει μηχανισμός αυτόματης αναστολής της κατάργησης της βίζας.

 
  
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  Marielle de Sarnez (ALDE). – Monsieur le Président, l'Europe est traversée par une crise sans précédent, qui risque de mettre à mal son avenir et de remettre en cause sa construction, alors même qu'elle est vitale. Cela, nous sommes nombreux à ne pas l'accepter. C'est pourquoi je voudrais tant que l'ensemble des institutions européennes – la Commission, le Conseil, notre Parlement – soient à la hauteur du moment que nous vivons. Il y a une chose qu'il faut éviter à tout prix, c'est continuer de faire comme si rien ne s'était passé, business as usual. C'est un risque majeur qui nous guette tous.

Le programme dont nous parlons aujourd'hui devrait être le contraire d'un catalogue, et il devrait tenir en un seul mot: reconstruire, refonder, réformer, repenser notre Union européenne, notre communauté européenne, lui redonner un horizon dans lequel les peuples se retrouveront. C'est la seule façon d'être au rendez-vous de l'histoire.

 
  
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  Martina Michels (GUE/NGL). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Was haben wir im letzten Jahr an Kommissionspolitik bekommen? Einen Türkeideal, der Menschenrechte mit Füßen tritt, nicht einmal den Ansatz einer gemeinsamen europäischen Flüchtlingspolitik, Rechtspopulisten sind auf dem Vormarsch, und inzwischen sind wir mit dem Brexit konfrontiert.

Das neue Arbeitsprogramm sollte eigentlich Auswege und Lösungsangebote aufzeigen. Aber wir stellen fest: Die Kommission ist erneut der Lage nicht gewachsen. Sie macht es sich auch 2017 im eigenen strategischen Buddelkasten gemütlich mit den Zauberworten Investitionsoffensive, die schon jetzt kaum überzeugt, und den sogenannten Instrumenten für eine bessere Rechtsetzung. Für sie gilt also: Weiter so! Man fragt sich: Ist das Starrsinn oder Blindheit? Tag für Tag entfernt sich die Europäische Union von ihren eigenen Werten und versinkt in den tiefen Gräben, die die großen Mitgliedstaaten gemeinsam mit der Kommission und dem Rat noch immer ausheben. Wachen Sie endlich auf!

 
  
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  Yannick Jadot (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Vice-président, effectivement, nous sommes tous sous le choc du Brexit et nous avons tous envie d'un sursaut de l'Union européenne, mais pas d'un sursaut verbal, qui réaffirme en permanence notre ambition pour l'Europe et qui, au fond, tente d'expliquer que les Européens n'ont toujours pas compris à quel point l'Union européenne était bonne pour eux, et qu'il faudrait simplement modifier notre communication ou faire comme d'habitude pour qu'enfin ils ressentent tous les bienfaits de l'Union européenne. Non, il faut modifier et réorienter le programme de travail de la Commission, et ainsi réorienter cette Union européenne.

Pour beaucoup de citoyens européens, l'Union européenne est devenue une petite mondialisation libérale et là, il y a deux options: soit l'Europe devient un vrai vecteur de régulation publique de la mondialisation et nous regagnerons en légitimité, soit tous les nationalismes gagneront. Quand vous voulez absolument le TAFTA et le CETA, vous continuez à transférer de la souveraineté démocratique européenne vers les firmes. Ce n'est pas cela qu'il faut faire. Vous parlez de transition énergétique et la Commission européenne, comme le Conseil, refuse d'avancer sur l'efficacité ou sur les renouvelables, qui produiraient pourtant des emplois partout sur notre territoire.

Nous sommes confrontés à une crise de la solidarité. C'est de l'investissement qu'il faut pour lutter contre la crise de la solidarité, et non toujours de l'austérité, des rappels à l'ordre et des budgets publics nationaux.

Vous voulez refonder l'Union européenne? Arrêtez de nous saouler avec des mots et produisez plutôt des actes et le Parlement sera partenaire.

 
  
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  Beatrix von Storch (EFDD). – Herr Präsident, meine Damen und Herren! Es geht jetzt also um ganz großes Kino: das Arbeitsprogramm der Kommission 2017. Einen gemeinsamen Entschließungsantrag aller Fraktionen dazu gibt es nicht, aber das ist vielleicht auch ein gutes Zeichen.

Das Ancien Régime ist am Ende. Die EU braucht neue Verträge und nicht die immer gleichen Arbeitsprogramme. Wir müssen umkehren und dürfen nicht so weitermachen wie bisher.

Im britischen Brexit-Referendum ist die ever closer union abgewählt worden, übrigens auch von denen, die gegen den Brexit waren. Das Gesicht dieser ever closer union ist Jean-Claude Juncker. Mit ihm an der Spitze wird es keine Reform geben. Deswegen sollte sich das Arbeitsprogramm der Kommission auf einen Punkt beschränken: Rücktritt von Jean-Claude Juncker. Machen Sie den Weg frei für eine neue Generation von EU-realistischen Politikern und für ein friedliches Europa der Nationen mit einem zollfreien Binnenmarkt!

 
  
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  Zoltán Balczó (NI). – Elnök Úr, ahhoz, hogy a Bizottság 2017-ben eredményeket tudjon felmutatni, változtatnia kell sok területen az eddigi felfogásán. Ha a gazdasági növekedésből munkahelyeket akar teremteni, akkor szakítani kell az eddigi neoliberális gazdaságpolitikával. A migránsválság kapcsán világossá kell tenni és érvényesíteni, hogy ez egy globális probléma, nem egyedül az Unió problémája, különös tekintettel az Egyesült Államokra, amelynek az Arab Tavasz kapcsán komoly felelőssége van az anarchia létrejöttében, és ezért a megoldásban is sokkal komolyabban részt kellene vállalnia. A Brexit kapcsán kevés, hogy a Bizottság levezényli a kilépés technikai részeit. A Bizottság rendelkezik azzal a szakértői háttérrel, amivel ki tud dolgozni változatokat egy teljesen új alapokon működő európai együttműködésre. És visszautasítom, hogy mi, akik ebben hiszünk, Európa-ellenesek lennénk vagy extremisták.

 
  
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  Alain Lamassoure (PPE). – Monsieur le Président, je développerai à partir de votre dernière phrase, qui était excellente. Ces derniers mois ont vu un phénomène sans précédent, une véritable compétition des États membres pour ne pas appliquer le droit de l'Union.

Il y a deux jours, le Premier ministre français a annoncé à la télévision qu'il n'appliquerait pas la prochaine directive sur le détachement des travailleurs si son contenu ne lui convenait pas. Hier, avant même de connaître la position de la Commission sur le sujet, le ministre français du commerce extérieur et son homologue allemand ont annoncé que le traité CETA serait soumis à la ratification de leur parlement national, parce que leur opinion publique ne comprendrait pas qu'un sujet aussi important soit confisqué par Bruxelles – l'horrible Bruxelles! Il y a quelques semaines, un référendum aux Pays—Bas a compromis l'accord de partenariat avec l'Ukraine. Aujourd'hui, le gouvernement hongrois entend s'appuyer sur un autre référendum pour ne pas appliquer le droit de l'Union.

Ainsi, les traités sont ouvertement violés et la représentativité de notre Parlement est contestée, même par certains pays fondateurs, y compris le mien. En septembre, le débat sur l'état de l'Union doit être l'occasion d'une réaction vigoureuse de la Commission et du Parlement pour mettre fin à cette fuite de nos gouvernements devant leurs responsabilités européennes.

 
  
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  Pervenche Berès (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Vice-président, vous avez conclu votre intervention en disant qu'au fond, ce qui était en magasin devait être poursuivi. Or, la majorité du peuple britannique s'est prononcé en faveur du Brexit.

Mon groupe soutient l'action de votre Commission sur la base d'un contrat informel, dont l'idée était de mettre en œuvre un plan d'investissement. Il me semble que le temps est venu de renouveler ce contrat et d'en redéfinir les termes à la suite de ce Brexit, car vous vous êtes engagé à réformer la directive sur le détachement des travailleurs qui fait tant de dégâts dans mon pays et dans beaucoup d'autres pays de l'Union européenne.

Alors, oui, il est de votre responsabilité d'aller de l'avant et de faire en sorte que ceux qui se sont opposés à cette révision de la directive sur le détachement des travailleurs n'aient pas raison et que le droit l'emporte pour que cette révision ait lieu. C'est sur la base de ces éléments que nous pourrons renouveler le contrat de confiance qui nous unit.

 
  
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  Δημήτριος Παπαδημούλης ( GUE/NGL). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Timmermans, η ευρωπαϊκή ενοποίηση αντιμετωπίζει μια μεγάλη κρίση που την απειλεί με αποσύνθεση, για αυτό και χρειάζεται επειγόντως μια μεγάλη αλλαγή, ώστε να ξαναγίνει καλύτερη, ελκυστική για τους πολίτες, και όχι αναβλητικότητα, αμηχανία και «business as usual» από την Επιτροπή.

Αυτό σημαίνει επενδύσεις, ανάπτυξη, απασχόληση και όχι αιώνια λιτότητα που αυξάνει την ανεργία και τη φτώχεια. Ενίσχυση της κοινωνικής και περιφερειακής συνοχής, και όχι διαρκή αύξηση των ανισοτήτων υπέρ των ισχυρών. Διαφάνεια και δημοκρατική λογοδοσία και όχι αποφάσεις γραφειοκρατών πίσω από κλειστές πόρτες.

Για να αναχαιτίσουμε την άνοδο της λαϊκίστικης άκρας δεξιάς που διεκδικεί τη διάλυση της ευρωπαϊκής ενοποίησης χρειάζεται να αλλάξουμε σελίδα τώρα, και όχι νέες αναβολές. Κύριε Timmermans, δεν υπάρχει περιθώριο για ατολμία, αναβλητικότητα και διατήρηση του στάτους κβο.

 
  
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  Max Andersson (Verts/ALE). – Herr talman! Det vi gör nu är att diskutera parlamentets inspel för kommissionens arbete nästa år. Man hade kunnat förvänta sig att Brexit-omröstningen borde ha gett större avtryck, för en liten smula självreflektion om EU:s problem. Varför har ett land bestämt sig för att lämna? Är det verkligen vettigt att nu kräva ännu mer centralisering och en kraftig ökning av EU-budgeten? Jag tror inte det. Brexit-omröstningen borde vara en väckarklocka som får oss att inse att EU lider av en legitimitetskris. Men istället vill EU-parlamentet trycka på snooze-knappen. Det vi behöver nu är en ordentlig diskussion om EU:s demokratiska problem. Vi behöver decentralisering, vi behöver demokratisering och vi behöver trygghetsgarantier för icke-euroländerna, som får dem att känna att EU är till för alla sina medlemmar.

 
  
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  Tunne Kelam (PPE). – Mr President, I would say to Mr Timmermans that I admire his determination and what I would term his enthusiasm in presenting the Commission’s programme at a difficult time.

I will make some remarks. One of the main challenges for the next year remains that of increasing security threats. Parliament’s resolution points out that common security and defence policy cannot remain the weakest link in the EU integration process. The gap between the official ambition to act as a geopolitical player and the real political capacity to do this still looms large. The EU cannot limit itself to the role of a Good Samaritan, taking care of the results of the Middle East crisis instead of actively heeding its root causes.

My second point is that continuing sanctions on Russia is a question of principle until the Minsk agreements are fully complied with. It is a crucial test of the EU’s credibility – the credibility of its value—based impact in the wider world.

Thirdly, I see positive moves on the digital market and e-governance, but let me point out that one of the best way to connect with citizens is by promoting in deeds – not just in intentions – cross—border and interoperable e-health, online business dealings and e—signatures. By the way, Estonia saves a whole working week a year through e—signatures. I hope that by the next European elections an e—vote will be available for all EU citizens.

 
  
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  Tanja Fajon (S&D). – Vsi si prizadevamo za konstruktivni dialog in rešitve. Resolucija, ki jo moramo sprejeti jutri, je najboljši možni kompromis. Potrebujemo, kot ste rekli, zelo jasne prioritete.

Imamo izjemne izzive za gospodarstvo, ključna so delovna mesta, gospodarska rast. Ključna je tudi oživitev zaupanja. Nujno moramo danes pridobiti srca naših državljanov. Zato potrebujemo dobro socialno varnost.

Ustaviti moramo trend, ki vodi v zelo nevarno izolacijo in zapiranje meja. In nacionalne vlade morajo prevzeti odgovornost za vso Evropo. Zagotoviti moramo varnost ljudem in se boriti proti grožnjam nacionalistične in nevarne skrajno desne retorike.

Brexit ne pomeni nič dobrega za prihodnost, ampak veseli me, da večina Evropejcev danes ne bi sledila temu zgledu. Slovenci so v zadnji raziskavi dejali, da je 14 let članstva pozitivno vplivalo na našo državo. In želim, da to prepričanje z dobrimi zavezami le še okrepimo.

 
  
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  Tania González Peñas (GUE/NGL). – Señor Presidente, Señorías, tengo la impresión de que cuando leo un texto de la Comisión sobre el futuro de Europa hay que leerlo en clave: allí donde dice «gobernanza» debemos leer «desigualdad», y donde se habla de «cohesión» quiere decir «trato preferente».

Sin duda, algo falla entre los planes que proponen y los objetivos para 2020, que deben ahondar en una mayor integración europea, que ponga en primer lugar la cohesión social. Pero esto entra en contradicción con el mantra obsesivo de la Comisión de «austeridad y recortes».

Es inaceptable, ¡inaceptable!, que la Comisión plantee imponer una sanción a España y Portugal por incumplimiento de déficit. Es inaceptable porque ha habido otros países que han incumplido mucho más que España y Portugal, pero lo hacen con España para justificar las políticas antisociales que de buen gusto el Gobierno español quiere aplicar, porque están utilizando las instituciones públicas para defender sus proyectos políticos, que ponen a los ciudadanos y las ciudadanas de Europa en el último lugar.

Y es inaceptable porque la causa de que no haya una recuperación económica en España es precisamente haber aplicado esas políticas que están ahogando a la ciudadanía y que en Europa han generado ya más de 123 millones de pobres.

 
  
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  Eduard Kukan (PPE). – Počas tohto plenárneho zasadnutia diskutujeme aj o mnohých náročných úlohách, ktoré stoja pred Európskou komisiou. Také, ako je globálna stratégia, otázka migrácie a bezpečnosti hraníc. Budeme sa musieť tiež vyrovnať s Brexitom a potrebou reformy Únie. V týchto otázkach by sme mali preukázať kredibilitu a schopnosť reagovať na meniacu sa situáciu.

Kredibilné postavenie musíme obhájiť tiež vo svete a predovšetkým voči našim najbližším partnerom. Nemôžeme si dovoliť stratiť dosah na to, čo sa deje okolo nás. Stabilita v našom susedstve je priamoúmerná našej bezpečnosti. Európska únia musí mať jasno v adresovaní a riešení zahraničných problémov. Naše vnútorné politiky potrebujú jasnú a silnú externú dimenziu. Táto koncepcia musí byť prítomná predovšetkým v otázkach energetiky, transportu, ale taktiež bezpečnosti, či v otázkach prístupu k jednotnému trhu.

V nasledujúcom roku musíme posilniť naše postavenie aj v susedskej politike a voči našim partnerom na západnom Balkáne. Únia musí byť stabilizačným prvkom pre tieto regióny. Komisia by preto mala používať dostupné inštrumenty v podpore stability, demokracie, mobility a trhového hospodárstva. Je však nevyhnutné, aby sme boli schopní jednotne politicky reagovať na vývoj vo svete, ako aj v našom najbližšom susedstve.

 
  
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  Jutta Steinruck (S&D). – Herr Präsident! Kein „weiter so!“ muss die Antwort sein. Das Arbeitsprogramm der Kommission muss aus den Zweifeln vieler Europäerinnen und Europäer Konsequenzen ziehen. Ich bin fest davon überzeugt, dass die Ursachen dieser Zweifel nicht nur in den Mitgliedstaaten liegen, sondern auch an der Politik der Kommission, die oft – zu oft – an den Bedürfnissen der Menschen vorbeigeht.

Die Ängste der Menschen in Europa resultieren vielfach aus sozialen Unsicherheiten. Konkrete Politik muss Antworten auf die Fragen und die Zweifel der Menschen finden, und hier muss schnell gehandelt werden, aber in die richtige Richtung.

Europa braucht eine soziale Dimension. Zu viele Menschen sind ohne Arbeit, arm trotz Arbeit oder leben in Armut ohne Perspektive. Da muss Europa konkret handeln, und das muss sich auch im Arbeitsprogramm der Kommission niederschlagen. Die Bürgerinnen und Bürger in Europa müssen spürbare Verbesserungen durch unsere Politik auch fühlen.

 
  
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  Νικόλαος Χουντής ( GUE/NGL). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Αντιπρόεδρε της Επιτροπής, πριν ακριβώς από ένα χρόνο, ο κύριος Juncker, προσωπικά, απέστειλε στην Ελλάδα ένα επαίσχυντο τηλεγράφημα-τελεσίγραφο για να επιλέξουμε ανάμεσα στην οικονομική και κοινωνική λεηλασία του τρίτου μνημονίου ή την έξοδο από την ευρωζώνη. Ο ελληνικός λαός, όμως, δεν υπέκυψε ούτε στο τελεσίγραφο το δικό σας, ούτε στους εκβιασμούς του κυρίου Draghi με τις κλειστές τράπεζες. Με υπερηφάνεια και με ποσοστό 62%, απέρριψε τους εκβιασμούς Juncker, Draghi, Schäuble και σήμερα απορρίπτει την κυβέρνηση ΣΥΡΙΖΑ που απέρριψε και αντέστρεψε το αποτέλεσμα του δημοψηφίσματος.

Κύριε αντιπρόεδρε, δεν είστε η Επιτροπή των μεταρρυθμίσεων, που είπατε χθες και σήμερα. Αυτή η Ευρώπη του αυταρχισμού, των πολιτικών εκβιασμών, της φοροαπάτης των πολυεθνικών, των εθνικισμών και της ξενοφοβίας δεν αλλάζει και δεν μεταρρυθμίζεται. Το αποδείξατε με τα δημοψηφίσματα τα προηγούμενα, το δημοψήφισμα της Ελλάδας, το δημοψήφισμα της Βρετανίας. Το αποδεικνύετε με τα πρόστιμα που απειλείτε τη Γαλλία, την Ισπανία και την Πορτογαλία.

Οι λαοί της Ευρώπης θέλουν εργασία και δικαιώματα, όσα κόλπα κι αν κάνετε εσείς και οι νέοι σας φίλοι, όπως ο Έλληνας πρωθυπουργός, θα βρίσκεστε σε ένα συνεχές δημοψήφισμα με τους λαούς της Ευρώπης να σας απορρίπτουν μονίμως.

 
  
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  Γεώργιος Κύρτσος ( PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, νομίζω ότι το Brexit βάζει την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και τους ευρωπαϊκούς θεσμούς σε μια νέα εποχή και αυτό πρέπει να αρχίσει να φαίνεται περισσότερο στο πρόγραμμα εργασίας της Επιτροπής για το 2017. Οι Βρετανοί φίλοι μας είναι ανοιχτά μυαλά στα οικονομικά ζητήματα, είναι σταθερά υπέρ των δυνάμεων της αγοράς, έχουν μια παγκοσμιοποιημένη λογική και πρωταγωνιστούν στην καινοτομία. Όλα αυτά, πρέπει να τα αναδείξουμε με το δικό μας τρόπο στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, για να γίνουμε πιο ανταγωνιστικοί. Σε ένα χρόνο από τώρα θα διαπιστώσουμε ότι το Ηνωμένο Βασίλειο θα μετεξελιχθεί από ισχυρή χώρα μέλος, σε ισχυρό ανταγωνιστή της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Ήδη, έχουν γίνει οι πρώτες κινήσεις, όπως η απόφαση του υπουργού Οικονομικών κυρίου Οsborne να προγραμματίσει τη μείωση της φορολογίας των κερδών των επιχειρήσεων από το 20% στο 15%.

Χρειαζόμαστε, λοιπόν, μια πιο ευέλικτη δυναμική, αποτελεσματική και ανταγωνιστική Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση στα ζητήματα της οικονομίας. Διαφορετικά, θα χάσουμε ένα μέρος των δυνατοτήτων μας, θα μείνουμε ακόμη πιο πίσω στον ανταγωνισμό με τις ΗΠΑ και την Κίνα και κυρίως δεν θα μπορέσουμε να χρηματοδοτήσουμε το κράτος πρόνοιας.

Το Brexit πραγματοποιήθηκε με πολιτικούς όρους, από τα δεξιά, και πολλοί συνάδελφοι προτείνουν μια απάντηση ευρωπαϊκή με στροφή της πολιτικής μας προς τα αριστερά. Θεωρώ ότι βρίσκονται σε μεγάλη πολιτική σύγχυση.

 
  
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  Patrizia Toia (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, questo è il programma per il 2017, l'anno in cui noi celebreremo i 60 anni dei Trattati di Roma e ci troveremo davanti allo specchio, in un momento della verità su quale Europa vogliamo: quella più integrata, più solidale, più unita, che è la vera Europa? O l'Europa che si manifesta molto preoccupante, con una riappropriazione degli Stati della loro sovranità, una rivendicazione che è una fuga dalle responsabilità europee? Un'Europa divisa tra Visegrad, da un lato, e i direttori, dall'altro? O un'Europa che cerca faticosamente di avvicinare le storie, i popoli, gli interessi legittimi, alla ricerca di un'unità, di un interesse comune europeo?

Ecco io penso che noi dovremo decidere: stiamo fermi, aspettiamo le elezioni oggi di un paese, domani di un altro o decidiamo? Credo che sia il momento di decidere. Il programma deve essere ambizioso: i contenuti ci sono, il piano della Mogherini, tante altre cose. Quello che a me preoccupa è se c'è, anche in questo Parlamento, non solo nella Commissione, una volontà politica dei gruppi che credono al futuro dell'Europa, di lavorare insieme, in modo ambizioso, in modo avanzato. Questo è il punto difficile! La storia dell'Europa è nelle nostre mani, oggi, in gran parte, almeno. Dipenderà da noi se sapremo davvero indirizzarla nella giusta direzione.

 
  
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  Krišjānis Kariņš (PPE). – Priekšsēdētāja kungs! Komisāra kungs! Ja kāds piesaka laulības šķiršanu, varbūt pirmā reakcija ir dusmas: “Kā tā var būt?!” Bet prātīgāk ir nevis dusmoties, ja kāds grib iet prom, bet uzdot jautājumu, kāpēc vispār kāds gribētu iet prom no Eiropas Savienības.

Manuprāt, mums ir viena grūtība — mēs Eiropā nepietiekami darām to, kas mums būtu jādara. Pārāk daudz darām tās lietas, ko neviens faktiski nepieprasa.

Kas ir Eiropas Savienības pamatu pamats? Tas ir brīvais jeb vienotais tirgus. Manuprāt, Eiropas Komisijai būtu jāpieliek visi spēki un koncentrācija, lai tieši veicinātu tos likumus, tos likumdošanas aktus, kas atbrīvos tirgu, kas dos cilvēkiem darba vietas, kas viņus nodrošinās un līdz ar to palīdzēs viņus padarīt laimīgākus un atkal ticēt Eiropas projektam, un tai vajadzētu mazāk darīt vai vispār nedarīt tās lietas, kam nav saistības ar vienoto tirgu. Mēs zinām, ka digitālajā sfērā mums ir, ko darīt. Enerģētikas jomā mums ir, ko darīt. Mēs zinām, ka, piemēram, ar mobilajiem sakariem jau esam daudz ko panākuši, kopīgiem spēkiem pazeminot cenas. Tātad koncentrēsimies uz Eiropas pamatu pamatu — uz vienoto tirgu.

 
  
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  Alojz Peterle (PPE). – Eden od razlogov, zakaj so nekateri državljani razočarani nad Evropsko zvezo, je tudi ta, da pričakujejo več od tega, ker smo skupaj v Evropski zvezi. Našo politično voljo moramo uresničevati na tak način, da bodo državljani videli očitne rezultate sodelovanja.

Omeniti pa moram nekaj, kar ni samo sektorsko vprašanje, ki me vse bolj zaskrbljuje in je že dolgo časa podcenjen skupni izziv – mislim na zdravje. Zdravstveni indikatorji se na splošno slabšajo, še posebej, ko gre za raka, diabetes in druge kronične bolezni. V stanju našega zdravja se sintetično odraža vse, kar smo v preteklosti delali narobe, tako na osebni kot tudi na kolektivni ravni. In več Evrope ne bomo zgradili z manj zdravja.

Zdravje ni samo ena najpomembnejših vrednot evropskih državljanov, je tudi predpogoj za zdravo družbo in uspešno ekonomijo. Zdravi ljudje bodo lažje razvijali svoje potenciale, ustvarjali in inovirali, kar je osrednje gonilo ustvarjanja delovnih mest in za doseganje gospodarske rasti.

Zato bi morali vlogo Evropske zveze in držav članic pri premagovanju javnozdravstvenih izzivov razumeti tudi v smislu konvergence zdravstvenih rezultatov. Lotiti se moramo velikih razlik v zdravju državljanov med državami članicami z ambiciozno razlago Lizbonske pogodbe.

Menim, da je potrebno, da Komisija začne pripravljati vzpodbude za zasledovanje in konvergenco zdravstvenih ciljev, podoben evropskemu semestru.

Zdravje mora postati temelj in prioriteta, če želimo biti konkurenčni.

 
  
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  Silvia Costa (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il 2017, 60° anniversario dei trattati di Roma, deve essere un anno di svolta per la salvezza dell'Europa. Serve un vero New Deal politico, come è stato detto da Timmermans, per l'Unione, dopo la ferita del Brexit e l'incapacità di rispondere alle sfide sociali e umanitarie. Con il nuovo dialogo istituzionale dobbiamo non solo cambiare le priorità dell'agenda europea ma ricostruire le basi della cittadinanza, della solidarietà e della speranza, a partire dal pilastro dei diritti sociali che ha alla base educazione e cultura, come condizione di libertà, di uguaglianza, di buona occupazione, ma anche della convivenza civile.

Oggi scopriamo dolorosamente che, senza investire in educazione e in cultura, non ci sarà né politica di crescita ma nemmeno politica estera, migratoria o della sicurezza e, in questo quadro, apprezziamo la nuova strategia per una diplomazia culturale della Mogherini, a partire dall'area mediterranea e l'agenda per le competenze. Ma dobbiamo investire di più nel 2017. Serve anche un New Deal per il bilancio: ormai è urgente attivare risorse proprie e misure efficaci contro l'evasione e l'elusione fiscale anche dei grandi attori della rete, per garantire risorse alle nuove politiche e rilanciare il programma finanziario pluriennale e di sviluppo.

 
  
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  Arne Lietz (S&D). – Herr Präsident! In ihrem Arbeitsprogramm für 2016 hat die Europäische Kommission betont, dass der Klimawandel eine effektive gemeinsame Außenpolitik notwendig macht. Jedoch greift die kürzlich vorgestellte globale Strategie der EU diese Forderung leider nur am Rande auf. Was fehlt, sind klare Aussagen darüber, wie die EU klimapolitische Anliegen in ihre außenpolitischen Handlungsfelder integrieren kann, beispielsweise in der Sicherheitspolitik, in der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, aber auch in der Handelspolitik. Ich fordere die Europäische Kommission dazu auf, dies in ihrem Arbeitsprogramm für 2017 zu berücksichtigen.

Auch das Europäische Parlament – also wir – kann einen wichtigen Beitrag zum Erfolg der außenpolitischen Klimadiplomatie leisten. Zum Beispiel können wir Europaabgeordnete unsere Gesprächspartner auf Delegationsreisen systematisch zum Stand der Umsetzung des Pariser Übereinkommens und dessen Einbeziehung in die nationalen Strategien zu den entwicklungspolitischen Zielen 2030 befragen. Dies sollte aber in enger Abstimmung mit den verantwortlichen Kommissionsbereichen und dem Europäischen Auswärtigen Dienst geschehen. Hierfür brauchen wir eine Strategie für europäische Klimadiplomatie, für die ich mich im AFET-Ausschuss starkmache und einsetze.

 
  
 

Presidente. – Visto il ritardo accumulato non posso concedere la procedura catch-the-eye.

 
  
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  Frans Timmermans, First Vice-President of the Commission. – Mr President, I have come here today to listen to Parliament’s views on the Commission Work Programme for next year. Now, we are just before the time when Parliament needs to vote, so that is why the Chamber is filling up, and it is quite a sight to see all of you here.

I mention this because, all too often in the last couple of months, something seems to have been forgotten, and that is that 751 Europeans have been elected to directly represent citizens from 28 different nations in all their diversity, with all their differences and their different outlooks and lives: you all come together here in this Chamber to look for majorities to take decisions. That is the essence of representative democracy: that you decide by majority, just as the British people have decided by majority to leave the European Union. That decision needs to be respected. But, likewise, those who only shouted during the years they were here in this Parliament should have had more respect for the majority in this Parliament, whose decisions are just as legitimised by the voters who went to vote for them.

And please, I call on all of you, now that I have the opportunity to speak to so many of you, do not let your democratic mandate be ridiculed or diminished. Stand up for it. You are the representatives of more than 500 million people. Be proud of it, stand up for it and do not let those people tell you do not represent the people.

(Loud applause)

As for those of you out there who have asked for the head of Jean-Claude Juncker: that is politically weak, morally questionable, intellectually lazy ...

(Heckling)

Is that all you have offer? Destroy for the sake of destruction rather than build something for your citizens?

(Loud applause)

If there is one man in our European institutions who has listened very carefully to the majority in this Parliament, who has tuned and changed his propositions and his priorities on the basis of a majority in this Parliament, it is Jean-Claude Juncker, and he deserves the respect of this Parliament and others for this attitude, which is entirely and fundamentally democratic at European level.

I repeat: our people, the people you represent, are worried about the future, are concerned about those who represent them, are anxious. If it were only the European institutions they were challenging, that would be wonderful. We could get rid of the institutions and everything would be okay.

(Interjection from the floor: ‘Hear hear!’)

But look at what has happened, ‘Hear hear! Look at what is happening now in the UK. Look at what is happening to the pound and your economy. Are you happy with that? I would not be happy with that, looking back on it.

(Loud applause)

What we have seen is that political choices have real consequences for real people. These are not games we are playing. As politicians you have responsibility. Face up to them. Do not run away when you are scared of the consequences of your actions.

(Loud applause)

And that, ladies and gentlemen, is what distinguishes Jean-Claude Juncker fundamentally from people like Farage and others. When things get tough, he starts working. He puts his back into it. He does not run away. That is the difference between him and you, Sir.

So yes, we will focus and reorient our work programme on the basis of what a majority in this Parliament tells us to do, not on account of those who, because they are too weak to find majorities in a democratic way, always referred to a mythical ‘people’. Let democracy work. Get the votes. And shouting at me will not make your position stronger.

Let me end on this, ladies and gentlemen: never be intimidated by big mouths. Never be intimidated by insults. Listen carefully to the real concerns of our voters. They are not happy with us. We need to change our ways. We need to do better, but walking away is not the answer. Providing concrete solutions for concrete problems is the answer, and the Commission is your partner to make this happen this year and next year.

(The House accorded the speaker a standing ovation)

 
  
 

Presidente. – Comunico di aver ricevuto 7 proposte di risoluzione a conclusione della discussione.

 
  
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  Bronis Ropė (Verts/ALE), raštu. – Gerbiami kolegos, man kyla klausimas ar mes ko nors pasimokėme iš Brexit? Bendras pasiūlymo dėl rezoliucijos tekstas iš ties suteikia vilčių. Pirmiausia tekste nedviprasmiškai pripažįstama, kad padaryta klaidų atliepiant tikruosius piliečių poreikius, o užsitęsusi krizė privertė nemenką dalį piliečių suabejoti Europos Sąjungos demokratinėmis institucijomis. Rezoliucijoje akcentuojama ir būtinybė aktyviau kurti energetinę sąjungą, įgyvendinti Paryžiaus klimato kaitos tikslus, kurti tvarias darbo vietas. Galėčiau vardinti ir vardinti skambias frazes, bet kas slypi po jomis? Kur yra realūs pasiūlymai, aiškios priemonės? Vargu ar jų galima daug rasti. Greičiausiai daugelis sutiks, kad velnias slypi detalėse. O būtent jų čia ir stengiamasi išvengti. Nes tuomet kiltų nesutarimai ir tarp tų, kurie tiki Europos Sąjunga ir jos ateitimi. Taigi iš vienos pusės rezoliucija dėl Europos Komisijos 2017 metų programos galime vertinti kaip žingsnį į priekį. Tačiau kita vertus visuomet verta užduoti klausimą ar šis žingsnis yra pakankamas.

 
  
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  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. – Turiu kelis konkrečius klausimus dėl Komisijos darbo programos ateinantiems metams: pirma, Komisija gegužės mėnesį paskelbė rekomendacijas valstybėms narėms, kuriose ji pabrėžė, kad valstybės narės neįgyvendina 2013 m. Rekomendacijos dėl investicijų į vaikus, o vaikų skurdas tik dar labiau auga ir dabar Europoje skursta apie 27 milijonai vaikų. Tai tik dar kartą įrodo, kad valstybės narės nepajėgios kovoti su vaikų skurdu. Taigi, ar Komisija nemano, kad būtina sukurti konkrečią priemonę su tam nustatytu biudžetu, t. y. Vaikų garantiją, pagal kurią kiekvienas vaikas galėtų gauti nemokamas sveikatos ir vaikų priežiūros, ugdymo, deramo apgyvendinimo ir tinkamos mitybos paslaugas? Europos Parlamento dauguma jau priėmė savo pranešime, jog tokia garantija yra būtina, nes vienos valstybės narės nesugeba kovoti su vaikų skurdu. Todėl labai tikiuosi, kad Komisija 2017 m. programoje įsipareigos kovoti su vaikų skurdu konkrečiomis priemonėmis. Antra, Taryba prieš kelias savaites paskelbė rekomendacijas, kad būtina imtis visų reikiamų priemonių, kad darbuotojai (tiek vyrai, tiek moterys) suderintų darbą, asmeninį ir šeiminį gyvenimą. Taigi, kada tiksliai Komisija planuoja paskelbti teisinių ir neteisinių priemonių paketą šioje srityje, nes jau 2016 m. savo darbo programoje Komisija įsipareigojo tai padaryti?

 
  
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  Nicola Caputo (S&D), per iscritto. – L'occupazione deve continuare ad essere la priorità assoluta della Commissione. Vanno programmati investimenti per favorire la transizione ad un'economia digitale innovativa e per determinare il recupero della competitività del nostro sistema delle imprese agevolando l'accesso ai capitali e ponendo in essere efficaci politiche di protezione dei diritti di proprietà intellettuale. Nel settore energetico va realizzata effettivamente l'Unione energetica per garantire sicurezza energetica ed energia sostenibile a prezzi accettabili per cittadini e imprese. Per meglio affrontare la crisi migratoria va rafforzata, come stiamo facendo, la cooperazione con i paesi di transito e di origine dei flussi migratori e istituiti programmi efficaci per il reinsediamento dei richiedenti asilo. Infine su terrorismo e radicalizzazione va monitorata l'attuazione delle misure di contrasto al terrorismo muovendo dall'auspicabile cooperazione giudiziaria e di polizia alla condivisione delle informazioni tra le autorità nazionali Europol ed Eurojust e contrastando le tendenze emergenti sul finanziamento del terrorismo.

 
  
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  Κώστας Χρυσόγονος ( GUE/NGL), γραπτώς. – Η συζήτηση για το πρόγραμμα της Ευρωπαϊκής Επιτροπής του έτους 2017 πρέπει να έχει ως αφετηρία τους διακηρυγμένους από την ίδια στόχους της.

Ο πρώτος ήταν η δημιουργία θέσεων εργασίας και η προώθηση της οικονομικής ανάπτυξης και για την υλοποίησή του ιδρύθηκε το Ευρωπαϊκό Ταμείο Στρατηγικών Επενδύσεων. Έως σήμερα, όμως, το μεγαλύτερο μέρος των επενδυτικών προγραμμάτων που εγκρίθηκαν κατευθύνθηκε στις οικονομικά ισχυρότερες χώρες, ενώ οι ασθενέστερες παραμένουν στο περιθώριο.

Ενδεικτικά στην Ελλάδα, η οποία υπέφερε περισσότερο από κάθε άλλο κράτος-μέλος την τελευταία δεκαετία, χάνοντας πάνω από το 25% του εθνικού της εισοδήματος και σχεδόν το ένα τέταρτο των θέσεων εργασίας, έχουν εγκριθεί μέχρι στιγμής μόνο δύο προγράμματα και συνάφθηκαν τρεις συμφωνίες χρηματοδότησης μικρομεσαίων επιχειρήσεων. Το αναμενόμενο αποτέλεσμα είναι η δημιουργία μόλις 100 (!) θέσεων εργασίας.

Η χρηματοδότηση των προγραμμάτων αυτών από το Ταμείο ανέρχεται στο τραγικά ανεπαρκές ποσό των 18 εκατομμυρίων ευρώ, ενώ την ίδια στιγμή π.χ. για το Βέλγιο, χώρα με πληθυσμό μικρότερο της Ελλάδας, αλλά πολύ ισχυρότερη οικονομία, η χρηματοδότηση φθάνει ήδη στα 78 εκατομμύρια ευρώ. Χρειάζεται, συνεπώς, ανασχεδιασμός των δράσεων και των κριτηρίων χρηματοδότησης του Ταμείου, αν σκοπός του είναι να ενισχύσει αυτούς που πραγματικά έχουν ανάγκη και όχι να επιδεινώσει περαιτέρω τις ήδη υφιστάμενες οικονομικές ανισότητες.

 
  
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  Maria Lidia Senra Rodríguez (GUE/NGL), por escrito. – Algumas urgências para este programa de trabalho: implementar uma estratégia para a erradicação da violência machista; acabar com as políticas de austeridade e com a dívida ilegítima que atenaza os povos periféricos da UE; retirar o Relatório dos Cinco Presidentes, que aprofunda as políticas de austeridade e o aumento da competitividade, incrementando o desemprego, a pobreza e a exclusão social; revogar o Tratado de Estabilidade Orçamental, o Pacto Orçamental e o Semestre Europeu, para que cada país possa escolher políticas económicas de acordo com as suas necessidades; retirar as sanções aos Estados por não cumprirem as exigências em matéria de défice orçamental; proteger os serviços públicos de qualidade, como o ensino e a saúde, recuperando partes que já foram privatizadas — na Galiza, consideramos imprescindível recuperar tudo o que foi privatizado no sistema de saúde, como o laboratório central ou as histórias clínicas; promover políticas ativas de emprego; promover uma mudança profunda na política agrícola (PAC) e das pescas (PPC), que permita manter e aumentar os postos de trabalho diretos e indiretos em dois setores que constituem o pilar da soberania alimentar; parar os acordos comerciais que são prejudiciais para as classes populares e que comprometem a soberania dos povos, como o TTIP, o CETA e o TISA.

 
  
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  Ivo Vajgl (ALDE), pisno. – Resolucija o sodelovanju med Evropskim parlamentom in Evropsko komisijo predstavlja seznam prioritet dela Komisije v letu 2017. Zato me preseneča popolna neambicioznost dokumenta na področju demografskih sprememb in medgeneracijskega sodelovanja. To so področja, ki jih resolucija skoraj ne omenja.

Nerazumljivo in nesprejemljivo je, da v obdobju, ko se Evropa sooča s velikimi demografskimi spremembami, evropske institucije niso pripravljene nameniti več pozornosti staranju prebivalstva in sprejetju ukrepov, ki bodo pripomogli k zagotavljanju in ohranjanju osnovnega dostojanstva starejših generacij.

Še vedno pogrešamo strategijo, ki se bo odzvala na demografske spremembe na nivoju Evrope oziroma Evropske unije. In to kljub temu, da strokovnjaki opozarjajo, da brez ustreznih politik na področju medgeneracijskega sodelovanja lahko pričakujemo stalni konflikt med mladimi in starejšo populacijo.

Medtem, ko se na ravni Združenih narodov povečuje podpora mednarodnemu dokumentu katerega namen bi bil zaščiti osnovne človekove pravice starejših, Evropska unija zaenkrat ne zaznava te potrebe.

Glede na navedeno menim, da institucije Evropske unije zamujajo s potrebnimi ukrepi na področju demografskih sprememb. Resolucija o delu Evropske komisije za leto 2017 bi področju zaščite pravic starejših in medgeneracijskega sodelovanja morala posvetiti pozornost, ki gre problemu strateške veljave.

 
  
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  Carlos Zorrinho (S&D), por escrito. – A Comissão Europeia falhou nos seus primeiros dois anos de mandato o objetivo de arrancar a UE da estagnação provocada pela crise económica e financeira e pela falta de solidariedade interna. O debate e a aprovação pelo Parlamento Europeu de uma resolução que identifica prioridades estratégicas para o programa de trabalho da Comissão Europeia em 2017 constituem um contributo importante para um novo impulso no projeto europeu. As prioridades estratégicas definidas são adequadas aos desafios que a UE enfrenta - melhorar as condições de vida dos europeus, reforçar a economia, responder às oportunidades associadas à transição energética e à revolução digital, integrar os refugiados, completar a União Económica e Monetária, desenvolver uma política externa ambiciosa e combater a evasão fiscal. Estas prioridades estratégicas têm que passar do papel para a vida concreta dos cidadãos europeus. A Comissão tem que ter uma atitude construtiva e não punitiva. O orçamento partilhado da zona euro tem que ser claramente reforçado aproximando-se dos 10% do PIB europeu para suportar uma zona monetária funcional. A transparência e o controlo democrático têm que ser reforçados. Sem estes pressupostos dificilmente a Comissão conseguirá em 2017 o que não conseguiu nos anos anteriores do seu mandato.

 
  
  

IN THE CHAIR: MAIREAD McGUINNESS
Vice-President

 
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