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Trešdiena, 2016. gada 6. jūlijs - Strasbūra Pārskatītā redakcija

12. Globāla Eiropas Savienības ārpolitikas un drošības politikas stratēģija (debašu turpināšana)
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  Der Präsident. – Wir setzen nun unsere Aussprache über die Erklärung der Vizepräsidentin der Kommission und Hohen Vertreterin der Union für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik fort.

(Beginn der Aussprache siehe Punkt 10.)


  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, let me join you in welcoming our dear friends here. This is also, as you said, a concrete result of the work that sometimes we do silently but with good outcomes so I am glad to see you here.

Let me touch upon a few points you raised. I have noticed an overwhelming feeling of ownership in this House. That is something good on which I count because, as some of you mentioned, this has been collective work that now acquires a collective follow-up to make sure that we move from the vision into action. First of all, some asked whether we stress more the values or the interests, and whether we define more as an important element of our action in the future our values or our interests. The ground of the strategy, the clear indication of the strategy, is that our values and our interests coincide very much. There is one element in our values that the strategy underlines, which is that, to make our action consistent, we have to be true to our values first of all in our internal policies, and in our own behaviour, and this is something that echoes also some of the elements that some of you underlined. Any global strategy starts at home and any external credibility is rooted in our internal strength. This is why, in these difficult moments for the European Union, it is so important that we think of our common responsibilities towards our citizens and towards the rest of the world.

Second, as I was saying, values and interests coincide here. Think of the resilience that is so much at the centre of our strategy, as was mentioned in the first intervention. Resilience of societies around us is indeed an investment in our own security, and when we mention resilience of societies in the strategy we do not mention the strength of institutions only, but we mention the resilience of societies as such, which includes the space for civil society, human rights defenders and the place for every citizen in their own society. Is this responding to our values only, or is this also responding to our interests? I believe, and the strategy reflects this common indication, that in this case, as well as many other cases, following our values also responds to our interests and we would be making a mistake if we were to put this in contradiction.

Third, I would like to refer to one point that a couple of you raised, one in a negative sense, and another one, Mr Danjean, in a positive one, on the so-called ‘train and equip’ or capacity-building in Security and Development. It is true it took us three years to come to that. Yesterday the College as you might know adopted the package on capacity building on Security and Development, and let me tell you very clearly: this is not at all a diversion of our development tools into a security or military approach. On the contrary, this is a response to what, especially our African friends, not only governments and institutions, but also civil society, are telling us, that if in a territory, be it in the Sahel, be it in Nigeria, be it in the Horn of Africa, if you have a lack of basic security conditions for the populations, you can do all the development you want but, first of all, it does not get there, and second, it is not effective at all because the first basic right to security has also to be guaranteed. This does not mean that again we are diverting resources from one chapter to the other. This simply says that we need to use our resources in a coherent way and respond to the needs of the populations we are working with, and all the messages we are getting are in the sense that we need to also work on security as we continue to work on development. We always say there is no security without development, but there is no development without security. It is now also a matter of turning this into practice, so that is why I think that the package we adopted yesterday is something that is going to be extremely important in our capacity to implement also part of the strategy, using our different instruments, keeping in mind that they are different and covering different areas but in a coherent and integrated way.

I received a specific question on part of the strategy that refers to the fact that Member States can be asked or tasked to actively contribute to specific common foreign policies that are determined all together. It is a part of the strategy that was carefully thought of, as you can imagine, and it responds to the fact that, on one side, we need to keep the unity not only of the 28 Member States, but also the different institutions, including this Parliament, and this is what is done in the framework of the common institutions, but there might be occasions where we might want or we might need or we might want to encourage one or a group of Member States or – why not? – some parliamentary delegations, to complement the work that we do all together. There can be specific added value that one or the other can bring. The important thing is that this is done in a coordinated manner with a clear, transparent link to common decisions and with common approaches and reporting back to the common instances. So I would never be afraid of initiatives, whether they are from parliamentary delegations or from a group of Member States, or a group of Commissioners that I lead quite often in our partner countries or in other countries. The important thing is that all of this is in a common framework and towards a common goal. We do not have to be afraid of our added value, even when it is a partial one. The important thing is that this is part of a coherent and concerted policy.

Here I come to the basic needs we have now and many of you mentioned that. The basic need we have now is to guarantee that the European citizens are guaranteed their right to security, and this requires the European Union to act as a European Union, united. There is one thing that I would not follow, one suggestion I would not follow, that one of you mentioned in your intervention – it was not mentioned in the English language, but you said there is the need to take more into account opinions that are contrary, that are opposed to working more together. You have to listen to those who say ‘the European way is not the way’. I am sorry but I am not going to hear those voices in this field because if there is one field where it is self-evident that the security of the European citizens require European action, it is our work in the world. There is no single field in our external action where one Member State alone, whether it is the biggest, the strongest, the richest, the smallest, is more effective alone than all together. There is not one single thing, be it counter-terrorism, be it trade, be it development, be it migration management, there is not one single issue where we are stronger alone than stronger together. And I believe our citizens in this field see it very clearly. Threats are global, opportunities are global, all of our countries, compared to the rest of the countries in the world, are small-sized countries, at the maximum medium-sized countries. We are not living in the era of empires anymore, not for a couple of centuries. And we have to wake up to reality. Our strength is our European Union in the world, and our partners around the world see it very clearly and recognise our strengths in the world. What we sometimes do not do is recognise this strength inside our Union, but we have to come out of this sort of depression we have entered and make use of our strength, because you can be strong, but if you know you are strong you do not use your strength and it is useless. So I hope that we can indeed, as some of you said, use a strategy to turn our common vision and action into those of a self-confident, global player. I think this is the basic thing we have to do now.

I have noted that some of you said that this strategy is too ambitious and unrealistic. Others have said it is too realistic and not ambitious enough. We need both. We need both realism and ambition, also because we see these days that things change, internally and externally. Things change in a way that was unforeseeable just a few months or years ago. The point here is whether we want to react to a change that is produced somewhere else, or if we are confident enough to try and shape the change that is happening around us, and I believe that we have all the tools, all the strength if we have the political will to do it exactly as our citizens have an interest in us doing this. Thank you.


  Der Präsident. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 162 GO)


  Lorenzo Cesa (PPE), per iscritto. – La nuova strategia globale per la politica estera e di sicurezza dell'Unione europea, che l'Alto Rappresentante Federica Mogherini ha presentato al Consiglio la settimana scorsa, arriva in un momento particolarmente importante per l'Unione. Nonostante il voto positivo della Gran Bretagna all'uscita dall'Unione, il progetto europeo deve andare avanti e consolidarsi. Un'Unione più compatta, riassumerei in questo modo quello che dobbiamo fare per reagire positivamente alle minacce che ci vengono dall'esterno e, oserei direi, anche dall'interno dei nostri confini. Come ha detto giustamente l'Alto Rappresentante, la sfida che abbiamo davanti ora è quella della collaborazione tra tutti i paesi membri per l'attuazione di questa strategia. Ci dobbiamo rendere conto che uniti siamo più forti, che l'Unione europea ha un potenziale immenso, mille volte più grande di quello di ogni singolo Stato membro. E lo dico in relazione alla Cina o agli Stati Uniti. È chiaro che l'UE è un interlocutore molto più potente, oltre che interessante, per qualsiasi altro attore internazionale. Non c'è nessuna contraddizione con la nostra identità nazionale o regionale ed anzi, dobbiamo rafforzare anche la collaborazione con la Nato e riformare le Nazioni Unite e il Consiglio di Sicurezza.


  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE), napisan. – EU treba novu strategiju za svoju vanjsku i sigurnosnu politiku. Nije to potrebno samo zbog recentnih događanja u vezi Brexita, već i zbog stalnih vrlo dinamičnih promjena u mnogim dijelovima svijeta. Ono što želim istaknuti je potreba drugačijeg pristupa prema zemljama u susjedstvu, a pogotovo prema zemljama Zapadnog Balkana. Potrebna je hitna i efikasna integracija u sigurnosne sustave EU-a zbog jačanja zajedničke sigurnosne politike. Tu pogotovo mislim na nestvorenu Agenciju za pograničnu i obalnu stražu u koju treba aktivno uključiti i zemlje Zapadnog Balkana radi poznate činjenice postojanja tzv. balkanske rute. Mada je ta ruta trenutno u drugom planu kada govorimo o migrantima, poznato je da upravo preko Balkana prolazi niz krijumčarskih puteva. Integracija zemalja Zapadnog Balkana u sigurnosno-obavještajni sustav zemalja članica i EU-a nedvojbeno će pridonijeti većem stupnju sigurnosti svih zainteresiranih.


  Илхан Кючюк (ALDE), в писмена форма. – Днес ЕС е изправен пред редица взаимосвързани вътрешни и външни предизвикателства. Свидетели сме на сложна международна обстановка. Докато международният тероризъм е във възход, човешките права и евроатлантически ценности са системно потъпквани от авторитарни режими и националпопулизъм.

В този контекст новата глобална стратегия на ЕС цели да изгради устойчиво вътрешно единство между държавите членки, което от своя страна да утвърди ролята на ЕС на международната сцена. Но за да започне гласът на ЕС да бъде значим на международната сцена, Съюзът трябва час по-скоро да започне работа по създаването на обща европейска отбрана, която да се превърне в обща европейска колона в структурата на НАТО.

В дългосрочен план това ще е от огромно значение за общата външната политика на ЕС и за успешното справяне с геополитическите заплахи и географските и стратегически предизвикателства.


  Urmas Paet (ALDE), kirjalikult. – Strateegia peab kajastama muutunud julgeolekuolukorda. Sealhulgas on oluline pöörata tähelepanu ELi kaitsevõimele. On ülim aeg töötada välja ELi kaitsepoliitika alused ja tõhustada ELi ja NATO vahelist koostööd. Terrorismivastane võitlus vajab liikmesriikide vahelist usaldust ja teabevahetust. EL peab leidma endas uue hingamise suhtlemisel kolmandate riikidega, eelkõige oma naabruses asuvate riikidega, nendes rahu säilitamise või saavutamise nimel töötamisel ning ka ELi liikmesriikide endi vahel ühise tee leidmisel suhtumises kolmandatesse riikidesse, nagu näiteks Venemaa jm.


  Ioan Mircea Paşcu (S&D), in writing. – The Global Strategy document has finally been presented (and discussed, too). This document is more than welcome, it is necessary. Not only has the international environment altered since 2003, but it has done so to our disadvantage: Europe is confronted with conflicts all around it, which already spill into our own house! The first merit of the document is that it places security and defence at its heart, responding to the current concerns of European citizens.

There are two issues related to the document which I consider worth mentioning. The first is its ownership: the fact that it was drawn up by the VP/HR – who was tasked with this by the Council – and that it was made public just before presentation is amplifying the problem of the Member States identifying with it. The second issue is the necessity to make the Member States manifest the political will to deal properly and comprehensively with conflicts; indeed, the document envisages an active involvement of the EU in all stages of those conflicts – prevention, management and resolution. The fact that France and Germany have recently issued a common document indicating their willingness to do just that is a good indication in that respect.


  Elena Valenciano (S&D), por escrito. – Tres palabras puede definir la propuesta de la Alta Representante y la aplicación de la estrategia global para la acción exterior de la Unión: credibilidad, acción y concentración. Los socialistas apoyamos esta estrategia, que apuesta por reforzar y evolucionar la acción exterior de la Unión, haciendo uso de todos nuestro potencial y de los tratados, con el objetivo de asegurar la coherencia de nuestras políticas, conectar los contextos local, regional y mundial. Apoyamos una estrategia que tiene como fin, el responder de forma proactiva, colectiva y eficaz a los retos actuales, salvaguardar los valores y el modelo de sociedad de la Unión y transformar a ésta en un agente eficaz y más estratégico. Los socialistas defendemos un enfoque basado en la acción conjunta y la participación de la sociedad civil. Así como en el pleno respeto y aplicación de las leyes internacionales humanitarias y de los derechos humanos. Nuestra unión, nuestro ejemplo, es lo que nos da fuerza, lo que impulsa nuestra acción y nuestro peso en la acción exterior.

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