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Trešdiena, 2016. gada 6. jūlijs - Strasbūra Pārskatītā redakcija

14. Jauna ES stratēģija attiecībā uz Ķīnu (debates)
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  La Présidente. – L'ordre du jour appelle le débat sur la déclaration de la Vice—présidente de la Commission et haute représentante de l'Union pour les affaires étrangères et la politique de sécurité sur la nouvelle stratégie de l'Union européenne à l'égard de la Chine (2016/2803(RSP)).

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Madam President, I warn you, we have another two debates after this so our Portuguese friends might leave us around nine, I guess.

First of all, Madam President, let me say that I am glad that after discussing earlier on the global strategy we now move to our EU strategy on China. Some of you might wonder why we are working on so many different strategies or new strategies, and this is for a very simple reason. The world has changed and is changing very rapidly. For us as Europeans, isolation is not an option and our action cannot be fragmented, cannot be unstrategic so we need to either update or to develop common visions and common paths for action that are in connection with the reality of today. Our last communication on China dated back 10 years, so it was clearly time to come back to this because China has changed and also the European Union and the world has changed.

Clearly our relationship with China, one of the world’s great powers, is a crucial issue for our future but actually it is a crucial issue for our present. Next week we will be in Beijing for the EU-China summit and a number of important China-related matters will need to be addressed in the coming weeks and months.

This Parliament knows very well, as the two most recent resolutions on China have shown, we are now in a different place compared with 10 years ago. First and foremost, China is much more of a global player than it was a decade ago. It is more confident, more outward-looking and more assertive. This new attitude has created some frictions and we all know that. Asia’s security environment today looks more unstable than a few years ago but China has also sought stronger cooperation with other world powers, including with the European Union on many different global issues.

We have an interest in an open, stable and cooperative China, but China too has an interest – a huge interest – in good relations with Europe. We are their biggest trading partner, and we are an important security provider in Asia, from Afghanistan to the Philippines, so we have a lot to discuss, and we have a lot on which we can and should work together. There is no doubt we need to step up our engagement with China and this is the core principle of our strategy. European Union engagement with China will be principled, practical and pragmatic. Only if we engage will we be able to safeguard our interests and also our values in all sectors from trade to human rights.

The communication identifies three main areas of cooperation and engagement. First, the prosperity and reform agenda; second, common interests on foreign policy and security; and third, global governance and the multilateral context.

Let me start with the economy. When we talk about a prosperity and reform agenda, when we talk about promoting a greater opening-up of the Chinese market to European business, this is very much about creating jobs and growth in Europe. Trading and investing with China is first and foremost an opportunity for Europe and for European firms. This part of our work, internally and externally, linking up the work we do inside and outside of the European Union within the institutions is part of our work to strengthen and promote the European economy worldwide, and China is obviously a key actor in that respect. The strategy identifies opportunities such as concluding an ambitious and comprehensive agreement on investment, a Chinese contribution to the investment plan for Europe, joint research and innovation activities as well as creating new connections inside the Eurasian continent, both physical and digital, to make trade, investment and people-to-people contacts faster and easier. As we focus on the opportunities it does not mean that we do not see the risks of this new phase and we all know very well that we are heading towards a delicate moment in our trade relations.

China is becoming a more integrated member of the global community and this means it has to accept the obligations and not simply the benefits of it. In the meantime, we must also make sure that we act to shield our industry from unfair trade practices. China must make significant and verifiable cuts in industrial overcapacity, notably in the steel sector, but also on aluminium, ceramics and wood-based products. This is something I have made clear in all my meetings with our Chinese counterparts including recently just last month in Brussels, and we will pass this message very strongly next week in Beijing too. It is first and foremost China’s economy which would benefit from economic reform, including the elimination of state-induced distortions.

On our side we have to strengthen our trade defence instruments, in particular through the swift adoption of the Commission’s trade defence instruments modernisation proposal.

In this moment of history we cannot afford to be a conservative force. We must adapt to change and most of all, we must drive the change or at least try to do that. We need better rules to serve our citizens’ interests and we can promote reforms through constant engagement with the wider world. Such reforms include the promotion of human rights, the rule of law and the role of civil society. This is the aim of our human rights dialogue with China and of the recently launched EU-China Legal Affairs dialogue, to support and accompany China’s legal reforms.

I believe this kind of engagement can make both China and Europe stronger, richer and safer. This is very clear when we look at the second and third pillars of the communication. In our fragile world, insecurity and instability in East Asia can only spread to the rest of the world. The safety of maritime routes and the respect of international norms concerns the whole international community. So while our Union is not taking sides on specific territorial claims in the South China Sea, we have stated very clearly what our position is and that is based on our expectation of the full compliance with international norms, especially the role of UNCLOS and a peaceful solution of any disputes is what we expect, especially in the days ahead.

China is also an essential player in other issues. I have witnessed first-hand the positive impact of China’s responsible engagement in the negotiations on Iran’s nuclear programme, and more – I think of Beijing’s role during the Paris conference on climate change compared with their attitude just a few years ago. China has an essential role to play in Afghanistan. We will work together on this also in view of the conference on Afghanistan we will have in Brussels in October. It is a relevant actor in Africa and in the Middle East. We work together in the international support group for Syria and in the UN framework, obviously, cooperation is strong. On climate action, on migration, on development aid, on all this the question is not whether we need to engage with China but rather, what is the best way to do so.

A big part of the answer depends on our Union, on our unity and cohesion. None of our Member States has the size, nor the power to engage, be it in a trade negotiation or in a commercial dispute, with China, leaving alone stronger diplomatic efforts on China’s role in Asia or in the Pacific, but as a true union as a European Union as part of the global G3, as we are united we can surely do it.

 
  
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  Frank Engel, au nom du groupe PPE. – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Haute représentante, je voudrais commencer par exprimer notre appréciation pour la présentation de cette stratégie, parce qu'effectivement, depuis la dernière, il y a dix ans, beaucoup de choses ont changé ici, en Chine, et entre ici et la Chine. Cette présentation et cette stratégie viennent donc tout à fait à point.

En effet, la Chine est en train de devenir un acteur mondial et, désormais, l'interaction que nous entretenons avec elle englobe résolument tous les domaines. Rien que dans cette maison, et cette année, plus de députés du Parlement européen auront participé à des missions en Chine qu'il ne s'en trouve actuellement dans cette salle – ce qui en dit long tant sur la présence en salle que sur l'interaction avec la Chine au niveau parlementaire.

Je voudrais aborder brièvement quelques éléments spécifiques. Je pense que nos relations avec la Chine gagneraient à être rigoureusement européennes. Il faudrait idéalement en finir avec le format 16 + 1; il faudrait aussi en finir avec ces épiques soi-disant partenariats stratégiques que conclut chaque ville européenne avec la Chine et qui n'ont finalement de stratégique que l'intérêt de la Chine. Il faudrait plus de connexions économiques, de grands accords, mais aussi, bien évidemment, un accès accru au marché chinois. C'est un progrès que nous appelons de nos vœux depuis très longtemps.

Je ne rappellerai pas la position du Parlement sur le statut d'économie de marché de la Chine. Il est clair qu'éviter une guerre commerciale nous servirait à tous, mais cela ne nous empêche pas de tenir un discours ferme à nos interlocuteurs chinois sur, d'ailleurs, tous les sujets qui nous tiennent à cœur, de Taïwan à la loi sur les ONG, en passant par l'état de droit ou la mer de Chine du Sud.

Enfin, Madame la Haute représentante, j'aimerais qu'il y ait encore plus d'Afrique dans cette stratégie, parce que c'est l'un des rares domaines où nous pouvons réellement en venir à une situation véritablement "gagnant-gagnant" de développement africain qui, surtout pour nous, pourrait se révéler absolument vitale.

(L'orateur accepte de répondre à une question "carton bleu" (article 162, paragraphe 8, du règlement))

 
  
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  Maria Grapini (S&D), Întrebare adresată conform procedurii „cartonașului albastru”. – Doamna președintă, stimate coleg, sunt de acord cu ceea ce ați spus dumneavoastră, sunt de acord cu ce a spus și doamna comisar: nu este o opțiune să ne izolăm ca Uniunea Europeană. Dar mă surprinde că nu ați amintit un lucru pe care nici doamna comisar nu l-a amintit.

Nu credeți că Uniunea Europeană trebuie să stabilească niște măsuri foarte clare de apărare comercială, pe care nu le avem acum și continuăm dezindustrializarea Uniunii Europene din motivul lipsei unor măsuri de apărare și instrumente de apărare comercială?

 
  
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  Frank Engel (PPE), réponse "carton bleu". – Madame la Présidente, j'aimerais dire à Mme Grapini que je suis bien évidemment d'accord avec la nécessité de disposer d'éléments de défense commerciale. Mais surtout, j'aimerais lui dire que ce n'est pas cette maison-ci – et vous le savez – qui empêche le progrès sur un ensemble politique anti—dumping. Ce n'est pas Mme Mogherini non plus, mais nos amis et collègues colégislateurs au Conseil qui, depuis bien longtemps, traînent les pieds. Cela concerne également la Chine, mais pas uniquement, et une avancée dans ce domaine, qui devrait avant tout se faire au Conseil, serait extrêmement bénéfique.

 
  
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  Victor Boştinaru, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, I would first like to thank the High Representative for this new strategy on China. The last document of this kind dates back to 2006. As you have just mentioned, Madam High Representative, many things have changed in these 10 years on both sides. China is today a key player in the international arena and a fundamental partner for the EU – with different views on many issues, of course, but there is no doubt that cooperation and coordination between the EU and China are fundamental for both. I welcome your call for EU action on China to be united and coherent, and I hope the Member States will finally be ready to practise it.

Madam High Representative, you have shown the awareness of what the EU and China can do together, bilaterally but also in international fora – I am thinking of the G20 which will soon be hosted by China – but also on counterterrorism, cyber security, climate change and other reciprocal investment under the Juncker Plan and ‘one belt, one road’, where it will be necessary to address also the issue of protecting key critical infrastructure projects, including energy ones.

And then we have to think of Africa, where the respective investment and development policies can be coordinated, the Iranian deal and peacekeeping in South Sudan or in the Gulf area fighting against piracy. Do not forget that one example where Europe and China can cooperate together is the fact that China is building up an emissions trading system (ETS) which is inspired by technical assistance from Europe or the fact that China has established three main courts in its intellectual property rights (IPR) project.

Let me conclude by saying that after the Brexit we have to accept that the only way to cope with China is to be the EU: any single Member State can fail.

 
  
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  Bas Belder, namens de ECR-Fractie. – Allereerst wil ik mijn deelneming betuigen aan de zwaar getroffen Chinese bevolking in het centrum en het zuiden van China, dat al wekenlang te kampen heeft met enorme regenval, met meer dan honderd doden tot gevolg. Ik las vanmiddag op de website van de Neue Zürcher Zeitung dat het om 130 doden zou gaan. Het roept herinneringen op aan de verschrikkelijke taferelen van 1998. Laten we hopen dat de bevolking hiervan gespaard blijft.

Mevrouw de Hoge Vertegenwoordiger, als rapporteur voor het laatste verslag van het Parlement over de relaties tussen de Europese Unie en China ben ik zeer verheugd over het Commissiedocument. Vanuit de academische wereld was er ook nadrukkelijk vraag naar, zoals ik heb vernomen toen ik die wereld om advies vroeg voor mijn verslag. Een academische expertise is mijns inziens ook onontbeerlijk om een scherp beeld te krijgen van onze huidige strategische partner. Dat wil wat zeggen, de strategische partner China. Want hoe zou je anders tot een verantwoordelijk Europees beleid kunnen komen?

Op grond daarvan houd ik u, maar ook mijzelf en ons allen hier een academische analyse voor die actueel is, die afgelopen zaterdag in de Nederlandse pers verscheen van de hand van een groot kenner van China van de Universiteit van Leiden. Hij zei dat we ervoor moeten oppassen niet terecht te komen in de positie van Chamberlain in het jaar 1938. We moeten onderkennen dat er goede ontwikkelingen zijn in de richting van een meer welvarend land dat meedoet aan mondialisering, een land met mondige en slimme burgers. Maar, zegt hij, we moeten ook heel duidelijk grenzen stellen aan een regime – en daar moeten we vooral verder op doordenken – dat een nationaalsocialistische strategie omarmt. Het gaat namelijk om een explosief mengsel, dat wat zich op dit ogenblik voordoet in de Chinese Volksrepubliek. Wij moeten duidelijke grenzen stellen en u heeft dat ook al gezegd. Ik hoop dat u dat implementeert.

 
  
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  Marietje Schaake, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, it is key for us to be both more ambitious and critical in further developing our relationship with China, and with other countries in Asia. The relationship must become more meaningful and I certainly hope this strategy will help.

This year, no doubt, we will devote a lot of energy and attention to trade and investment with China, and we need to ensure that these are fair and rules-based. The Council and Commission must play their role to ensure the EU takes effective measures, in compliance with World Trade Organisation rules, in time to fight dumping and other unfair trade practices.

For strategic and security reasons, too, it makes sense to engage with China. However, intensifying our engagement must never lead to turning a blind eye to human rights violations. Recent ideas and suggestions for further instrumentalising EU foreign policy to serve only the EU’s immediate interests are risky. This approach will backfire and it does not do justice to our history or our promise to strengthen people’s human rights universally and globally. Who will defend these rights if not Europe?

This week, the UN Human Rights Council adopted a resolution stressing that human rights must also apply on line. We need now to ensure that China lives up to this too, as people in China are increasingly feeling the lack of free expression and access to information on line. Mass censorship, and also the monitoring of internet users and hacking into their systems, are ongoing and are unacceptable.

We must join the dots: where people are hindered from surfing on line on an open internet, EU businesses are effectively banned. Human rights violations and protectionism can be one and the same, and a trade-off between the two is, therefore, a race to the bottom.

I have a few specific questions. How are we going to ensure that China will be more constructive when it comes to keeping the internet open, for example in internet governance forums? Is this an integral part of the strategy? How can we avoid forced data localisation? What is the High Representative’s assessment of China’s role and the strategic implications when it comes to blockchain technology and its development?

 
  
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  Helmut Scholz, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, Frau Mogherini! Es liegt im objektiven Interesse der EU, dass sich ein Land mit einem Fünftel der Weltbevölkerung politisch, wirtschaftlich und sozial stabil entwickelt und eine verantwortliche Rolle bei der Gestaltung des zukünftigen Systems internationaler Beziehungen spielt.

Bei vielen richtigen Positionen im Detail bleibt ein gravierender Schwachpunkt Ihrer positiven Agenda der Partnerschaft mit China, die wichtig ist und überfällig war, dass die ihr zugrunde liegenden EU-Interessen nicht aus dem besagten Blickwinkel heraus entwickelt sind. Denn das Bekenntnis zur Universalität der Menschenrechte müsste dann ein ebensolches Bekenntnis zur Unteilbarkeit von politischen und sozialen Menschenrechten beinhalten. Die Kommission wäre so schnell über den Widerspruch gestolpert, dass eine positive Agenda mit einem Partner nur gemeinsam zu entwickeln ist und nicht an eine verstärkte Abstimmung mit dem stärksten Antagonisten dieses Partners gebunden sein kann.

Die generelle Position der Kommission zu Chinas Initiative One Belt, One Road ist endlich klar, deutlich und zu begrüßen. Wie sie jedoch eine offene Initiative glaubt konditionieren zu können, kann nur erstaunen. Ich meine, wir müssen jetzt gemeinsam politische, wirtschaftliche sowie menschenrechtliche Zusammenarbeit mit China ausgestalten – im Interesse der Menschen hier wie dort.

 
  
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  Reinhard Bütikofer, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, Frau Mogherini, werte Kollegen! Seit die EU vor über 40 Jahren Beziehungen zur Volksrepublik China aufgenommen hat, haben sich beide Partner fundamental geändert. Seit zum letzten Mal vor zehn Jahren eine China-Strategie vorgelegt wurde, hat sich ebenfalls vieles gewandelt. Die europäische China-Strategie muss diese Veränderungen abbilden. Es gibt nur ein Grundgesetz, das sich nicht ändert: Wir sind zur Kooperation verurteilt, weil wir in einer immer enger verflochtenen Welt zusammenleben und die internationalen Probleme gemeinsam angehen müssen, wenn wir sie überhaupt lösen wollen.

Aber diese Kooperation muss durchaus nach unseren Werten und Interessen gestaltet werden. Im außenpolitischen Bereich stellen wir fest: China hat nicht nur die Ambition, asiatische Hegemonialmacht zu sein, sondern immer deutlicher die Ambition, zu einer global dominierenden Macht aufzusteigen, die sich keineswegs unbedingt an das uns so wertvolle Prinzip des Multilateralismus halten will.

In wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen gibt es einen neuen Ton. Es gibt mehr Konflikte, als wir früher hatten – das ist schon angesprochen worden –, und nicht jeder Win-Win-Vorschlag, der von chinesischer Seite präsentiert wird, ist so gestaltet, dass nicht am Schluss, wenn man nicht aufpasst, die chinesische Seite zweimal gewinnt. Auch da müssen wir neu hinschauen.

Was die geistigen Beziehungen betrifft, würde ich sagen: Das ist am schwierigsten, denn in China breitet sich gerade eine antiwestliche Stimmung aus, die wird sogar aktiv gefördert. Das ist zum Ausdruck gekommen in dem NGO-Gesetz, das gerade verabschiedet wurde. Wir müssen deswegen als Europäische Union eine gemeinsame Chinapolitik entwickeln, die allen diesen Dimensionen gerecht wird. Sonst wird keiner von uns erfolgreich sein.

 
  
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  Gerard Batten, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Madam President, we cannot discuss a strategy for China without acknowledging the persecution and slaughter of millions of people that is being perpetrated by the Chinese Government. I am referring to the systematic industrialised murder of prisoners of conscience and the harvesting of their organs for transplants. What is going on in China now is comparable to the Holocaust in Nazi Germany in its enormity and horror. The victims of this persecution are prisoners of conscience. They are not dangerous political opponents of the regime; they are democracy activists and followers of peaceful religions and philosophies.

A large proportion of these people are followers of Falun Gong, a traditional form of meditation that teaches truthfulness, compassion and tolerance. These virtues are, of course, completely intolerable to the Chinese Communist Party and threaten its very existence. Therefore, it has decided to exterminate these people while making a profit at the same time. What is going on in China would be unbelievable if it were not backed up by voluminous evidence gathered over a long period of time by impeccable sources. Falun Gong followers, Christians, democracy activists and others are arrested, sentenced for concocted crimes against the State and imprisoned. They are then murdered so that their organs can be used to supply the transplant industry. Unbelievably, some operations are done without anaesthetic, because this is apparently more effective for a successful transplant.

Since the year 2000, an estimated 1 million to 1.5 million have been killed for their organs in enforced organ harvesting. These enforced transplants are now proceeding at an estimated 60 000 to 100 000 operations per year, and are worth in the region of USD 8 to 9 billion per year. The peoples of our countries must be made aware of this, and all diplomatic and economic pressure should be put on the Chinese Government to end this inhumane industry immediately.

 
  
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  Mario Borghezio, a nome del gruppo ENF. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, questa relazione letta quasi all'indomani della terribile strage del Bangladesh dovrebbe, a mio avviso, costringerci a riflettere maggiormente sulla necessità di instaurare un rapporto concreto e impegnare maggiormente la Cina, il maggiore attore regionale, su questo fronte così importante e quindi non è pensabile di poter affrontare in quella il gravissimo problema del contenimento dell'Isis e anche della salvaguardia delle nostre comunità.

E poi qualche riflessione sulle conseguenze del Brexit: mi pare che qui ci sia una sottovalutazione e una scarsa considerazione di effetti che sono a colpo d'occhio visibili sui rapporti economici. Sappiamo tutti quale influenza aveva in questi rapporti la presenza nell'Unione europea della Gran Bretagna, più aperta alle liberalizzazioni, bilanciata da interessi diversi della Germania. Vogliamo riflettere su quello? Vogliamo parlare un po' anche i nostri interessi da questo punto di vista?

Per quanto riguarda i nostri interessi, ribadisco la nostra assoluta contrarietà al riconoscimento alla Cina del ruolo di economia di mercato! Non ha diritto di ricevere questo status. Sarebbe, tra l'altro, la condanna di interi settori della nostra produzione. Non si può parlare di Cina senza ribadire un forte altolà alla contraffazione, che è una guerra economica alla nostra produzione. Su queste cose bisogna parlare chiaro. Nella scorsa legislatura era stato fatto qualcosa con la proposta sulla sicurezza dei prodotti cinesi, che spesso sono anche pericolosi, per i quali si prevedeva l'indicazione d'origine obbligatoria. Dov'è finita questa proposta che venne largamente sostenuta da questo Parlamento? Non se ne è più parlato. Come non si insiste sufficientemente sulla questione del dumping: preferiamo prendercela col povero Uzbekistan, che invece sta facendo dei progressi in relazione all'utilizzo della manodopera nella lavorazione del cotone.

Io penso che ci siano molte cose da riconsiderare. Pensiamo solo al fatto che il recente summit fra il presidente Xi e Putin ha dato luogo a un grande accordo riguardante le economie sull'acciaio e sull'industria. E noi? Che diciamo? Ci siamo? Ce ne interessiamo? Restiamo fuori. Debole e lacunosa questa relazione.

 
  
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  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος ( NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, τα τελευταία 10 χρόνια, η Κίνα έχει σημειώσει μια εντυπωσιακή πρόοδο σε όλους τους τομείς και συνεπώς είναι λογικό η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση να έχει αναβαθμίσει τη σχέση μαζί της. Από τις σχέσεις, όμως, αυτές πρέπει όχι μόνο να κερδίσουμε, αλλά να προσέξουμε και να μη χάσουμε.

Θέλουμε, από τη μια μεριά, να ανοίξουν οι αγορές της Κίνας στις ευρωπαϊκές επιχειρήσεις και να έχουμε επενδύσεις, αλλά από την άλλη μεριά, πρέπει να αντιμετωπίσουμε την πλημμυρίδα των φθηνών και αμφιβόλου ποιότητας κινεζικών προϊόντων, τα οποία κατακλύζουν τις ευρωπαϊκές αγορές και δημιουργούν συνθήκες αθεμίτου ανταγωνισμού για τους ευρωπαίους βιομήχανους και τους εργαζόμενους στην βιομηχανία. Δεν πρέπει να καταστρέψουμε την ευρωπαϊκή βιομηχανία για να κάνουμε υπερδύναμη την Κίνα, δημιουργώντας εκατομμύρια ανέργους.

Πρέπει, οι πάσης φύσεως σχέσεις μας με την Κίνα να είναι ισορροπημένες και να συνάδουν με τον όρο της αμοιβαιότητας. Επίσης, θα πρέπει να προσέξουμε να εφαρμοστεί αυτή η σχέση και στον τομέα του χάλυβα που, λόγω υπερπαραγωγής, εισάγεται πολύ φτηνά στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Επίσης, δεν πρέπει να δώσουμε στην Κίνα το καθεστώς της οικονομίας της αγοράς, αν προηγουμένως δεν έχουν γίνει οι απαιτούμενες διαπραγματεύσεις.

 
  
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  Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). – Señora Presidenta, gracias, señora Mogherini, por la comunicación que nos presenta sobre China, que ha experimentado en las últimas décadas un extraordinario desarrollo. Me parece un hecho realmente de alcance histórico.

Hoy China se encuentra en un importante proceso de transición económica y social, tendente a modificar sus patrones de crecimiento y a crear un modelo más sostenible, un proceso complejo, pero cuyo éxito yo deseo, no solo por la propia China, sino por nuestro propio beneficio y por el bien del resto de la comunidad internacional. No caben planteamientos de suma cero en la sociedad actual.

China durante todo este periodo se ha beneficiado del orden internacional vigente y, dada su creciente proyección internacional, China también debe contribuir al mantenimiento de ese orden internacional estable y de paz y respetar las reglas del Derecho internacional, también en materia de derechos humanos.

Necesitamos que China ayude en la gestión de los retos y las amenazas globales. Muchos de los retos a los que nos enfrentamos —cambio climático, desarrollo sostenible, paz y seguridad internacionales, Estados fallidos y un largo etcétera— difícilmente los superaremos sin contar con el concurso chino.

Finalmente, confío en que la cumbre bilateral de los próximos días 12 y 13 contribuya a reforzar nuestra asociación estratégica, en beneficio mutuo, y que también pueda darse un importante impulso a las negociaciones del acuerdo de inversiones, que generará importantes beneficios recíprocos y permitirá el incremento de las relaciones bilaterales económicas.

 
  
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  Jo Leinen (S&D). – Madam President, I would like to congratulate Ms Mogherini on these elements of a new EU—China strategy. As you know, since the beginning of this legislature, I have asked on various occasions for us to make this effort and I am happy that we now have a document to discuss and hopefully very soon to decide on.

I think that the EU and China have a huge potential for cooperation. It has developed very well in the last 40 years and, looking ahead, it has a lot of new elements that we can engage in. We are without doubt global players and we should share responsibility for global governance and for global goods. I think China and the EU have to maintain peace, stability and development. The United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) could be guidelines about what we have to do at home in our cooperation, as well as what we do abroad in other parts of the world.

I would like to see an EU-China pact for Africa – various colleagues have mentioned this – not to exploit the resources of this continent but to develop it and to serve the basic needs of the people in Africa. As well as this, in EU-China cooperation for Central Asia on the Silk Road initiative there is an opportunity for us to develop this part of the Eurasian continent.

I think that EU diplomacy should win China over to following international standards and rules and should integrate China in the multilateral system, avoiding as far as possible a parallel set-up of institutions. Bilaterally, I think we should follow our interests and our values and I share the principle of reciprocity that you mentioned. We should speak out against human rights violations. I appreciate the work that Stavros Lambrinidis, our Special Representative, is doing.

Finally, I agree with you that we have to speak with one voice. Otherwise, there is no chance to really preserve our interests and our values.

 
  
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  Charles Tannock (ECR). – Madam President, the EU is China’s largest trading partner and is second only to the United States in terms of trade with the European Union itself. This relationship is hugely important and is only going to increase in size and importance with time.

President Xi Jinping has visited a number of European capitals in the last few years, including a much-publicised state visit to my country, the UK. There is no doubt, therefore, that EU-China relations are of key importance, but we must not allow this to let us shy away from our differences. This year, for instance, we must come to a decision as to whether or not to grant China market economy status, a decision that is complicated by issues surrounding intellectual property rights in China, the steel dumping crisis and the dominant role that the State continues to play in China’s economy and foreign policy. Beyond trade, human rights violations in China are a huge concern. Everything from censorship of the internet to this week seeing Falun Gong activists campaigning outside Parliament against alleged brutal organ harvesting. Meanwhile, the one—country—two—systems in Hong Kong is under pressure from the mainland, and the militarisation of the South China Sea by the establishment of artificial island platforms are also of great concern.

As negotiations begin on the comprehensive agreement on investment, finding a balance between reaping the mutual benefits of trade with our divergent values and human rights concerns and the bigger geopolitical aims will be necessary but by no means easy for the European Union.

 
  
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  Tunne Kelam (PPE). – Madam President, Ms Mogherini, I support in principle your new strategy, however the challenge remains of how to balance what is principled and what is pragmatic. Two-and-a-half years ago the European Parliament called for a full and independent EU investigation into organ transplant abuses in China. Parliament also called for the prosecution of people engaged in such criminal practices. Last month the US Congress strongly condemned the ongoing organ harvesting in China; and independent researchers have concluded that in one year up to 100 000 organ transplants are carried out.

As there are practically no voluntary donors, the organs are taken from prisoners – predominantly prisoners of conscience. Thousands, perhaps tens of thousands, of innocent people are being systematically killed to sell their organs for transplant to patients coming from the west. This amounts to crime against humanity.

Parliament also called for awareness raising on this dramatic issue among EU citizens travelling to China. So my question is: why has the will of the European Parliament being ignored, both concerning independent investigation and with regard to informing citizens about this criminal business?

 
  
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  Alessia Maria Mosca (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Presidente Mogherini mi associo anch'io a quanti hanno espresso l'apprezzamento per questa nuova strategia. Il momento cruciale che le nostre istituzioni stanno vivendo necessita più che mai, di prese di posizioni forte e di grande chiarezza. L'evoluzione che la Cina sta affrontando e il cambiamento graduale di modello economico possono rappresentare un'opportunità di rafforzamento delle nostre relazioni, che contribuisca anche a livello globale a un maggiore impegno della Cina nelle sfide più importanti.

L'ambiente, le sfide sociali, il rispetto dei diritti umani, l'innalzamento degli standard di sicurezza, la Rule of law, le regole di commercio internazionale, la proprietà intellettuale: sono tutti ambiti in cui solo un attivo coinvolgimento cinese, può portare risultati concreti.

In questa ottica il Parlamento si è espresso contro il riconoscimento dello status di economia di mercato, non certo in atteggiamento ostile nei confronti della Cina ma per creare condizioni globali di equità e parità di condizioni, che possano garantire un buon funzionamento degli scambi commerciali. Gli Stati membri devono farsi attori di un rapporto basato sulla univocità dei messaggi. Anche io voglio sottolineare, come altri miei colleghi hanno già fatto, che solo con un'azione autenticamente europea potremmo fare ascoltare la nostra voce ed essere maggiormente autorevoli.

Proprio per questo sono da deplorare le iniziative dei singoli Stati ad avviare o a rafforzare relazioni bilaterali. Il rapporto con la Cina è una partita troppo importante per finire intrappolata da logiche nazionali che, invece di risolvere problemi, non fanno che ritardare le soluzioni.

 
  
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  Jan Zahradil (ECR). – Paní předsedající, pokud jde o Čínu, my k ní máme v Evropské unii velmi ambivalentní a komplikovaný vztah.

Na jedné straně chce každý s Čínou obchodovat, na druhé straně tady máme určité problémy, že Čína nevyhovuje evropským standardům nejenom v oblasti lidských práv, ale i v jiných oblastech. Ale také si musíme přiznat do třetice, že Čína je příběh obrovského úspěchu a obrovského společenského posunu, který možná v lidské civilizaci nemá obdoby, kdy se během pouhých několika desítek let společnost posunula velmi rozvinutým směrem.

Čili podle mého názoru potřebujeme korektní, praktické, pragmatické vztahy s Čínou a potřebujeme zároveň umět chránit naše zájmy, a zejména ekonomiku před leckdy velmi asertivním čínským přístupem. To se týká především toho, jak naložíme s tím přislíbeným statutem tržní ekonomiky, a tady bych já očekával od Komise velmi aktivní přístup a aktivní řešení.

 
  
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  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Paní předsedající, já ve svém vystoupení naváži na svého kolegu Kelama, který tady zmiňoval otázku lidských práv. Ona zde ostatně padala několikrát a já osobně ji považuji za klíčovou.

Zastupuji tady občany České republiky, země, kde prvním prezidentem byl Václav Havel, který výrazně prosazoval a obhajoval doktrínu lidských práv v mezinárodní politice. My z bývalých postkomunistických zemí jsme zvláště citliví na to, jak se přistupuje k lidským právům, a není to pro nás pouze jedna z kapitol, kterou tady jen tak zmíníme. Je to alespoň pro mě, paní Mogheriniová, mimořádně důležitá věc.

Já rozumím na jedné straně, že potřebujeme dohodu o investicích s Čínou, že s Čínou budeme obchodovat, čínský prezident navštěvuje evropské země. Byl také v České republice, kde, jak víme, jeho návštěva vyvolala obrovskou společenskou debatu, nakolik se máme či nemáme Číně podbízet kvůli možným obchodním výhodám.

Patřím k té části společnosti, která si myslí, že s Čínou máme obchodovat, ale jako rovný s rovným, a že se Číně nemáme podbízet. Takže moc prosím, zásadu lidských práv nedávejme v žádném případě do koše, prosazujme lidská práva, upozorňujme na vězně, kteří přicházejí o orgány, na popravy v Číně, na to, že svoboda projevu a svoboda shromažďovací v Číně stále není významná.

A dovolte mi ještě poznámku. I při teorii dvojí Číny nezapomínejme na Tchaj-wan, který třeba pro Českou republiku je mimořádně významným obchodním partnerem.

 
  
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  Bernd Lange (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin, Frau Hohe Vertreterin! Ich begrüße sehr, dass wir eine kohärente Strategie gegenüber China anstreben, in der eben wirtschaftliche Beziehungen, Menschenrechtsbeziehungen, geopolitische Beziehungen, gerade was das Südchinesische Meer betrifft, zusammengefasst sind. Zweifelsohne sind aber die wirtschaftlichen Bedingungen die Grundlage, und weil 20 Prozent unserer Importe aus China kommen und etwa 10 Prozent unserer Exporte nach China gehen, ist das eine Basis, auf der wir aufbauen können, und da gibt es natürlich unterschiedliche Interessen.

Die chinesische Seite hat ein starkes Interesse an Investitionen, an Regeln zu Investitionen. Wir haben ein starkes Interesse am Schutz des geistigen Eigentums, an der Frage der Subventionierung von chinesischen Produkten und Industrien. Da muss man miteinander reden und verhandeln, und das möglichst zügig.

Da bin ich bei einem Punkt, Frau Mogherini: Ich habe das Gefühl, dass die Kommission nicht genügend Gas gibt. Wir wissen alle, dass China am 11. Dezember vollwertiges WTO-Mitglied wird, und bis dahin brauchen wir hier in Europa eine Gesetzgebung, und wir brauchen Verhandlungen mit der chinesischen Seite. Gerade heute habe ich gehört, dass die Kommission die Entscheidung über einen Gesetzgebungsvorschlag vom Juli in den September verlagern wird, und dann ist der Zeitraum natürlich sehr gering. Deswegen meine Frage: Stimmt das? Und wie wollen Sie es schaffen, die Gesetzgebung bis Ende des Jahres durchzubringen und die Verhandlungen mit den Chinesen auf einen grünen Zweig zu bringen?

 
  
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  Evžen Tošenovský (ECR). – Paní předsedající, dnes hovoříme o spolupráci Evropské unie a jednoho z největších obchodních partnerů, kterým je Čína. Představená strategie se dotýká širokého spektra společných záležitostí. Já bych se dotkl pouze jedné části, a to blížícího se ukončení platnosti ustanovení protokolu o přistoupení Číny k WTO.

Vždy jsem byl zastáncem maximálně otevřeného trhu, který je tvrdým, ale spravedlivým rozhodčím mezi jednotlivými účastníky. Všichni hráči musí mít stejné podmínky, práva i povinnosti. Tedy dodržují pravidla stejné hry. Sami jsme si nastavili velmi přísná až drastická ekologická opatření a jiná opatření pro ocelářský a další průmysl. V Číně firmy v těchto oborech mají zcela jiné podmínky, tedy ekologické standardy, veřejné dotace a vládní podpory. Navíc Čína má obrovskou nadbytečnou kapacitu ocelářské výroby. Když bychom tedy dnes otevřeli evropský trh při rozdílných pravidlech v Evropské unii a v Číně, mohlo by to být skutečně zničující pro mnohé evropské firmy. Věřím, že Komise co nejdříve předloží Parlamentu rozumné řešení.

 
  
 

Interventions à la demande

 
  
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  Csaba Sógor (PPE). – Elnök Asszony, én magam is erőteljesen támogatom a kapcsolatok szorosabbra fűzését az EU és Kína között, az együttműködésnek számtalan területe van a gazdaságtól a kultúrán át a kutatásig. Örömmel látom ugyanakkor, hogy a Kínával kapcsolatos új uniós stratégia nem feledkezik el az emberi jogok, jogállamiság és a civil társadalom témaköréről sem. Az Európai Unió továbbra is szorgalmazza, hogy Kína engedje szabadon a politikai foglyokat, valamint tartsa tiszteletben a kisebbségekhez tartozó egyének jogait, nem utolsó sorban Tibetben és Hszincsiangban. Azt gondolom, hogy az Európai Unió nem engedheti meg, hogy a kapcsolatok szorosabbra fűzése ne járjon együtt a Kínában tapasztalható emberi jogi helyzet javulásával. Európának szüksége van Kínára, de Kínának is szüksége van ránk, a stratégia is politikai és gazdasági értelemben vett kölcsönös előnyökről beszél.

Kínai barátaink sokszor érzékenyek rá, ha a tibeti emberi jogi helyzetről nemzetközi fórumokon beszélünk, de el kell fogadniuk, hogy az EU csak olyan térségekkel tudja szorosabbra fűzni a kapcsolatait, amelyek a szólásszabadságot megkérdőjelezhetetlen értéknek tekintik. Remélem, hogy a Bizottság is hasonló szellemben képzeli el a stratégia gyakorlatba ültetését.

 
  
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  Nicola Caputo (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la cooperazione tra Unione europea e Cina è già notevole ma va ulteriormente implementata. Ci sono tante opportunità di cooperazione rafforzata tra l'Unione europea e la Cina e rientrano tra queste la conclusione di un accordo ambizioso sugli investimenti, un contributo della Cina al piano di investimenti europei, le attività congiunte nel campo della ricerca e dell'innovazione e il collegamento con il continente Eurasiatico, attraverso una rete fisica e digitale, per meglio favorire flussi commerciali e di investimento e i contatti tra le persone.

In un'ottica più a lungo termine, e solo successivamente all'attuazione delle riforme necessarie per garantire condizioni di parità alle imprese nazionali e straniere e un miglioramento reale nel rispetto dei diritti umani, si potrebbe pensare a traguardi più ambiziosi, come ad esempio un accordo di libero scambio globale. A questo proposito, la Cina deve ridurre in modo significativo e verificabile la sua overcapacity industriale per impedire che la concorrenza sleale abbia ripercussioni negative.

Mi congratulo con l'Alto rappresentante Mogherini per questa nuova strategia, che è anche utile per rafforzare il ruolo di attore globale dell'Unione europea.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, τα κράτη μέλη της Ένωσης θα πρέπει να αδράξουν την ιστορική ευκαιρία που τους προσφέρεται και τα επόμενα χρόνια οφείλουν να σφίξουν τους οικονομικούς δεσμούς με την Κίνα και να συμβάλλουν στη δημιουργία ενός δικαιότερου παγκόσμιου καταμερισμού εργασίας, μαζί με τις δυνάμεις των BRICS. Αυτό, βέβαια, πρέπει να γίνει προς όφελος των πολιτών της Ένωσης. Επομένως, θα πρέπει να μπει φραγμός στην κινεζοποίηση των εργασιακών σχέσεων που επιχειρούν οι ευρωπαϊκές πολυεθνικές, προκειμένου να μειώσουν το κόστος, ανταγωνιζόμενες τις κινεζικές επιχειρήσεις.

Πρέπει, επίσης, να ληφθούν μέτρα για την προστασία όχι μόνο των ευρωπαϊκών μικρομεσαίων επιχειρήσεων, αλλά και της ευρωπαϊκής χαλυβουργίας, λόγω του ντάμπινγκ και των αθέμιτων κινεζικών εμπορικών πρακτικών. Επιπλέον, πρέπει να μπει φραγμός στο ξεπούλημα αντί πινακίου φακής στρατηγικών υποδομών των ευρωπαϊκών χωρών σε κινεζικά συμφέροντα, όπως συμβαίνει με το ξεπούλημα του λιμανιού του Πειραιά στην Cosco. Επίσης, πρέπει να σταματήσει επιτέλους το outsourcing που πραγματοποιούν οι ευρωπαϊκές πολυεθνικές στην κινεζική αγορά, καθώς αυτό οδηγεί σε αύξηση της ευρωπαϊκής ανεργίας.

 
  
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  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE). – Gospođo predsjednice, da, naravno, potrebna nam je nova strategija prema Kini, jer se puno toga promijenilo, a pogotovo zato što je Kina postala globalni svjetski igrač.

Pogledajmo samo njezinu veliku ulogu u Aziji, ali nemojmo zaboraviti sve ono što Kina danas znači u Africi. Pogledajmo i ono što se danas događa u Europi – zadnja stvar: grčka luka u Solunu predana je COSCO-u, Kina ulaže u infrastrukturu na zapadnom Balkanu. Dakle, prisutnost Kine bit će sve jača ovdje u Europi. Ali, ne smijemo zaboraviti i moramo bit vrlo oprezni kada govorimo o davanju statusa tržišne ekonomije kineskom gospodarstvu, jer je sigurno jasno da postoji mnogo dampinških situacija, podrška i subvencija same države.

Također, ističem problem ljudskih prava. Kao član ALDE-a ne mogu a ne završiti s time: ljudska prava u Kini moraju se daleko više poštovati nego što se poštuju.

 
  
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  Viorica Dăncilă (S&D). –Doamnă președintă, doamnă Înalt Reprezentant Mogherini, pe 11 decembrie expiră paragraful din articolul 15 de aderare a Chinei la Organizația Mondială a Comerțului. Acest aspect este foarte important din punctul de vedere al acordării statutului de economie de piață Chinei, un lucru care produce îngrijorări de ambele părți.

Tensionarea relațiilor UE - China poate avea consecințe greu de anticipat, pornind de la evoluția relațiilor politice, politico - diplomatice și economice dintre UE și China, dar și a acordului bilateral de investiții. Cred că UE trebuie să adopte soluții bazate pe consultări și discuții cu China, soluții care să fie valabile pentru toate statele pentru că ar fi greu de anticipat, greu de justificat politic o referire doar la China.

Ne așteptăm la un deznodământ pozitiv, care să excludă orice risc de confruntare economică și care să nu adauge o nouă criză din care nu ar exista niciun câștigător.

 
  
 

(Fin des interventions à la demande)

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Madam President, first of all I think this was a very useful exchange and most of the remarks you just made will constitute for sure the basis for our exchanges with the Chinese interlocutors in the summit in Beijing next week. Not only during the summit but also obviously in the meetings and talks we will have around the summit, which will also constitute an important part of our work.

I also particularly appreciated the clarity of your comments on the challenges we are facing in our relations with China, and in particular when it comes to overcapacity, when it comes to human rights – and by the way, yes, I am pleased to be joined by Stavros for the incoming debate we are going to have now on human rights – but also as I said on overcapacity, on human rights, on market access and I would add an issue that few of you if none of you really pointed out, the issue of security in Asia, which is not a minor issue because it affects also, somehow, global stability and also our own security, and the issue of the South China Sea will be an important element of our discussions there.

Obviously I also heard again the considerations of many of you on the market economy status, as you have seen this is not the main issue, it is not the issue of the strategy we discuss tonight, I know that you had occasion to exchange with Cecila Malmström very recently in this Hemicycle specifically on this, and I am sure that you will have soon occasions to do so again. It is obviously part of our work on China more than with China at this stage, but indeed it is central in our considerations.

The joint communication aims the strategy at two things. First, being very honest and crystal clear on the challenges and difficulties we have in front of us in all these sectors – security, trade, especially market access and overcapacity and human rights – but also to create a common ground of the European Union on a positive and forward-looking basis for a collective engagement on the opportunities that we can and must seize in our relations with China. You all remembered and recalled the numbers, and if you look at the word, if you take the European Union united, it is us, it is us, the Chinese and the Americans working on the same level in terms of size, but on very different standards and this is the issue we have to work on, and this is what we are doing.

So I get from the debate an overall support, quite an overwhelming support, for the strategy, for the fact that we do have a strategy and also for, and a final point here, the need to have a coordinated and well-orchestrated common action and common voice in our relations with China.

I am sure that your activities as a Parliament vis-à-vis China, the many visits, again most of your colleagues might be there in this moment, but all the initiatives you have as European Parliament, as groups, as committees, will accompany us in, now, the implementation of this strategy and tackling the challenges in the most useful way for our European citizens and businesses and also helping us get the benefits of a relationship that is strategic for Europe – and also for China by the way.

 
  
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  La Présidente. – Le débat est clos.

Déclarations écrites (article 162)

 
  
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  Clara Eugenia Aguilera García (S&D), por escrito. – La nueva estrategia de la Unión para China actualiza la que se aprobó hace diez años. En este tiempo China, la Unión y el mundo han cambiado mucho. La clave de las relaciones de la Unión y China está en que la Unión sea capaz de gestionarlas unida y no cada Estado miembro por separado. La nueva estrategia establece varios canales de cooperación. No solo comerciales. Se pretende una cooperación más estrecha también en el ámbito de las inversiones, en la planificación industrial por el desajuste de tamaño de algunas industria chinas; la propiedad industrial. También se quiere profundizar la acción conjunta en seguridad, lucha antiterrorista, antipiratería. La Unión y China han compartido estrategia en algunos asuntos internacionales como las relaciones con Irán, y quieren seguir trabajando juntos en otras zonas: Siria, Iraq, Sudan, etc. El compromiso con China incluye el diálogo en materia de derechos humanos, estado de derecho y materias específicas como la propiedad intelectual. En general se trata se mejorar y hacer más eficaces las relaciones con una potencia de la que somos el principal socio comercial. La nueva estrategia es oportuna y muy necesaria.

 
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