Full text 
Verbatim report of proceedings
Wednesday, 6 July 2016 - Strasbourg Revised edition

15. Annual report on human rights and democracy in the world 2015 (debate)
Video of the speeches

  La Présidente. – L'ordre du jour appelle le débat sur la déclaration de la vice—présidente de la Commission et haute représentante de l'Union pour les affaires étrangères et la politique de sécurité sur le rapport annuel sur les droits de l'homme et la démocratie dans le monde en 2015 (2016/2796(RSP)).


  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Madam President, Stavros was hinting at the fact that five debates in a row might constitute a violation of human rights, but it’s OK.

Today we are indeed touching upon the old spectrum of our foreign policies, priorities and instruments, so I am glad that we are also having our annual debate on human rights, which is an opportunity for me to present our annual report on human rights and democracy in the world. In a world that is clearly in turmoil, some believe that human rights can be a secondary concern, that we need first to focus on fire-fighting and crisis management and only then, afterwards, can we look at the human rights dimension – as if it was a luxury element that we can afford tackling only when the situation calms down.

We have seen how short—sighted this approach can be and our global strategy – and the European Union cannot be more explicit on this – is that for our European Union, investing in human rights is a matter of values, but it is also a matter of interests. There is no way in which we can make our societies strong and societies in our neighbourhood and in the world strong and resilient also to crises if we do not focus relentlessly on human rights. This is not a luxury. This is an investment in security and stability as well.

This is even more true as human rights and basic humanitarian principles are coming under increasing pressure. The space for civil society is shrinking in many parts of the world and very close to home as well. Constant violations are at the very root of each and every crisis we try to address in the international arena. They are behind a great deal of the migratory flows we are facing and behind the new peak in global displacement that was recorded this year by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. There is no viable crisis management, there is no crisis prevention if we do not address human rights violations properly.

The report provides a clear picture of all our human rights activities and we have strived to be focused on the areas in which our action was particularly prominent following last year’s suggestion from this Parliament. At times our work goes almost unnoticed by the wider public for years. Think of our teachers and aid workers fighting for everyone’s right to good schools and good education. Think of the men and women who challenge the culture of female genital mutilation in remote communities. They might not make the headlines in the international media, but such patient work is making so many people better off. Let me tell you that I appreciate this House recognising this kind of work constantly, in particular with the prizes you give. Every now and then results do come into the spotlight. Just months ago almost one hundred and fifty people from political parties and from civil society were pardoned in Azerbaijan – something that we have been working on for a long time and that is done. Such results owe much to the continuous dedication of our special representative for human rights, Stavros Lambrinidis, who I imagine you know well and who is with us today, and we can now count also on the work of Mara Marinaki, the first ever principal adviser fully dedicated to gender in the External Action Service.

In a very difficult year for human rights much work has been done and has brought some results. I think of our work on the reconciliation process in Myanmar. I think of our work on the peace deal between the Colombian government and the FARC. When we work with them we promote accountability, democracy, justice for the victims and real peace, which means real rights.

We have also focused on individual cases. Over 160 human rights defenders and their families have received support in 2015 through dedicated funding for human rights defenders at risk. You know how many statements we issue on this kind of cases and let me tell you that sometimes I personally feel a little bit of frustration about the statements because a statement does not change reality on the ground. But on the other hand, it is so important for the activists and the human rights defenders or the victims on the spot to see that the European Union speaks out for them and does not forget any single violation of human rights in the world. We know that this is also an essential part of our work and of our responsibility.

Beyond that, there is so much work happening off the radar. As you know very well, I raise human rights issues with all relevant interlocutors with no exception, always and everywhere, even where this is more difficult to do. We have just finished a discussion with China and that is a perfect example of this coherent work that, let me stress, is something that the European Union constantly and coherently and consistently does. It would be good if all Member States would do exactly the same in their bilateral relations as well.

Let me be very clear on the fact that the overall picture is clearly not rosy. This year we celebrate the 10th anniversary of the UN Human Rights Council and the 50th anniversary of the International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights and on Economic, Social and Cultural rights. Still the global situation of human rights does not leave room for much celebration. New restrictions on civil liberties are being imposed in many parts of our immediate region. Attacks against human rights defenders, activists and journalists are on the rise and in several cases European citizens were among the victims of torture and other abuses. Allow me to mention here the tragedy of Giulio Regeni which is particularly close to our hearts and to our daily work.

It is time for us to take even more decisive action building on four fundamental pillars. First, our action will still focus on conflict areas – Syria, Libya, Yemen, the whole Middle East, and we will keep working on post-conflict reconciliation as we are doing, as I said, in Colombia and in Myanmar. There can be no sustainable peace if we do not mend the wounds of communities and societies.

Second, we need to keep in mind there is not only one way and one recipe for human rights. We need to engage on a broad spectrum of actions from efforts at Community level in the field of transitional justice to the International Criminal Court.

Third, we have to continue our work to preserve and to broaden the space for civil society, to fight for the freedom of expression and of the press, support human rights defenders, sustain progress in electoral processes – and let me thank this Parliament for our precious partnership on electoral observation missions. It does make a difference in so many places.

Fourth and almost last, we need to renew our efforts to end the death penalty and the use of torture worldwide. 2015 was a difficult year also in this regard and we can only increase the pressure in all fora to wipe the death penalty off our world. Many of these initiatives are a concrete follow-up to the EU action plan on human rights and democracy that was adopted just one year ago.

So, last but not least, we have to put human rights at the core of all our policy areas. This begins with migration and displacement. Let me tell you very clearly we need to step up our commitment and our work for human rights all along the routes of migration – inside the refugee camps in Africa and in the Middle East, across the desert, at sea and here at home in Europe. I know that some of you, maybe not those present here but others, might not like to hear this because we always reflect on human rights thinking this is something outside of our borders. We have to be consistent and coherent. We say also in our global strategy that our foreign policy starts at home. The point is that our credibility starts at home, and this is true even more than in all other fields when it comes to human rights. We will not be a credible advocate of human rights worldwide if we do not preserve the highest, and I underline twice, the highest standards here in the European Union. As Europeans we cannot tolerate xenophobia. As Europeans we cannot tolerate anti-semitism and as Europeans we cannot tolerate Islamophobia. We cannot tolerate violence and intimidation against any minority on any grounds. Our credibility as a global human rights champion depends on our actions and also on our words. We have a big responsibility and we have to exercise it to the full.


  Andrzej Grzyb, w imieniu grupy PPE. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani Wysoka Przedstawiciel! Chciałem bardzo serdecznie podziękować za to, że Rada ds. Zagranicznych dopiero co, 20 czerwca, przedłożyła swoje sprawozdanie na temat praw człowieka i demokracji w świecie w roku 2015, a już w dniu dzisiejszym możemy to sprawozdanie omówić. To jest to, co czasami określamy mianem europejskiej „soft power”, do której się Pani również dzisiaj odnosiła w trakcie wcześniejszej debaty na temat polityki bezpieczeństwa. Po pierwsze, chciałbym stwierdzić, że w obszarze praw człowieka i demokracji rok 2015 był bardzo trudny, by nie powiedzieć – dramatyczny, bowiem i konflikty zbrojne, i trwające walki, jak i natężenie ataków terrorystycznych, a wraz z tym ofiary tychże, to również coś, co zagraża demokracji, co zagraża przede wszystkim bezpieczeństwu poszczególnych obywateli. Wielu obywateli świata musiało zmienić swoje miejsce pobytu. Mówi się, że ponad 60 milionów ludzi zmieniło miejsce zamieszkania. Częstokroć decyzja o wędrówce w świat była połączona z fałszywymi obietnicami, częstokroć również z zagrożeniem życia. Był to kolejny rok pogarszającej się na świecie sytuacji ludzi wierzących, w szczególności chrześcijan i innych mniejszości religijnych, narodowych i etnicznych, w szczególności na Bliskim Wschodzie. Po trzecie, chciałbym stwierdzić, że kwestia wolności religijnej znalazła swoje miejsce w sprawozdaniu. Należy docenić, że w roku 2015 jednym z priorytetów było wdrażanie wytycznych Unii z 2013 r. właśnie w sprawie wolności religii lub przekonań. Chciałbym także podkreślić, że tzw. cicha dyplomacja również odniosła swoje sukcesy. Mówiono tu o tym. Uratowała ona przed egzekucją Asię Bibi w Pakistanie, ale też uwolniła z więzień wielu zatrzymanych. Dziękujemy tutaj panu ministrowi Stavrosowi Lambrinidisowi.


  Elena Valenciano, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señora Presidenta, muchas gracias, señora Mogherini, por su presentación, y gracias al señor Lambrinidis por acompañarnos hoy aquí.

En el ámbito de los derechos humanos no es fácil encontrar buenas noticias, sin embargo, en el informe hay algunos elementos positivos del trabajo que hemos hecho, por ejemplo, hoy están en nuestro Parlamento el señor y la señora Yunus, que han sido liberados después de un arduo trabajo por parte de todos aquellos que defendemos los derechos humanos.

Pero Europa se está enfrentando a grandísimas y gravísimas crisis y la gran pregunta es si estamos a la altura, justamente en aquello que nos interpela a nosotros, como europeos. Es decir, nosotros ¿cómo podemos ir a decirles a los demás en el mundo cómo deben comportarse con respecto a los derechos humanos de los más débiles —porque los derechos humanos existen para defender a los más débiles— cuando hoy anuncia el Gobierno de Hungría que hará un referéndum para saber si acepta o no a desplazados en su territorio? ¿Con qué cara los europeos vamos a dar lecciones en el mundo si en nuestras propias filas se están comportando de esta manera muchos de los Gobiernos europeos?

En algunos de los informes de derechos humanos de las organizaciones internacionales, ahora aparece la Unión Europea no como la gran referencia, sino como la gran responsable del sufrimiento de centenares de miles de seres humanos. Todo eso hace que aquellos que empujan el mundo en la buena dirección no estén ganando la partida.

Ustedes dos, desde luego, empujan el mundo en la buena dirección.


  Mark Demesmaeker, namens de ECR-Fractie. – Alle inspanningen ten spijt was 2015 opnieuw een erg somber jaar voor de mensenrechten. De persvrijheid belandde zelfs op een absoluut laagste punt ooit.

Uiteraard kunnen we die strijd niet alleen winnen, maar we moeten onszelf ook in vraag kunnen en durven stellen. Dit verslag blijft vooral beperkt tot een opsomming van onze acties. Ik mis inzichten in de resultaten of de hiaten of de vooruitgang. Dit kan toch niet! Hoe kunnen we zo ons instrumentarium beoordelen?

Verder moeten we meer samenhang vertonen in ons beleid. Ik ben het eens met de hoge vertegenwoordiger: het kan niet dat wij derde landen met de vinger wijzen terwijl we zelf de zaken niet op orde hebben. In Baskenland onderzocht ik met enkele collega’s de situatie van de politieke gevangenen. Uit ons verslag blijkt dat er ook in de Europese Unie nog werk aan de winkel is.

Bovendien moeten we stoppen met twee maten en twee gewichten te wegen. We drukken bij Afrikaanse hoofdsteden terecht op thema's als mensenrechten, respect voor internationale regels en goed bestuur. Maar bij onze bondgenoten doen we dit nog onvoldoende.

Ten slotte moeten wij ook onze positie als grootste ontwikkelingsdonor beter aanwenden. Financiële steun moet gaan naar overheden die de mensenrechten ter harte nemen!


  Petras Auštrevičius, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, in 2015 the world saw yet another year of dire human rights situations. Global human rights threats and democratic challenges became even more pronounced. We experienced an unprecedented migration crisis in the Mediterranean, a surge in the Daesh threat, continuing aggression against Ukraine, and a crackdown on civil and political rights in many places around us.

This is all happening on Europe’s doorstep or in Europe itself. Can this be effectively managed? I believe, yes, but only if we ensure consistency between our words and actions. Only if we make full use of our policy and the financial instruments at hand. I want to see human rights underpin the implementation of the new EU global strategy just presented by the Commission. They are a prerequisite for stability and democracy and therefore have to be systematically mainstreamed into the work in crisis regions such as the Middle East, Africa or Ukraine.

In addition, we need to scale up our efforts in empowering civil society. Human rights defenders and space for civil society are the main – and often only – catalysts for positive change. Only a strong civil society can accommodate the voices of minorities and other vulnerable groups. We must ensure that they are better protected from authoritarian governments and their restrictive laws and actions.

Lastly, if we want to tackle the global governance crisis, the EU cannot act alone. We not only need to work closely with the United Nations but we need as well to make human rights partnerships with third countries, exceeding further human rights dialogue formats.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))


  Tibor Szanyi (S&D), Kékkártyás kérdés. – Képviselő Úr, Ön és mások is egy általam helyesnek vélt hangnemet használ, amikor az európai hozzáállásról beszél. De Önben van-e kétség a tekintetben, hogy itt azért az elmúlt egy évben, másfél évben Európa sokat veszített a hitelességéből az emberi jogok tekintetében, vagy Ön úgy gondolja, hogy itt mi továbbra is élen járunk az emberi jogok érvényesítése dolgában?


  Petras Auštrevičius (ALDE), blue-card answer. – I am sure that human rights must remain a brand mark of the European Union. If we lose this brand mark, we will lose a lot. We will lose even more than we might imagine.

If our actions and words go hand—in—hand, and if we implement not only human-rights defence policy but also our trade policy, development policy and foreign policy along these lines, I see a great deal of success and a great probability that we will succeed not just in keeping our own human-rights criteria high but also in helping the countries and the persons affected.


  Marie-Christine Vergiat, au nom du groupe GUE/NGL. – Madame la Présidente, nous examinons une nouvelle fois le rapport annuel sur les droits de l'homme et la démocratie. On peut se féliciter d'un certain nombre d'éléments, mais ce qui m'inquiète, c'est la contradiction avec la réalité d'un nombre croissant de politiques européennes.

Un seul exemple: je lis, en page 14 du rapport, que l'on se félicite de la réaction de l'Union européenne à la visite que le président el-Béchir a effectuée en Afrique du Sud, dont acte. Mais, dans le même temps, l'Union est en train de passer un accord avec le Soudan pour financer son armée sur fond de développement, ce que M. Mimica appelle ‘development and security go hand-in-hand’, que l'on retrouve dans le document de la Commission du 5 juillet dernier.

Que peut-on attendre dans ce domaine? Va-t-on donner des fonds au dictateur soudanais pour qu'il continue à bombarder sa population au Darfour et au Nil Bleu? Va-t-on aider le Soudan à contrôler l'émigration, alors que de plus en plus d'Érythréens sont renvoyés manu militari en Érythrée, où ils risquent leur vie? Voilà un exemple parmi d'autres sur la façon dont les droits du migrant sont abordés de façon systématique avec les pays tiers, ce qu'on lit à la page 19.

Alors, oui, il existe une vaste différence entre les discours et les actes. La coopération avec certains États n'est pas acceptable quand ils bafouent aussi ouvertement les droits de l'homme, et l'Union européenne est de moins en moins convaincante en la matière.




  Barbara Lochbihler, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Hohe Vertreterin Frau Mogherini! Dieser jährliche Menschenrechtsbericht ist ein sehr gutes Dokument, um die verschiedensten Projekte der EU im Bereich der Menschenrechtsförderung darzustellen. Ich denke, unsere Region ist weltweit führend darin, sich auch in internationalen Gremien für eine Stärkung und Fortschreibung des Menschenrechtsschutzes einzusetzen. Und für uns im Parlament ist er natürlich das zentrale Dokument, auf das wir uns beziehen, wenn wir Ihre Arbeit, die des EAS und die der Kommission nachhalten wollen, wie es mit der Umsetzung steht, welche Themen besser bearbeitet werden sollen usw. Ich möchte darauf aber heute nicht eingehen. Wir werden ja im Parlament einen umfassenden Bericht erarbeiten, der vor allem auch diesen Jahresbericht kommentiert.

Rückblickend auf das vergangene Jahr und die EU-Menschenrechtspolitik treibt mich vor allem aber die Sorge um, dass wir mit den tiefgreifenden Änderungen in der Flüchtlingspolitik von einer humanitären, menschenrechtlich vertretbaren Flüchtlingspolitik abgerückt sind. Das Primat der Abschottung, das Anliegen, so viele Schutzsuchende wie möglich und so schnell wie möglich wieder aus der EU abzuschieben, ist ein treibendes Motiv geworden. So taugt der Pakt mit dem türkischen Präsidenten Erdoğan nicht als Vorlage für eine menschenrechtskonforme Flüchtlingspolitik. Und dennoch soll zukünftig nach diesem Vorbild auch mit Staaten wie Äthiopien oder Libyen kooperiert werden.

Die EU ist dafür gerügt worden – von Menschenrechtsexperten bei den Vereinten Nationen, vom Europarat. Europäische und internationale Menschenrechts- und Flüchtlingsorganisationen haben eindrucksvoll an die EU appelliert, vom Primat der Flüchtlingsabwehr Abstand zu nehmen – bisher ohne Erfolg.

Es macht mich traurig und sehr nachdenklich, dass die EU und ihre Mitgliedstaaten im Bereich des Menschenrechtsschutzes an Glaubwürdigkeit verloren haben. Und ich warne vor einem weiteren Vertrauensverlust. Wir brauchen eine kohärente und konsequente Menschenrechtspolitik in der Außen- und in der Innenpolitik der EU.

Frau Mogherini, Sie haben in Ihren Ausführungen eben gesagt, Sie müssen die Menschenrechtsschutzbemühungen entlang der Route für Migranten und Flüchtlinge verstärken. Ja, dringend sogar! Und dafür haben Sie sicher auch unsere Unterstützung.


  Ignazio Corrao, a nome del gruppo EFDD. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Alto rappresentante Mogherini, è già stato detto che questo è uno strumento di monitoraggio e di consolidamento anche della posizione di leadership che l'Unione europea ha e dovrebbe continuare ad avere in tema di diritti umani nel mondo, una posizione di leadership, purtroppo, che è messa a repentaglio da alcune politica interne, alcune azioni da parte degli Stati membri, che sono abbastanza discutibili.

Cosa si può fare? Cosa potrebbe esser fatto meglio? Sicuramente un monitoraggio, un rendiconto migliore e più approfondito di quanto avvenuto durante il 2015 rispetto a quello di cui disponiamo. Sicuramente il 2015 è stato un anno terribile, in cui sono avvenute barbarie di ogni tipo e aggressioni ai difensori diritti umani, a membri alla società civile, blogger e giornalisti che, speriamo, diminuiscano negli anni successivi.

Purtroppo noi dobbiamo migliorare in tema di rapporti e dialoghi con i paesi terzi, che focalizziamo sull'aspetto commerciale ma spesso e volentieri deroghiamo troppo facilmente alle clausole sui diritti umani, in maniera molto semplicistica, forse per fare un favore a quelle multinazionali che le violano nei paesi terzi.

Su questo dovremmo essere un po' più decisi.


  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser, au nom du groupe ENF. – Monsieur le Président, dans 1984, le grand écrivain George Orwell faisait de l'inversion des mots l'une des sources du pouvoir de Big Brother quand celui-ci faisait croire que la guerre, c'était la paix, et le mensonge, la vérité. Or, je tiens à souligner l'aspect admirablement orwellien de votre rapport.

Vous voulez être crédible, mais vous vous félicitez de votre soutien à la politique du respect des droits de l'homme en Ukraine mise en place par M. Porochenko. Que faites-vous des milliers de tués, de blessés et de déplacés du Donbass, résultat de ce droit de l'hommisme d'un nouveau genre, issu d'ailleurs de groupes néonazis? C'est toute la population ukrainienne qui subit actuellement le coup d'État de 2014 et ce gouvernement qui n'est d'ailleurs pas soutenu par la population ukrainienne, y compris de l'Ouest.

Vous voulez être crédible, mais vous perdurez dans l'autosatisfaction en célébrant votre soutien à la Cour pénale internationale, bras armé du désordre mondial. Cette Cour n'a jamais jugé que des dirigeants d'État faibles, presque tous africains d'ailleurs. Où sont les responsables du chaos iraquien, de la catastrophe libyenne, du crime syrien? C'est cela être crédible, votre politique de deux poids, deux mesures?

Toujours dans la satisfaction, vous validez, au nom des droits de l'homme, le chantage migratoire turc et la politique de M. Erdoǧan. Le déplacement de milliers de gens – de futurs clandestins économiques – devient pour vous naturel, comme un phénomène météorologique. Cela est commode, car cela évite de s'interroger sur le rôle des internationales criminelles dans les réseaux d'immigration et également sur le grand remplacement, la destruction suicidaire, de notre identité.

Enfin, vous vous faites l'avocat des minorités menacées, de la liberté de conscience et d'expression alors que, même au sein de ce Parlement, elles sont bafouées et que vous avez peur des peuples, et avec raison.


  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). – Monsieur le Président, je vais tout d'abord saluer l'adoption par le Conseil du rapport annuel de 2015. Comme j'étais le rapporteur de ce Parlement pour le rapport antérieur, je voudrais rappeler ce que j'avais déjà mentionné, à savoir le fait que j'aimerais voir, dans ce rapport approuvé par le Conseil, une approche plus analytique où l'on montre à la fois les réussites et les échecs parce que, parfois, il y a aussi des échecs dans notre action. Je crois qu'un inventaire des conférences et des déclarations n'est pas suffisant et je plaide toujours en faveur de plus d'exemples concrets dans ce domaine.

J'espère aussi que le rapport qui sera élaboré par le Parlement cette année accordera une place importante à la démocratie. On a insisté sur ce point l'année passée et j'aimerais que l'on ne l'oublie pas.

Je profite aussi du fait que Mme Vergiat est encore là pour lui dire que je crois que la référence qu'elle a faite à propos du commissaire Mimica n'est pas basée sur des faits. On sait que sécurité et développement doivent être traités ensemble et qu'on ne peut plus les séparer, et je regrette de voir la représentante de l'extrême-gauche attribuer à M. Mimica et à la Commission le financement des opérations contre les populations soudanaises. Je crois qu'utiliser ces sources-là, c'est aussi dénigrer l'Europe, et l'on risque de faire du mal à l'Europe, non seulement à cause de l'extrême-droite – ce qui est très grave –, mais aussi à cause de l'extrême-gauche, qui dit des mensonges sur les actions de la Commission.


Le Président. – Madame Vergiat, pouvez-vous m'expliquer le sujet?


  Marie-Christine Vergiat (GUE/NGL). – Monsieur le Président, j'ai été mise en cause directement. Je voudrais dire à M. Preda que ses manies de m'insulter et de me mettre en cause en permanence sont inadmissibles dans cette enceinte.

Par ailleurs, contrairement à lui, je ne lis pas que de la propagande et mes sources sont les rapports de la Commission elle-même, qui cite nommément le financement des armées dans le cadre des nouvelles politiques en matière de développement et de sécurité. Donc qu'il aille lire les bons documents, et qu'il arrête de m'assimiler aux gens d'en face que j'ai toujours combattus.


  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). – Effectivement, ce que je mets en doute, ce n'est pas la personne ou les convictions de Mme Vergiat, mais la qualité de l'information. Elle a affirmé, dans son intervention, que la Commission finançait des actions dirigées par le président soudanais contre les populations. C'est complètement faux, et un tel dénigrement de l'Europe à partir de ces thèmes est tout aussi grave que ce que fait l'extrême-droite. Donc l'extrême-gauche et l'extrême-droite sont tout aussi coupables de ce qu’il se passe aujourd'hui dans l'opinion publique en Europe.


  Pier Antonio Panzeri (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, per l'importanza che ha la relazione, ciò che dobbiamo evitare è che sia considerato un elenco di avvenimenti che non riescono a mostrare un quadro globale dei punti di forza e delle lacune dell'azione europea. E questo sarebbe negativo. Mi soffermo solo su ciò che va rafforzato.

La relazione dovrebbe fornire una valutazione circa il rispetto delle clausole sui diritti umani contenuti negli accordi commerciali e sull'utilizzo e i risultati prodotti dai fondi dedicati agli aiuti allo sviluppo concessi dall'Unione europea. Sarebbe anche utile una dettagliata valutazione dell'applicazione del principio "More for more", dove ha funzionato e dove non ha funzionato.

Nel capitolo sulla crisi migratoria, sembra risolversi con un elenco di conferenze, buoni propositi e convenzioni da ratificare o ratificate. Ma sarebbe forse utile una riflessione critica delle azioni intraprese dall'Unione europea in materia di politica migratoria, che è stata tutta concentrata, sostanzialmente, su accordi con partner che non rispettano i diritti umani.

Infine c'è un capitolo che riguarda la lotta al terrorismo e anche qui mi sembra utile segnalare il fatto che in molti casi vi è stata una notevole restrizione dei diritti umani in favore dell'approccio securitario, che si è tradotto in azioni che vanno dalla limitazione delle libertà dei cittadini fino al ripristino della pena di morte, nonché all'utilizzo arbitrario del pretesto della lotta al terrorismo come espediente per la repressione politica interna.

In definitiva, forse bisogna cambiare un po' l'approccio in due direzioni: più concreto per essere utile e per migliorare gli strumenti nell'azione europea e politico per rimettere al centro i diritti umani.


  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga (ECR). – Mr President, Christians were present in the Middle East for over 2 000, years along with other religious minorities. In contemporary times, due you to unbelievable atrocities perpetrated by so-called Da’esh, they face the real challenge of disappearing from the region that once used to be their cradle. In its resolution of 4 February the European Parliament indicated these atrocities as a crime against humanity and asked for further action on the level of United Nations. On the other hand, in the east we face persisting violence of human rights in annexed Crimea as well as Ukrainian political prisoners still kept hostage in Russian prisons. I name these things in order to make them evident in the annual reports.


  Beatriz Becerra Basterrechea (ALDE). – Mr President, Madam Mogherini, Mr Lambrinidis thank you for bringing up this comprehensive overview on the human rights situation in the world. I would like to highlight today the freedom of thought, conscience and religion or belief. Millions of people are being attacked in the world because of their beliefs but there is one minority that is literally hounded with a special cruelty and this is the Yezidis. Last month, a UN human rights panel concluded that Daesh is committing genocide against the Yezidis and among them the Yezidi women and girls are suffering the most. Behind this unbearable brutality there are thousands of stories with names and faces, but let me tell you about one today.

Nadia Murad was 19 when Daesh enacted one of their deadly massacres in her village, Kocho in Iraq. The men in her family were executed and the boys taken to training camps. She was raped, held captive, brutalised and enslaved for months, but Nadia is not a victim anymore. Empowered as an agent of change, she is now a human rights defender actively working for fundamental rights and pursuing this to take the Yezidi genocide to the International Criminal Court. We have limited instruments to act, but let me please ask you to join me in encouraging our powerful instrument, which is the Sakharov Prize to fight for the human rights that Nadia is taking up.


  Ulrike Lunacek (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, this is a happy day today because Leyla Yunus, shortlisted for the Sakharov Prize, is here today with us, free, together with her husband and her daughter. They were in the Plenary today, they are meeting with my group now. And yes, it is true that in Azerbaijan 150 people have been pardoned recently. But also another 70 are in prison because of their political ideas. So we have progress, but at the same time there is not enough pressure that we can exert to stop those authoritarian rulers who put people into prison because they criticise them. We need to do more and there needs to be more coherence between trade and economic instruments and our human rights policies. And I am sure that if we phased out fossil fuels, oil and gas, we would be a lot more independent towards rulers who put people like Leyla Yunus in prison. And luckily, she is not in prison anymore but here with us. Let me raise one other group of people: lesbians, gays, bisexual, transgender and intersex people in this world. It is good we have guidelines from the External Action Service. The UN Human Rights Council just voted for an independent expert to look into the plight of LGBTI people. We need to do more because people need to be able to live free from fear all over this planet.


  James Carver (EFDD). – Mr President, I am proud to support democracy and highlight different global human rights issues, from championing Roma, Gypsy and traveller rights to nominating Somaliland’s Edna Adan for last year’s Sakharov Prize for her work supporting women’s rights and tackling female genital mutilation in the Horn of Africa. Yesterday I met with Falun Gong practitioners and I would urge colleagues to join me in signing written declaration 48 of 2016 on stopping organ-harvesting from prisoners of conscience in China.

Last week I was dismayed that Chagos Islanders were denied the right of return to their homelands by the British Supreme Court. Following the Brexit vote I can think of no better way to mark my country’s return to an independent and globally engaged nation than to rectify this shameful episode in our recent history by allowing Chagossians the right to return to their homeland, should they so desire. Her Majesty’s Government must seize this opportunity to reaffirm our support for global human rights and democratic principles by setting a better example in a British Indian Ocean Territory.


  Λάμπρος Φουντούλης ( NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κυρίες και κύριοι συνάδελφοι, νομίζετε ότι η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση έχει λύσει όλα της τα προβλήματα, έτσι ώστε να αναλαμβάνει και το ρόλο του παγκόσμιου επιστάτη; Ακόμα και για το Brexit, μόνο κατηγορίες και κινδυνολογίες ακούγονται και καμία συζήτηση για τις λάθος πολιτικές σας πίσω από κλειστές πόρτες. Με τις ίδιες λάθος πολιτικές η Ένωση θέλει να επιβάλει τις δικές της αξίες σε κράτη που ουδεμία σχέση έχουν με αυτές και τα αποτελέσματα μόνο θετικά δεν μπορούν να χαρακτηριστούν.

Εκατοντάδες εκατομμύρια καταλήγουν, κάθε χρόνο, στις τσέπες συνεργαζόμενων δικτατορίσκων της Υποσαχάριας Αφρικής από τα χρήματα των ευρωπαίων φορολογούμενων. Για τις καταστροφές της Γιουγκοσλαβίας της Λιβύης και της Συρίας και το χρηματοδοτούμενο από την Ένωση πραξικόπημα στην Ουκρανία, που οδήγησε σε εμφύλιο πόλεμο, η πολιτιστική σας αποικιοκρατία ευθύνεται.

Όμως, για παραβιάσεις ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων και διώξεις μέσα στην Ένωση κωφεύετε και προσυπογράφετε. Οι κλυδωνισμοί στον ευρωπαϊκό Πύργο της Βαβέλ άρχισαν και σύντομα θα καταρρεύσει. Αφήστε τις τρίτες χώρες να αναπτυχθούν με τις δικές τους δυνάμεις. Όπου παρεμβαίνετε σαν σωτήρες, δυστυχώς, μόνο ερείπια και νεκρούς αφήνετε.


  Andrey Kovatchev (PPE). – Mr President, I am happy to see that Mr Lambrinidis is here with us. As outlined in the report, 2015 has been a year of extraordinary challenges for the European Union and the international community at large. We also heard many prescriptions about how to tackle better such challenges. I believe it is high time we stopped talking about the strong EU voice and start to deliver it. And this is not addressing you but much more the Member States, who should support you in all your efforts. We must reiterate clearly and firmly that all human rights agreed under the EU Charter are universal and indivisible and religious denomination or interpretation should not be used as a pretext not to respect these rights. We should not have double standards and should not close our eyes to breaches of human rights due to specific economic ties, exports of military machinery or geopolitical interests, but also our humanitarian and development aid should be used for improving human rights, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa and in the Middle East.

In this respect we have agreed on the text on the recommendations to the Council report which will discuss it. It is the next agenda item of today to recall the obligation of the General Assembly when electing the membership of the UN Human Rights Council to take into account candidates’ respect for the promotion of and protection of human rights, the rule of law and democracy. We should also continue to advocate for zero tolerance, as you say, for the death penalty and torture, and also to further work towards their universal abolition. One critical point missing is to clearly address the human rights situation in Turkey.


  Ana Gomes (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, outros colegas falaram já, aqui, da alegria de termos connosco os Yunus.

Poderia também falar na utilidade da resolução aprovada pelo Parlamento Europeu para expressar solidariedade e pressionar a libertação dos jovens “revus” em Angola, o que ocorreu na semana passada. Mas, apesar das nossas ações aqui no Parlamento e dos instrumentos políticos aprovados pelo Conselho, como o Plano de Ação para os Direitos Humanos e a Democracia Renovada, em 2015, a verdade é que passámos na União Europeia a um nível intolerável de contradição e cinismo, a pretexto de responder ao afluxo de refugiados e migrantes.

A desastrosa política de acordos de parceria com países terceiros, empreendida pelo Conselho para supostamente responder ao fluxo migratório, pretende utilizar os instrumentos de desenvolvimento para pagar a regimes corruptos e opressivos, fabricantes de refugiados e migrantes.

Como dizia um ativista em África recentemente, “vão pagar aos tiranos para dispararem sobre nós, para nos impedir de fugir à tirania?”

É já suficientemente trágico ver a Europa pedir a países mais pobres que abram as portas a refugiados, enquanto os Estados-Membros recusam e atacam refugiados, prendem refugiados, como acontece agora na Turquia e na Grécia, nos hotspots.

Teremos cara, Senhora Mogherini, Senhor Lambrinidis — eu própria, nós, deputados —, os nossos governos têm cara e serão eficazes a defender os direitos humanos, quando isto se está a passar na própria União Europeia? Não vamos apenas destruir a Europa, vamos destruir o próprio combate pelos direitos humanos.


  Josep-Maria Terricabras (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, the annual report fails to highlight the weaknesses of the EU’s policy on migrants, refugees and asylum seekers. Instead of primarily focusing on saving lives, increasing resettlement capacity and addressing the root causes of violence that lead people to flee their home country, the EU’s response has been to enhance its external border protection at all costs and outsource its migration management to countries which cannot provide adequate human rights safeguards.

It is high time a comprehensive migration policy was developed with human rights at its heart. This includes urgently and unconditionally increasing resettlement capacities, giving access to family reunification and granting humanitarian visas. The EU also needs to address more effectively the root causes of the human rights violations causing people to flee their countries of origin. We are sorry but the annual report fails to tackle the migration real situation with the needed depth and insight.


  Beatrix von Storch (EFDD). – Herr Präsident, meine Damen und Herren! Wir diskutieren jetzt über den Bericht über die Menschenrechte in der Welt. Ich möchte die Gelegenheit nutzen, der EU-Außenbeauftragten – auch wenn sie gerade nicht zuhört – ein paar Fragen nach dem neuen Sonderbeauftragten für Religionsfreiheit außerhalb der EU zu stellen. Dieser Posten ist soeben geschaffen und vergeben worden an Ján Figeľ – ein klassischer Versorgungsposten für einen Christdemokraten. Es gibt auch einen Sonderbeauftragten für Menschenrechte, Herrn Lambrinidis aus Griechenland, auch so ein Versorgungsfall, aber das ist ein anderes Thema.

Herr Lambrinidis kümmert sich vornehmlich um Menschenrechtsverletzungen. Es geht bei ihm viel um die zahlreichen sexuellen Identitäten, die sexuellen Orientierungen und die vielen Gender, die Menschen so haben können. Er zeichnet sich dadurch aus, dass er dort sehr schnell Menschenrechtsverletzungen sieht und dann auch sehr schnell aktiv wird und diese rügt. Bei Menschenrechtsverletzungen gegen Christen tut er erkennbar weniger.

Frage Nummer eins: Der Sonderbeauftragte für Menschenrechte hat einen eigenen Stab, und dieser ist bei Ihnen im Auswärtigen Dienst angesiedelt. Warum hat der Sonderbeauftragte für Religionsfreiheit keinen eigenen Stab? Er ist nicht ebenbürtig, er ist nicht bei Ihnen im Auswärtigen Dienst angesiedelt, sondern lediglich beim Entwicklungshilfekommissar. Ist der Schutz und die Förderung der Religionsfreiheit für die Juncker-Kommission weniger wichtig, weniger wert?

Frage Nummer zwei: Können die Aufgaben der vielen Sonderbeauftragten nicht eigentlich viel besser von den Außenministerien der Nationalstaaten wahrgenommen werden? Ist es nicht so, dass sich jeder Sonderbeauftragte irgendwie wie ein kleiner Außenminister geriert. Und sind das dann nicht ein bisschen viele?

Frage Nummer drei: Hat der Rechnungshof eigentlich schon einmal die Effizienz der vielen Sonderbeauftragten überprüft und eine Kosten-Nutzen-Rechnung aufgestellt? Wissen wir also, was wir bezahlen und was dann dabei herauskommt? Ich habe da so meine Zweifel und würde mich freuen, wenn Sie diese ausräumten.


  György Hölvényi (PPE). – Mr President, I really do highly appreciate the efforts of the High Representative in promoting human rights in various parts of the globe and, Madam High Representative, we very much welcome your special engagement on freedom of religion that showed in the last year. We have ensured that this important issue gets the attention it deserves and believe that the recently appointed Special Envoy for the promotion of freedom of religion outside the EU, Mr Figeľ, will notably contribute to common actions and fully encourage the Commission to consequently bring forward this engagement.

Let me point out some suggestions as well. Firstly, the Institution for Development Cooperation must recognise the enormous work done by the churches and their organisations in humanitarian relief worldwide. Also regarding development cooperation, the EU cannot make compromises in countries where human rights such as religious freedom are in danger. Europe must show zero tolerance towards oppressive regimes in development agreements.

Secondly, in early February Parliament passed an historic decision on the recognition of genocide against religious minorities by Daesh. Naming the crime by its true legal name is the first step to really addressing these atrocities by radicals. Thirdly and finally, protection of religious minorities is the major security factor in the Middle East. We must recognise the geostrategic importance of the presence of Christians and other minorities. They must contribute to the social balance of the countries, including in the future.


  Andi Cristea (S&D). –Domnule președinte, pe fondul instabilității și al conflictelor din Orientul Mijlociu și din regiuni din Asia și Africa, al crizei migrației și al atacurilor teroriste comise împotriva civililor, 2015 a fost un an marcat de încălcări grave ale drepturilor omului.

Uniunea Europeană are datoria să răspundă acestor provocări prin acțiuni mai bine orientate, prin asigurarea unei mai bune coerențe a politicilor, în special în domeniile migrației, comerțului, cooperării pentru dezvoltare și combaterii terorismului. Consider prioritară adoptarea de către Uniunea Europeană a unei strategii către regiunea Orientului Mijlociu și Africii de Nord, care să țină cont de toți factorii care stau la baza terorismului și a radicalizării, să adopte o abordare reprezentativă prin implicarea societății civile și să fie în conformitate cu standardele internaționale privind drepturile omului.

În viziunea mea, accentul ar trebui pus pe prevenirea terorismului prin combaterea radicalizării, a recrutării și finanțării lui și pe abordarea altor factori precum sărăcia și proliferarea armelor. Nu putem avea succes în combaterea terorismului decât prin mijloace compatibile cu drepturile omului.


  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Pane předsedají, já jsem velmi rád, že mohu k této zprávě také vystoupit. Jak jsem několikrát řekl, považuji agendu lidských práv za mimořádně důležitou v rámci naší činnosti a je dobře, že zde debatujeme zprávu o tom, co se v této agendě událo v roce 2015 a co Evropská komise, Evropský parlament a paní vysoká komisařka v této agendě udělaly. Já bych si dovolil několik malých postřehů. Považuji za velmi dobré, že se rozběhl program podpory ochránců lidských práv, že minulý rok poskytla Evropská unie celkem 160 ochráncům finanční hotovost v podobě grantů. Myslím si, že toto je přesně oblast do budoucna, kde bychom měli v zemích, kde zkrátka není demokracie, není možnost svobody projevu, svobody shromažďování, podporovat ty, kteří se snaží myšlenky lidských práv obhajovat a bojují proti tamním totalitním režimům. Za velmi důležité pak považuji to, že se Evropská unie výrazně podílí ve světě na monitorování volebních procesů a že toto může přispět v některých státech k tomu, že volby proběhnou spravedlivěji, demokratičtěji než by proběhly, kdyby tam vnější pozorovatelé, například z Evropské unie, nebyli.

Nicméně dovolte ještě jednu malou poznámku. Pokaždé zde debatujeme na schůzi o stavu lidských práv v konkrétních zemích, o aktuálních problémech a já si myslím, že do budoucna bychom naši rozvojovou pomoc měli více svazovat s tím, jak jsou v konkrétních státech, kam tato pomoc proudí, dodržována lidská práva a demokracie.


  Bogusław Liberadzki (S&D). – Panie Przewodniczący! Przedmiotem debaty jest działalność, która, śmiem twierdzić, w zbliżającej się perspektywie końca mieć nie będzie, gdyż zawsze znajdziemy przypadki łamania praw człowieka, niedoboru demokracji. Po pierwsze – z naszego punktu widzenia kluczowo ważne jest, aby zachować wrażliwość. I ta wrażliwość w sprawozdaniu została zachowana. Po drugie – szczególnie ważne jest, aby zachować konsekwencję. Przez długie lata konsekwentnie wskazuję na to, aby nagradzać moralnie tych, którzy wspierają szukanie rozwiązań i przyczyniają się do niego – i to robimy. I wreszcie instrumenty finansowe: pokazujemy, że te instrumenty finansowe mamy i je stosujemy.

Kształtujmy świadomość potrzeby wrażliwości! Sprawozdanie niniejsze przyjmuję z satysfakcją. Szanowna pani wysoka przedstawiciel, drogi Stavrosie: róbcie swoje, to jest dobry kierunek. Pomagamy, ale wiadomo, że całemu światu nie przyniesiemy rozwiązania.


  Richard Howitt (S&D). – Mr President, first can I welcome and support European leadership in the global fight against the death penalty and against torture, on promoting LGBT rights in the world, and on support for the UN guiding principles on business in human rights.

There have been some consistent concerns from Parliament to the EEAS on this report over the years, which we reiterate today. There must be more evaluation, less description, and there should be greater use of benchmarks to measure and to foster progress. And this year, in particular, there remain serious questions as to how far the EU’s refugee policy fully upholds human rights. But I do not want to bash the European Commission on that, the needs of the refugees themselves are too important. Nor do I wish to do so on the Commission’s widely publicised failure to carry out the human rights impact assessment required in the EU-Vietnam trade negotiations. But I do ask for an honest reflection of whether this demonstrates a mind-set that these assessments may be conducted normally on trade agreements, but for their own sake, and that they do not truly inform the trade policy which follows. A serious commitment to human rights merits a serious reflection on that question.


  Francisco Assis (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Alta Comissária, nos últimos anos, os direitos humanos e a democracia têm sofrido vários retrocessos em diferentes regiões do mundo. Esses retrocessos resultam, desde logo, das guerras e do terrorismo, mas também decorrem da criminalização das liberdades fundamentais, da perseguição de minorias, do ódio de índole religiosa e racial, do tráfico dos seres humanos e da exploração selvagem de recursos naturais.

Felizmente, também vimos constatando, de ano para ano, alguns significativos progressos, e vários desses progressos estão associados à ação da União Europeia, como é, aliás, patente no presente relatório.

Saudamos, por exemplo, os progressos verificados no condicionamento dos acordos comerciais da União Europeia com países terceiros ao respeito pelos direitos humanos.

A aplicação do esquema generalizado de preferências comerciais, desde janeiro de 2014, configura um passo muito importante nesse sentido, tal como a inclusão sistemática na nossa política comercial e de investimento externo, desde 2012, de estudos de impacto relativos aos direitos humanos e ao desenvolvimento sustentável.

Não parece, pelo contrário, que a União Europeia esteja tão empenhada quanto seria desejável no processo do tratado internacional vinculativo sobre a responsabilidade das empresas transnacionais em matéria de direitos humanos, que está a ser preparado a nível da ONU. Espero, por isso, que na próxima reunião do grupo de trabalho intergovernamental, que decorrerá em outubro, a União Europeia possa revelar o maior empenhamento no tratamento de tão premente assunto.


Διαδικασία «Catch-the-Eye»


  Sergio Gaetano Cofferati (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signora Vicecommissario, è del tutto condivisibile l'osservazione che lei ha fatto sul rischio che corriamo. La grande crisi, quella economica come quella sociale, finisce col mettere in secondo piano l'attenzione nei confronti di molti diritti. Addirittura, i diritti vengono compressi dalla crisi: quelli di cittadinanza, con l'argomento strumentale che bisogna avere sicurezza per i cittadini; quelli del lavoro, perché bisogna far crescere la produttività e quelli umani, perché sono, paradossalmente dicono, alcuni elementi che contengono la coesione sociale dalla quale però le comunità hanno bisogno.

Io credo che occorra rafforzare l'iniziativa dell'Unione europea, come lei ha detto, e che occorra arrivare anche a inibire i rapporti con chi non rispetta questi diritti fondamentali. Io le sono molto grato, perché lei qui ha ricordato il dramma, la barbarie che si è consumata nei confronti di Giulio Regeni. So che lei, con grande sensibilità, ha incontrato i genitori. Io penso che la verità sull'omicidio Regeni sia molto importante per rilanciare un'idea condivisa di diritti. Per questo le chiedo di continuare il lavoro che ha intrapreso, perché i rapporti di questa dimensione del nostro mondo abbiano carattere diverso nel prossimo futuro con l'Egitto.


  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, το 2015, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση εξέδωσε το νέο σχέδιο δράσης της για τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα, στο οποίο παρουσιάζονται οι προτεραιότητές της για τα επόμενα πέντε χρόνια, που αποσκοπούν στην προάσπιση των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων και της δημοκρατίας παγκοσμίως. Βέβαια, αυτή τη στιγμή η ευρωπαϊκή οικονομία διανύει μια περίοδο κρίσης, της οποίας οι συνέπειες, σε συνδυασμό με τα μέτρα λιτότητας που επιβάλλει η τρόικα σε ορισμένα κράτη μέλη της Ένωσης, έχουν αρνητικό αντίκτυπο στα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα και στις συνθήκες διαβίωσης των ευρωπαίων πολιτών.

Τα ποσοστά αύξησης της φτώχειας και της ανεργίας, οι επισφαλείς συνθήκες εργασίας και η αύξηση των κοινωνικών ανισοτήτων στις χώρες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης επιδρούν αρνητικά στην ευημερία των πολιτών της. Είναι λοιπόν αναγκαίο η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση να σταματήσει να επιβάλλει τη μερκελική λιτότητα που παραβιάζει μαζικά και διαρκώς τα δικαιώματα των ίδιων των ευρωπαίων πολιτών.

Επομένως, κυρία Mogherini, πριν η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση αναλάβει εκστρατεία προστασίας των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων ανά την υφήλιο, ας πάψει να παραβιάζει τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα των ευρωπαίων πολιτών.


  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE). – Gospodine predsjedniče, godišnji izvještaj o ljudskim pravima u svijetu 2015. Gospođo Visoka povjerenice, recite mi od kojeg kontinenta da počnemo: od Afrike, Azije, obiju Amerika, Australije ili da govorimo o Europskoj uniji? Recite mi od koje manjine da počnemo: od jezične, religijske, seksualne ili da govorimo o stanju prava migranata kao najnovijoj temi koju često imamo u našem Parlamentu?

Zaista ponekad izgleda sizifovski boriti se za ljudska prava – ja to činim dvadeset i pet godina, otkada sam u politici. Izborio sam se za jezična prava talijanske zajednice u Istri, borio sam se za niz prava koja su trebali dobiti Srbi, Muslimani, Romi i mnogi drugi u Hrvatskoj. Vjerujem da se ta borba isplati. Nikada ne smijemo stati! Koliko god da to sizifovski izgleda. Zato imate našu podršku i trebamo biti odlučni, imati otvoreni dijalog i boriti se za ljudska prava.


  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Г-н Председател, уважаеми колеги, уважаема г-жо Могерини, прочетох Вашия доклад и с огромна изненада не видях там споменато името на Турция в контекста на нарушаването на човешките права и състоянието на демокрацията за 2015 година. Както е известно вероятно на всеки, който се интересува от темата, състоянието на демокрацията в Република Турция е катастрофално. Демокрацията в Република Турция е смазана от един диктаторски режим. Може да попитате тези, които протестираха на площад „Тексим“. Може да попитате тези, които се борят за правата на кюрдската общност или тези, които страдат от гражданската война там.

А липсата на споменаването на Република Турция на мен ми се струва изключително лицемерно в контекста на сделката, която се прави между Европейската комисия и тази държава с цел уж да не бъдат допуснати нелегалните мигранти. Защото тази сделка всъщност е дълбоко лицемерна и дълбоко погрешна, и нещата трябва да се казват с истинските им имена. Иначе остава впечатлението за двоен стандарт и лицемерие.


(Λήξη της διαδικασίας «Catch-the-Eye»)


  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, you mentioned the fact that we are running quite late so I will be very short in my replies; also because I noticed that only 13 of you have stayed in the room after having posed very important vital issues and after also questioning the coherence, or the dedication, or the good faith, or the good will of the work we do – not only because we are paid for that but because we believe in what we are doing.

Well, posing these issues and then leaving the room immediately is not, let me tell you, the greatest example of coherence. But let me also thank those of you here for staying until the end of this debate which – indeed for me and for the 13 of you that have stayed – probably is a really important one because here we are talking about the common work that we are doing in a very difficult environment, and I would like here to thank personally our Special Representative, Stavros Lambrinidis for the work that he is doing with a dedication and an effectiveness that, given the situation around the world and inside the European Union, is really amazing.

This is a team work that can only work if each of us manages to do our bit of the job; where the key word for me is what many of you have mentioned, namely policy coherence, which is the coherence of our different approaches. From my side the effort I have put in – I and all those that are working with me on this – our efforts have been to try to put together our internal policies and our external policies, and in the external policies our trade, development, humanitarian, migration and our human rights policies especially, in line with our principles and our values in the most effective way.

Sometimes we have failed, sometimes we have had results, some of them were in this room today. Sometimes you need to keep quiet for a little bit until the results come in and this is why indeed we have tried more in this report than in last year’s to include some of the recommendations Mr Preda mentioned: of having a more analytical report, of having also a critical report on what works and what does not work.

Personally I would say that we have tried our best – we will continue to push in that direction – to have a more analytical and substantial report paying attention to the fact that not all details, especially on the critical parts, could be mentioned in a document that is a public one, for the sake of the continuation of the work we are doing, because we are talking about peoples’ lives. So there is to a certain degree a cautious approach that we needed to take, especially when analysing our instruments, and especially when they fail, I have to say. Also when they succeed we probably have to be a little bit careful.

But we will continue to work in that direction and I hope that the next report will manage to be even more analytical and focused than the one we produced today and I would like also to thank you for the work done and the indications of your reports that were somehow taken in ours.


Πρόεδρος. Η συζήτηση έληξε.


  María Teresa Giménez Barbat (ALDE), por escrito. – Reforzar la democracia y los derechos humanos en Europa y entre sus vecinos es un interés humanitario, pero también estratégico, para la Unión. Nos jugamos nuestra supervivencia. Aún hoy la crueldad inhumana es una frontera moral no tan distante, como evidencian las recientes atrocidades perpetradas en Siria e Iraq. Quiero recordar las cruentas y fanáticas persecuciones contra cristianos y minorías no cristianas del Oriente Próximo, en especial contra yazidíes, como episodios inolvidables de la infamia universal. La proximidad que representa este antagonismo, la perseverancia de esta barbarie frente a lo que aún nos atrevemos a llamar civilización, debe servir para afirmarnos en compromisos comunes e irrenunciables en la defensa de una sociedad humana –no sólo ya europea– que presumimos abierta. Me gustaría dar la bienvenida, en este sentido, a la inclusión en el informe anual europeo sobre derechos humanos y democracia de una referencia al derecho de «no tener» una religión, en armonía con la resolución sobre libertad de religión o creencias adoptada por la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas en diciembre de 2015. Este es un paso muy importante hacia el reconocimiento universal de la libertad religiosa y de la libertad de no tener una religión, como derecho humano fundamental.


  Afzal Khan (S&D), in writing. – Europe is going through a period of crisis, which is challenging the very values on which it was built. Increasingly we see the politics of solidarity and tolerance give way to division and fear. Nationalists and populists seek to exploit public anxiety. Moreover, there have been attempts in a number of states to introduce laws which risk contravening international standards. This is not only wrong. We have witnessed this trend in the 1930s and 1940s, and it is dangerous for the continent. It is the EU, and the rules and norms upon which it is founded, which has effectively kept the dangers of extremism and totalitarianism at bay for over half a century. If we do not stand by our democratic principles and tackle our problems while fully respecting human rights then the situation will only get worse. As societies we have been too timid, too silent. We have a responsibility to speak up, keep these issues as a priority, and make it clear that there is no tolerance towards hatred. Diversity must never be seen as a threat. It adds rather than subtracts from a society, and it is our common duty to create and nurture an inclusive society.

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