12. Afganistan, täpsemalt ELi kohustused ja Euroopa Parlamendi roll Afganistani ja ELi ühistes edasistes sammudes seoses migratsiooniküsimustega (arutelu)
Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Erklärung der Vizepräsidentin der Kommission und Hohen Vertreterin der Union für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik zum Thema Afghanistan, insbesondere Zusagen der EU und Rolle des EP im Zusammenhang mit dem gemeinsamen Vorgehen Afghanistans und der EU in Migrationsangelegenheiten (2016/2948(RSP)).
In Vertretung der Hohen Vertreterin spricht Herr Kommissar Avramopoulos.
Dimitris Avramopoulos,on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, let me start by expressing my thanks for the opportunity to discuss with you today the main elements of the Joint Way Forward on migration issues. This document was signed on 2 October between Afghanistan and the European Union. It should be seen not only in the context of EU—Afghan relations but, more importantly, in the context of the European Union’s new partnership framework with third countries under the European Agenda on Migration.
This initiative falls under the package of efforts to address the ongoing migratory crisis and was welcomed by the last European Council. More than a year ago we adopted, as you will remember, the European Union’s Agenda on Migration which this House has welcomed. The EU Agenda on Migration set out our common strategy on the basis of this principle. A common challenge demands a common European response. It demands a comprehensive policy, which includes both short and long—term solutions and a coordinated approach of our internal and external policies in order to address all aspects of this phenomenon.
Preventing irregular migration is one of the issues that demands a long-term policy and engagement with key third countries. Our engagement, therefore, with Afghanistan, along with other key countries of origin, is part of this comprehensive approach. It is in this spirit that the European Union and Afghanistan have decided to bring their cooperation to the next level.
Let me stress the overall picture. Europe faced an unprecedentedly large number of irregular migrants of Afghan origin in 2015 and during 2016 Afghans continue to represent the second largest group of irregular migrants to the European Union. A large number of them will most likely be eligible for international protection either because they belong to specific categories of persons or because they originate from certain areas of the country.
I do not have to repeat that every asylum seeker goes through a due and fair process, respecting her or his rights according to EU laws. Those who are not eligible for international protection will have to be returned. This is exactly the issue which needs to be addressed with the Afghan authorities. The Afghan authorities do not contest the international law principle of readmitting their nationals found in an irregular position. They are, however, concerned about the impact of their return on those who return and on their receiving communities as well. This issue has to be adequately and proactively managed. Their concern, which the European Union shares, is moreover amplified by the fact that other neighbouring countries, notably Pakistan and Iran, are already returning thousands of irregular Afghan migrants back to Afghanistan. These returns are happening without an accompanying measure in favour of those who return and of the communities that will receive and reintegrate them.
Until 2 October the European Union did not have any cooperation framework with Afghanistan. This situation had created mistrust with limited possibilities for dialogue and cooperation, but also uncertainty for the migrants. The only ones profiting from the lack of a cooperation framework were the criminal organisations dealing with migrant smuggling. Now we have this framework for dialogue and cooperation to discuss the issues of return, readmission and reintegration of the irregular migrants in a comprehensive, balanced and sustainable manner. This will also help to address the concerns of the Afghan authorities I mentioned before.
I would now like to give you an overview of what the Joint Way Forward is, what it is not, and what its key elements are. Let me start by reminding you that the Joint Way Forward does not refer to persons having been granted international protection status in the European Union or whose international protection request is still being examined. It only covers irregular migrants – persons who either have not requested asylum or whose asylum claim has been rejected and they have no right to stay in the European Union. In all cases the principle of non-refoulement will be preserved and respected.
Secondly, the Joint Way Forward is not a legally binding international agreement. It does not set out new obligations. It represents rather a joint declaration in which are described the various initiatives which the European Union and Afghanistan, in accordance with their authority and internal procedures, intend to implement in order to organise the return, readmission and reintegration of the irregular migrants, while preventing further irregular migration flows. This declaration will enhance the mutual trust between the two parties. It proves that both the European Union and Afghanistan are committed to address the irregular migration phenomenon in a comprehensive, balanced and human manner.
Thirdly, I would like to underline that the Joint Way Forward in fact goes much further than the return of irregular migrants. Not only does it describe how Member States and Afghan authorities will organise an orderly return of the irregular migrants, but it encompasses several other initiatives helping to give to this challenge a sustainable solution in a spirit of partnership. For instance, it also covers measures aimed at preventing further departures of irregular migrants, such as campaigns to sensitise the population to the risk of irregular migration and capacity building to fight against migrant smuggling. It also underlines that, in line with EU legislation, the EU side will give the necessary consideration to humanitarian aspects to ensure that vulnerable groups of migrants receive adequate protection, assistance and care throughout the whole process. In this context, the Joint Way Forward stresses the intention of the European Union to support the country as much as possible with the challenging task of sustainable reintegration of those who return.
As mentioned earlier, Afghanistan is facing unprecedented migration challenges. It is in this spirit that the Commission is developing an important multi-country programme to assist returning migrants, members of third communities and the local authorities. The interventions foreseen under this programme will include vocational training and skills development, strengthening of local communities and the improvement of migration management systems and policies.
This programme comes in addition to the existing bilateral development cooperation which addresses some of the root causes of irregular migration, for example as concerns the availability of basic services or economic opportunities. It represents just one aspect of the much broader financial and technical support which the European Union and its Member States have been giving and, as reiterated at the Brussels Conference on 5 October, will continue to give to Afghanistan to promote its overall stabilisation and development.
The Joint Way Forward represents the beginning of a dialogue and cooperation for the European Union and the Member States with the Afghan authorities. Nothing should be taken for granted. Patient work and mutual respect in a spirit of partnership will ensure the effective success of the initiatives described in the Joint Way Forward. From the Commission’s side I can ensure you of our full commitment to make the Joint Way Forward a success story with a positive outcome for the European Union, for Afghanistan and, in particular, for the Afghan migrants involved.
I can conclude by reassuring you that I am committed to come and inform you on the state of play of the Joint Way Forward whenever you request it in the future.
Jaromír Štětina, za skupinu PPE. – V říjnu 2001 začala americká letadla bombardovat Afghánistán. Ještě tentýž rok vstoupily do země pozemní americké jednotky. V roce 2002 nastal náhlý zvrat v demografii Afghánistánu. Během několika měsíců se domů vrátilo přibližně 5 milionů lidí, kteří utekli před sovětskou okupací a následnou válkou mudžahídů s Tálibánem. Vraceli se především z Íránu a z Pákistánu. Návrat uprchlíků byl spontánní, nikdo jim návrat neorganizoval, ani nenařizoval. Pět milionů lidí pochopilo, že americká intervence ukončila pětadvacet let dlouhou sérii zničujících válek.
Poté, co v roce 2013 začaly odcházet z Afghánistánu zahraniční jednotky, se opět proud uprchlíků obrátil. Lidé začali Afghánistán opouštět. Afghánci se tak stali po Syřanech nejsilnější uprchlickou skupinou usilující o vstup do EU a o azyl v EU.
Rád bych vás, dámy a pánové, upozornil na jednu zásadní skutečnost, se kterou by se měla EU vypořádat. V době americké přítomnosti a přítomnosti mezinárodních jednotek ISAF spolupracovalo několik desítek tisíc afghánských občanů s těmito ozbrojenými jednotkami. Kvůli stahování mezinárodních sil tito lidé bývají propouštěni a ztrácejí práci. Oni i jejich rodiny jsou často Tálibánem označováni za „zrádce víry a národa“ a jejich životy jsou přímo ohroženy. Tito lidé, dámy a pánové, byli našimi přímými spojenci v ozbrojeném boji proti islamistům a nemůžeme je nechat svému osudu. Tvoří zásadní část afghánské uprchlické vlny.
Nesmíme umožnit v Afghánistánu bezpečnostní vakuum. Pokud ho umožníme, nic už mladé lidi neodradí od nebezpečné cesty do Evropy. Evropa společně s mezinárodním společenstvím nesmí polevit v podpoře afghánských národních obranných a bezpečnostních složek. Nevyhnutelná je další přítomnost NATO, amerických vojáků i ozbrojená přítomnost EU, např. pomocí policejní mise v Afghánistánu.
Elena Valenciano, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor Presidente, señor Comisario, celebramos los esfuerzos de la Unión Europea en la reciente conferencia de donantes de Bruselas y, sin embargo, no queremos pensar que detrás de este acuerdo con el Gobierno de Afganistán, firmado a escondidas, solo haya intereses egoístas e insolidarios.
No queremos pensar tampoco que el Consejo esté empeñado en ignorar a este Parlamento, valiéndose de formas de acuerdo que impiden nuestra legítima tarea de control. No queremos pensar que para conseguir este acuerdo se hayan ejercido, siquiera de manera difusa, presiones con la ayuda que damos al país.
Y no queremos pensar que la Unión Europea vaya a incumplir su obligación de proteger a miles de personas, incluidos, señor Comisario, menores no acompañados, que ahora van a poder ser devueltos de forma forzosa a un país asolado por la violencia y pobre como pocos. No queremos pensar mal, señor Comisario, pero es muy difícil que no lo hagamos.
La Unión Europea parece empeñada en dinamitar su imagen en el exterior. Este Parlamento no quiere de ninguna manera contribuir a ello, pero no vamos a permanecer callados ni en cuanto al contenido ni en cuanto a las formas de una realpolitik que, señor Comisario, se aleja cada día más de nuestros valores.
Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, this year nearly 46 000 Afghans made their way to Europe. They represent the second largest migrant group by nationality of the 327 000 registered arrivals for 2016 to date. The need for concluding a readmission agreement between Afghanistan and the EU is therefore paramount.
There are many in this House who are ideologically opposed to the very notion of readmission agreements and will oppose the Joint Way Forward regardless of its terms. The terms in this case are fair and contain a number of provisions that cover the issues of unaccompanied minors, the elderly, the disabled and the vulnerable. Furthermore, the agreement goes beyond merely concluding procedures for readmission and includes elements for assisting with the reintegration of those people who wish to return home.
Following the unprecedented numbers of people that have arrived on the EU shores over the past two years it is vital that our Member State governments and the EU demonstrate that they are able to find solutions to what many of our citizens discern to be the number one issue of political concern at the doorstep. Failure to do so will further propel the rise of the populist and the far-right parties and endanger the very nature and entire basis for the EU project.
Maintaining the confidence and viability of international treaties such as the 1951 Geneva UN Convention on Refugees will only be possible if we stick to its terms and properly implement them.
Nevertheless, and speaking personally, I believe that in the modern world of mass travel and communications a review of the Refugee Convention as it stands will be necessary in the longer term as it is no longer fit for purpose in the way it operates today.
Petras Auštrevičius, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, the Brussels conference earlier this month sent a clear signal of hope and sent a momentum of action. It showed that political and financial commitment by the international community remain strong. The Afghan Government has committed to implementing a serious reforms programme. Self-reliant Afghanistan has to be grounded on good governance, rule of law, economic development and, most importantly, on security. In this regard, I deplore strongly the killing of 30 peaceful civilians in the Ghor province by bandits affiliated to ISIS. This is the very sad news of this morning.
I particularly welcome the signing of the Joint Way Forward. It is an extremely important agreement; important for both sides involved as it sets a clear framework for managing migration readmission. Having said this, I would like to regret strongly the lack of transparency in closing the deal on this and the fact that Parliament was not involved in its drafting at an earlier stage. Thus, I call on the High Representative and the Commission from now onwards to at least keep this House informed on progress regarding the agreement’s implementation.
Coming back to EU-Afghan relations, they must be based on reciprocity. The EU needs to respect its financial pledges and ensure its support for returnees, so they can find jobs and become valuable members of their communities. Afghanistan must uphold its obligations by facilitating readmission and the reintegration of its own citizens who do not fulfil the asylum application requirements. It is necessary that Afghanistan, the EU and the international community elaborate jointly on this momentum of the Brussels conference and do everything in their capacity to support the rebuilding of the state of Afghanistan and Afghanis’ hope for a better future.
Malin Björk, för GUE/NGL-gruppen. – Herr talman! Alla som är i det här rummet vet att Afghanistan inte är ett säkert land. Inte särskilt säkert för någon, speciellt inte för barn och kvinnor. Inte heller för tonårspojkar, särskilt inte hazarer. Alla vet att talibaner rekryterar tonårspojkar på rullande band och att säkerhetssituationen för dem är oerhört farlig. Det finns inga låtsasord i världen som kan sudda ut den brutala verklighet som finns i Afghanistan. Om Afghanistan inte är säkert nog för våra europeiska medborgare att åka till, hur kan det då vara säkert nog att deportera barn till, herr kommissionär?
Jag vet att Sverige är ett av de länder som har velat ha detta avtal med Afghanistan och jag kan bara säga att jag skäms. I helgen pågick demonstrationer i hela landet, i hela Sverige. Det pågår demonstrationer i Kabul, och i stort sett varenda organisation som jobbar med flyktingars rättigheter har skrivit under ett upprop för att stoppa detta avtal.
Något väldigt allvarligt håller på att hända. Biståndspengar används som påtryckningsmedel för att tvinga tredjeländer att ta emot flyktingar som vi skickar tillbaka. Vi måste vara väldigt tydliga. Vi har inte en migrationskris. Vi har en politisk kris. Det här avtalet måste stoppas. Övriga avtal med tredjeländer likaså.
Judith Sargentini, namens de Verts/ALE-Fractie. – In Afghanistan hebben vrouwen nauwelijks rechten, worden jonge mannen ingelijfd door Taliban en Daesh, en vallen hele provincies niet onder het gezag van Kabul. ECHO, onze noodhulporganisatie, waarschuwt voor een humanitaire ramp deze winter. En met dát land sluit Europa een deal! Een soort van Turkijedeal: ongrijpbaar maar erg verstrekkend. En als het kwaakt als een eend, zwemt als een eend en eruitziet als een eend, dan is het een eend!
Deze joint way forward on migration is een terugname-overeenkomst en daarop heeft het Europees Parlement instemmingsrecht. Waarom legt u dat voorstel dan niet gewoon aan ons voor? Als Afghanistan het wil en de Europese Unie wil het, kan het toch gewoon met nette democratische besluitvorming geregeld worden? Nu u dat niet doet, laadt u de verdenking op zich dat er hier iets niet in de haak is. Wat ook niet in de haak is, is de manier waarop we dit financieren. De Commissie wil een deel van het geld voor de wederopbouw van Afghanistan gebruiken voor het re-integreren van uitgeprocedeerde asielzoekers uit Europa. Dat mag niet – daar zijn regels voor: ontwikkelingsgeld moet gebruikt worden voor ontwikkelingssamenwerking en niet om ons repressieve migratiebeleid te financieren.
Waarom gaan de Afghanen hier eigenlijk mee akkoord? Ook dat lijkt mij niet in de haak. Ze trekken toch aan alle kanten aan het kortste eind? Meer mensen, minder geld. Deze deal zal dat land verder destabiliseren en het is de zoveelste keer dat het Westen helpt het land af te breken.
Mike Hookem, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Mr President, through the EU’s failure to tackle the migrant crisis it is now impossible for Member States to resettle and integrate all those still pouring through Europe’s borders. While I recognise that Afghanistan is a country still besieged by political, economic and insurgency problems, the mass exodus of its working-age population is not going to solve any of these issues. In fact, all it does is make the nation poorer as those with the skills to rebuild head for Europe instead. That is why I am calling for all migrants not under threat from direct large-scale conflicts to be declared as economic migrants and returned to their home countries. This measure should include migrants from many other nations, especially those in receipt of EU funds aimed at tackling the migrant crisis.
How can the EU be throwing money at a national leader while at the same time declaring that same country’s citizens are refugees? It just does not make sense. Only by taking drastic action now can we stop the influx, secure our borders from terrorism and help countries rebuild and develop.
Емил Радев (PPE). – За последните близо 15 години, и особено тази година, афганистанците са най-многобройната група кандидати за международна закрила в моята страна България или близо 70%.
Ако от войната в Сирия бягат цели семейства и ставаме свидетели на деца, родени в лодките на път за Европа, то от Афганистан основно бягат мъже в търсене на икономически облаги и работа, но без да минават по легален ред, опитващи се често със сила да преминат външната европейска граница.
Искам ясно да заявя – ЕС няма задължение да предоставя подкрепа и закрила за всички, които искат да дойдат тук в търсене на по-добър живот, особено когато тези хора нарушават законите чрез нелегалното си преминаване на границите.
Затова ЕС има нужда от ефективни споразумения за реадмисия, които да гарантират експедитивното връщане на тези икономически и нелегални мигранти. Само по този начин новосъздадената Европейска гранична и брегова охрана ще може да изпълнява изцяло дадения й мандат за връщане на мигранти.
Вярвам, че споразумението с Афганистан е стъпка в правилната посока. Европейският съюз отдавна подкрепя страната в нейното икономическо развитие и установяване на траен мир. Ние няма да оставим Афганистан и сега – приветствам ангажиментите, поети от ЕС, включително по отношение на финансирането на програми за реинтеграция на върнатите мигранти.
В заключение искам да подчертая още веднъж важността на европейското сътрудничество и сътрудничеството с държавите на произход и транзит. Единствено по този начин ще успеем да овладеем миграционната криза и да предотвратим нови миграционни вълни.
Birgit Sippel (S&D). – Herr Präsident! Bei internationalen Vereinbarungen muss das Europäische Parlament beteiligt werden. Stattdessen vom Türkei-Deal zum Joint Way Forward mit Afghanistan. Warum versuchen Kommission und Rat mit derartigen Taschenspielertricks, das Europäische Parlament außen vor zu halten? Die Sicherheitslage in Afghanistan hat sich verschlechtert. Dennoch schicken wir Frauen, Männer und Kinder dorthin zurück.
Ja, Europa kann nicht alle Flüchtlinge dieser Welt aufnehmen, aber wir dürfen uns auch nicht mit Geld freikaufen. Wir müssen unseren Teil dazu beitragen, dass Menschen in Drittstaaten sicher leben und Perspektiven entwickeln können. Durch die Art, wie hier Abkommen gestrickt werden, wird das allerdings nicht erkennbar. Und: Die Türkei ist ein sicheres Land, Afghanistan morgen vielleicht ein sicheres Herkunftsland? Dann bekämen wohl bald keine Afghanen mehr irgendeinen Asylstatus.
Sabine Lösing (GUE/NGL). – Herr Präsident! Schon wieder ein Abschiebe-Deal à la Türkei, und er zeigt, worum es gehen soll. Der – ich zitiere – „gemeinsame Weg nach vorne bei Migrationsfragen hat das Ziel, die EU-Staaten sollen künftig deutlich einfacher geflüchtete Menschen nach Afghanistan zurückschicken“.
Bezüglich der Lage in Afghanistan ist nur eines wirklich sicher, nämlich, dass sie nicht sicher ist. Afghanistan ist kein sicherer Drittstaat. Dies zu leugnen, das ist verantwortungslos, unmenschlich und zynisch. Die Realität ist nach 15 Jahren Krieg erschreckend: Von Januar bis September 2016 gab es über 8 000 Opfer in der Zivilbevölkerung, wie die jüngsten Zahlen von UNAMA belegen. Deshalb brauchen Menschen, die aus diesem Land flüchten, ein Bleiberecht.
Es ist perfide, dass die EU im Vorfeld der Geberkonferenz Afghanistan damit gedroht hat, die Entwicklungshilfe drastisch zu kürzen, wenn es nicht bereit ist, hochgerechnet 80 000 Geflüchtete zurückzunehmen - und das als Union, die sich den Schutz der Menschenrechte ganz oben auf die eigene Fahne schreibt.
Ska Keller (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident! Aus meiner Sicht ist das Abkommen der EU mit Afghanistan nur ein weiterer Grabstein in den humanitären Werten der Europäischen Union. Denn wirklich alle internationalen Organisationen sagen, es läuft richtig schief in Afghanistan: Wir haben eine steigende Anzahl von Verletzten, eine steigende Zahl von Toten, und gerade die Zahlen der verletzten Kinder schnellen in die Höhe. Der UN-Sicherheitsrat hat gerade erst im September noch einmal beklagt, dass sich die Sicherheitslage in Afghanistan weiter verschlechtert. Das UNHCR stellt gravierende Verschlechterungen fest, und selbst das Auswärtige Amt warnt massiv vor Reisen nach Afghanistan.
In eine solche Situation wollen Sie Menschen abschieben? Da ist es eigentlich egal, was für einen Status die Leute haben: Man darf Menschen nicht in den Krieg schicken! Wer aus Afghanistan flieht, der braucht unseren Schutz. Ich denke, da sollten wir – als Europäische Union – in den Schutz und in die Aufnahme investieren und nicht in eine Abschiebesystematik.
Linda McAvan (S&D). – Mr President, as Chair of the Committee on Development, I agree with everybody here who said that this Parliament must be consulted before agreements like the Way Forward are signed and not just hear about them afterwards. I also think we are seeing a worrying drift in the EU’s relations with third countries because everything is being seen through the prism of the migration issues and no longer through the prism of tackling the root causes of migration, which are global poverty and inequality.
That is why my Committee has expressed reservations about aspects of the way the Commission proposes to use development assistance, DCI, to fund readmission for those not given asylum. We know that Amnesty are saying that between now and the end of this year half a million Afghans are expected to be repatriated to their country, mainly from neighbouring countries, not from the European Union.
If the European Union is to spend resources, it must be on regions, to tackle poverty for all the people in those regions, not just to focus on the EU returnees. Please Commissioner, make sure you respect OECD guidelines on the use of development funding.
Lola Sánchez Caldentey (GUE/NGL). – Señor Presidente, la Comisión, con la coartada humanitaria de retornar a los afganos expulsados de Bangladés y Pakistán a su hogar, promueve un acuerdo espurio en el que de forma encubierta se incluye también el retorno de un número ilimitado de inmigrantes afganos desde los países miembros. Este tipo de acuerdos debe contar con el consentimiento del Parlamento Europeo, y la Comisión no ha hecho más que ignorar a esta Cámara.
En este tratado se usan fondos de ayuda al desarrollo para fines muy distintos, como el control de flujos migratorios y la externalización del control de fronteras. Esto nada tiene que ver con la ayuda al desarrollo ni con los principios que recogen nuestros Tratados.
Por último, lo más importante: es ilegal retornar migrantes a países no seguros. Y Afganistán no lo es, y la Unión Europea así lo reconoce.
Exigimos la derogación de este tratado porque —además de ser absolutamente ineficaz este tipo de medidas— atenta, una vez más, contra los derechos humanos y contra nuestras propias normas.
Jean Lambert (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, we have been hearing a lot about the push factors – why people leave Afghanistan. Certainly parents can see for themselves that along with a lack of education and employment there is no stability, they know their sons can be recruited or forced into so-called Taliban jobs or maybe with Al Qaeda or IS and they are at risk if they refuse, so their sons are sent away.
Returns risk further destabilisation on the ground. I really hope that we are looking at the cumulative effect of returns. We have seen over a quarter of a million sent back from Pakistan to Afghanistan this year alone, and we know that many more will be sent as well.
I really hope that the European Union is looking at the cumulative effect which is destabilising: people face reprisals, it stretches resources, it increases tensions and we risk setting off yet another refugee spiral if we do not get this right.
Enrique Guerrero Salom (S&D). – Señor Presidente, la Comisión de Desarrollo con toda seguridad —y este Parlamento, creo que también— se opone al concepto de «solidaridad flexible» que algunos Estados miembros defienden. Y también se opone a la migración «a la carta». Para nosotros, un sirio no debe tener preferencia sobre un iraquí, ni un iraquí sobre un afgano: cualquiera de ellos tiene los mismos derechos y deben ser respetados.
Pero en nuestras fronteras, cada vez es más difícil para un afgano obtener el estatuto correspondiente. El acuerdo que hemos alcanzado está en el límite de lo que se considera la cooperación al desarrollo con terceros países. La Unión Europea tiene que asegurar que esa cooperación busca la lucha contra la pobreza, el apoyo a los más vulnerables y la garantía de bienestar; y esto pasa por respetar las reglas de la Unión, empezando por las disposiciones de los Tratados, entre ellas la capacidad de este Parlamento para sancionar este tipo de acuerdos.
Por ello, he propuesto un mecanismo de transparencia y verificación de estos acuerdos en un próximo informe sobre migración que adoptará el Parlamento Europeo.
Afzal Khan (S&D). – Mr President, I believe stability and equality are the key issues that we need to be focusing on. The Brussels conference on Afghanistan endorsed an ambitious Afghan reform agenda. Based on this, international community is committed to giving Afghanistan EUR 13.6 billion. Out of that, the EU committed to EUR 5 billion. I agree with the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Federica Mogherini, that investing in the Afghan people is a way of investing in international stability.
But to make that investment worthwhile, we must support a political settlement between the Afghan government and the Taliban. I applaud Pakistan and Qatar for their efforts to make this happen. We in Europe live in a time of austerity and slow economic growth. The European taxpayers are worried that the money given to Afghanistan will be disappropriated. As you know, Afghanistan features high on the global corruption index. Commissioner, what checks and balances has the EU put in place to ensure that the money we give finds its way to those that truly need it, and not in the pockets of profiteers?
Kati Piri (S&D). – Het is een goede ontwikkeling dat de EU in toenemende mate samenwerkt met andere landen om het migratiebeleid vorm te geven. Maar de manier waarop er begin deze maand achter gesloten deuren een samenwerkingsovereenkomst met Afghanistan werd voltooid, verdient geen schoonheidsprijs.
Zonder enige communicatie of overleg met het Europees Parlement werd er een gemeenschappelijke verklaring opgesteld tussen de EU en Afghanistan. De tekst van de verklaring lijkt zich bovendien disproportioneel te richten op de terugkeer van afgewezen asielzoekers naar Afghanistan. Wat mist, is hoe de EU concreet gaat bijdragen aan vrede en veiligheid in dat land, zodat mensen niet langer hoeven te vluchten. Het is nodig om een effectief terugkeerbeleid te hebben voor hen die geen recht hebben op asiel in Europa, maar in het geval van Afghanistan is voorzichtigheid geboden. Nog altijd wordt slechts 21 procent van de asielverzoeken uit het land afgewezen. Laten we niet vergeten dat de meeste mensen uit dat land recht hebben op internationale bescherming en onze solidariteit verdienen.
Pina Picierno (S&D). – Signor Presidente, signor Commissario, onorevoli colleghi, la situazione in Afghanistan – come è stato detto già da diversi colleghi – è, come sappiamo, una situazione molto molto complicata, molto difficile e stenta ad evolversi. La conferenza di Bruxelles di qualche settimana fa ha dato finalmente un segnale positivo per il futuro degli afghani, per il futuro del processo di pace, perché qui non possiamo che essere soddisfatti e fieri, evidentemente, della generosità dei paesi donatori e anche del lavoro svolto dall'Unione europea, che ha messo in campo una cifra importante. Però è bene essere chiari, come lo sono stati anche altri colleghi che mi hanno preceduto, noi ci aspettiamo un monitoraggio minuzioso, attento, preciso, di questi aiuti che saranno inviati, perché possano essere utilizzati effettivamente a beneficio degli afghani, soprattutto delle donne e dei giovani, e per lo sviluppo. Perché, quello che è assolutamente evidente, è che tutto questo non si può tradurre in uno scambio surrettizio per diminuire la pressione immigratoria sull'Unione europea.
Catch-the-eye-Verfahren
Ana Gomes (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, a política externa da União Europeia está a gangrenar de acordo de readmissão em acordo. Fazer depender a ajuda ao desenvolvimento do número de repatriações aceites por um país é obsceno!
É a própria Comissão que classifica a situação do Afeganistão como estando a piorar em documentos que se recusa a comentar. Como pode o Afeganistão, com milhões de pessoas deslocadas internamente e milhões de refugiados na vizinhança, receber estas pessoas, supostamente não elegíveis para asilo na União Europeia?
O círculo vicioso não quebrará os retornados à força. Só se não puderem ficarão no Afeganistão para onde as retornamos, portanto, à força. Pois se fogem para salvar as próprias vidas, alimentamos o negócio dos traficantes, pomos em causa a própria segurança da União Europeia, descredibilizamos totalmente a Europa.
Como se pode sequer pensar em usar fundos de ajuda ao desenvolvimento para construir um terminal no aeroporto de Cabul especialmente para lidar com os retornados?
Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, κύριε Δημήτρη Αβραμόπουλε, θα ήθελα κατ᾽ αρχάς να σας ευχηθώ για τη σημερινή ονομαστική σας εορτή. Κύριε Πρόεδρε, το Αφγανιστάν είναι μια χώρα που συνεχίζει εδώ και 15 χρόνια να βρίσκεται σε εμπόλεμη κατάσταση μετά την αμερικανική εισβολή. Δεν είναι δυνατόν λοιπόν Αφγανοί υπήκοοι να μην δύνανται να ενταχθούν στο πρόγραμμα μετεγκαταστάσεων, να μην θεωρούνται πρόσφυγες, τη στιγμή που στη χώρα τους γίνεται πόλεμος. Ας πιέσει η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση τις ΗΠΑ να αναλάβουν τις ευθύνες τους και να υποδεχτούν τους πρόσφυγες από το Αφγανιστάν, που άλλωστε οι ίδιοι προκάλεσαν.
Όμως, οι δέκα και πλέον χιλιάδες εγκλωβισμένοι Αφγανοί στην Ελλάδα, κύριε Αβραμόπουλε, και το γνωρίζετε πολύ καλά, πρέπει να μετεγκατασταθούν και αυτοί εδώ και τώρα, όπως ισχύει και για τους Σύρους και τους Ιρακινούς. Η κοινή πορεία σε θέματα μετανάστευσης θα ήταν μια εξαιρετική πρωτοβουλία, εάν αφορούσε το Πακιστάν ή το Μπαγκλαντές. Θα θέλαμε λοιπόν μια ενημέρωση και στο θέμα αυτό, κύριε Επίτροπε.
João Pimenta Lopes (GUE/NGL). – Senhor Presidente, omitindo as responsabilidades históricas diretas e indiretas da UE na destruição do Afeganistão, na criação de treino e financiamento das forças extremistas que desestabilizam o país e a região, este acordo serve, em verdade, os objetivos da vossa criminosa política de migração, em clara violação do direito internacional, nomeadamente do princípio da não repulsão, do princípio da proteção contra a expulsão coletiva e do direito a requerer asilo.
São as próprias Nações Unidas a alertar para o agravamento da gravíssima situação de centenas de milhares de pessoas deslocadas internamente e de centenas de milhares de retornos, entre os quais dezenas de milhares de crianças, não só do Paquistão mas também da União Europeia.
Um acordo que permite o retorno de crianças desacompanhadas, violando os próprios compromissos da União Europeia de garantir e assegurar o melhor interesse da criança.
Não nos cansamos de afirmar: a União Europeia é hoje um dos melhores exemplos de violação dos direitos humanos, não só no seu território como em países terceiros. Sr. Avramopoulos, tenham vergonha!
Τάκης Χατζηγεωργίου (GUE/NGL). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, λυπούμαι για την καθυστέρηση. Θα είμαι πάρα πολύ σύντομος. Άλλωστε, όλα έχουν λεχθεί, νομίζω. Απλώς θέλω να προσθέσω το εξήςː ενόσω προσπαθεί κάποιος να σβήσει μια φωτιά σε ένα σπίτι, αλλά την ίδια ώρα δεν κλείνει την κάνουλα της βενζίνης που τροφοδοτεί αυτή τη φωτιά, τουλάχιστον μπορεί να πει κάποιος ότι αυτό είναι αφελές. Και το λέω αυτό γιατί νομίζω ότι κύριο έργο της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης θα πρέπει να είναι η προσπάθεια εδραίωσης της ειρήνης, η προσπάθεια συμβολής στο να μην συμβαίνουν οι πόλεμοι και όχι στο αντίθετο, δηλαδή, στο να δημιουργούνται οι πόλεμοι και να έχουμε όλα αυτά τα προβλήματα τα οποία αντιμετωπίζουμε σήμερα.
Κλείνοντας θέλω να τονίσω ότι εκείνο που είναι σημαντικό είναι η προσπάθεια εδραίωσης της ειρήνης. Αυτή είναι η ουσιαστική εργασία, η μόνη εργασία στην οποία μπορεί να συμβάλει αυτός οργανισμός που λέγεται Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Αν δεν το κάνει αυτό, τότε θα έχει να αντιμετωπίσει αυτό το κύμα των προσφύγων με όλες αυτές τις δυσκολίες που αντιμετωπίζουμε.
(Ende des Catch-the-eye-Verfahrens)
Dimitris Avramopoulos,on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, honourable Members, thank you very much for the interventions. They were all very useful and to the point. I also take due note of all your remarks and recommendations.
I would like to conclude by inviting this House one more time to look at the Joint Way Forward in a positive light. To look at it as a tool which, although having only the modest status of a mere joint declaration, can contribute to starting a dialogue and cooperation between the European Union and Afghanistan on migration issues. It will serve as a bridge of a provisional nature, allowing the two sides to meet and discuss, to start practical work and to build their mutual trust in addressing common challenges.
I took note of what Ms Björk said before. Any decision regarding the possible return of children is based on an individual assessment of the best interest of the child, according to the provisions of the relevant EU legislation. I remind you of the Return Directive. The IOM has established referral and support systems.
The unaccompanied minors who will be returned to Afghanistan will be assisted in the framework of the EU-funded reintegration project by the Afghan authorities and IOM Kabul, which has already put in place an effective referral and support system. In 2016 only a very low percentage of voluntary returnees from Europe were unaccompanied minors.
As I have already stressed, the non-legally-binding nature of the Joint Way Forward gives us no guarantee that its provisions will be effectively implemented by the Afghan authorities. The situation of the country remains difficult at all levels, and yes, we have to exhaust all means in order to bring back peace and stability in the region. It remains one of the priorities of the European Union.
But the poverty, instability, the insecurity and now also the emergency created by the massive return of migrants from Pakistan and Iran will make implementation challenging. This being said, we believe that the European Union and the Member States should do their best to support the Afghan authorities to cooperate on the basis of the Joint Way Forward. Should this cooperation work, it would represent an effective game-changer, not only because it would help solve one of the key challenges for Europe, namely the return of irregular migrants and the prevention of further arrivals of irregular migrants, but, most importantly, because it would have a positive impact on Afghan society by enhancing its capacity to provide assistance to the returnees and their receiving communities, and by supporting those deciding not to emigrate from the country to build up brighter opportunities for themselves at home.
From the Commission side I will conclude by reiterating one more time our full commitment to make the Joint Way Forward a success story, but also to come and inform you about its implementation whenever you so request in the future.