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Τετάρτη 18 Ιανουαρίου 2017 - Στρασβούργο

14. Συμπεράσματα της συνόδου του Ευρωπαϊκού Συμβουλίου της 15ης Δεκεμβρίου 2016

  Presidente. – L'ordine del giorno reca le dichiarazioni del Consiglio europeo e della Commissione sulle conclusioni della riunione del Consiglio europeo del 15 dicembre 2016 (2016/2789(RSP)).

Prima di dare la parola al Presidente Tusk lo saluto, è la prima volta che ho l'occasione di incontrarlo come nuovo Presidente del Parlamento e gli cedo immediatamente la parola.

  Donald Tusk, President of the European Council. – Mr President, first of all I want to congratulate you warmly on your election as President of the European Parliament, and to wish you, dear Antonio, and all the Members of the House, well for 2017.

No one can have any doubts that it will be an extraordinary year for Europe and the European Union. Last year, we managed to make progress on migration, security and the economy, in spite of the unprecedented difficulties we faced. This was thanks, in great part, to your hard work and sense of responsibility in responding to events. Similarly, I trust that we will rise together to meet the challenges of the next months.

I would now like to briefly outline the main results of the December European Council. Leaders discussed our efforts to regain control over migration. The radical drop in irregular migration on the Eastern Mediterranean route was possible thanks to our decision to get back to Schengen, the closure of the Western Balkan route and Turkey’s cooperation. In this context, leaders stressed their commitment to implementing the EU-Turkey Statement, which also requires efforts from the Turkish side.

As regards the Central Mediterranean route, High Representative Mogherini reported on the progress with African countries. Last year, 180 000 migrants arrived irregularly in Italy. This is a situation that cannot continue. That is why Libya and our approach to the Central Mediterranean route will be the key point of the next informal summit in Malta. As you know, the EU supports the Government of National Accord and its efforts to consolidate peace and stability in Libya. We stand ready to step up the EU’s engagement to strengthen the capacity to address security issues and consolidate institutions, in full respect of Libyan sovereignty.

As for Ukraine, we adopted a legally-binding decision of the leaders to facilitate the ratification of the Association Agreement in the Netherlands. This decision addresses the concerns expressed by the Dutch voters last year. Now, the responsibility lies in the Netherlands. The ratification is important not only for Ukraine, but also for Europe’s geo-political standing and credibility. We did what we could to help save the Association Agreement already ratified by 27 Member States and the European Parliament. Now the ball is in the court of the Dutch.

On the Minsk agreements, Chancellor Merkel and President Hollande gave their assessment of the Normandy process for resolving the conflict in eastern Ukraine. Their clear recommendation was that since Russia has still not implemented the Minsk agreement, sanctions should be prolonged. They are now in place for a further six months.

The world has become a more dangerous place, whether we talk about open conflict, terrorism or so-called hybrid war in the form of cyberattacks and public disinformation. Therefore, the leaders agreed to step up work on defence, in partnership with NATO. They have also agreed to increase cooperation on external security across the board – from research to how we develop military capabilities, right down to how we conduct our missions and operations. More resources will be needed, most importantly at the national level on defence spending, but also through funds from the European Union. Your support for this work will be critical, given the institutional and financial questions involved. The objective is clear: European countries should do more in the face of the immediate security threats facing our citizens, and so should the European Union.

The leaders also discussed internal security. The political agreement on the EU’s Counter-Terrorism Directive, which criminalises foreign fighters and their activities throughout the European Union, is the right step forward, but we need more. Leaders called for the remaining decisions which can prevent future terror attacks to be swiftly finalised and implemented, such as, for example, tougher legislation on firearms.

We have called on the co-legislators to agree by June on an Entry-Exit System, and by the end of 2017, on a European Travel Information and Authorisation System. This will ensure that visa-exempt travellers are screened systematically. These are tough deadlines, but the situation requires that we work more quickly than normally.

The leaders also discussed several initiatives aimed at making the European economy work for everyone. We had an exchange with President Draghi, who underlined that the improved economic situation still needs reform efforts. The statistics are better, but the important thing is for ordinary people and businesses to feel confident about the future. This is why the European Fund for Strategic Investment will be extended, our trade defence instruments will be modernised, and the Youth Guarantee will be continued. To strengthen our recovery, 2017 needs to be a year of great ambition for the single market, both in terms of deepening and modernisation. Parliament’s role is obviously vital here.

Finally, on Brexit, the EU 27 had a short informal meeting where we agreed procedural arrangements and reconfirmed our principles, namely the indivisibility of the four freedoms, the balance of rights and obligations and our rule of ‘no negotiations without notification’.

The European Council will maintain political control over the process, while ensuring that the Commission is the Union’s chief negotiator. The leaders fully realise the important role of the European Parliament in the process. With this in mind, they invited the chief negotiator to keep Parliament closely and regularly informed, and agreed how the European Council would interact with Parliament throughout the coming months. With this work now done, the EU stands ready to start the negotiations when the UK notifies its departure.

Lastly, let me make one comment. Yesterday’s speech by Prime Minister May proves that the unified position of 27 Member States on the indivisibility of the single market was finally understood and accepted by London. It would be good if our partners also understood that there will be no place for pick-and-choose tactics in our future negotiations. At the same time, I want to underline that we took note of the warm and balanced words of Prime Minister May on European integration, which were much closer to the narrative of Winston Churchill than that of the American President-Elect Trump.

  Jyrki Katainen, Vice-President of the Commission. – Mr President, this agenda allows us to look at the future at least 12 months ahead and assess what the political priorities are and how our political environment will evolve during this year. I think we need at least three things. First, unity. Second, we have to defend our institutions and their role, and third, we have to concentrate on deliverables and delivering those of our initiatives which have already been decided.

When looking at unity, the last European Council meeting was very good in that sense. It showed and expressed a strong unity and strong willingness to cooperate with other institutions. When looking at the role of the institutions, it is more important than ever before. We have been challenged from outside, but also from within. Many of those who have challenged the idea of an integrated Europe want, at the same time, to destroy our institutions and integration as a whole. So, in the so-called post—truth era, the institutions play a role because they represent the same basis for dealing with those issues. The institutions want to make sure that we have the same facts, those which we share and those from which we can draw different conclusions in an organised manner. That is also why the art of making compromises is getting very, very important. You cannot make compromises if your institutions are not strong and if they are not defended. So that is why all the European institutions deserve to be defended and strengthened, and there of course this House plays a crucial role.

A couple of words on delivery. Delivery was one of the main issues in the European Council. It was reinforced in December with a joint declaration of the EU’s legislative priorities for 2017, signed for the first time by all three institutions, and that sort of unity was also shown during the informal meeting of 27 Heads of State or Government after December’s European Council. When it comes to the discussion with the UK following an Article 50 notification, all of Europe’s institutions and all 27 Member States will be singing from the same hymn sheet. The Commission was absolutely clear that this House should play a full role in those proceedings, and our chief negotiator, Mr Barnier, will work closely with Parliament’s representatives to make sure that this will also happen.

From the substance point of view, the defence issue is one of the main points on the agenda in the European Council. Just to mention a few main areas in defence. First, we have to make sure that our public procurement system is becoming stronger. It is quite amazing that only 20% of purchases in the defence field have been tendered internationally. Eighty per cent of purchases happen domestically, and that is one of the reasons why our defence industry has not developed as well as other areas of industry. It is also one of the reasons why defence equipment is getting more and more expensive – faster than the others. That is why we need a better internal market in defence. Second, we need your support when looking at next year’s budget when our intention is to increase research money in the defence sector.

The capability window also needs large cooperation. The Commission is working very hard on this, and we are trying to find suitable well—functioning ways for Member States to make joint purchases and, by doing so, save money and strengthen our defence in the long run.

On migration, we also saw renewed willingness to cooperate on migration and security, areas in which we have seen significant results in the last 12 months. We have already seen the first results, notably in our partnership with Niger, which has already taken action to combat migrant smuggling and has received EU support to implement its macro-economic reform programme. But we need to see more of this, and this is why we now need the co-legislators to swiftly agree on the Commission’s proposal to stimulate investment in tackling irregular migration at the grassroots level. The new European Fund for Sustainable Development will have the potential to mobilise up to EUR 44 billion to create jobs, improve social conditions and promote sustainable development where it is most needed.

Finally, some words on the social dimension and economic growth. We were very happy with the strong support from the Council towards our social agenda. We have to pay attention to our societies and people’s resilience, especially at a time when industrial revolution will recede our market. We have to make sure that Europeans and our societies are more resilient, and education plays a role there. But other ways to invest in youth are also very important. That is why we were very pleased that the Council backed our Youth Employment initiative by accepting a EUR 2 billion increase in funding for this purpose. The European Solidarity Corps also got strong backing from the Council.

Finally, we also got very strong support from the Council for the EFSI 2.0 project. We encourage the European Parliament to take its position as soon as possible so that we can conclude this proposal by the end of the Maltese Presidency, and we also need your support in internal market projects which got very strong backing from the Council.

  Manfred Weber, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Herr Vizepräsident der Kommission, lieber Donald Tusk, Herr Ratspräsident, meine sehr verehrten Damen und Herren! Ein herzliches Willkommen und ein hoffentlich gutes neues Jahr für 2017, dass es besser wird als 2016.

Ich möchte mich heute auf zwei Themen konzentrieren, im Rückblick auch auf den Rat. Das erste ist natürlich der Brexit. Wir sind alle dankbar für die Rede von gestern, dass wir wieder Erläuterungen bekommen haben, etwas weitere Fortschritte bekommen haben. Aber so richtige Klarheit ist durch die Rede nach wie vor nicht entstanden. Ich höre zum Beispiel diese Aussage von der Bestrafung. Ich glaube, wir alle können heute schon festlegen: Es wird keine Bestrafung Großbritanniens geben. Kein Mensch will Großbritannien für die Entscheidung, die gefällt worden ist, bestrafen.

Man will die Europäische Union verlassen. Die Europäische Union ist heute vor allem ein Binnenmarkt, die Europäische Union ist ein großer Binnenmarkt. Den Binnenmarkt will man verlassen, aber nachher will man ein Freihandelsabkommen abschließen, um wieder den vollen Zugang zum Binnenmarkt zu bekommen. Das ist die Idee, die ich gestern gehört habe. Ich frage mich also: Was will man verlassen? Will man jetzt die EU verlassen, oder will man die EU nicht verlassen? Wenn die Europäische Union nicht so heißen würde, dann würden vielleicht manche in London drüben einen Beitrittsantrag stellen. Aber nur weil sie EU heißt, sind leider Gottes viele der Meinung, dass das des Teufels ist.

Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, „Raus heißt raus, Brexit heißt Brexit“, höre ich die ganze Zeit. Und deswegen werden wir das in den nächsten Wochen und Monaten sehr intensiv an konkreten Punkten diskutieren. Beispielsweise wird meine Fraktion nicht dulden, dass der Finanzmarkt des Euro, unserer gemeinsamen Währung, weiter aus London heraus verwaltet oder mitgestaltet wird, wenn London zukünftig nicht mehr Teil der Europäischen Union ist.

Einen zweiten Punkt darf ich noch sagen: Einerseits dürfen wir nicht davon reden, dass wir jemanden bestrafen. Aber andererseits darf uns Großbritannien offensichtlich drohen. Es steht ja von Hammond und Theresa May jetzt die These im Raum, dass gesagt wird, es werde ein neues Wirtschaftsmodell für Großbritannien gesucht, ein Steuerdumpingmodell wird angewandt, um es weiterhin für Betriebe interessant zu machen, in Großbritannien zu investieren. Mir geht da durch den Kopf, ob Großbritannien auch aus dem G8 austreten will, denn da gab es ja auch Abkommen gegen das Steuerdumping. Und ich stelle mir auch die Frage, wer denn eigentlich die Steuerausfälle dann zahlen soll, die durch Steuerdumping in Großbritannien verursacht werden. Die kleinen Leute werden die Zeche zahlen, und die großen Kapitalkonzerne werden steuerfrei gestellt. Das wird das Ergebnis sein, wenn man dieses neue Steuermodell anwendet.

Ich würde dafür werben: Wir bestrafen nicht, und London droht nicht. Dann würden wir in den Gesprächen schon viel gute Atmosphäre erzeugen.

Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ein zweites Thema, das ich ansprechen will, sind die Entwicklungen in den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, die Einfluss auf uns in Europa haben werden. Wir haben Respekt vor dem Wahlergebnis, wir treten einer neuen Administration offen gegenüber, wie das jeder Demokrat macht, und es gibt auch keine Vorverurteilungen. Allerdings gibt es jetzt erste Statements des neu gewählten Präsidenten. Die Europäische Union ist als Wirtschaftsraum gleich groß wie die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika. Und deswegen muss man all denen, die den Europäern jetzt drohen, auch europäischen Konzernen drohen, deutlich machen, dass auch wir Machtmöglichkeiten haben mit dem Binnenmarkt, mit dem Beihilferecht.

Beispielsweise stelle ich mir schon die Frage, wieviel Arbeitsplätze eigentlich Google in Europa hat. Oder ich stelle mir die Frage, wieviel Steuern eigentlich Apple in Europa bezahlt. Auch wir können Fragen stellen, wenn Amerikaner Fragen stellen. Wir werden unsere Machtmöglichkeiten dafür nutzen.

Ich würde übrigens die Entwicklungen bei den Amerikanern auch als Chance für uns sehen, weil die Kanadier, die Mexikaner, die Japaner alle etwas sorgenvoll auf die Entwicklungen in Amerika blicken. Eigentlich sollte der Europäische Rat jetzt mit einer diplomatischen Initiative starten, alle Partner um Amerika herum als Partner für Europa zu gewinnen, weil das eine gute Gemeinschaft wäre.

Ich möchte abschließen mit dem, was Guy Verhofstadt heute in der Früh schon angesprochen hatte: Was tun wir denn eigentlich als Europäer, wenn jetzt Trump wirklich die NATO in Frage stellt? Was tun wir denn eigentlich als Europäer, wenn jetzt Trump die Truppen aus Polen abzieht? Was tun wir denn als Europäer eigentlich, wenn ein Deal mit Russland gemacht wird zu Lasten der Ukraine und das Selbstbestimmungsrecht der Ukraine plötzlich in Frage gestellt ist? Was tun wir dann?

Herr Ratspräsident, machen wir dann auf Betroffenheit, setzen wir uns dann zusammen, machen wir wieder Sondersitzungen, wie wir es oft machen, oder haben wir die Kraft, uns jetzt mal darauf vorzubereiten? Wird Europa jetzt endlich erwachsen? Geht Europa endlich die notwendigen Schritte der Vertiefung, der Verstärkung dieser Europäischen Union, um endlich selbstbewusst zu werden?

Die Nationalisten sind die Totengräber der Nationalstaaten. Nur ein geeintes Europa kann dazu führen, dass die Nationalstaaten in einer globalisierten Welt noch Kraft und Einfluss haben. Und wenn in Amerika gesagt wird „America first“, dann dürfen wir sagen „Europe first“.

  Presidente. – Prima di dare la parola all'onorevole Niedermüller a nome del gruppo dell'Alleanza progressista dei socialisti e democratici voglio dire che, visto il ritardo e visto che alle 16.30 dobbiamo votare, non posso concedere il "cartellino blu" e quindi non lo concederò a nessuno.

Vediamo se riusciremo a fare il catch-the-eye.

La parola all'onorevole Niedermüller.

  Péter Niedermüller, a S&D képviselőcsoport nevében. – Elnök Úr, a migráció továbbra is Európa, az Európai Unió egyik legfontosabb problémája. Éppen ezért nagy örömmel veszem tudomásul, hogy a Tanács nagy jelentőséget, fontosságot tulajdonít az európai menekültügyi ügynökség felállításának és a szükséges anyagi erőforrások biztosításának. Meggyőződésem ugyanis, hogy a közös európai menekültügyi rendszernek, a határvédelmi ügynökség mellett a másik alappillére a menekültügyi ügynökség kell, hogy legyen. Ennek legfőbb feladata a jelentős migrációs nyomásnak kitett országok hivatalainak, intézményeinek a támogatása, valamint a menekültek humánus ellátásának és tájékoztatásának a feladata. Azt gondolom, mindennek az alapja a kölcsönös szolidaritás, és azok a tagállamok, amelyek nem hajlandók szolidaritásban lenni egymás iránt, azokkal bizony szankciókkal kell számolniuk. Azt gondolom, a menekültügyi ügynökség felállításának következő lépcsője a trilógus megkezdése kell, hogy legyen, és én mint a vonatkozó jelentés jelentéstevője biztosítani szeretném a Bizottságot és a Tanácsot is, hogy mi készen vagyunk a konstruktív tárgyalások mielőbbi megkezdésére.

  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Szanowny Panie Przewodniczący! Gratuluję wyboru! Żyjemy w czasach wielkich wyzwań dla bezpieczeństwa Europy: terroryzm, fala migracji, agresja Rosji na wschodzie, w jakimś sensie również Brexit. Nawet jeśli nie znajdujemy docelowych rozwiązań, doceniam jednak podjęcie wszystkich tych zagadnień w agendzie Rady Europejskiej.

Chciałam jednak poinformować Parlament o ważnym wydarzeniu, które wpływa na sytuację geopolityczną w moim regionie. Po decyzjach szczytu NATO w Warszawie na mojej ziemi pojawiły się pierwsze oddziały amerykańskie, które są wypełnieniem sojuszniczych zobowiązań. Jesteśmy świadomi podpisanej deklaracji o współpracy między NATO i Unią Europejską. Sprawy bezpieczeństwa i pogłębiania się integracji w dziedzinie wspólnej polityki bezpieczeństwa i obrony wymagają przede wszystkim zgody rządów i jednomyślności państw członkowskich. To jest potrzebne dla zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa całej Unii Europejskiej, ale wymaga rozwagi.

  Guy Verhofstadt, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, President Tusk said in his speech that the world has become a more dangerous place. That is the least we can say, because I remember that the last strategic paper of Javier Solana of 2003 spoke about the ‘ring of friends’ around us. I think it is more the ‘ring of fire’ around us. Putin, the conflicts in the Middle East, but merely also the new US President-Elect, Mr Trump. I have to tell you, I am a little bit disappointed at the reaction of the European Union against a US leader who is saying that it’s the end of the European Union – that there will be other Member States leaving the European Union. It’s insane! I think that we have to react to this. What would happen in the US if European leaders were saying, ‘we think that California will break away’, or ‘Florida will break away’? Immediately, I think that the Ambassador of the European Union would be called to the State department in Washington to explain what this means. We have to be very conscious of the fact that this will be a turning point on 20 January 2017. Whether you like it or not, it will be a turning point – maybe not completely, but certainly in the way that we have to look at our relationship with the US, and more precisely inside the European Union. It is now the time not only to fix the European Union, but to do a number of things that were impossible in the past. Five years ago, you were saying that the European Defence Union was not necessary. In reality, it is definitely necessary, and we have to speed it up. It is the same thing with the European Border and Coast Guard. The migration crisis can only be tackled with the European Border and Coast Guard. Not with one with EUR 250 million – that is what we spent today on the European Border and Coast Guard – in the US, the amount spent on the border and coast guard is USD 32 billion. That’s the comparison we have to make. The same with the governance of the eurozone, where the Five Presidents’ Report – when is it coming? How long do we have to wait for a legislative proposal from the Commission to come to the Council and to the European Parliament? It is time to fix it, like it is time also to fix the cleaning up of our banks. It has taken eight years now, and we can tell that they have not cleaned up our banks in Europe; we still face the problems.

So, in the Brexit negotiations, I think you are completely right, and Mr Weber is completely right when he said no cherry picking at all. We shall never accept it. You can say, ‘I want to leave the Union, I want to leave the European Judicial Court, I want to leave the Customs Union’, but you cannot at the same time say ‘oh, but that little piece interests me, and that is something that I like ...’ No way! It is a fair agreement that we are looking for, not a situation where it is better to be outside the European Union than inside, as a Member State.

  João Ferreira, em nome do Grupo GUE/NGL. – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, Senhor Verhofstadt, as razões para a agonia da União Europeia estão mais deste lado do que do outro lado do Atlântico. Nos primeiros quinze dias deste ano a enorme vala comum do Mediterrâneo ceifou mais de duzentas vidas, números oficiais, alguns relatórios apontam para mais de quatrocentos mortos.

Aos quase três mil migrantes que nestes dias chegaram ao solo europeu espera-os a desumanidade da União Europeia: campos de detenção onde são deixados a morrer ao frio até serem deportados. Terrorismo, sob o pretexto do combate ao terrorismo. Em lugar de garantir aos povos a segurança para que gozem dos seus direitos, restringem e atacam direitos por alegadas razões de segurança. No final, nem direitos nem segurança.

Este Conselho Europeu evidencia bem o beco sem saída em que a União Europeia se encontra. O euro acentua o seu carácter de impiedosa máquina de divergência e de empobrecimento da periferia. Na Holanda, aí está mais um referendo desrespeitado, desta feita sob o acordo de associação com a Ucrânia, pois, por entre os escombros deste processo de integração esgotado, parte dos problemas e já não da solução caberá aos povos com a sua luta abrir um novo caminho de progresso e de cooperação na Europa.

  Ska Keller, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, I will find it a bit difficult to fill my three minutes, because at the Council I did not actually have the impression that so many meaningful conclusions or decisions were taken. I would rather say the conclusions were meagre at best.

That might actually be OK if it were a smooth time, with nothing much happening just before Christmas and if there were nothing much to do, but I think we all share a common feeling that is not really the world that we are living in. We have Brexit, we have Trump, we have refugees freezing to death in Europe, we have the rights of the far right, we have conflicts in our neighbourhoods – there are so many issues that we need to address, so many solutions that we need to find, and not just hang out and talk nicely. So, where is the plan for a social Europe? Where are the bold moves to establish tax justice in Europe? Where is the action on investment rather than austerity? Where is the joint effort to help refugees, to establish some sort of dignity at least for people looking for protection, and also for Europe? Where is the common answer for Trump? Where is the common voice in foreign policy, and where are the Member States when it comes to implementing things? As for the Defence Union and new papers, all that is very nice, but where would be the implementation of the pooling and sharing that Member States had already decided a long time ago? On all of the burning issues we get ‘nada’and ‘niente’ (and you see I am practising my Italian). We got nothing from the Council. We got some nice warm words – or some cold words, when it came to migration – but that’s it. We don’t need to have European Council meetings just to keep us busy, as I think we are all rather busy!

We need a European Council that works on the future of Europe with bold decisions and real tangible results, because a lot is at stake. The whole project, the whole dream, the whole idea of Europe is at stake and is under threat. We do not have much time, and we will not get many opportunities to do something about that – to rescue this idea, and not just to rescue it, but also to further develop it. I don’t expect the Council to save us all, but I do expect the Council to make a meaningful contribution, and I do expect the Presidency and the President of the Council to put serious proposals on the table to work for the best of Europe, and not just for a nice group picture. We, as Parliament, cannot wait for the Council to do something and get serious. After we have been so busy with ourselves for the last two days, which was nice, fun and all exciting, I think it is high time that we get back to business, back to policies, back to improving the lives of everyone living in Europe, and it is really urgent that we do that because we only have one Europe and it needs us.

  Paul Nuttall, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Mr President, first allow me to congratulate you on your election. I think it’s interesting that the conclusions of the Council meeting raised the issues of migration and security, because these two issues go hand—in—hand, as has recently been shown by the attacks on our continent. Certain politicians, whom I don’t have to name here in this speech, should hang their heads in shame because of their dangerous and reckless policies which have allowed jihadis to cross our borders freely without checks. Thank goodness that we, the UK, will be leaving.

Yesterday, our Prime Minister, Theresa May, set out her negotiation positions. While I applaud some of it, other parts I find concerning. Firstly, I am worried that the so-called interim arrangements and phased implementation is simply Whitehall speak for a slow—motion Brexit. I am also concerned that there was no mention of immediate immigration controls, which means that, by the time we are fully out of the EU, on current trends, we could have another million people come into our country from the continent. And no one in Britain, bar UKIP, is holding the government to account on these issues, mainly because the British Labour Party is a shambles that has let down working class people for far too long. I am, however, glad that the Prime Minister made it clear that we are leaving the single market. This would allow us – if the government has the willpower – to control our own borders, not pay a membership fee, and not have to comply with EU regulations and directives. So I say to the EU negotiators: now is not the time for empty threats. Britain is not bluffing. Britain will not be bullied. Britain is not some sort of small nation on the periphery of Europe. We are the United Kingdom, the fifth largest economy in the world. We have links all over the globe to the Anglosphere, the Commonwealth, the emerging markets of the Far East. It is clear that Britain is going global as a result of that momentous vote on 23 June 2016. I believe we have a great future ahead of us.

(Applause)

  Vicky Maeijer, namens de ENF-Fractie. – Voorzitter, meer overdracht van soevereiniteit, meer geld naar falend EU-beleid en tussen de dinergangen door nog een grootse schoffering van de Nederlandse kiezers die massaal neen zeiden tegen het EU-associatieverdrag met Oekraïne en het nu alsnog via de achterdeur door de strot gedrukt krijgen. Onze regeringsleiders concluderen zelfs dat Europeanen meer verantwoordelijkheid moeten nemen voor hun veiligheid. Dat is toch de wereld op zijn kop, want u moet stoppen met wegkijken!

Er is namelijk nog geen begin van een antwoord op de oorlog die de islam ons heeft verklaard. En vier dagen na de Raad werd dit ook weer pijnlijk duidelijk: wéér een aanslag, wéér de Islamitische Staat, wéér een terrorist die dood en verderf kon zaaien. Dit keer met een vrachtwagen waarmee hij inrijdt op een Berlijnse kerstmarkt, met 11 doden en 56 gewonden tot gevolg. En na de aanslag reist hij doodleuk vanuit Duitsland verder door Nederland, door België, door Frankrijk en door Italië. Dankzij het Brusselse opengrenzenbeleid kon de aanslagpleger ongestoord zijn gang gaan!

Gelukkig, voorzitter, waait er een frisse wind door Europa en is het verzet tegen alles waar u voor staat, aan het winnen. De roep om grenscontroles, de aanpak van terrorisme, de-islamisering en soevereiniteit: dit klinkt luider dan ooit tevoren. En ik ben ervan overtuigd dat in Nederland op 15 maart de Nederlandse kiezer zal afrekenen met het falende beleid van deze elite.

  Σωτήριος Ζαριανόπουλος ( NI). – Σε κάθε ευρωπαϊκό συμβούλιο αυξάνεται η αγωνία σας για οικονομική ανάκαμψη αλλά η καπιταλιστική μηχανή δεν λέει να πάρει πραγματικά μπροστά, πυροδοτώντας έτσι αγριότερους ανταγωνισμούς, στρατιωτικοποίηση της Ένωσης, σκληρότερα αντιλαϊκά μέτρα παντού. Αυτό για την Ελλάδα των πολλών κυβερνητικών εναλλαγών, πάντα όμως με μνημόνια και απίστευτες λαϊκές θυσίες, μεταφράζεται απλά σε νέα μέτρα δίχως τέλος: στην ουσία, σε τέταρτο μνημόνιο. Η κυβερνητική κοροϊδία περί «κακού Διεθνούς Νομισματικού Ταμείου και καλής Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης», αποκαλύπτεται. Η καπιταλιστική βαρβαρότητα με το όποιο πρόσωπο - Διεθνές Νομισματικό Ταμείο / ευρωπαϊκοί θεσμοί / αστικές κυβερνήσεις - δεν εξανθρωπίζεται. Η κυβέρνηση ΣΥΡΙΖΑ-ΑΝΕΛ, το ίδιο αντιλαϊκή αλλά ικανότερη από τις προηγούμενες στη λαϊκή σφαγή, μεθοδεύει μέτρα - ομαδικές απολύσεις με βέλτιστες ευρωενωσιακές πρακτικές, ‘ταφόπλακα’-συλλογικές συμβάσεις, γενίκευση της ευέλικτης εργασίας με ψίχουλα - για την ολοκλήρωση του τρίτου μνημονίου της, αλλά και για πολλές δεκαετίες μετά από αυτό, με μόνιμο δημοσιονομικό κόφτη μονής αντιλαϊκής κατεύθυνσης: μόνιμα ματωμένα πλεονάσματα με μείωση του αφορολόγητου στα χαμηλότερα εισοδήματα, νέους φόρους και ΦΠΑ για το λαό, νέες μειώσεις μισθών, συντάξεων, κοινωνικών δαπανών και επιδομάτων.

Αυτά είναι τα προαπαιτούμενα-θυσίες για την ποσοτική χαλάρωση της Ευρωπαϊκής Κεντρικής Τράπεζας και ρύθμιση του χρέους, που σημαίνει μόνο νέο ζεστό χρήμα και φοροαπαλλαγές στις μεγάλες επιχειρήσεις και όχι λαϊκή ανακούφιση. Ανάκαμψη για κέρδη και ανταγωνιστικότητα και κατήφορος για τον λαό, που μπορεί να σταματήσει με έναν τρόπο αυτός κατήφορος: με οργάνωση και αγώνα, τον εργατικό λαϊκό παράγοντα μαχητικά στο προσκήνιο, ενίσχυση της δύναμης του ΚΚΕ για ανατροπή.

IN THE CHAIR: MAIREAD McGUINNESS
Vice-President

  Elmar Brok (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin, Herr Präsident des Europäischen Rates, Herr Vizepräsident, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich finde, dass die Ergebnisse des Europäischen Rates vielversprechend sind, aber nicht erfüllend. Und ich finde, es ist eine wichtige Tatsache, dass man gesagt hat: Wir wollen Innovation und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit, Ausbildung und die soziale Balance, dass man Fortschritte machen will bei Migration und Terror, und dass die Registrierungspflicht kommen soll, dass man in der Verteidigungspolitik manches aufgeschrieben hat. Jetzt ist es aber Zeit zu liefern, in allen Fragen die Umsetzung zu machen.

Herr Präsident des Europäischen Rates, Sie müssen Ihre Kolleginnen und Kollegen in den nationalen Regierungen in die Pflicht nehmen, dass es deutlich gemacht wird, dass umgesetzt wird und nicht nur in Schlussfolgerungen geschrieben wird. Und die Kommission muss die entsprechenden Gesetzgebungsvorschläge und Initiativen ergreifen in diesen Bereichen, und wir müssen den Bratislava-Prozess auch in Richtung Rom zu einer Erfolgsstory machen.

Wenn in diesen Kernfragen der Herausforderungen nicht geliefert wird, dann haben wir ein Problem – was ein milder Ausdruck für die tatsächliche Lage ist.

Ich glaube, dass wir das vor allem etwa bei der Verteidigungspolitik sehen müssen, angesichts von Drohungen und Sorgen, die wir haben, jetzt nicht nur im Süden und im Osten, sondern jetzt auch aus dem Westen heraus: Wenn wir nicht in der Lage sind, Synergieeffekte zu schaffen, zusammenzuarbeiten bei der Verteidigungspolitik, mit Hauptquartier, mit der Frage der permanent structured cooperation, mit Beschaffung und Forschung. Wir geben 200 Milliarden Euro für Verteidigung aus, mit einem minimalen Ergebnis, weil wir nicht in der Lage sind, gemeinsam etwas zu ergreifen. Und wenn wir sicher leben wollen, selbständig bleiben wollen, muss dies so europäisch sein in dieser veränderten Welt. Bitte jetzt umsetzen!

  Knut Fleckenstein (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich möchte zu zwei Punkten kurz etwas sagen. Das eine ist, dass ich es sehr begrüße, dass es eine Einigung zwischen dem Rat und uns gibt, was den Suspension-Mechanismus angeht, und dass es jetzt endlich soweit sein kann, dass die Ukraine und Georgien auch das Visa-free-Regime bekommen. Es ist höchste Zeit, denn gerade gegenüber Georgien haben wir uns sehr an der Grenze zur Glaubwürdigkeit bewegen müssen.

Ich begrüße auch die Klarstellung, die es der niederländischen Regierung ermöglicht, den Ratifizierungsprozess fortzusetzen. Wir sollten das zum Anlass nehmen, auch an uns selbst zu appellieren, ein bisschen klarer zu sprechen, zu sagen, was ist und was nicht ist, was gemeint ist, was geht und was nicht geht. Denn das ist wichtig gegenüber unseren Wählerinnen und Wählern, um falsche Befürchtungen gar nicht erst aufkommen zu lassen, und gegenüber den Menschen in den betroffenen Staaten, um falsche Erwartungen gar nicht erst aufkommen zu lassen.

Ein letzter Satz: Wenn wir über die Situation der Flüchtlinge reden, ist es richtig, an die Kommission und den Rat zu appellieren. Aber ich bitte Sie: Appellieren Sie auch an die griechische Regierung! Sie hat eine Menge von uns bekommen, und sie tut verdammt wenig. Von einer linken Regierung erwarte ich anderes.

  Richard Sulík (ECR). – Rada opäť raz vyzýva na relokáciu migrantov v rámci existujúcich prerozdeľujúcich schém. Opäť raz teda tlačia členské štáty, ktoré prijali obrovské množstvo migrantov a ešte ich aj vítali, na tie krajiny, ktoré mali dosť rozumu, aby si teraz ony tých migrantov láskavo zobrali. Samozrejme, k prerozdeleniu nedôjde ani teraz, ale takéto nič neriešiace výzvy bránia skutočnému riešeniu, a tým sú utečenecké tábory na území severnej Afriky. Ak budú tieto existovať, môže napríklad talianska pobrežná hliadka všetkých „akože“ zachránených migrantov okamžite do takéhoto tábora previezť, kde môžu požiadať o azyl.

Hovorím o „akože“ zachránených, lebo v skutočnosti ide o hrubé zneužívanie európskych pobrežných hliadok. Migranti sa spoliehajú na to, že čím skôr, najlepšie pár kilometrov od územia od afrického pobrežia, sa nájde nejaká tá loď, ktorá ich bezpečne dopraví do Afriky. Ak ale budú existovať takéto utečenecké tábory v severnej Afrike, dopraví ich pobrežná hliadka tam. A v tom momente prestane byť drahá a nebezpečná plavba cez Stredozemné more zaujímavá.

  Marielle de Sarnez (ALDE). – Madame la Présidente, en début de semaine, nous avons eu le discours surréaliste de M. Trump sur l’Union avec son lot de critiques et d’attaques ad hominem et j’ai vraiment regretté l’absence de réaction commune des institutions européennes. Puis, hier, nous avons eu le discours de Theresa May sur le Brexit qui, au moins, a eu le mérite de la clarté.

Ce contexte, il nous oblige. Il nous oblige à aller de l’avant, il nous oblige à une refondation de l’Europe pour une Europe plus unie, plus forte, plus politique, qui saura se faire respecter dans le monde. Une Europe en capacité de produire de la croissance durable et du progrès social, une Europe en capacité d’assumer sa propre défense, une Europe en capacité d’apporter les bonnes réponses aux défis du monde: migration, développement, climat, terrorisme.

C’est à ce rendez-vous-là, celui de la refondation de l’Europe, que nous sommes désormais attendus par nos concitoyens.

  Liadh Ní Riada (GUE/NGL). – A Uachtaráin, comhghairdeas ar do phost mar Leas-Uachtarán. Níl aon aontú ar athbreithniú an MFF agus is earra maolaitheach atá againn anois leis an ngeilleagar. Táimid ag pointe an-chriticiúil san Eoraip agus sa domhan fiú. Tá impleachtaí ollmhóra ann mar gheall ar Brexit agus tá gort nua ar fad á threabhadh ag Trump sna Stáit Aontaithe. Mar sin, tá dualgas orainne anois aire níos mó ná riamh a thabhairt dár dtodhchaí agus sin é an t-aos óg. Tá faillí mhór déanta ag an dtigh seo orainne gan aon rian ar thodhchaí dhearfach níos fearr dóibh. Tá níos mó tosaíochta á tabhairt d’fhórsaí míleata ná d’fhórsaí sóisialta. Tá caint ar bhreis infheistíochta a dhéanamh san ESFI. Níor oibrigh an chéad stráice de mar a bhí samhlaithe agus anois táimid ag caint ar an mbeart céanna a dhéanamh arís. Tá fíricí ann a léiríonn nach bhfuil na SMEs ná na comhair chumainn ná an geilleagar sóisialta ag fáil aon rud fónta as. Is léir go bhfuil sé ag freastal ar an earnáil phríobháideach agus aige siúd atá gan acmhainní: titim anuas den dréimire. Easpa ceannaireachta, easpa tuisceana, easpa toill pholaitiúil agus easpa uaillmhéine. Caithfidh an Chomhairle agus an Coimisiún dul i ngleic leis na dúshláin agus dúiseacht suas go dtí an géirchéim seachas an reitric sheafóideach chéanna.

  Bodil Valero (Verts/ALE). – Fru talman! Jag ser att rådet vill avsätta ytterligare resurser till försvaret, men det handlar faktiskt inte om mängden pengar utan det handlar om vad vi får för de pengarna. Det som vi vanligtvis talar om, 2 % av BMI, det säger ingenting om den kvalitet vi har eller vilken försvarsförmåga vi har. Det är den som vi måste säkerställa.

Det finns många strukturella problem i försvaret som vi måste lösa först. Även om många, inte minst i detta parlament, gärna skulle se en försvarsunion eller en gemensam armé, är det så att försvaret fortfarande är en nationell kompetens och att alla inte är med i NATO. Därför är rådets rekommendation att förbättra samarbetet mellan medlemsstaterna mer korrekt.

Mer samarbete, pooling och sharing – det skulle minska kostnaderna istället för att öka dem. Vi har talat om det i väldigt många år, men ingenting händer. Av 300 förslag har bara 19 genomförts. Sedan har vi också förslaget om en försvarsfond, men man tillsätter inga nya pengar, utan de pengar som vi hör talas om då och då, de kommer från annat civilt arbete, och detta får jag inte ihop.

  Peter Lundgren (EFDD). – Fru talman! Det är fantastiskt egentligen, det här huset. Det är många av er här som skulle kunna ha en karriär som framtida författare, det hör man när ni håller era tal.

Jag kan tycka att det är ganska intressant ibland när man hör, som alldeles nyss, herr Tusk. Han säger angående migrationen att man har gjort framsteg. Vilka framsteg då, undrar jag. Det är ju en fullständig katastrof – allt som handlar om migration. Människor fryser ihjäl i Grekland just nu. Det enda framsteg ni har åstadkommit, om man nu ska välja att kalla det ett framsteg, det är att ni ingick ett utpressningsavtal med Turkiet som saknar alla former av mänskliga rättigheter och som inte respekterar någon form av demokrati. Det är vad ni har åstadkommit. Det är inte så mycket att yvas över.

När det sen kommer till Ukraina så säger ni att det finns en oro hos nederländska väljare. Det är ingen oro. Det var ett klart nej. Man sa nej, men ni har väldigt svårt i detta hus att acceptera ett nej. För ni har en motvilja mot folkets vilja.

Brexit är er stora skräck, och det tror jag grundar sig på att Storbritannien kommer klara sig fint utan det här huset. Man kommer att ha ett USA-avtal på plats innan EU har det. Att straffa Storbritannien kommer omedelbart att straffa er själva, för då straffar ni de brittiska arbetarna och de brittiska medborgarna, och det kommer att slå tillbaka på er riktigt rejält.

Det enda svaret ni har är mer EU. Mer av misslyckad politik. Mer av demokratiförakt. Mer av väljarförakt. Det är det som skakar det här huset i grunden, och det kommer att bli ert fall.

  Mario Borghezio (ENF). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la relazione del Consiglio prospetta una visione dei risultati delle politiche più recenti sull'immigrazione in termini assolutamente incomprensibili, direi quasi grotteschi, specialmente se visti dal punto di vista della realtà del mio paese, l'Italia, nei confronti della quale i dati stessi forniti dal Consiglio, 181 000 immigrati sbarcati nel nostro paese nel solo 2016, con un aumento del 20 per cento rispetto ai dati già rilevanti dell'anno precedente, ma soprattutto una valutazione, certamente generosa, di ben 80 per cento di migranti economici e solo 20 per cento di richiedenti asilo, molti dei quali poi, all'esame dell'autorità competenti nel mio paese, risultano non essere in possesso dei requisiti.

Questo dimostra che c'è una realtà molto grave, direi addirittura drammatica. Pensiamo poi a come possa impattare sulla situazione sociale di un paese come l'Italia devastato da problemi come il terrorismo e soprattutto, ultimamente, dai problemi derivanti dai terremoti.

Quindi bisogna cambiare totalmente questa politica fallimentare sull'immigrazione.

  Zoltán Balczó (NI). – Elnök Asszony, ha összehasonlítjuk az európai csúcs októberi és decemberi ülésének következtetéseit, és végigolvassuk, lényeges területeken nem történt előrelépés. A migráció kérdésében mindkét dokumentumban az szerepel, hogy az Európai Tanács döntést ígér abban a kérdésben, hogy a jövőben miként alkalmazzák a szolidaritás elvét. Tudjuk, hogy ez alatt a kötelező befogadási kvóta értendő, amit jó néhány ország Európában elutasít. Ennek ellenére itt szerepel, hogy gyorsítani kell a meglévő áttelepítési programokat. Jean-Claude Juncker ma itt azt mondta, hogy meg kell különböztetni a terroristát a migránsoktól. Természetesen meg kell, főleg, ha lehet, de eddig arról hallottunk, hogy az igazi politikai menekülteket kell megkülönböztetni a migránsoktól. Ezek szerint megváltozott most már a helyzet? Most már a terrorista a rossz migráns, az összes többit kötelező befogadni? Ehhez biztonságos útvonalak kellenek, miközben Nyugat-Európa városaiban a lakosság biztonságával nem foglalkozunk?

  Andrzej Grzyb (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Od wielu lat mamy do czynienia przede wszystkim z informacją, jak sobie radzimy z kryzysami. To dotyczy zarówno Rady, jak i Komisji, ale kryzysy migracyjny wielokrotnie był omawiany w tej Izbie i jest to problem – ciągle to powtarzam – nie tylko europejski, ale przede wszystkim globalny, tak co do źródeł, jak również co do skutecznej reakcji.

Bez umiędzynarodowienia nie można mówić tutaj o sukcesie. Stąd po pierwsze, z zadowoleniem przyjmuję informacje o pozytywnej ocenie postępu w realizacji umów z 5 afrykańskimi krajami w zakresie zarówno tranzytu, jak i pochodzenia migrantów. Po drugie, w ślad za tą pozytywną oceną zgodnie z konkluzjami chciałbym również prosić o rozwój podobnych form współpracy z innymi krajami tranzytu lub pochodzenia migracji. Po trzecie, chciałbym też, abyśmy liczyli na intensywniejsze wdrażanie planu z La Valletty, w tym przyspieszenie również prac legislacyjnych, które mają służyć zrównoważonemu rozwojowi w krajach będących źródłem migracji. Po czwarte, myślę również, że obejmująca prezydencję Rady Unii Europejskiej Malta mogłaby też pokusić się o to, żeby za czasów tej prezydencji nastąpiły znaczące postępy, jeżeli chodzi o współpracę z Libią.

Z innych spraw chciałbym z aprobatą odnieść się do inicjatywy włączenia polityki przemysłowej do strategicznych inicjatyw Unii Europejskiej – rynek pracy i polityka przemysłowa muszą być tutaj kluczowe – jak również przedłużenia okresu obowiązywania Europejskiego Funduszu na rzecz Inwestycji Strategicznych.

  Isabelle Thomas (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Président Tusk, permettez-moi tout d’abord de regretter que les dernières conclusions du Conseil fassent l’impasse sur quelques priorités, comme l’Union économique et monétaire et celle d’une assiette fiscale consolidée pour les entreprises.

Quelques mots sur les priorités que vous avez évoquées. En matière de défense, vous nous demandez notre soutien. Mais le Conseil doit être conséquent: soit on en reste à une action préparatoire de recherche et ses 90 millions d’euros, soit on parle sérieusement d’Europe de la défense, et on arrête de faire croire que les redéploiements budgétaires suffiront. Car, pour cette priorité comme pour beaucoup d’autres, la question budgétaire ne peut plus être éludée.

À propos du chômage des jeunes, si l’on s’en tient aux discours, on pourrait croire à une magnifique unanimité. Mais quand il s’agit de passer à la caisse… Alors, certes, lors de notre dernière négociation budgétaire, le Parlement a obtenu 500 millions d’euros mais, dans le même temps, le Conseil tentait d’imposer que ce soit pour solde de tout compte jusqu’à la fin du cadre financier. Les priorités s’accumulent mais les insuffisances budgétaires, elles, débordent. Le Conseil multiplie les engagements tout en resserrant les cordons de la bourse.

Et puisqu’on ne peut pas continuer à asphyxier les budgets des États membres, Monsieur le Président, il est temps de mettre à l’agenda du Conseil les ressources propres. Le groupe de haut niveau de Mario Monti vient de publier son rapport. Le Parlement prépare sa position et gageons qu’elle sera offensive. Ma question est simple: quand le Conseil donnera-t-il sa position sur le rapport Monti? Je rappelle qu’elle devrait intervenir avant la fin 2017 car elle sera, n’en doutez pas, au cœur des négociations du prochain cadre financier pluriannuel.

  Zdzisław Krasnodębski (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Ja zgadzam się z oceną, że decyzje podejmowane przez Radę Europejską nie są na miarę wyzwań, przed którymi stoi Europa i Unia. Ciągle czekamy na nowe idee, co miesiąc z nadzieją. Niestety, nowych idei nie ma. To jest polityka małych kroków, choć czasami są to kroki w dobrym kierunku. Na przykład ostatnio Rada Europejska wezwała do szybkich działań w odpowiedzi na konkluzje Rady z dnia 6 grudnia ubiegłego roku, kiedy przyjęto program pogłębiania współpracy między NATO i Unią Europejską i zapisano w nim poparcie dla utworzenia w Finlandii Europejskiego Centrum Zwalczania Zagrożeń Hybrydowych.

Wzmocnienie współpracy w tej dziedzinie, kształcenie ekspertów, badań naukowych w dziedzinie obrony przed cyberatakami jest krokiem jak najbardziej słusznym, ale jak często to bywa w przypadku Unii Europejskiej – spóźnionym. Wzmocnienie potencjału państw Unii w zakresie obrony przed zagrożeniami hybrydowymi i współpraca w tym zakresie z NATO nie tylko zwiększy nasze bezpieczeństwo, ale także bezpieczeństwo państw europejskiego sąsiedztwa, wobec których Unia ma zobowiązania i których stabilność ma dla nas podstawowe znaczenie.

  Izaskun Bilbao Barandica (ALDE). – Señora presidenta, tras analizar los resultados de la última reunión del Consejo de 15 diciembre y compartir las declaraciones de intenciones expresadas en ella sobre los grandes temas de la Agenda europea —refugiados o seguridad—, quiero insistir en el empleo y la reactivación y, especialmente, en la garantía juvenil.

Necesitamos un control más estrecho del funcionamiento por países. Hemos denunciado aquí reiteradamente que, en España —el país que presenta peores datos—, una centralización inexplicable perjudica la implicación de los empleadores, la conexión educación-sistema productivo, la aparición de partenariados público-privados, la aplicación del principio de especialización inteligente o el aprovechamiento de buenas prácticas previamente existentes en políticas activas o formación profesional.

Por eso nos alegramos de que el crítico informe de la Comisión sobre los resultados en España haya provocado ya una modificación, el pasado 24 de diciembre, de las condiciones de acceso y una mejora en la participación regional y local, que reivindicamos y que debe seguir creciendo.

  Tania González Peñas (GUE/NGL). – Señora presidenta, estrenamos año pero arrastramos los mismos problemas que desde hace ya demasiado tiempo llevamos arrastrando.

La situación de los refugiados —especialmente este invierno, con la ola de frío más intensa de los últimos años— nos deja imágenes del fracaso, la pasividad y la crueldad de esta Unión Europea a la hora de dar respuesta a la crisis humanitaria mayor en el mundo, como ha reconocido el propio Consejo.

Y en este sentido debo darle la razón a Tusk cuando, al salir de la reunión del Consejo, reconocía sobre la guerra de Siria que no estamos siendo eficaces. Y efectivamente. Pero esa ineficacia no es un fenómeno natural, sino que depende de la voluntad política y es posible cambiarla.

Por otro lado, vemos cómo el incremento de la desafección política se está canalizando en muchos países a través de proyectos irracionales y xenófobos. Debemos defender un modelo social fuerte en Europa como seña de identidad, que establezca como objetivos principales el respeto a los derechos humanos, las libertades y el bienestar social. Ese giro en el proyecto europeo debe marcar el proyecto y el rumbo de los próximos años en Europa.

  Gilles Lebreton (ENF). – Madame la Présidente, le Conseil européen du 15 décembre a illustré l’entêtement suicidaire de l’Union européenne. Il confirme que l’Union s’entête dans sa politique migratoire calamiteuse. Il veut en effet continuer à appliquer l’accord de mars 2016 avec la Turquie, alors même que la Turquie s’éloigne clairement chaque jour davantage des valeurs et de la civilisation européenne. Il veut aussi, je cite, «accélérer les relocalisations de migrants», malgré l’opposition ouverte de trois pays: la Hongrie, la Slovaquie et la Pologne.

C’est suicidaire, car l’Union ne pourra pas continuer très longtemps à se moquer de la volonté des peuples européens. La preuve en est d’ailleurs fournie par le Conseil européen lui-même sous la pression d’un référendum néerlandais. Il a été forcé de préciser que l’accord avec l’Ukraine ne confère pas à ce pays le statut de pays candidat à l’adhésion à l’Union. Les Pays-Bas ont ainsi infligé à l’Union une belle leçon de démocratie.

  Esteban González Pons (PPE). – Señora presidenta, el año pasado fue un mal año, el año que viene puede serlo bueno, no porque vayamos a tener menos problemas, sino porque pongamos más voluntad en las soluciones. Los refugiados y la crisis siguen ahí. El Mediterráneo sigue siendo el lugar donde mueren todos los días cientos de personas y ahora tenemos, además, también el frío y la nieve. Si nosotros queremos nosotros vamos a poder. No se trata de que desaparezca o vaya a desaparecer este año la crisis de los refugiados. Se trata de que este año seamos capaces de poner voluntad suficiente para resolverla.

Lo mismo ocurre con nuestra seguridad. Este año vamos a estar un poco más solos en el mundo. Donald Trump está empezando a convertirse en un nuevo Vladimir Putin y, con los problemas que ya tenemos en Turquía, en Oriente Medio, en Rusia, si ahora los tenemos igual que en China, en Estados Unidos, Europa va a estar más sola. Nuestra seguridad va a depender solo de nosotros.

Quiero decir algo también sobre el brexit. Quiero decirle a la primera ministra británica que Gran Bretaña no puede convertirse en el Panamá europeo; y que recuerde que el mercado único es único, no solo porque no tiene fronteras internas, sino porque tiene fronteras externas. La Unión Europea no puede admitir una solución específica para Escocia, para Gibraltar, ni para ninguna parte del Reino Unido. Brexit es brexit para todo el Reino Unido, y no va a haber soluciones específicas ni mágicas para nadie.

Hagamos del 2017 un mejor año no porque se reduzcan los problemas sino porque tengamos más voluntad de resolverlos.

  Ramón Jáuregui Atondo (S&D). – Señor presidente, creo que en el acuerdo de diciembre hubo dos cosas importantes: la primera, una inteligencia muy pragmática para resolver el problema del referéndum holandés sobre el Acuerdo con Ucrania. Yo creo que hay que apreciarlo como muy importante. Y también el avance en las ideas sobre la seguridad y la defensa.

Quiero destacar que llevamos mucho tiempo sin escuchar una noticia del Consejo en favor de la Europa social. Hay un euroescepticismo grande —usted lo ha comentado, señor Katainen— porque la ciudadanía está viendo devaluado su marco sociolaboral. Y el Grupo socialista, en cuyo nombre también les hablo, está descontento con la situación socioeconómica europea. Queremos oír del Consejo y de la Comisión otras noticias en favor de la protección social, del empleo de calidad, de lo que llamaríamos el empleo juvenil: todo lo que es la demanda de una política europea con alma, con alma social.

  Branislav Škripek (ECR). – V prvom rade chcem oceniť postoj Európskej únie k Turecku. Prestávame sa spoliehať len na dohodu s krajinou, ktorá je na jednej strane síce významná, ale zároveň je nestabilná. Turecký prezident Erdogan sa v poslednom čase len snaží zaoberať hlavne tým, ako posilniť moc vo svojich rukách. EÚ musí riešiť krízu proaktívne, preto vítam, že európski lídri vypočuli volanie po riešení krízy v ohniskách jej vzniku.

Decembrový summit poukázal na potrebu dohôd s domovskými štátmi utečencov. Najmä krajiny, ako sú Líbya, Tunisko alebo Egypt sú kľúčové z hľadiska migrácie, a jedinou možnou odpoveďou je prispieť zásadným spôsobom k ich stabilizácii. Podľa prieskumu až 40 % mladých Tunisanov chce odísť zo svojej krajiny do Európy. Pomoc teda musí byť finančného ale aj inštitucionálneho charakteru.

Apelujem na zintenzívnenie tohto úsilia, pretože čas hrá znovu proti nám. Migračné vlny sa na jar a v lete znovu zväčšia a my musíme byť pripravení na túto situáciu.

  Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL). – Madame la Présidente, je crois que le Conseil du 15 décembre a rendu le monde plus dangereux, compte tenu des violences qu’il encourage. D’abord, sur l’immigration, vous avez décidé de traiter le contrôle des arrivées en vous confiant à deux gardes-barrières obscurantistes et violents que sont les responsables de la Turquie et de la Libye.

En ce qui concerne la Russie, vous maintenez des sanctions absurdes qui maintiennent une tension irresponsable et vous comptez faire appliquer de vive force un accord sur l’Ukraine, dont le peuple hollandais a déjà dit qu’il ne voulait pas.

Après le Brexit, en gros, vous nous proposez, comme projet commun à l’Europe, l’Europe de la guerre contre la Russie. En 1954, mon pays a déjà dit «non» à la Communauté européenne de défense et je vous dis tout net que vous rêvez si vous vous figurez que nous allons faire promener le bouton de la dissuasion nucléaire dans vos réunions confuses.

Il se trouve que toutes vos déclarations pro-atlantistes et pro-Otan sont absolument dépassées par la situation, parce que le programme de M. Trump dorénavant est que la Chine et l’Europe sont ses concurrents et ses adversaires désignés.

Bref, si vous voulez fortifier l’Europe, fortifiez le peuple. Unissez les peuples par le progrès social et une vision d’avenir qui soit autre chose que la finance et la guerre.

La France va bientôt voter et l’Allemagne tout autant. J’espère que ce soit l’occasion de vous faire une nouvelle proposition européenne que celle que vous nous faites vivre.

  President. – Colleagues, before I give the floor to Mr Niedermayer for one and a half minutes, I have to announce that there will be no catch-the-eye. I want to do that in fairness to those who may be in the room and waiting for catch—the—eye. I am obliged to start the Vote for the Quaestors at 16.30.

  Luděk Niedermayer (PPE). – Madam President, I have carefully read the conclusions of the Council meeting, especially on migration, security and defence, and I can see that we are making progress. The progress is obviously not sufficient; there are lot of things to do, the crisis is not over – but there is progress.

What should be on our to-do list? We should still take better control of our external borders and make sure that we properly identify the people who are crossing them. We should reform the European asylum system and make a list of safe countries in order to simplify asylum procedures. Obviously, we must look for external partners, because not everything can be solved here, and preference should be given to solutions outside the European Union. I very much appreciate what was said about defence. Most countries must increase their expenditure on defence, not simply to spend money, but to increase our ability to defend ourselves and also be a valid and responsible partner in NATO for countries that are members of NATO, rather than having a free ride.

Let me say a few words on the economy: I very much appreciate the Commission Winter Package. It should be considered as a package, and not as separate proposals. Only if they are addressed together can they bring benefits to the economy and our citizens. Last but not least, let me mention that I appreciate the Council’s efforts to find a solution with regard to the Ukraine Treaty. In Ukraine, a lot of people are hoping for a better life, and we should help them.

  Carlos Zorrinho (S&D). – Senhora Presidente, cada vez mais os conselhos europeus são vistos pelos cidadãos como uma formalidade tecnocrática de onde não se espera rasgo nem decisões consequentes capazes de melhorar o quotidiano e robustecer a confiança do projeto europeu. E este Conselho que aqui analisamos não fugiu à regra.

No plano das migrações, houve passos positivos nas parcerias externas, em particular o avanço do Fundo Europeu para o desenvolvimento sustentável, mas faltou acrescentar uma parceria interna para o investimento, o crescimento e o emprego.

No plano da segurança houve uma vontade positiva de reforçar as corporações reforçadas, em particular a criação do Fundo Europeu de Defesa, mas faltou acrescentar um plano concreto de cooperação na investigação, no desenvolvimento tecnológico e na gestão comum e partilhada dos dados estratégicos.

No plano do desenvolvimento, a repetição exaustiva de boas ideias e intenções. Falta, no entanto, acrescentar modelos de financiamento robustos que permitam passar, e isso é a questão essencial, das intenções aos atos. A Cimeira de Roma, que assinala os 60 anos do Tratado, que construiu os alicerces da União Europeia, não pode ser uma réplica destes Conselhos, cheios de palavras mas nulos de consequências.

A União Europeia precisa de responder com clareza aos novos desafios globais. Ontem, aqui no Parlamento, fez-se uma escolha que, sendo democrática e legítima, foi tudo menos clara. Eurocépticos, europasmados e até euroentusiastas negociaram uma solução que abre caminho para que a União Europeia continue a navegar à vista e por isso nós não podemos continuar neste processo, temos que resistir a esta tentação. Os que resistirem estarão do lado certo da História.

  Dubravka Šuica (PPE). –Najprije čestitam na novoj funkciji gospođi potpredsjednici, a gospodinu Tusku želim zahvaliti i iskoristiti ovu prigodu jer se u ponedjeljak u Hrvatskom saboru obratio našim zastupnicima na hrvatskom jeziku i ovo je prilika da Vam se zahvalim jer to je pozdravljeno u Hrvatskoj.

Što se tiče Vijeća, vidim da ulažete napore, vidim da puno radite, i ja bih rekla da postoji pomak. Puno je tema o kojima ste razgovarali, naravno, ciljeve još nismo ispunili kao što je rekao i gospodin Brok. Dakle, imamo zaključke, imamo razgovore, ali potrebna je implementacija. Dakle neophodna je primjena onoga što ste zaključili.

Puno je tema. Svjesni smo da je problem u Ukrajini, da nema provedbe Sporazuma iz Minska, vidimo što se događa s Trumpovom politikom, približavanje Rusiji koje nikako ne odobravamo, vidimo razloge zbog kojih ste morali produžiti sankcije. U svakom slučaju, zaključci su obećavajući, ali morate nastaviti na njihovoj provedbi ukoliko želimo da Europa zaista krene u pravom smjeru 2017. godine.

  Tonino Picula (S&D). – Gospođo predsjednice, Vijeće je zaključcima iz prosinca obuhvatilo izazove s kojima se Europska unija danas suočava. Podržavam poziv na produljenje Europskog fonda za strukturna ulaganja. Ujedno naglašavam da ovaj fond nije i ne smije biti zamjena za kohezijsku politiku već njena nadopuna. Kriteriji za odobravanje projekata trebaju biti geografska rasprostranjenost i opća financijska situacija u zemljama članicama. Treba izbjeći da najrazvijenije zemlje povlače najviše sredstava.

Podržavam jačanje garancije za mlade jer im je, na žalost, još uvijek potrebna. Pozdravljam tretiranje vanjsko-političkih i sigurnosnih pitanja kao prioriteta i potporu Vijeća procesu jačanja zajedničkih sigurnosnih i obrambenih politika. Europljani moraju preuzeti veću odgovornost za svoju sigurnost.

Raduje razumijevanje specifičnih situacija nekih članica kada se radi o provedbi sustavne kontrole putnika na vanjskim granicama Europske unije, u sklopu revizije zakona o schengenskim granicama. Pozivam na suzdržanost prema zloupotrebi ovog instrumenta u političke svrhe. Neprihvatljive su, na primjer, prijetnje jedne članice drugoj blokadom granica u turističkoj sezoni, a sve zbog bilateralnih političkih pitanja.

  Afzal Khan (S&D). – Madam President, after months of brutality and appalling news about the siege of Aleppo, there has finally been a positive development, yet there is still much work to do. I welcome the UN resolution backing the ceasefire agreement reached on Syria last month, although reports say that it has been breached many times. After six years of war, Syria and its people want and deserve peace. I hope that the upcoming meeting in Astana will make way for a long overdue political solution for the benefit of all Syrians. The EU has established itself as an aid provider committed to saving lives and protecting the Syrian people, but the EU must also confront those responsible for these shocking acts, because peace can only go hand in hand with justice. The EU should support the efforts of the UN Commission of Inquiry investigating atrocities carried out in Syria. All perpetrators of human rights abuses in Syria must be held to account.

  Cécile Kashetu Kyenge (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, è difficile giudicare positivamente l'esito di un Consiglio principalmente incentrato sulle questioni migratorie e tutto questo alla luce di quanto sta accadendo ai confini esterni dell'Europa. Migliaia di persone bloccate al gelo tra Grecia e Serbia, in condizioni umanitarie disperate.

Eppure gli Stati membri lo scorso dicembre hanno rinnovato l'impegno a sostenere i paesi membri situati lungo la rotta dei Balcani occidentali, nonché ad intensificare gli sforzi volti ad accelerare la ricollocazione, in particolare dei minori non accompagnati, e i programmi di reinsediamento esistenti.

La solidarietà è un principio cardine del nostro ordinamento e non un meccanismo da far scattare quando uno Stato membro è sopraffatto. Spero che la chiusura della vostra Presidenza corrisponda anche al naufragio del principio della solidarietà "flessibile" e che in futuro ai vertici dedicati all'immigrazione facciano seguito atti concreti di assunzione di responsabilità di un fenomeno che va gestito nella sua globalità.

  Jyrki Katainen, Vice-President of the Commission. – Madam President, I would like to congratulate you on your re-election.

Many Members have painted our future in quite dark colours. Many Members have also referred to what President Donald Trump or others have said. Our thinking is that we should not let others define what Europe is about. Let us not let others define or say where we are going. It is our own responsibility to take this Union and this continent in the direction we want to develop in.

A very positive statement came from Germany this week: Chancellor Merkel said that Europe’s fate is in our own hands. This is something we all must remember at the moment. Let us not pay too much attention to what others are saying about us. Let us shape our own future. In times like this, someone should represent the voice of common sense and responsibility. That is why our institutions play a crucial role. It might be politically interesting to comment on other people’s speeches or statements, but we have to concentrate on delivering on the issues which will reshape our continent and our Union. Even Prime Minster May has said that she does not hope that other countries will follow the UK’s example because, according to her, a strong EU is important to the UK.

If you have a look at the latest Eurobarometers, our citizens are showing very strong leadership at the moment. Many people think that the EU should have a bigger role in counter—terrorism and that the EU should pay more attention to defence and to social justice and equality. Many of our citizens think that the EU should play a bigger role in energy policy and, of course, in the fight against climate change and on migration issues. If we look at our ambitious agenda today – for instance, our latest proposal on services, the digital internal market, the energy package, low-carbon mobility, the circular economy, border control and defence – it is fair to say that Europe will be more closely integrated in five years’ time than it is at the moment. And this is only because of a pragmatic approach: we have to do things which will reshape Europe to be more prosperous and secure.

Finally, regarding a few issues on EFSI, some mistakes were presented in today’s debate. Somebody said that EFSI has not achieved the goals which were set for it. On the contrary, so far, EFSI has financed operations in 28 Member States, with around EUR 30 billion. This will mobilise around EUR 164 billion in additional real investments on the ground. As part of this EUR 30 billion, there are 250 agreements between EFSI and intermediary banks in various Member States which will mobilise financing for 380 000 European small-and medium-sized enterprises. So EFSI is doing what it should do. That is why it is very important that Parliament also concludes its internal work with the EFSI 2.0 proposal.

(Applause)

  Donald Tusk, President of the European Council. – Madam President, I will make just two short remarks. First of all, I would like to thank you for your clear and wide support for our common future strategy in the Brexit negotiations. I think this is very important as a signal, not only to public opinion, but also to our 27 Member States. I think that one of the most important things to show today may be that you are really united when it comes to a Brexit strategy, as are the institutions. Thank you. I think this was a really important signal.

Secondly, I have heard some suggestions here that we should, as institutions, react to the latest interview with the US President-elect, but I am afraid that we will have too many opportunities to comment on the words of US President – and no longer President—elect – Trump. I am afraid that will be our daily work.

(Applause)

  President. – The debate is closed.

Written statements (Rule 162)

  Soledad Cabezón Ruiz (S&D), por escrito. – Celebro que en la pasada reunión de diciembre se resolviera con una inteligencia muy pragmática las inquietudes de los colegas holandeses con la adopción de una Declaración, compatible con el Acuerdo de Asociación UE-Ucrania y los Tratados de la Unión y en consonancia con el objetivo de la Unión de profundizar las relaciones con Ucrania. Asimismo, me alegra el avance, por un lado, en las ideas sobre la seguridad y la defensa y, en particular, el llamamiento a que los europeos asuman una mayor responsabilidad en lo referente a su propia seguridad con el fin de reforzar la seguridad y la defensa de Europa y proteger mejor a sus ciudadanos. Por otro lado, subrayo la necesidad de dotar de recursos suficientes a la Guardia Europea de Fronteras y Costas y a la Oficina Europea de Apoyo al Asilo y a la guardia costera de Libia. Por último, lamento que llevemos mucho tiempo sin escuchar una noticia del Consejo en favor de la Europa social. Hay un euroescepticismo grande porque la ciudadanía está viendo devaluado su marco sociolaboral. Por ello, emplazo al Consejo a proponer medidas ambiciosas en favor de la protección social, del empleo de calidad y del empleo juvenil.

  Nicola Caputo (S&D), per iscritto. – Mi soffermo su tre temi affrontati dal Consiglio di dicembre. Sulla questione della migrazione l'impegno nei confronti dell'intesa UE-Turchia non basta! Va risolta la questione del rifiuto da parte di alcuni governi di applicare la decisione europea sulle quote di ricollocamento dei 160 000 rifugiati provenienti da Italia e Grecia così come vanno meglio attuati i meccanismi finanziari dei migration compacts con i paesi africani di origine e di transito dei migranti.

Sui giovani il Consiglio ha sollecitato il proseguimento di garanzia giovani disattendendo, però, l'aspettativa di nuove iniziative a favore dell'occupazione giovanile relative alla mobilità dei giovani, all'istruzione e allo sviluppo delle competenze.

Infine la sicurezza. Purtroppo non si registrano impegni per investimenti nello sviluppo di tecnologie di importanza strategica in cybersicurezza ma nemmeno nei settori terrestre, aereo, marittimo e spaziale. Occorre maggiore cooperazione tra gli Stati membri e una più ampia condivisione delle risorse nazionali. L'Europa deve fare l'Europa e se non si fa carico della propria sicurezza, nessuno lo farà al suo posto.

  Miriam Dalli (S&D), in writing. – At the start of this mandate I said that there can be no security in Europe without security in the Mediterranean. Halfway through the mandate, it is imperative that we devise a concrete plan for our southern borders. Whilst it is encouraging to see the Council underlining the need to enhance support in the region, bold action is required. Tangible solutions are required to increase lifesaving capacity and help break human trafficker’s business models. However to do this we must recognise that Libya is not stable nor safe. Rival factions wrestle for control in a highly divided region, while a UN-brokered government struggles to provide stability for the people of Libya. There is a lack of attention on the region and this will ultimately result in many deaths during the coming months. I urge the EU to take advantage of the Maltese Presidency, a Presidency of a country which has always been a central meeting point, to bring together our north-south Mediterranean shores, and come up with a concrete plan with Libya to tackle human trafficking in the region.

  Tamás Deutsch (PPE), írásban. – Az Európai Tanácsülés 2016. december 15-ei ülésén közeledtek az Unió külső határvédelmével kapcsolatos álláspontok, ugyanakkor a migrációs politikák összehangolása további erőfeszítéseket igényel. A külső határok megfelelő ellenőrzése nélkülözhetetlen a bevándorlási nyomás csökkentéséhez, az állampolgárok biztonságának szavatolásához. A Tanácsülésen nagy figyelmet kapott a biztonság kérdésköre, hiszen az európai kormányok legfőbb kötelessége állampolgáraik biztonságának megőrzése. A bevándorlók Európába való ellenőrizetlen beáramlása elfogadhatatlan és fenntarthatatlan, ez biztonságunkra és a demokratikus jogállamiságra nézve is veszélyt jelent. Az illegális bevándorlás okait kell felszámolni a származási országokban, nem csupán a következményeket próbálni kezelni a célországokban Európában. A Tanácsülésen ismételten felmerült a bevándorlók áthelyezése felgyorsításának kérdése, a kötelező betelepítési kvóta. A bevándorlók életkörülményeinek javítása származási országukban rendkívül fontos, de az elfogadhatatlan, hogy a problémát Európába importáljuk, és az összes uniós ország vállaljon felelősséget bizonyos tagállamok tavalyi felelőtlen magatartásáért.

  Maria Grapini (S&D), în scris. – Am ascultat astăzi punctul de vedere al celor trei instituții europene: Consiliul European, Comisia și Consiliul de miniștri. Constat o convergență în declarații, dar am o mare rezervă în a fi optimistă dacă mă gândesc la soluțiile pe care le-ați găsit în anii trecuți. Cred că trebuie acționat cu mai multă coerență și o viteză mai mare.

Piața internă, reindustrializarea, apărarea comercială, IMM-urile, locurile de muncă, siguranța cetățenilor, sunt obiective necesare care au nevoie de măsuri eficiente. Nu avem încă o apărare comercială a pieței interne eficiente, sunt importuri de produse de proastă calitate, de multe ori periculoase, iar IMM-urile sunt distruse de concurența neloială. Avem nevoie și de creșterea siguranței cetățenilor europeni alături de calitatea vieții oamenilor. Cetățenii noștri trebuie să trăiască în siguranță, dar pentru asta trebuie să găsiți soluții pentru migrație și teroriști.

Legat de Brexit, este bine că declarați că veți veghea să se respecte cele patru libertăți cetățenești, dar aparițiile din presă arată că Marea Britanie a impus deja o taxă companiilor care angajează ,,străini”. Ce veți face? Marea Britanie este încă membră în UE și trebuie să respecte Tratatul.

Apoi trebuie rezolvată credibilitatea UE. Nu putem continua cu două Europe (Schengen și non-Schengen).

  Филиз Хюсменова (ALDE), в писмена форма. – Приветствам заключението от декемврийското заседание на Европейския съвет относно необходимостта Европа да продължи подкрепата за държавите по миграционния маршрут през Западните Балкани и Източното Средиземноморие.

Надявам се този призив за повече подкрепа на засегнатите държави да не остане само на думи, а да намери своето изражение в реална подкрепа на терен, с финансиране и кадри, както спрямо държавите от Западните Балкани, така и спрямо държавите членки на първа линия. В тази връзка, призовавам Съвета и неговите държави членки да задълбочат ангажираността си по отношение на овладяването на миграционната криза и да покажат истинска европейска солидарност с държавите, подложени на несъразмерен миграционен натиск.

  Agnieszka Kozłowska-Rajewicz (PPE), na piśmie. – Grudniowe konkluzje Rady Europejskiej przedstawione na sesji plenarnej dotyczyły kluczowych zagadnień na rok 2017. Zgadzam się, że obok intensyfikowania działań dotyczących bezpieczeństwa, zwalczania terroryzmu i racjonalnej polityki wobec kryzysu migracyjnego, związanej z uszczelnianiem granic i odsyłaniem nielegalnych imigrantów, ważna jest kwestia Ukrainy. W tej ostatniej zaś decyzje musi podjąć Holandia. Obecnie 27 krajów UE i Parlament Europejski ratyfikowały umowę stowarzyszeniową z Ukrainą; ten ważny dla równowagi na wschód od Europy dokument, nie może wejść w życie tylko z powodu braku akceptacji dla niego w Holandii. Rodzi to niepotrzebne i niebezpieczne także dla Polski napięcie w Europie Wschodniej. Rozwiązanie tej kwestii słusznie uznano za jeden z priorytetów w 2017 roku.

Kolejnym istotnym problemem, przed którym stoi obecnie UE, jest sytuacja w obozach dla uchodźców w Europie, gdzie ze względu na trudne warunki atmosferyczne oraz niskie temperatury potrzebna jest dodatkowa pomoc na rzecz uchodźców.

  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR), γραπτώς. – Στα πλαίσια του Ευρωπαϊκού Συμβουλίου της 15ης Δεκεμβρίου, συζητήθηκε το θέμα της προσφυγικής κρίσης και εκφράστηκε μάλιστα ικανοποίηση για την κατάσταση που επικρατεί στην Ελλάδα. Ωστόσο, για ακόμα μία φορά, φαίνεται ότι ο κ. Τουσκ δεν έχει ιδέα του τι συμβαίνει στην Ελλάδα, λαμβανομένου υπόψη ότι στα νησιά του Αιγαίου έχουν εγκλωβιστεί 16.500 πρόσφυγες και παράνομοι μετανάστες. Επιπλέον, είναι προκλητική η αδράνεια που επιδεικνύουν τα κράτη μέλη της Ένωσης και η Επιτροπή. Οι δεσμεύσεις για τις μετεγκαταστάσεις δεν εφαρμόζονται. Από τις 66.400 μετεγκαταστάσεις που έχουν συμφωνηθεί να γίνουν από την Ελλάδα σε άλλες χώρες της ΕΕ, μόνο οι 8.000 έχουν ήδη γίνει και οι διαδικασίες κινούνται με αργούς ρυθμούς. Η δυσαρέσκεια της ελληνικής κοινωνίας απέναντι στην προσφυγική και μεταναστευτική πολιτική της ΕΕ είναι έντονη και αυτό δεν φαίνεται να λαμβάνεται καν υπόψη στα συμπεράσματα του Ευρωπαϊκού Συμβουλίου. Για τον λόγο αυτό, θα πρέπει να εφαρμοστούν άμεσα οι μετεγκαταστάσεις προσφύγων, ενώ ένα μέρος από αυτούς θα πρέπει να μεταφερθεί από τα νησιά του Αιγαίου στην Ηπειρωτική Ελλάδα.

  Κώστας Μαυρίδης ( S&D), γραπτώς. – Στο κείμενο αφιερώνεται μεγάλο μέρος στην ασφάλεια της ΕΕ, στο εσωτερικό και στα εξωτερικά σύνορα. Γίνεται επίσης αναφορά στη Διεθνή Διάσκεψη για την Κύπρο, στις 12 Ιανουαρίου 2017, με στόχο ενδεχόμενη λύση όπου η ΕΕ εκπροσωπήθηκε από τον κ. Γιούνγκερ ο οποίος γεύτηκε το πώς αντιλαμβάνεται την “λύση” στην Κύπρο το καθεστώς Ερντογάν. Ο εκπρόσωπος της Τουρκίας χλεύασε την παρουσία της ΕΕ και επιτέθηκε προσβλητικά στον Πρόεδρο της Κομισιόν. Επί της ουσίας των διαπραγματεύσεων, η Τουρκία ζητά να έχει στρατιωτικό επεμβατικό δικαίωμα και κατοχικά στρατεύματα στην Κύπρο. Έτσι αντιλαμβάνονται στην Τουρκία την ασφάλεια ενός κράτους μέλους της ΕΕ: η Τουρκία να εγγυάται την έννομη τάξη και την εφαρμογή των βασικών κανόνων δικαίου της ΕΕ στην Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία που θα συνεχίσει να ‘ναι κράτος μέλος της ΕΕ! Επιπλέον, η Τουρκία απαιτεί ελεύθερη διακίνηση και εγκατάσταση Τούρκων υπηκόων στην Κύπρο, και άλλα. Προφανώς, η Τουρκία δεν θέλει λύση αλλά διάλυση, ώστε η Κύπρος να καταστεί δούρειος ίππος για να παρεμβαίνει η Τουρκία στην ΕΕ. Πρόσφατο δείγμα των αντιλήψεων της Τουρκίας υπήρξε η μεθοδευμένη επίθεση ακραίων στοιχείων και εποίκων που ελέγχει η Τουρκία στο κατεχόμενο μέρος της Κύπρου εναντίον της Τουρκοκυπριακής Συντεχνίας Δασκάλων KTOS, η οποία προάγει τις αρχές της ΕΕ και τη συνεργασία στο πλαίσιο της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας.

  Csaba Molnár (S&D), írásban. – A britek döntöttek, elhagyják az Európai Unió fedélzetét. Tiszteletben tartjuk a brit nép döntését. Nem megengedhető viszont, hogy a szigetország miatt az egész Unió bizonytalanságban éljen. A briteknek gyorsan, fájdalommentesen kell kilépniük a világ legnagyobb politikai-gazdasági szövetségéből. A kilépés során keményen fel kell lépnünk az európai, illetve a szigetországban élő mintegy 300 ezer magyar érdekeiért. Az Európai Parlamentben megvívjuk a csatát: nem érhet magyar állampolgárt hátrányos megkülönböztetés az Egyesült Királyságban. Ha a britek bármilyen formában hozzá akarnak férni a közös piachoz, akkor el kell fogadniuk a munkaerő szabad áramlását. Ebben nem ismerek kompromisszumot. Csak remélni tudom, hogy a magyar kormány is hasonlóan a magyar munkavállalók érdekeit tartja a legfontosabbnak. Az én álláspontom világos. A brit kilépést szabályzó alkura az Európai Parlamentnek kell rábólintania. Soha nem fogok olyan megegyezést támogatni, ami lehetetlen helyzetbe hozza az angliai magyarokat Londonban, vagy az Egyesült Királyság más részein.

  Csaba Sógor (PPE), írásban. – Az Európai Tanács legutóbbi ülésének következtetései között megtalálható az EU-Ukrajna társulási megállapodás megkötése és a ratifikációs folyamat lezárása melletti elkötelezettség. Ezzel összefüggésben egy határozatot is elfogadtak a 28-ak vezetői, amely kifejezetten leszögezi, hogy a megállapodás lényeges eleme a demokratikus elvek, az emberi jogok és az alapvető szabadságjogok tiszteletben tartása Ukrajnában. Sajnos úgy tűnik, hogy mintha Kijevben nem olvasták volna ezeket a sorokat, hiszen az új ukrán oktatási törvény tervezete visszalépést jelent az anyanyelvi oktatás szempontjából és figyelmen kívül hagyja a nemzeti kisebbségek képviselőinek ezzel kapcsolatos fenntartásait. Úgy tűnik, mintha Ukrajna nem értené, hogy az ukrántól eltérő anyanyelvű lakosainak jogcsorbítását az EU sem tűri el, és az ország területi integritásának helyreállítása elképzelhetetlen a kisebbségek helyzetének rendezése nélkül. Egyesekben jogos aggodalmakat kelthet ez a hír, hiszen ha Ukrajna ebben a kérdésben így jár el, akkor mi a garancia arra, hogy egyéb területeken betartja a vonatkozó megállapodásokat.

  Ivan Štefanec (PPE), písomne. – Predseda Európskej rady Donald Tusk predstavil závery zo zasadnutia Európskej rady z 15. decembra 2016. Minulý rok sa Európskej únii podarilo dosiahnuť viacero úspechov. Vďaka dohode s Tureckom a lepšej kontrole vonkajších hraníc klesol počet migrantov na území EÚ. Úspechom je aj Asociačná dohoda s Ukrajinou, ktorú ratifikovalo 27 členských štátov EÚ a Európsky parlament a ktorá je veľmi dôležitá z hľadiska stability a dôveryhodnosti EÚ. Sankcie voči Rusku boli predĺžené o ďalších šesť mesiacov, keďže Rusko neimplementovalo dohodu z Minska. EÚ je pripravená posilniť spoluprácu s NATO, avšak zároveň pracovať na vytvorení Európskej obrannej únie. Vnútorná a vonkajšia bezpečnosť je zodpovednosťou EÚ. Rok 2017 sa bude tiež pravdepodobne niesť v znamení reforiem v rámci ECB, nástrojov na obranu obchodu a diskusií so Spojeným kráľovstvom o odchode z Únie. Našou úlohou je nájsť riešenia na súčasné problémy a Európska Únia musí postupovať spoločne, jednotne a zodpovedne v globálnom svete.

  Bogdan Andrzej Zdrojewski (PPE), na piśmie. – W związku z konkluzjami szczytu Rady w grudniu chciałbym zwrócić uwagę na trzy sprawy: – Rada Europejska podkreśliła potrzebę większego wysiłku finansowego na rzecz wzmocnienia Europejskiego Biura Wsparcia Azylowego, jak również Europejskiej Służby Granicznej i Nabrzeżnej, by zapewnić bezpieczeństwo zewnętrznych granic Unii oraz zapewnić sprawiedliwy proces przetwarzania wniosków o azyl w państwach członkowskich UE. To dobry krok, który należy poprzeć. – W kontekście bezpieczeństwa konieczna jest rewizja, a wręcz ponowna promocja, mechanizmu finansowania misji Athena, który do tej pory nie był wykorzystywany w satysfakcjonujący sposób. Z zaciekawieniem będę obserwował rozwój pomysłów zawartych w zaproponowanym przez Komisję, a popartym przez Radę europejskim planie działania w sferze obronnej. Na szczególną uwagę zasługuje pomysł Europejskiego Funduszu Obronnego, szczególnie na odcinku wspólnego wzmacniania zdolności. To kluczowe, by Unia włączyła się aktywnie we wzmacnianie poczucia i budowania bezpieczeństwa, szczególnie w dzisiejszym globalnym klimacie politycznym. – Zwracam także uwagę na porozumienie w sprawie przedłużenia działania EFSI, które ma być zatwierdzone w pierwszej połowie tego roku. Ważne, by pracować nad zwiększeniem promocji programu w państwach członkowskich Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, by w pełni korzystały z możliwości inwestycyjnych, których przecież potrzebują. To wpłynie pozytywnie na powodzenie całego planu Junckera.

PRÉSIDENCE DE M. ANTONIO TAJANI
Président

  Jérôme Lavrilleux (PPE). – Monsieur le Président, je souhaiterais faire un bref rappel au règlement sur la base de l’article 11, alinéa 3, de notre règlement intérieur, qui stipule notamment que le comportement des députés est inspiré par le respect mutuel.

Lors du débat que nous venons d’avoir, un de nos collègues, M. Peter Lundgren, député suédois du groupe EFDD, a déclaré, je cite: «c’est absolument fabuleux de voir l’avenir qu’auront tous les nègres de cette chambre quand on entend le discours de M. Tusk».

Ces propos me semblent relever au moins dans leur traduction française d’un caractère insultant et d’une vision raciale ou raciste de la société.

Je souhaiterais que vous puissiez examiner les poursuites éventuelles ou sanctions que vous pourriez être amené à prendre suite à ces propos qui n’ont pas de place dans notre hémicycle.

  Presidente. – Chiederò al Vicepresidente che presiedeva cosa è accaduto, mi farò dare anche il testo integrale in lingua madre perché bisogna sempre verificare che non ci siano errori o forzature nella traduzione, con tutto il rispetto per i nostri interpreti, ma se c'è stata qualche violazione di qualche regola bisogna essere certi che questo sia accaduto, quindi chiederò ai servizi di verificare e parlerò con il Vicepresidente che presiedeva per sapere cosa è accaduto.

Naturalmente poi chiederò al parlamentare che avrebbe pronunciato questa frase per sapere effettivamente che cosa ha detto, quindi grazie per la segnalazione ma, naturalmente, tutto dovrà essere verificato.

  Peter Lundgren (EFDD). – Jag är ledsen, men det där ordet sa jag aldrig. Jag sa ”författare”. Det är någon som skriver böcker, och inget annat. Så kanske ni skulle granska det jag sa innan ni far ut med anklagelser som inte stämmer överhuvudtaget.

  Presidente. – Onorevole, come ho detto, io ho preso l'impegno con tutto il Parlamento che avrei rispettato ogni deputato e non ci sarebbe stato alcun trattamento punitivo nei confronti di nessun parlamentare quindi, di fronte a una segnalazione, ho detto che sarebbe stato verificato anche nel testo in lingua originale.

La sua lingua è lo svedese e quindi se Lei dice così evidentemente c'è stato un misunderstanding, comunque verificheremo e farò sapere sia a Lei sia all'onorevole qual è la realtà dei fatti, se c'è stato un errore di traduzione.

Io credo a quello che lei dice quindi evidentemente c'è stato un misunderstanding nell'interpretazione, magari da una lingua all'altra, quindi, ripeto, da parte mia non c'è nessun previo giudizio nei confronti di chicchessia.

Come ho detto, verificherò, farò verificare in lingua originale, non nella traduzione, quindi se, come Lei ha detto, c'è stato un misunderstanding nessun problema.

  Ashley Fox (ECR). – Mr President, I understand that five candidates have been elected for the five vacant positions of Quaestor. Are we going to hold a vote on ranking those candidates, and if we are, will we use the same voting method – in other words, a minimum of three votes? My Group have made inquiries with the services, and they have not yet received a reply. Could you confirm at this early stage, in case we need to change the voting list?

  Presidente. – Ho capito la sua domanda.

Abbiamo 5 candidati per 5 posti, però siccome dovrà essere fatto un ordine bisogna votare e quindi esprimere almeno 3 preferenze.

  Janice Atkinson (ENF). – Mr President, can you tell me whether Catherine Bearder from the Lib Dems and ALDE Group is standing as Quaestor still? Has her name been put forward. Is she standing? Can you tell me?

(Response from the floor: ‘Yes’)

Well, there are some serious allegations in the British newspapers – in The Sun, to be precise: ‘Pure Greed: sole Lib Dem MEP and arch Remoaner claimed expenses for personal legal advice after “Nazi” jibe at colleague [Mr Morten Messerschmidt] – and for a charity donation she agreed in compensation’. That charity donation of GBP 300, which is the compensation you are paying to Morten Messerschmidt for the Nazi jibe, you took out of your expenses. You are a fraudster, Ms Bearder, and you should not be allowed to stand. Do not vote for this woman.

  Presidente. – Allora, un attimo. Ripeto, quando si formulano delle accuse bisogna sempre avere delle prove, non bastano articoli di giornale per accusare qualcuno perché qui dobbiamo sempre e comunque...

Please, please... sit down please, sit down please, sit down please.

Io sono stato in silenzio quando Lei ha parlato, quindi la prego di ascoltare quello che dico io.

Allora, io sono contrario ad accusare le persone quando non ci sono le prove. Bisogna avere le prove giuridiche, non le prove dei giornali, quindi, poi, se ci saranno dei casi, per qualunque candidato, a qualsiasi incarico, se ci saranno delle questioni di incompatibilità verranno verificate, ma ripeto, io sono contrario a qualsiasi strumentalizzazione della stampa per danneggiare un altro parlamentare.

Come ho detto per la questione precedente che bisognava verificare in svedese cosa era stato esattamente detto, così se ci sono dei problemi di incompatibilità qualcuno scriverà, ma devono essere non articoli di giornale ma prove concrete, quindi per quanto mi riguarda non essendoci in questo momento prove concrete la candidatura è ricevibile e quindi si vedrà.

Onorevole, se deve aggiungere qualche cosa, Lei ha detto delle cose precise, scriva una lettera e dimostri che è vero quello che dice.

  Janice Atkinson (ENF). – Mr President, it will be too late then, because she may get elected. We have got the documentary evidence. The evidence was actually supplied by Parliament. I can give you that evidence.

  Presidente. – Invii una lettera, adesso non si sospende la votazione, adesso la candidatura è ricevibile, Lei scriva una lettera e dimostri quello che ha detto.

  Catherine Bearder (ALDE). – Mr President, I would like to see that evidence, because it is incorrect. To anybody who believes the Sun newspaper and someone who left a far—right Group because it was not far—right enough, and who is also under investigation: there is no investigation into me. I have no debts to pay Parliament.

(Applause)

  Presidente. – Ho detto che per quanto mi riguarda la Sua candidatura è ricevibile, non essendoci stata nessuna prova che dimostri che Lei ha commesso delle violazioni delle regole, quindi per me Lei è candidabile.

Se qualcuno sarà in grado di dimostrare il contrario ne parleremo, adesso un articolo di giornale... bisogna sempre dimostrare che qualcuno è colpevole, non chiedere a qualcuno di dimostrare che non è colpevole, questa è una regola fondamentale del diritto, chi accusa deve dimostrare le proprie accuse, non deve essere l'altra persona che deve dimostrare che le accuse non sono vere, questo è un principio di diritto che io intendo far rispettare anche in questo Parlamento.