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Débats
Mercredi 1 février 2017 - Bruxelles Edition révisée

14. Gestion des migrations le long de la route de la Méditerranée centrale (débat)
Vidéo des interventions
PV
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  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärung der Vizepräsidentin der Kommission und Hohen Vertreterin der Union für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik zur Steuerung der Migration über die zentrale Mittelmeerroute (2017/2547(RSP)).

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, I believe that the upcoming informal summit in Malta, starting on Friday, will be an opportunity for us to show that efficient – and at the same time human – management of migration is possible and is a must, if we work together, both as Europeans in solidarity and in partnership with our friends, the countries of origin and of transit.

We must repeat once again, as we did here just an hour ago, that refugees must be welcome. This is a strong position that the European Union has and will continue to have. At the same time, without any contradiction – and, on the contrary, with some complementarity – we must say that the pain and the deaths caused by smugglers have to be stopped. I have seen with my own eyes people who have managed to survive – their stories are ones that nobody should have to live through, nobody should have to listen to. It is, first and foremost, a humanitarian duty not only to save lives but also to protect the lives of the people who are migrating.

As you know very well, in the last two years we have been working literally day and night to reduce human suffering, first and foremost, and to reduce the loss of life on the various routes leading to Europe: in the Mediterranean Sea, of course, but also in places where the loss of life and the violation of human rights are less evident to the TV cameras, in particular in the desert. In the central Mediterranean, our Operation Sophia alone saved more than 32 000 people last year. Each and every one of them represents a precious result for me in a war that we are at last waging as the European Union. We also apprehended more than 100 smugglers, who are now in the hands of the law.

Our migration compacts with five African countries have started to reduce substantially the irregular flows. For instance, the number of people crossing irregularly from Niger into Libya has decreased to its lowest level in years. We thus see that our action is starting to deliver in real terms, the first concern always being to save and protect human lives.

The report adopted yesterday by the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the Committee on Development on the role of our external action on addressing the movements of refugees and migrants encourages me to keep on this path of closer cooperation with third countries, including in relation to regular channels for entry to the European Union. I would ask for your support on this specific point because, among the commitments made by the European Union with our partners at the Valletta Summit last year was that of working more on the regular channels for migration. The more we work to prevent irregular flows, the more we need to offer regular channels. We know very well that this is a difficult debate in each and every one of the Member States and also in this Parliament. It was not by chance that, back in December, the Commission increased the resources for various mobility opportunities, and this is just the beginning.

Last year we had more than 4 500 deaths at sea in the central Mediterranean. Believe me, I wish we could name each and every one of them because, as long as we refer just to numbers, it is much easier to forget them or to see this as a phenomenon. Each and every one of these people has a history, a story, a name and a future – or they should have had. Yet at times we do not even know their names. That is why all of us in the European Union need to do more, in a spirit of solidarity among Europeans and with our partners, who also have to take some ownership of the management of this problem. When we see people dying in the desert, or close to the Libyan coast, we need to have discussions with, and to help, our partners do their part to save lives and to make sure that the protection of human beings and their human rights is fully taken on board – and I will come back to that in a minute. We all need to do more, first of all to end the suffering, and to manage human mobility better.

Last week I presented a package of additional measures, worth EUR 200 million, that will feed into the discussion at the Malta Summit the day after tomorrow.

Migration has, of course, always existed. I have been accused many times of constantly pointing out, firstly, that, until a couple of decades ago, migration used to be from Europe to the rest of the world and, secondly, that if we had to live without migrants in all our societies and all our economies we would suffer a lot of negative consequences. Imagine the cost of non—migration to our European economies and you will realise that, indeed, we are talking not about a bad phenomenon but about a phenomenon that needs to be managed, first of all, as I have said, in order to protect human beings.

We all know that there is no easy way to stop the suffering and manage the phenomenon better. We know very well that the real solution implies, first of all, the economic development of Africa and also the democratic development of Africa. Here our daily work is ongoing, with the compacts with the five priority countries, the external investment plan, the trust fund, and the overall work we are doing in partnership, in particular, with Africa and also working – and I know Commissioner Mimica will be joining us for the following debates – in the framework of our cooperation and partnership with the African Union and the different countries in Africa, as well as with civil society and citizens in Africa, because we know very well that the key to development lies not only in the economy but also in society and a civil space in which Africans can find their place and their way.

Apart from that, we also have to focus now on what kind of quantitative and qualitative leap we can make in our joint work and the immediate steps we can take together and with our partners. So we name three proposals that will be on the table at the Malta Summit on Friday that I believe can be fully in line with the partnership approach we have taken on the central Mediterranean routes and with the African partnership from the beginning of last year and can also constitute a clear change and a clear step forward in having a more effective result.

First, we want to increase training for the Libyan coastguard. I am sure many of you remember a meeting we had here in this building several months ago with the cast and the director of Fuocoammare, the documentary film that is now nominated for an Academy Award. They told us one simple thing, among many others, namely that we should do something about the Libyan territorial waters because, while before we were seeing people dying close to Lampedusa in international waters, we are now seeing people dying in Libyan territorial waters. We cannot act inside Libyan territorial waters: that is a Libyan responsibility. But we can help and we can train and support the Libyan authorities in this work. This will be one of the things I will discuss tomorrow with Prime Ministeral-Sarraj. It will not be the only one, but I will come to that in a minute.

Just a few days ago Operation Sophia launched the second package of training for a carefully vetted group of officials from the Libyan coastguard and navy and we now propose to increase the training even more substantially, including – and this is a very important point for me – human rights, women’s rights and respect for international standards and obligations.

Secondly, we propose to step up our efforts on the southern borders of Libya at the point before the migratory flows enter a country that is, by definition, a difficult country in which to operate. We have already started to facilitate a common approach between Libya, Chad and Niger, in particular. Managing their common border is an interest they share, inter alia for security reasons. They see us as Europeans with our main focus always on the migration flows through Libya towards Europe – and I see a lot of attention paid to this, not in this Chamber but certainly in terms of public opinion – but there is also a flow of a different kind going from Libya to the south, to the Sahel and possibly connecting with the Lake Chad region and with Boko Haram. There is a security challenge there too: to control the border south of Libya in a more effective way.

So managing this common border is in their common interest as neighbours, and it is also in our interest as Europeans. We are active in the region with three missions and operations and are already training local security forces, including in respect for human rights. I stress this because, for me, this is a key component of all the training we do with local forces. These are powerful tools. We can make them even more powerful, improving cooperation among all actors in the region and taking a regional approach, including working with the African Union and its newly elected leadership, as we have the new African Union Commission President who was the Foreign Minister of Chad until a few days ago.

Thirdly, we will increase our support – at least this is my proposal – for the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) and the UNHCR. For me this is key, because you can act to the north, at sea, and to the south, in the Sahel, but the presence you already have now in Libya is there and will not disappear by itself. We all know very well that the human-rights angle of this is extremely serious, so we have to find a way of addressing the dramatic situation of stranded migrants inside Libya in a very challenging security situation. In recent weeks I have met both Filippo Grandi, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, and William Swing, the General Director of the IOM. Together we discussed ways in which the European Union can increase its support to the IOM and the UNHCR in order for them to work more, and better, inside Libya and chiefly in the places where the migrants are.

For me, cooperation with these two organisations is the best possible way to guarantee the protection of human rights for migrants inside the country. A first project, worth EUR 20 million, was adopted in December under the Trust Fund for Africa. It will allow IOM to offer alternatives to the first group of 5 000 stranded migrants and take action to improve the dreadful conditions in detention centres. I believe that this will be a key element of our policy, where we will need to work as a team – the UNHCR, IOM and the European Union, together with the Libyan authorities, in trying to create the conditions for this to work.

All these actions are designed with the bigger picture in mind. It is not an issue for today’s debate, but I think it is essential to keep clearly in mind that the key element of our work is supporting peace and reconciliation in Libya. Again, as I said, this is not an issue for this debate, but this is my main work. Our work with Libya goes far beyond the issue of managing migration. I know this is the top priority for political parties, governments and public opinion in Europe, but believe me when I tell you that the main point for us is working on finding a political solution to the crisis in Libya. I discussed this with Martin Kobler, the UN Special Envoy, just a few days ago here in Brussels, and again this will be the main point we will discuss tomorrow with Prime Minister al-Sarraj here in Brussels. We will also be discussing it with the Foreign Affairs Council on Monday.

However, while we keep working to reach a political solution for Libya, there is much we can do in the meantime – working with the Libyan coastguard and navy, working with mayors and local authorities, working with Libya’s neighbours – not only to the east and west but also to the south – as a Libyan neighbour ourselves, because the European Union is a neighbour to Libya, and, with respect, trying to help and trying to focus – as I said – on a political solution that can bring stable democracy to the country, uniting it more than it is now. We will continue to work in partnership along the lines we defined together in Valletta last year in partnership with our friends, not only the authorities but also civil society organisations, and in partnership with the international organisations and the UN system with which we are involved.

In a week’s time in Malta we will have the first stocktaking exercise of the Valletta Summit action plan. Next week I will have the pleasure of initiating it, with the Maltese Foreign Minister, in order to see, with our African partners and the partners from the northern part of Africa, where we are on the implementation of the action plan and what is the way forward in terms of partnership. I believe that, as Europeans, we have finally started to play our part. We are starting to see some results. I mentioned the tens of thousands of lives which have at last been saved, but even if there was only one person dying at sea or in the desert, and whether we saw it or not, this is a responsibility and a problem that we are ready to try to solve.

Again, it is not just a European responsibility. It is also a responsibility we have to share with our African partners and, specifically here, our Libyan partners. I hope – and I believe – that the Heads of State and Government in Malta on Friday will commit even more strongly to saving lives, both at sea and in the desert, to fighting the smugglers and to protecting the dignity of all human beings. This also means being true to our values, and that links us to the previous debate here in this Chamber.

(Applause)

 
  
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  Der Präsident. – Vielen Dank, Frau Kommissarin Mogherini.

Frau Kollegin Winberg, ich habe Sie vorhin übersehen und hatte schon der Kommissarin das Wort erteilt. Sie hatten sich zur Geschäftsordnung gemeldet.

 
  
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  Kristina Winberg (EFDD). – Mr President, before we start the debate on this item I would make the following points: this item was added to the agenda after Beatrix von Storch tabled a major interpellation on managing migration in the Mediterranean, on behalf of ...

(The President cut off the speaker)

 
  
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  Der Präsident. – Frau Kollegin! Das ist keine Wortmeldung ...

 
  
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   This is not a point of order. Tell me which rule you are applying.

 
  
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  Kristina Winberg (EFDD). – Mr President, I do not have the rule, but this was something we tabled.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. – Frau Kollegin! Da haben Sie jede Möglichkeit, das zu publizieren. Aber das Instrument der Wortmeldung zur Geschäftsordnung ist dafür da, dass Sie sich eben zur Geschäftsordnung melden, und nur das. Wenn jeder sich immer zu Wort meldet, der einen Tagesordnungspunkt auf die Agenda gebracht hat, dann enden wir irgendwo.

 
  
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  Mariya Gabriel, au nom du groupe PPE. – Monsieur le Président, Madame la haute représentante, tout d'abord merci de votre mobilisation et de nous rappeler encore une fois qu'il est de notre intérêt, en tant qu'Union européenne, en 2017, de ne pas perdre de vue la Méditerranée, parce qu'il est vrai qu'œuvrer à la sécurité de la Méditerranée, c'est investir dans notre sécurité, mais cela demande des actions coordonnées et la mobilisation d'un faisceau d'instruments.

Je voudrais attirer l'attention sur plusieurs points. La première urgence, vous l'avez dit, est de continuer à sauver des vies. Oui, face à l'impossibilité d'entrer dans les eaux libyennes, nous avons misé sur un soutien aux garde-côtes du pays. C'est la bonne approche. C'est pour cela qu'il est nécessaire de débloquer de nouveaux fonds pour ce projet. Mais ce n'est pas la seule solution. Il faudrait véritablement réfléchir à la façon de contrer les agissements des trafiquants qui exploitent la distinction entre "eaux territoriales" et "eaux internationales". Quel pourrait être le rôle de Frontex?

Je voudrais aussi poser une question sur le réseau Seahorse, qui devrait être opérationnel au printemps. Avons-nous un calendrier plus précis concernant les résultats à atteindre?

Deuxième urgence: stabiliser la Libye et s'assurer que les migrants y sont traités dignement. Oui, nous devons continuer à soutenir les efforts du pays, ne pas perdre de vue que la situation est fragile et nous devons porter une attention particulière aux frontières sud du pays. Je me demande dans quelle mesure certaines minorités, telles que les Toubous, pourraient être incluses dans la gestion des frontières.

Troisième point: les côtes de la Libye sont, en fait, le point de départ de 90 % des migrants souhaitant rejoindre l'Europe, mais la Libye n'est pas le pays d'origine des migrants. C'est pourquoi nous devons continuer à travailler avec les pays d'origine. Le Niger est un très bon exemple: 70 personnes en mai, 1 500 en novembre. Qu'en est-il des autres? Pour cela, effectivement, en tant qu'Union européenne, nous devons aussi continuer les efforts pour ouvrir des voies légales pour la migration.

Dernière question: nous ne devons pas perdre de vue des pays tels que la Tunisie et l'Égypte. Comment voyez-vous le rôle de l'Égypte dans la gestion de la migration? Le pays fait des efforts. Il est important que nous continuions à les soutenir.

 
  
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  Elena Valenciano, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor presidente, la verdad es que cuando se escucha hablar a la señora Mogherini una tiene tendencia a empezar por felicitarla y agradecerle el trabajo que está haciendo, del que somos todos conscientes.

Es verdad que la política exterior de la Unión Europea no había tenido demasiado papel en la gestión de los flujos migratorios, que estuvieron siempre dominados por los ministros del Interior, por la política de interior.

En este último año, tanto la Comisión como el Consejo han trabajado con mucha intensidad. Ahí están la cumbre de La Valeta, el nuevo marco de asociación, los pactos sobre migración, los diálogos de alto nivel y los acuerdos y no acuerdos firmados, por ejemplo, con Turquía o Afganistán.

De hecho, se ha producido algo bastante insólito y es que el peso de la política exterior se ha puesto en marcha con mucha energía, justamente para conseguir los objetivos que la señora Mogherini hoy describía con respecto a la ruta central del Mediterráneo.

Ahora la pregunta que debemos hacernos es si todo ese esfuerzo va en la dirección adecuada. Hay algunos resultados, es verdad, insuficientes, pero lo que más me importa es saber si el horizonte es el que debemos acordar. ¿Estamos de verdad consiguiendo respetar lo que la señora Mogherini siempre defiende: los derechos humanos, la dignidad de las personas que emigran? ¿Realmente pueden los esfuerzos de la Comisión y de este Parlamento más que los esfuerzos o la urgencia del Consejo en obtener resultados concretos sobre cuántas personas hemos conseguido que no entren en la Unión Europea? ¿Cuál de las dos potencias va a tener finalmente más fuerza? De esa respuesta depende en gran medida el futuro y yo creo que el prestigio de la Unión Europea.

La ruta del Mediterráneo central es hoy la más mortífera del mundo: en solo un mes han muerto más de doscientas personas. Conseguir la estabilización de Libia debe ser probablemente el elemento central, pero no solo. Creo que tenemos que seguir apelando al esfuerzo de los Estados miembros en la defensa de la dignidad...

(El presidente retira la palabra al orador)

 
  
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  Anders Primdahl Vistisen, for ECR-Gruppen. – Hr. formand! Sandheden omkring EU’s reaktion på migrationskrisen er, at der har været tale om en ineffektiv symptombehandling. Vi har i både 2015 og 2016 set omkring en million mennesker migrere til Europa, og alle initiativer indtil nu har kun resulteret i at skubbe flygtninge og migranter ud på en farligere rute, ikke i at løse de grundlæggende problemer, der giver incitamenterne til at komme fra nærområderne til Europa. Grundlæggende set er den eneste humane, den eneste realistiske og den eneste konkrete løsningsmodel på udfordringen omkring migration at implementere en variant af den australske model, hvor vi tager brødet ud af munden på menneskesmuglerne ved, at der ikke længere er et økonomisk incitament til at komme til Europa. En model, hvor vi hjælper flygtningene der, hvor de er flest, og der, hvor de svageste flygtninge befinder sig, nemlig i nærområderne. At vi sætter massivt ind med nødhjælp og sikre zoner i stedet for at tro på, at man kan forhindre verdens fattige i at komme til Europa, så længe det økonomisk er muligt at betale menneskesmuglere, med den klare viden i baghovedet, at man har en utrolig stor chance for at få mulighed for at blive, enten midlertidigt eller permanent, hvis først man finder veje til de europæiske myndigheder. Indtil vi indser det, vil alle vores forsøg i dette Parlament på at tackle problemstillingen kun skubbe folk ud på mere og mere farlige ruter og kun skabe mere nød og elendighed, både for de mennesker, det drejer sig om, og for de europæiske lande, der ikke kan håndtere situationen.

 
  
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  Cecilia Wikström, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, I would like to say thank you, Madam Commissioner, for your engagement, your commitment and your good intentions. It goes without saying that the European Union should always contribute to stability, growth and the protection of human rights and democracy in our neighbouring countries, but we must never, ever, outsource our own responsibilities and obligations in respect of migration policies and people in need, or externalise our borders.

In times where, on a daily basis, we witness what the ugly face of populism in power really means, all decent and progressive forces on this continent need to unite. We need to put our differences aside and take the bold steps required to preserve the values that created the foundations of this very Union on the ruins of the Second World War. Openness, respect, a rejection of nationalism and egoism and, instead, the promotion of human decency, these are what we must now engage in.

Europe flourishes when we work together, and when we act on the basis of visions and hope, rather than our fears and prejudices. I hope that is the spirit in which you will work in Valletta this weekend and I wish you much success. I hope we bring back the message that what we need now are shared values and shared responsibilities for the people in need. Please, Madam Commissioner, bring that message back.

 
  
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  Barbara Spinelli, a nome del gruppo GUE/NGL. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Vicepresidente Mogherini, l'accordo con la Turchia non cessa di essere criticato, ed ecco che se ne profila uno con la Libia, ancora più inquietante.

Mi domando quale sia il senso delle proteste dei dirigenti europei contro Trump quando essi stessi predispongono operazioni legalmente discutibili e ignorano le raccomandazioni chiare espresse dal Commissariato ONU dei diritti umani, secondo cui i rimpatri in Libia non vanno fatti e neanche gli sbarchi in Libia in operazioni di search and rescue, perché i fuggitivi corrono rischi gravi: torture in campi di detenzione, violenze contro le donne, esecuzioni. Sappiamo dall'ONU che il pericolo non sono gli smuggler, sono i trafficanti, le milizie incontrollate e i funzionari pubblici di uno Stato fatiscente.

Al Consiglio vorrei chiedere che desista da accordi pericolosi, venerdì a La Valletta. Lo chiedo specialmente all'Italia, a causa dei trascorsi coloniali del nostro paese. Alla Commissione chiedo di uscire dalle doppiezze. Non si può al tempo stesso giudicare non replicabile l'accordo con la Turchia, dire che la prima preoccupazione è salvare le vite, e progettare l'addestramento e il finanziamento delle guardie costiere libiche e delle forze d'ordine libiche e il loro coordinamento con le nostre forze di frontiera...

(Il Presidente interrompe l'oratrice)

 
  
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  Judith Sargentini, namens de Verts/ALE-Fractie. – Eerder vandaag tijdens het debat over het inreisverbod voor moslims van president Trump hoorde ik u, Commissaris Mogherini, zeggen dat de Europese Unie zich niet zal afwenden van mensen die recht hebben op bescherming. Ook zei u dat dat reisverbod slechts een tijdelijke en illusionaire oplossing is.

Dat ben ik helemaal met u eens, maar ik kan dat niet rijmen met uw voorstel om afspraken te maken met Libië en daar vluchtelingen op de kust tegen te houden én om daar ook nog eens dik voor te betalen. Vluchtelingen reizen niet naar Europa omdat er een gat zit in de grens, vluchtelingen komen naar Europa omdat ze vluchten voor oorlog of armoede of honger. Ontwikkelingsgeld weggooien om een gat in de grens te dichten terwijl we dat ook kunnen besteden aan kansen voor jongeren in Afrika, is dat nou niet precies waar u ons eerder voor waarschuwde, een tijdelijke en illusionaire oplossing? Als we Libië een vrijbrief geven om vluchtelingen tegen te houden en op te sluiten, dan doen we precies wat we Trump aanwrijven, dan wenden we ons af van de mensen die bescherming nodig hebben.

En u heeft het toch gelezen in ‘Die Welt am Sonntag’ over die Duitse ambassadeur in Niger die officiële Libische detentiekampen bestempelt als concentratiekampen zoals we die kennen uit nazi-Duitsland? Kampen waar mensen worden geëxecuteerd als ze overvol raken, als er ruimtegebrek is. Als we dat negeren, dan hebben we Trump niet nodig voor ons morele failliet.

 
  
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  Jane Collins, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Mr President, the Maltese Prime Minister, Mr Muscat, has predicted that the number of people crossing to Europe will reach record levels. Most of these people will come from Libya to Italy via people traffickers, as we know. The best way to stop these huge numbers of people illegally coming into Europe and to stop the large numbers of tragic deaths in the Mediterranean is surely to turn the boats back and process the migrants offshore. This is what Australia did, and it worked. That is why six European countries have now been in private talks with Australia, asking them which way to work things out, because they know that the EU way is failing. People traffickers are criminals. Only today, we have been warned by Italian officials that jihadis are actually plugging the gaps in funding for their actual campaign by smuggling people into Europe, because their oil money is running out. The EU, and many people in this Chamber, need to realise that their naive, soft-hearted approach to migration has not only failed, but has actually cost lives and funded terrorism and crime.

 
  
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  Mario Borghezio, a nome del gruppo ENF. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'Alto rappresentante non eletto e indicato da un Presidente del Consiglio italiano anche lui non eletto non vuole ascoltare la voce di noi populisti, che invece siamo eletti dai cittadini.

Oggi a Bruxelles il leader libico propone di estendere alle acque libiche l'operazione Sophia, ma non ci dice, e non ce lo dice l'Europa, dove poi vuole portare attraverso queste navi i clandestini, i migranti. È questo il punto su cui i 15 minuti generici della relazione dell'Alto rappresentante non fanno chiarezza. Lo stesso comando della Commissione EUNAVFOR MED ci dice che fra un terzo e metà del totale della Tripolitania è collegato ai traffici di migranti, e noi dovremmo credere che queste forze governative collaboreranno con gli obiettivi che vengono richiesti da molti paesi europei, dai quali c'è la richiesta di respingimenti?

Voi usate un linguaggio molto generico: nella relazione si parla di una linea di protezione, ma non si dice da chi e da cosa, citate l'operazione Sophia ma fonti diplomatiche indicate da France Press ammettono che essa ha salvato, certo, le vite umane di cui ci parla sempre l'Alto rappresentante, ma è stata fonte di attrazione per i migranti. Questo è il fallimento di queste operazioni, sono solo fonte di nuova attrazione. Non finisce mai la storia, se non si dà vita a un'operazione seria di respingimenti che, per esempio, la Marina italiana sarebbe certamente in grado di indicare. Fornirete nuovi mezzi alla Marina libica, ma non sapete neanche chi la controlla. La controllerà, chissà, gente collegata magari al terrorismo. Chi lo sa, chi lo sa?

(Il Presidente interrompe l'oratore)

 
  
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  Ελευθέριος Συναδινός ( NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, στον μεταναστευτικό άξονα Λιβύης-Ιταλίας της Κεντρικής Μεσογείου η Ένωση εφάρμοσε, σε συνεργασία με τις ιταλικές αρχές, μια πολιτική ελέγχου και ναυτικής αποτροπής της ανεξέλεγκτης εισροής μεταναστών. Θέλω να κάνουμε μια σύγκριση μεταξύ Λιβύης-Ιταλίας και Ελλάδας-Τουρκίας. Η Ιταλία δύναται να παρακολουθεί και να επεμβαίνει, λόγω θαλάσσιας απόστασης, στα έμφορτα πλοιάρια που αναχωρούν από τις λιβυκές ακτές. Η Ελλάδα αδυνατεί να πράξει το ίδιο λόγω της μικρής απόστασης του νησιωτικού συμπλέγματος από τα μικρασιατικά παράλια. Η Ένωση σχεδιάζει ακόμη και την αποστολή δυνάμεων στη Λιβύη, λόγω της κυβερνητικής αστάθειας, για να καταπολεμήσει τα δίκτυα παράνομης διακίνησης μεταναστών. Η Τουρκία δεν καταπολεμά τα δίκτυα αυτά και αντιθέτως τα πριμοδοτεί, τα ελέγχει και απειλεί την Ένωση. Στην Ιταλία υπάρχει μια κύρια πύλη εισόδου. Στην Ελλάδα, κάθε νησί και μικρονησίδα αποτελεί αντίστοιχη πύλη και τα hot spots αυξάνονται με τους καταιγιστικούς ρυθμούς με τους οποίους αυξάνεται και η ανεργία των νέων. Θέλω να δώσω μια συμβουλή στην Ένωση: αν πραγματικά επιδιώκετε να αντιμετωπίσετε τις μεταναστευτικές ροές, μην κοιτάτε την Ελλάδα και την Ιταλία. Στρέψτε το βλέμμα σας στον κύριο ένοχο που είναι η Τουρκία.

 
  
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  Roberta Metsola (PPE). – Mr President, at this point in history it is difficult to have a debate on migration without taking the opportunity to reaffirm that the bottom line is that Europe remains committed to acting as a safe haven for those fleeing war and persecution and who are eligible for protection. Despite our long debate on how we should go about it, that must remain our core principle forged through the very worst of times. That must be the starting point for our discussions and we must be the example to the world on this issue. The situation in Libya remains precarious and the EU must stand ready to help without imposition. But while the Libyan people must remain masters of their own destiny, the EU does have a crucial role in helping with aid and expertise in helping Libya to build up its border management and its asylum systems, improving its law enforcement capabilities and helping in its fight against terrorism. We are already doing a lot as a Union, but we must stand ready to do more. It is only with a functioning Libyan State that we will ever have a proper chance to agree together on enhanced cooperation to sustainability and safely manage migration flows while defeating terrorism, destroying trafficking networks’ business models and ultimately saving lives. That said, we must be careful to avoid giving the impression that a magic bullet addressing migration flows from Libya can suddenly appear from one day to the next. It is a lengthy process, and there are many steps yet to be taken before there are proper functioning State operators there. We have to acknowledge this or risk alienating our citizens on this issue and playing into populists’ hands.

 
  
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  Knut Fleckenstein (S&D). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Über die Mittelmeerroute sind 2016 so viele Menschen gekommen wie noch nie zuvor. Über 4 500 Menschen sind ertrunken, und deshalb hat die Kommission bei allen Maßnahmen, die Leben retten können, die den Schleppern das Handwerk legen und die Lage der geschundenen Flüchtlinge in den libyschen Lagern verbessern unsere ganze Unterstützung.

Was ist das für eine perverse Haltung von Herrn Borghezio, zu kritisieren, dass man Flüchtlinge vor dem Ertrinken rettet, weil das doch wieder Lust macht, zu flüchten? Was für eine Haltung ist das?

Dennoch bleiben Fragen: Wie sieht es mit der Zusammenarbeit mit der libyschen Regierung nach dem Desaster aus, das wir dort mit angerichtet haben, zum Beispiel bei der Küstenwache, die ja überhaupt nicht zu den Mitteln der Regierung gehört, sondern jemand ganz anderem?

Aber eines ist nicht akzeptabel, nämlich dass in dieser Vorlage keine Zeile über die legale Immigration steht, keine Zeile über den Kampf gegen die Ursachen der Flucht, keine Zeile über Gedanken zu Dublin und Nachfolge, keine Informationen über Verpflichtungen der Mitgliedstaaten, endlich in die Fonds einzuzahlen.

Sie können ganz sicher sein: Dieser Rat wird erfolgreich. Sie fordern ihn nicht wirklich; das Bisschen, was Sie aufgeschrieben haben, wird er schon machen.

 
  
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  Marietje Schaake (ALDE). – Mr President, the High Representative spoke today about the European way, when we critically debated President Trump’s executive order, and while I cannot agree more that the EU must step up to the plate, as a values-based global player, we are hardly in a position to preach on migration or on the treatment of refugees.

The deal, or so-called Statement, with Turkey, set the tone for cynical outsourcing of EU responsibilities. Doctors Without Borders refuses European funds as a result. And look at the failure of European Member State governments to secure our common borders, and to provide proper shelter for those fleeing war! They still do not have a common position on the war in Syria, and the numbers of people coming to our shores and dying at sea are still very high.

But instead of learning from past mistakes, this Turkey arrangement now risks becoming a blueprint for more deals, including with Libya. So I would like to know how refugee and migrant rights will be respected in a situation where camps are labelled as resembling concentration camps, and torture is taking place. How does managing borders square with the right to asylum and how do we make sure that EU ...

(The President cut off the speaker)

 
  
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  Marina Albiol Guzmán (GUE/NGL). – Señor presidente, como respuesta a las inhumanas medidas anunciadas por el señor Trump, el señor Weber, líder de los conservadores europeos, salió rápidamente a aclarar que nosotros no levantamos muros sino que construimos puentes. Imagino que esos puentes son el puente con Turquía, con Afganistán, con Sudán, Pakistán o Nigeria para deportar a las personas a las que aquí se les niega la protección internacional. O a lo mejor el puente se refería a ese acuerdo que se va a firmar con Libia para que sea la guardia costera de Libia la que intercepte a las personas migrantes y refugiadas en el mar y las lleve de vuelta a Libia.

Hay un informe de hace dos meses de las Naciones Unidas en el que se documenta malnutrición, trabajo forzado, abusos sexuales, tortura y palizas en los centros de inmigrantes en Libia. Hay quien dice que son como campos de concentración. Pues es ahí adonde llevan esos puentes de solidaridad de la Unión Europea: a esos centros.

 
  
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  Barbara Lochbihler (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident! Amnesty International berichtete von schlimmsten Grausamkeiten gegenüber Flüchtlingen in Libyen, und ich wiederhole den bereits zitierten Bericht der Deutschen Botschaft in Niger, die von schwersten systematischen Menschenrechtsverletzungen in Libyen spricht. Ich zitiere wörtlich: „Authentische Handyfotos und -videos belegen die KZ-ähnlichen Verhältnisse in den sogenannten Privatgefängnissen.“ Derartige Berichte bestätigen, dass es keine Rückführungen von Flüchtlingen nach Libyen geben darf.

Mit der Ausbildung und Ausrüstung der libyschen Küstenwache wird aber auch deutlich, dass die Mitgliedstaaten versuchen, den Bruch des völkerrechtlichen Refoulement-Verbots zu umgehen. Politisch macht es aber keinen Unterschied, ob wir die Menschen selbst ins libysche Chaos zurückschicken oder die Küstenwache des Landes dazu befähigen. Wer dazu beiträgt, dass Menschen in libyschen Auffanglagern der Folter ausgesetzt werden, der hat Mitverantwortung für schwerste Menschenrechtsverletzungen. Alarmierend finde ich auch, dass die maltesische Ratspräsidentschaft der Kommission empfohlen hat, ihre Interpretation von Refoulement zu überdenken.

 
  
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  Vicky Maeijer (ENF). – : ‘Beheer van migratie en levens redden’: dat is de titel van dit debat en het zijn beide wel de laatste zaken die de Europese Unie het afgelopen jaar gedaan heeft. Want de EU beheert migratie niet, maar faciliteert het en Brussel redt geen levens, maar veroorzaakt meer slachtoffers. Want dankzij uw opengrenzenbeleid blijven die illegale immigranten maar komen. Op weg naar sociale voorzieningen, lekker gemaakt door jarenlang EU-beleid van gratis zorg, gratis huis en gratis geld. En zelfs nu niemand, ook hier, er niet meer omheen kan dat terroristen tussen de asielzoekers geen hysterie is maar de realiteit, zelfs nu gaat u hier vrolijk verder met het faciliteren, met het bevorderen van immigratie naar Europa en het bevorderen van het verlies van onze vrijheid en onze veiligheid. Genoeg is genoeg. Onze grenzen moeten dicht.

 
  
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  Alessandra Mussolini (PPE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, salvare le vite umane in mare è una priorità, così come è una priorità non lasciare sfruttare le vite che abbiamo salvato in mare, e purtroppo in alcuni Stati questo accade.

L'intervento dell'Alto rappresentante si è concentrato sulla Libia. Questo è il punto centrale perché, così come noi abbiamo affrontato, piaccia o non piaccia, con l'accordo con la Turchia, la rotta balcanica e quindi l'interessamento orientale nel Mediterraneo, allo stesso modo noi dobbiamo affrontare, non da soli, ma con i partner e con i paesi limitrofi dell'Unione europea e i paesi terzi, il tema dell'immigrazione.

Noi stiamo affrontando in Parlamento il pacchetto delle sette direttive sul sistema di asilo comune europeo ed è molto importante soprattutto, oltre al tema della Libia, affrontare il nodo delle liste europee dei paesi sicuri, non liste nazionali ma liste europee. Questa è una cosa molto importante a integrazione del pacchetto per la risoluzione del problema.

 
  
  

Președinte: IOAN MIRCEA PAŞCU
Vicepreședinte

 
  
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  Elly Schlein (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, siamo molto preoccupati dalla volontà della Presidenza maltese di replicare l'accordo UE-Turchia con la Libia e lo siamo anche nel caso dovesse assumere forme diverse, come questa idea di formare la Guardia costiera libica affinché respinga le persone che provano a raggiungere l'UE.

La Libia è un paese instabile, non ha firmato la Convenzione di Ginevra, di certo non si può considerare un paese sicuro. L'Alto Commissariato ONU per i diritti umani nel suo rapporto parla di torture, stupri, violenze di ogni sorta e un documento di un'ambasciata tedesca emerso proprio oggi paragona i campi in Libia addirittura ai lager. Quali altre prove servono? Nei giorni dell'incivile e illegale ordine esecutivo di Trump e della grande protesta che ne è sorta, noi dovremmo dare un segnale diverso.

Pochi mesi fa a New York si è firmata una dichiarazione che impegna tutti a una maggiore condivisione delle responsabilità su rifugiati e migranti. Sapendo che l'86 % degli sfollati sono ospitati in paesi in via di sviluppo, come può l'UE fare la sua parte se ogni sforzo di Consiglio e Commissione pare teso ad esternalizzare le nostre frontiere e responsabilità? Accordo con la Turchia, migration compact e i check di inammissibilità inseriti nella riforma di Dublino che rischiano di creare un grosso filtro all'ingresso. Perché, invece, non lavorate con la Libia a un vasto piano di reinsediamenti per strappare le persone all'orrore che subiscono ogni giorno?

 
  
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  Janice Atkinson (ENF). – Mr President, Ms Mogherini really excelled herself today with 18 minutes of complete hot air, as usual.

Let us go back to who created these problems in Libya. It was Blair, Sarkozy, Cameron, and Obama – all gone, and cheered on by this place – yet we are expected to clean up their mess. But I have an answer. We should consider building a wall. A wall of nation-state naval frigates to block this invasion. And then we deploy special forces, again nation state special forces, to destroy the people traffickers and their vessels.

Let us get tough, because our human rights and our safety as European citizens are under threat. Let us take a leaf out of President Trump’s policies. Let us protect our borders, our way of life, our culture and our liberties because – I tell you – they are under threat, and I for one, as the only female UK politician that stood by Mr Trump, am actually in total support of what he is doing.

You have got such a rocket coming to you! You think Brexit was bad: well, Trump is with a nuclear warhead.

 
  
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  Jeroen Lenaers (PPE). – Meer dan 13 000 mensen zijn in de afgelopen jaren omgekomen op de Middellandse Zee en onze grootste prioriteit hier moet zijn om te voorkomen dat nog meer mensen hun leven verliezen door te verdrinken. Ik ben er van overtuigd dat de enige manier om dat te voorkomen is ervoor te zorgen dat mensen überhaupt niet in die gammele bootjes stappen. Dat betekent dus dat onze focus op de zuidkust van de Middellandse Zee moet liggen en dat we met de landen in de regio moeten samenwerken om grenzen te bewaken, om criminele smokkelaars aan te pakken en om vluchtelingen te beschermen en te bewaken. Daar sluiten de plannen die de Commissie hier vandaag presenteerde, ook mooi op aan.

Maar het is natuurlijk niet nieuw. Sterker nog, het is iets wat we al jaren roepen. En als ik terugkijk op de afgelopen jaren, dan moet ik toch constateren dat de oogst wat mager is. Ik heb twee vragen daarover. Allereerst, in juni riep de Europese Raad op om voor het einde van 2016 tot meetbare resultaten te komen en de eerste migratie-overeenkomsten gesloten te hebben. Behalve in het geval van Niger, zie ik daar helemaal niets van terug en ik vraag me af tegen wanneer we daar eindelijk een beetje vooruitgang mee zullen maken.

Het tweede punt over de Libische kustwacht: wat is een realistische termijn voor de Libische kustwacht om op gang te komen om die taken uit te voeren die u van hen verwacht? En waarom zie ik in het hele voorstel in de mededeling van de Commissie helemaal niets over bijvoorbeeld de volledige uitvoering van fase 2 en fase 3 van de EU-Navfor-missie en het mandaat dat daarvoor gegeven is?

 
  
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  Miriam Dalli (S&D). – Minkejja li l-Unjoni Ewropea ilha snin titkellem dwar l-immigrazzjoni, dwar nies li jitilfu ħajjithom hekk kif jippruvaw jaqsmu lejn l-Ewropa, dwar mijiet ta’ eluf ta’ persuni jistennew biex jitilgħu fuq dgħajjes li jitilqu mil-Libja u dwar traffikanti tan-nies li jagħmlu l-flus minn fuq l-aktar vulnerabbli, ftit li xejn rajna soluzzjonijiet konkreti li verament għamlu differenza.

Sorsi differenti bħalissa qegħdin jitkellmu dwar miljuni ta’ persuni jistennew fil-Libja biex jaqsmu lejn l-Ewropa. Is-sitwazzjoni hija kritika u, la jikkalma t-temp, se nerġgħu niffaċċjaw influss qawwi ieħor mingħajr m’għandna soluzzjonijiet adegwati.

Soluzzjonijiet effettivi jistgħu jintlaħqu jekk ikun hemm azzjoni diretta fuq it-traffikanti fl-istess ħin li jkollna kurituri umanitarji fejn persuni li qed ifittxu asil ikollhom id-dritt japplikaw, mingħajr ma jitilgħu fuq dgħajjes biex jimbarkaw fuq vjaġġ perikoluż, li minnu jagħmlu l-flus it-traffikanti.

Neħtieġu skemi li jagħtu l-opportunità ta’ passaġġ sigur u legali għar-rifuġjati u immigranti li għandhom dritt għall-asil b’mod ikkontrollat u effettiv fejn tkun tista’ tingħata protezzjoni internazzjonali b’distribuzzjoni ekwa u ġusta. L-obbligi internazzjonali li dejjem iggwidawna għandhom jibqgħu jiġu mħarsa. Fl-istess ħin, hemm bżonn aktar minn qatt qabel li l-Unjoni Ewropea tkun proattiva u tiffoka aktar fuq ir-reġjun tal-Mediterran, fuq il-ħtieġa li titkellem u tinnegozja mar-reġjun tal-Afrika ta’ Fuq u taħdem biex forsi nibdew naraw l-ewwel sinjali ta’ stabilità f’reġjun daqstant problematiku.

 
  
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  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señor presidente, señor comisario, érase una vez un infame deal con Turquía que nunca llegó a adquirir la categoría de acuerdo internacional y contra el que muchos levantamos la voz aquí, en este Parlamento Europeo, porque no solamente resultaba inhumano externalizar la llamada «crisis migratoria en el Mediterráneo», sino, sobre todo, porque era una respuesta ineficaz. Lo único que hizo fue desviar la presión hacia el infierno libio, constituido ahora en una auténtica ruta maldita en la que tanta gente arriesga la vida y la pierde.

Por eso resulta triste que muchos nos sintamos más identificados con la calidad del discurso, y sobre todo de la respuesta, del primer ministro canadiense, Justin Trudeau, que con la ofrecida hasta ahora por las autoridades europeas.

Pero el Consejo se reúne en Malta y yo vuelvo a llamar la atención del Consejo sobre la necesidad de incluir, en una respuesta comprensiva y a la altura de los valores europeos, vías legales para que la inmigración pueda tener una oportunidad y, particularmente, para que los refugiados puedan oponer su demanda de protección humanitaria ante la Unión Europea. ¡Visados humanitarios bloqueados por el Consejo! Los visados humanitarios son imprescindibles para que podamos poner de una vez una respuesta humanitaria a esta tragedia en la que muchísima gente está arriesgando la vida y ...

(El presidente retira la palabra al orador)

 
  
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  Cécile Kashetu Kyenge (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, è un dato di fatto: in assenza di ulteriori interventi, i flussi migratori lungo la rotta del Mediterraneo nei prossimi mesi si intensificheranno. Nulla di sorprendente, mi viene da dire. Siamo di fronte ad un fenomeno strutturale che richiede interventi congiunti e politiche mirate e non azioni isolate dirette a bloccare i flussi verso l'Europa.

Il salvataggio delle vite umane resta una priorità anche per la Commissione. Valutiamo insieme la scelta degli strumenti più idonei per coordinare le attività di ricerca e salvataggio. Non esternalizziamo le nostre frontiere nell'illusione di fermare i flussi migratori dalla Libia – poco importa se sulla terraferma o nelle acque territoriali – per poi condurli nei centri di detenzione, veri e propri lager dove si registrano gravissime e sistematiche violazioni dei diritti umani.

Pensare che il successo di una politica migratoria si misuri soprattutto in termini di rimpatri e riammissione non fa che allontanarci da un'idea di gestione comune e globale che questo Parlamento ha adottato poco meno di un anno fa.

 
  
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  Ana Gomes (S&D). – Cinco mil mortos no Mediterrâneo em 2016 e dezenas de milhares de refugiados em condições deploráveis na Grécia e na Bulgária evidenciam tragicamente que a Europa não tem sido capaz de gerir fluxos migratórios ao longo das rotas do Mediterrâneo ou outras, não tem um sistema de asilo comum a funcionar eficazmente e continua a alimentar o negócio das redes de traficantes ao não abrir vias legais e seguras para refugiados imigrantes, designadamente através de vistos humanitários.

A Cimeira de Malta será um falhanço e uma vergonha se apostar na externalização das nossas responsabilidades e fronteiras. Apoiar a capacitação de estruturas líbias do ACNUR e da AOM para salvar e garantir tratamento com dignidade a refugiados migrantes e líbios, sim, Sra. Mogherini, mas não para impor acordos de readmissão ou réplicas do negócio ilegal com a Turquia a uma Líbia sem governação. Seria indecoroso e contraproducente.

É imperativo que os nossos governos acordem, revigorem a solidariedade europeia para responder aos que de dentro e de fora, como Trump e o seu estratega Putin, querem destruir a União Europeia porque querem destruir a democracia e, para isso, cavalgam as forças xenófobas, racistas, nacionalistas, que nos querem impedir de cumprir as obrigações básicas relativamente a refugiados e migrantes.

 
  
 

Intervenții la cerere

 
  
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  Michela Giuffrida (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, nel 2016 sono state più di 180 000 le persone che hanno provato a raggiungere le coste dell'Europa attraversando la rotta del Mediterraneo e sappiamo bene che purtroppo in tantissimi non ce l'hanno fatta ad affrontare questo inferno.

Il piano presentato dalla Commissione avvia sì una cooperazione con la Libia, il nostro vicino più problematico: formare la Guardia costiera libica sul soccorso in mare può essere un primo passo, ma non è per nulla una soluzione per tutto il Mediterraneo e, soprattutto, per quei territori che non riescono più a sopportare – essendo stati lasciati da soli – il peso di centinaia di migliaia di persone che arrivano da tutta l'Africa, dal Medio Oriente e poi sulle coste libiche, siciliane, greche restano bloccate, a volte restano in veri e propri lager.

L'Europa ha bisogno, lo sappiamo, di un diverso e risolutivo approccio e di un piano d'immigrazione interno, perché la solidarietà e la ricollocazione non hanno funzionato. Le cifre sui ricollocamenti sono ancora troppo basse, davvero inaccettabili. Allora ci auguriamo che il vertice di dopodomani abbia un approccio diverso anche su questo.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Mimica, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση πρέπει να στρέψει το βλέμμα της και την προσοχή της στα νησιά του Αιγαίου, τα οποία πλέον απειλεί ο Erdoğan να γεμίσει ξανά με πρόσφυγες και κυρίως με παράνομους μετανάστες, στα νησιά του Αιγαίου όπου έχουν εγκλωβιστεί 16.500 πρόσφυγες και κυρίως παράνομοι μετανάστες και των οποίων οι κάτοικοι δεν αντέχουν πλέον. Εάν επισκεφθείτε αυτά τα νησιά, οι κάτοικοι θα σας πουν ότι η κατάσταση έχει φτάσει στο απροχώρητο. Στη Σάμο, όπου θα βρεθώ το Σαββατοκύριακο, η κατάσταση είναι εκρηκτική. Το ίδιο συμβαίνει και στη Λέσβο, το ίδιο και στη Χίο, την οποία επισκέφθηκα στις 15 Ιανουαρίου. Και εκεί οι κάτοικοι αντιδρούν. Δεν αντέχουν πλέον άλλους παράνομους μετανάστες, διότι οι περισσότεροι που συγκεντρώνονται εκεί είναι παράνομοι μετανάστες. Κάτι άλλο που δεν αντέχουν είναι το να δημιουργηθούν νέα hot spots. Πρέπει επιτέλους να ληφθούν μέτρα. Πρέπει επιτέλους να γίνουν οι 66.500 μετεγκαταστάσεις από την Ελλάδα στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση.

 
  
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  Ernest Urtasun (Verts/ALE). – Señor presidente. Miren, la defensora del pueblo les acaba de decir y les acaba de criticar porque en el acuerdo, el no acuerdo, con Turquía no se hizo ni un impacto ni un análisis del impacto sobre los derechos humanos y les ha criticado por considerar a Turquía país seguro. No han resuelto estas peticiones y esas críticas de la defensora del pueblo y ahora ya se está planteando hacer un acuerdo parecido con Libia, en este caso para ayudar a la guardia costera a devolver a la costa libia a los refugiados que intentan llegar a Europa.

Miren, Libia, además, quiero recordarles que es un país que no ha ratificado la Convención sobre el Estatuto de los Refugiados del año 51 y un país del que un embajador acaba de decir recientemente en Níger que tiene campos que son asimilables a los campos de concentración. Ante estas circunstancias, esto no puede continuar así y no se puede hacer este acuerdo.

Y quiero recordar hoy también, porque hablamos de la gestión de la ruta del Mediterráneo central, que sigue habiendo muertos en el Mediterráneo porque no tenemos una operación de salvamento marítimo en el Mediterráneo. La operación Sofía no es eso. Y están ahora las ONG solas haciendo el trabajo que deberían hacer los gobiernos.

 
  
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  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος ( NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, αφού απέτυχε παταγωδώς να ελέγξει τις ροές των παράνομων μεταναστών από την Τουρκία προς την Ελλάδα, ετοιμάζεται τώρα να δρέψει νέες ανάλογες δάφνες, προσπαθώντας να εμποδίσει την ροή παράνομων μεταναστών από τη Λιβύη προς την Ιταλία μέσω της Κεντρικής Μεσογείου. Στο πλαίσιο αυτό, σπαταλά χωρίς λόγο και χωρίς αποτέλεσμα μεγάλα ποσά τα οποία θα μπορούσε να διαθέσει προκειμένου να διορθώσει, να εξαλείψει ή, εν πάση περιπτώσει, να μειώσει τα προβλήματα που αντιμετωπίζουν οι αναξιοπαθούντες Ευρωπαίοι. Επίσης, θα μπορούσε να δώσει τα χρήματα αυτά στις χώρες από τις οποίες προέρχονται οι παράνομοι μετανάστες για να αποκτήσουν κάποια ανάπτυξη. Τίποτε από όλα αυτά δεν κάνει. Εξακολουθεί να εφαρμόζει την ίδια αποτυχημένη πολιτική. Ανέφερε προηγουμένως η κ. Mogherini ότι οι Ευρωπαίοι πρέπει να δείξουν αλληλεγγύη. Συμφωνώ. Πρέπει όμως πρώτα οι Ευρωπαίοι να δείξουν αλληλεγγύη προς τους Έλληνες που, για έβδομο συνεχόμενο έτος, υποφέρουν από την εφαρμογή των μνημονίων. Τι κάνει η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, δίνει τετρακόσια ευρώ για κάθε παράνομο μετανάστη, του παρέχει δωρεάν σίτιση και υγειονομική περίθαλψη, ...

(Ο Πρόεδρος διακόπτει τον ομιλητή)

 
  
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  Nicola Caputo (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il Mediterraneo rappresenta una regione migratoria al centro della quale si colloca la frontiera di Schengen, la frontiera esterna dell'Unione europea. Eppure l'Europa si muove lentamente.

L'eccezionale ondata migratoria che ha investito l'Europa ci mette di fronte a problematiche antiche, che richiedono risposte urgenti e concrete. Sono ancora troppi i migranti che muoiono lungo la rotta del Mediterraneo. È necessario stabilizzare i paesi da cui partono gli scafisti e spezzare definitivamente le reti che alimentano il traffico di esseri umani. La maggior parte di queste persone sono costrette a fuggire dal proprio paese a causa di conflitti, persecuzioni, violazioni dei diritti umani o situazioni di miseria.

È indispensabile migliorare lo scambio di buone prassi con i paesi terzi. È necessario che l'Unione europea riesca a costruire una vera partnership comune con i paesi che si affacciano sul Mediterraneo, se davvero vuole affrontare in modo adeguato e coerente il problema.

 
  
 

(Încheierea intervențiilor la cerere)

 
  
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  Neven Mimica, Member of the Commission, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, on behalf of High Representative Madam Mogherini, I would like to convey her regret and apologies for not attending this parliamentary debate in full due to the conflicting agenda points that led her to the continuation of talks between Serbia and Kosovo this evening in Brussels.

This has indeed been a very interesting debate. As we have seen on previous occasions, the honourable Members hold somewhat divergent views when it comes to the issue of migration. However, I also take note that the large majority of the honourable Members support our approach to migration management, complementing our long-term efforts, such as the Partnership Framework, with the short-term measures outlined in our recent communication on the Central Mediterranean. I am very grateful for this support.

Even though some may like to present it in this way, there is no quick fix to the current situation. Only by applying a comprehensive and tailor-made approach – not replicating any other arrangements – continuing to save lives at sea, cracking down on smugglers and traffickers, addressing the root causes of migration and working more in particular with our African and international partners, will we be able to more effectively manage migration. This is what we will be taking from our debate today.

 
  
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  Preşedintele. – Dezbaterea a fost închisă.

Declarații scrise (articolul 162)

 
  
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  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR), в писмена форма. – Безспорно, дискусията за управлението на миграцията по маршрута през Централното Средиземноморие е важна, но фокусът на дебата според мен трябва да бъде по-скоро как да спрем миграцията по всички маршрути към Европа. Усилията ни трябва да се съсредоточат върху разрешаване на първопричините за миграцията от Африка и Близкия Изток, защото докато ситуацията там не се стабилизира, не виждам как миграционният поток ще спре.

Подкрепям идеята за засилването на контрола по морските и сухопътни граници като временна мярка за справяне с тази безпрецедентна криза на сигурността. Не трябва, обаче, да се заблуждаваме в никакъв случай, че това ще е достатъчно. Трябва да съумеем да се преборим и с трафикантите и с тяхната изключителна изобретателност, граничеща с наглост и костваща все повече човешки животи.

 
  
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  Kinga Gál (PPE), írásban. – Európát a Földközi-tenger középső migrációs útvonalán keresztül illegálisan elérő migránsok túlnyomó többsége gazdasági bevándorló. Csak úgy lehet elejét venni annak, hogy az időjárási viszonyok javulásával -életüket kockáztatva- újra százezrek kíséreljék meg a Földközi-tengeren való átkelést Európába, ha kiemelten foglalkozunk a migráció külső aspektusaival is. Szükség lenne az EU-n kívüli biztonságos övezetek kialakítására, lehetővé kellene tenni a menedékjog iránti kérelmek EU-n kívüli vagy az EU külső határain történő feldolgozását, valamint migrációs és menekültközpontokat kellene létrehozni harmadik országokban. További megállapodásokat kellene kötnünk annak érdekében, hogy ne alakuljanak ki új, alternatív migrációs vonalak és az embercsempészek elleni erőteljesebb fellépésre is nagy szükség van. Fontos lenne ugyanakkor azt is elismerni, hogy a tengeri mentés nem vezethet automatikus törvényes belépéshez az EU területére, ugyanis ez arra ösztönzi az Észak-Afrikából érkező migránsokat, hogy rosszabbnál rosszabb állapotú hajókkal kíséreljék meg a veszélyes átkelést annak reményében, hogy kimentik őket. Ez a megközelítés pedig megegyezne az Európai Néppárt közgyűlése által 2016 novemberében elfogadott „Protecting Lives and Controlling Migration to Europe” állásfoglalásával is, amely a pártcsalád migrációs politikáját tartalmazza. A Közép-Mediterrán térség mellett ugyanakkor továbbra is kellő figyelmet kell fordítani a nyugat-balkáni útvonalra, támogatni kell az ezen az útvonalon fekvő országokat is. Előreláthatólag márciustól jelentősen nőni fog az érkezők száma.

 
  
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  Iratxe García Pérez (S&D), por escrito. – Libia es actualmente origen de la inmensa mayoría de desplazamientos de refugiados e inmigrantes que se dirigen en travesías prácticamente suicidas hacia territorio europeo. El Consejo entiende que tras el polémico «acuerdo» firmado con Turquía, la ruta este del Mediterráneo Este (Grecia) está «estabilizada» y trata ahora de buscar medidas para taponar la salida irregular de inmigrantes desde Libia. Si la gestión realizada con Turquía ha supuesto duras críticas tanto en el aspecto legal como moral, las posibilidades que ofrece la caótica e inestable situación en Libia amplían la incertidumbre sobre las medidas que el Consejo Europeo puede acordar en su reunión informal en La Valeta este 3 de febrero. El Grupo socialista ha solicitado que se introdujera este punto en el Pleno para que el Parlamento pueda pronunciarse de forma previa a dicha cumbre y reclamar para la gestión migratoria un enfoque humanitario y respetuoso con el Derecho internacional, una política común europea de inmigración basada en el principio de solidaridad, coherente en sus facetas interna y externa, así como la apertura de vías seguras y legales que ofrezcan una alternativa para las miles de personas que continúan teniendo que arriesgar su vida para llegar a nuestras costas.

 
  
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  Inmaculada Rodríguez-Piñero Fernández (S&D), por escrito. – Libia es actualmente origen de la inmensa mayoría de desplazamientos de refugiados e inmigrantes que se dirigen en travesías prácticamente suicidas hacia territorio europeo. El Consejo entiende que tras el polémico «acuerdo» firmado con Turquía, la ruta este del Mediterráneo Este (Grecia) está «estabilizada» y trata ahora de buscar medidas para taponar la salida irregular de inmigrantes desde Libia. Si la gestión realizada con Turquía ha supuesto duras críticas tanto en el aspecto legal como moral, las posibilidades que ofrece la caótica e inestable situación en Libia amplían la incertidumbre sobre las medidas que el Consejo Europeo puede acordar en su reunión informal en La Valeta este 3 de febrero. El Grupo socialista ha solicitado que se introdujera este punto en el Pleno para que el Parlamento pueda pronunciarse de forma previa a dicha cumbre y reclamar para la gestión migratoria un enfoque humanitario y respetuoso con el Derecho internacional, una política común europea de inmigración basada en el principio de solidaridad, coherente en sus facetas interna y externa, así como la apertura de vías seguras y legales que ofrezcan una alternativa para las miles de personas que continúan teniendo que arriesgar su vida para llegar a nuestras costas.

 
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