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Mittwoch, 5. Juli 2017 - Straßburg Überprüfte Ausgabe

5. Vorbereitung des G20-Gipfels am 7. und 8. Juli 2017 (Aussprache)
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  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärungen des Rates und der Kommission zur Vorbereitung des G20-Gipfels am 7. und 8. Juli 2017 (2017/2762(RSP)).


  Matti Maasikas, nõukogu eesistuja. – Suur aitäh, härra juhataja. Kõigepealt lubage mul öelda, kui uhke tunne mul on täna siin Euroopa Parlamendis esindada Euroopa Liidu Nõukogu ja Eesti eesistujat. Ma loodan väga heale koostööle Euroopa Parlamendiga ja tänan teid selle eest, kuidas Eesti eesistumist ja mind on siin majas juba vastu võetud.

Mr President, I am grateful for your invitation to discuss the G20 summit, which Germany will host from Friday in Hamburg. At the summit, G20 leaders, including Presidents Tusk and Juncker, will be faced with intense discussions on various topics of global importance.

The international political environment is currently particularly charged and global cooperation can no longer be taken for granted. In this context, the mission of European leaders is clear. The G20 is central to this effort since it is – as G20 leaders stated in Pittsburgh in 2009 – the premier forum for international economic cooperation. It is also essential to give a clear signal that securing balanced and inclusive growth remains a top priority. Even if the global economy is showing positive momentum, political uncertainty surrounding the outlook is still high.

Allow me to expand on a selection of issues which I think will take centre stage in Hamburg. I will refer to trade, climate, migration, digitalisation and countering terrorism.

It should be the EU’s priority to send a strong signal to the G20 of our commitment to open trade and multilateralism. As recalled by the June European Council, the EU will pursue a robust trade policy, upholding an open and rule—based multilateral trading system with a central role for the WTO.

The EU will also keep markets open and fight protectionism, firm in the belief that trade contributes to creating wealth and jobs. The EU will therefore actively promote an ambitious free-trade agenda on the global stage. In this respect, reaching a political agreement on the EU—Japan trade deal ahead of the G20 meeting would send a strong signal against protectionism.

We need to improve the daily lives of citizens by ensuring that the benefits of globalisation are more widely shared. As was stressed by the June European Council, we need to foster a truly level playing field, while remaining vigilant concerning the respect and promotion of key standards, including social, environmental, health and consumer standards, which are central to the European way of life. Beyond that, we must also be able to better communicate the actual benefits of trade to the wider public.

On climate change, we are all aware that the global community needs to act urgently and move forward with the implementation of the Paris Agreement. The unilateral decision by the United States administration to withdraw from the Paris Agreement is therefore a highly regrettable step. We already discussed this issue here in Parliament during the June session.

As you are aware, the EU’s commitment to fully implementing the Paris Agreement was strongly reaffirmed by the June European Council. The agreement remains a cornerstone of global efforts to effectively tackle climate change, and it cannot be renegotiated.

I can only further confirm that the Council under the Estonian Presidency will continue in its commitment to ambitious global action against climate change and support the global ownership of the Paris Agreement. The EU and its Member States are playing their full part in implementing the Agreement, both through the development of our domestic policies and in keeping with our commitment to global solidarity.

We will have to minimise the effects of the US decision on the effectiveness and credibility of the climate framework. The Presidency believes that we should continue our dialogue and engagement with the US.

At the same time, we can also be encouraged by strong statements of commitment, as well as pledges by local governments, businesses, cities, communities and other non-state actors in America. These developments underscore the importance of the action agenda as a platform to connect the different non-state actors. Its importance is expected to grow in the coming years, boosting the political profile and momentum for climate action.

My third point is on migration. Dealing with the migration crisis has been at the core of the political debate in the EU, including here in the Parliament, and it is all the more pertinent today in the light of the news from the central Mediterranean and Italy.

We naturally tend to focus on the migration crisis in our part of the world, but migration is not a European phenomenon. Nor is managing it solely a European responsibility. It is rather a global responsibility, requiring collective solutions in full respect for our obligations under international law.

In this regard, the G20 is launching the G20 Africa partnership, which should foster sustainable and inclusive economic growth and development. It will contribute to creating decent employment, particularly for women and young people, thus addressing poverty and the root causes of migration. This also ties in closely with the ongoing legislative work in the EU on the external investment plan, including the European fund for sustainable development and the European Investment Bank’s external lending mandate.

We are also committed to taking an active part in the follow-up to the UN summit on addressing large movements of refugees and migration, held in September last year. The EU intends to play a prominent role in the process leading to the establishment in 2018 of UN global compacts on migration and refugees. We would ask all G20 members to engage as well.

Digitalisation is a key priority for the Estonian Presidency and, therefore, we welcome the inclusion of this topic at the G20 summit. Information and communications technology is no longer a specific sector. It is the backbone of all modern innovative economic systems.

Therefore, we need to breach digital gaps based on, inter alia, age, geography, gender and income. However, technological progress also involves challenges to our security and democracy, which we expect to be reflected by the G20. These challenges highlight the need to strengthen consumer protection, transparency and security in the use of information and communication technology.

Last but not least, the EU has been at the global forefront of the fight against terrorism financing. Recently an agreement on the revision of the Fourth Anti—Money Laundering Agreement was reached. Countering terrorism requires holistic action, including improved cooperation and preventing violent extremism conducive to terrorism.


  Frans Timmermans, First Vice-President of the Commission. –Mr President, in the coming days, the G20 leaders will meet in Hamburg. It will be an important moment: there will be many new faces around the table, and there are many challenges to address.

The agenda is more far-reaching than for previous meetings, showing that this format has the potential to look far beyond its initial economic focus. Economy and trade will certainly feature large, but also the fight against terrorism, as well sustainable development, climate change and energy, migration, Africa, health, digitalisation, employment and women’s empowerment.

For the EU, the G20 summit is an opportunity to highlight the positive contribution we are currently making to global growth, our vision for fair globalisation, set out in the Reflection Paper on Harnessing Globalisation, and our consistent leadership across multiple areas of the global agenda. Examples include our commitment to the Paris Agreement, progress on our progressive, values-based trade agenda, and our engagement with developing countries through the European Fund for Sustainable Development on which the House will vote this week.

In these times of turmoil, it is also the moment to show our unwavering commitment to global multilateral governance and responsible international political dialogue, aimed at delivering in the interest of people all over the world. Against a background of rising ultra-nationalist politics, posing a risk to global economic growth and the rules-based global order, the G20 Hamburg summit has the motto ‘Shaping an interconnected world’, to underline the necessity of multilateral cooperation for prosperity, security and freedom. Let me briefly run you through the main messages that we as the EU want to give.

On the economy, we will highlight the positive contribution the EU is making to the global economy. The EU is growing at nearly 2% this year and next year. The European investment plan is well on track, having led to more than EUR 200 billion in additional and sustainable investments. We are getting our mojo back!

On climate and energy, we will reaffirm our strong commitment to the Paris Agreement, clean energy transition and support for the poor and vulnerable in the fight against climate change, and we will maintain cohesion within the G19 despite the US decision to withdraw from the Paris Agreement. We would, of course, welcome it if the US would reconsider its decision, but let me be very clear: the deal cannot be renegotiated.

On trade, we will present our vision for harnessing globalisation instead of turning inward and resorting to protectionism, because we all agree that there is no ‘protect’ in protectionism, but there is isolation in isolationism. We will demonstrate that the EU will stand up for free and fair trade and for the multilateral trading system as a whole, and we will showcase the progress we are making on our progressive trade agenda, with the EU-Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement and now the EU-Japan trade deal. And, because trade should be fair, we are looking for a strong signal from China as to its full cooperation within the Global Forum on Steel Access Capacity.

On taxation, we will maintain momentum for the fight against tax evasion and avoidance. Next steps will include defensive measures against non-cooperative tax jurisdictions and increased efforts to promote the availability, and international exchange, of information on beneficial ownership of legal persons and legal arrangements.

On migration: this is a challenge that is going to be with us for quite some time to come – for decades. We must preserve a commitment to a comprehensive global response to tackling irregular migration and forced displacement, including support for the UN Global Compact on refugees and on regular, safe, orderly migration, and we must build support for a strengthened approach to break the business model of migrant smuggling.

This is what we must do on the global stage but let me add one thing: it would already make a world of difference in Europe if every single Member State would live up to its commitments to show solidarity with those of our Member States most affected by this challenge. We cannot leave Italy alone with this. Everybody should play their part.


We have shown in the past that if we stick together and find solutions that everybody shares we can reach results. Certainly the situation in Greece is not yet where we want it to be. There is still a lot to do, but if you look back at 2015 and then look at the situation now, you will see that much has also improved. There is an incredible level of solidarity with refugees and migrants in Greece and in Italy. But the rest of Europe cannot simply count on the solidarity of the people in Greece and Italy, because the people there also have their limits, and we need to show that the rest of Europe understands this and is playing its part in helping to resolve this crisis.


On terrorism, we need agreement on an action plan to advance the fight against terrorism. We will not win the battle against terrorist financing and the spread of radicalisation online if we do not work with our international partners on this.

On Africa: we will support close partnership with Africa to foster sustainable growth and job creation. Just imagine if we do not do this: our refugee problem in the future will then be so much worse than it already is today. The only sustainable solution is growth and more optimism in Africa, so that people understand it is in their interest to stay in Africa and to develop their own countries, instead of going to Europe.

Lastly, I welcome the fact that the German G20 Presidency has put strong emphasis on stakeholder involvement. All the groups concerned –business, labour, civil science, the think tanks, women and youth – have been active and have put forward recommendations. We are in a post-paternalistic society and we can no longer prescribe, from politics or governance, what should be done: we need to include global brain power to make sure that we find the right solutions. That is how globalisation will be shaped in the interest of humanity as a whole, because, at the end of the day, everything we do here in the European Parliament and in the Commission is at the service of citizens, their freedoms and their ability to pursue their hopes and dreams.



  Angelika Niebler, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, verehrte Vertreter der Ratspräsidentschaft, verehrter Herr Vizepräsident der Europäischen Kommission, verehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die letzten Wochen waren von traurigen Nachrichten überschattet. Ich denke an den Tod unseres Altbundeskanzlers Helmut Kohl, ich denke an die erste Präsidentin des Europäischen Parlamentes, Simone Veil, der wir ja auch gestern gedacht haben, ich denke an ein Busunglück, das wir bei uns in meiner Heimatregion in Bayern am Montag mit achtzehn Toten und vielen Verletzten hatten usw.

Wenn ich mir auch im Vorfeld ansehe, was sich gerade in Hamburg ereignet, meine Damen und Herren, liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen: Demonstrationen, Ausschreitungen, also alles negative Schlagzeilen, die auch den Gipfel, der jetzt am Wochenende stattfindet, dominieren. Wirft man dann noch einen Blick auf die Tagesordnung für das G20-Treffen und blickt auf die Themenauswahl, so scheint mir auch in dem Bereich Dissens vorprogrammiert zu sein, allen voran im Bereich der Klimapolitik.

Ich habe aber doch zwei Botschaften: Zum einen glaube ich, dass es wichtig ist, dass die Industrie- und Schwellenländer zusammenkommen und diskutieren. Das ist die Lehre, die ich aus dem bewegenden Trauerakt, der letzten Samstag hier bei uns im Hause stattgefunden hat, auch nochmals ziehen möchte. Es war für mich wirklich einmalig, noch mal an die Botschaft von Helmut Kohl erinnert zu werden: Im Gespräch bleiben, versuchen, gemeinsam Lösungen zu entwickeln. Deshalb finde ich es gut, dass der G20-Gipfel stattfindet. Und zum zweiten denke ich mir, wenn nur ein wenig, ein paar positive Botschaften herauskommen, wenn man nur im Bereich der Handelspolitik und im Bereich der Unterstützung für Afrika weiterkommt, dann ist es schon ein großer Fortschritt.


  Jeppe Kofod, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, I would like to pay tribute to the Commission and Vice-President Timmermans on the issue of harnessing globalisation and the very important reflection paper that the Commission produced this year. How do we ensure fair globalisation? Globalisation brings a lot of benefits to us but also a lot of challenges to our societies, and the G20 summit in Hamburg is an opportunity for the EU to lead on how to create fairer globalisation in which everyone benefits.

Many important topics have been mentioned already by the speakers here on climate change, on sustainable development goals, on the migration crisis and so on, and it is important that we in the European Union take the lead on all these issues.

I also want to say that globalisation issues have troubled a lot of countries and citizens alike. Let me be clear and honest: when it comes to globalisation, the free and unregulated market has, to some extent, failed us. It has worked extremely well for multinational corporations and already-wealthy individuals, but for far too many ordinary workers – like the steel workers in France and the UK or the slaughterhouse workers in Denmark and Germany, to take examples – globalisation has also brought unfair competition, negative wage pressure, job insecurity and, in many cases, unemployment.

So at the same time as enormous wealth has been created, it has not yet been fairly shared: that is clear. Why are the world’s eight richest people now wealthier? They are now wealthier than half of the world’s population. Real wages for middle-income families have stagnated in many societies, including in various parts of Europe, and in many EU countries real wages have actually shrunk.

This is an outrage and we need to do something about it. This is a result of market liberalism run amok, and we need to change course. Showing European leadership on harnessing globalisation means ensuring that European values, principles and standards shape globalisation, and not vice-versa.

For the Socialist and Democrats, a key principle is global tax justice. It was also mentioned by the Commission and I was glad to hear that. We are calling for global tax justice to be a top priority at the G20 summit too. We want the EU to take the lead on concrete new initiatives: we need a global asset register so that taxable assets can be traced and recovered; we need a global register of beneficial ownership so that tax fraud can be revealed; we also need to coordinate efforts to stop, punish and prevent tax havens – and this too was mentioned by the Commission. I think it is important we take the lead in that fight. We also need to ensure that corporate income tax is fair.

This is an opportunity for the EU. Let us take the lead on all of these issues! We look forward to the G20 Summit. And thank you, Mr Timmermans, for the great speech.


  Helga Stevens, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, Commissioners, colleagues. These are turbulent times. We face challenges which spread far beyond the borders of the European Union. We face global challenges which connect us all and require a global response. We face a humanitarian crisis, conflict at our doorstep and a barely recovering economy. This is why we need the Summit to be fruitful.

Talk is cheap, and our electorate wants to see results. Unfortunately, leader summits have become better known for updating the family photo than for plotting a strategic course for the next twelve months. Leaders need to start looking at what they can realistically achieve at a global level in the next few months, and whilst the EU is willing to take on more and more responsibility on the world stage, the EU cannot start believing that it can solve every crisis by itself. We do not need an EU which thinks that just one policy can solve the migration crisis, but an EU which works with the UN, NATO, and the G20 to end the funding of terrorism and to punish the barbaric practice of human trafficking.

The EU needs to sit at the table and commit to making the EU as global-facing and pro-free trade as possible. The EU needs to champion less regulation and lower taxes, not more red tape and bureaucracy. We need an EU which lives up to its obligations to protect the environment without stifling business, because it is jobs and growth which draw people out of poverty and prevent unsustainable economic migration. It is jobs and growth which bring countries closer together and gives people more self-confidence and respect. That is what we need to better connect us as nations and to help us move forward with confidence, unity and renewed vigour in the coming months.


  Sophia in ’t Veld, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, I would like to thank the Estonian Presidency: you are very welcome in this House. Thank you, Mr Timmermans, for your speech, and I was very glad to hear you used the word ‘challenge’, and not ‘crisis’, when you were speaking of migration because we talk a lot about ‘the migration crisis’, whereas what is really going on here is that there is a political and a moral crisis.

The Estonian Presidency is absolutely right in saying that migration management is a global responsibility, and therefore it is to be welcomed that the German Presidency wants to put this firmly on the agenda of the G20, making it a global issue. At the same time, it is also a European responsibility and, as the Commissioner set out very clearly, Member States are not living up to their responsibility. They are abandoning Italy and they are abandoning Greece.

I am reminded of a statement made by the Dutch Prime Minister at the time of a previous mass influx of migrants into Italy, when a journalist asked the Prime Minister ‘Isn’t it sad for Italy that, because of its geographical location, it has to take in all the refugees?’, and the Prime Minister said ‘Well, tough luck for Italy.’ That has been the attitude of Europe, and it is a shame. We are the most prosperous continent in the world. If we cannot manage this migration influx, then who can? We have to start assuming our responsibility.

I am glad to see that the Commission has taken action: it has put forward a kind of action plan for Italy. But, first of all, the focus is now very much on what NGOs are doing, and I think we should stop the blame game. You can never blame NGOs for saving people’s lives.


Secondly, I wonder why we are not using the legal instruments at our disposal, such as the Temporary Protection Mechanism. We have it: why is it not being used? It can be adopted in the Council by a qualified majority vote.

Thirdly, when will we stop using European money to fund dictators and failed regimes? How much more money are we going to send to Libya to let people die in miserable circumstances, not only in the Mediterranean, but also in ...

(The President cut off the speaker)


  Fabio De Masi, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! „Die G20 sind eine Veranstaltung ohne Legitimation. Legitimation besitzt nur die UNO.“ Dieses Zitat stammt nicht von mir, sondern vom großen französischen Diplomaten, Widerstandskämpfer und Autor der UN-Menschenrechtserklärung, Stéphane Hessel. Daher wird sich Hamburg empören. Der G20 Gipfel wird in meiner Heimatstadt, der schönsten Stadt Deutschlands, tagen. Trotzdem werden viele die Stadt verlassen, wenn die feinen Herren Trump oder Erdoğan uns besuchen. Hamburg, das Tor zur Welt –, wird einem Sperrbezirk gleichen, damit Demonstranten die Staatenlenker nicht belästigen. Sperrstunde mögen wir nicht in Hamburg, wie die weltbekannte Reeperbahn jede Nacht beweist.

Natürlich sollen Staatschefs miteinander reden, gerade in Zeiten weltweiter Krisen. Sie müssen das auch nicht in den Rocky Mountains tun. Aber die G20 verhandeln über das Schicksal der Welt. Diese Debatten gehören daher vor die Vereinten Nationen in New York. Dann hätte es Herr Trump auch vom Golfplatz nicht so weit.

Die G20, die 80 Prozent des weltweiten Sozialprodukts ausmachen, kommen zusammen, um über wichtige Themen zu sprechen: Handel, Migration, Steuerdumping, Klimawandel, Sicherheit und Terrorismus. Steuerflüchtlinge sind die wahren teuren Flüchtlinge. Bis zu 30 Billionen Dollar werden in Steueroasen gebunkert. Etwa acht Personen besitzen laut Oxfam mittlerweile so viel wie die Hälfte der Weltbevölkerung. Dies ist mit Verlaub eine kranke Entwicklung.

Dabei bräuchten wir nicht erst seit der Flüchtlingskrise öffentliche Investitionen in Wohnraum, Schulen, Universitäten oder Krankenhäuser. Aber die Verhandlung – auch hier in der EU – über eine schwarze Liste der Steueroasen gerät zum diplomatischen Kuhhandel. Wir brauchen endlich Quellen und Strafsteuern auf Finanzflüsse in Steueroasen, in und außerhalb der EU.

Die Kriege im Nahen Osten – von Afghanistan über Irak, Libyen oder Syrien – haben Chaos, Staatenzerfall, Terror und Flucht geschaffen. Nicht nur Bomben, auch Freihandelsabkommen – wie sie die EU nach TTIP und CETA nun auch mit Japan anstrebt – haben in Afrika große ökonomische Verwerfungen geschaffen. Die Waffenexporte und die Kumpanei mit Terrorpaten wie Saudi-Arabien oder dem neuen Türsteher der EU – Erdoğan – haben den Islamischen Staat erst groß gemacht. Aber die G20 diskutieren nun über militärische Flüchtlingsabwehr und weitere faule Deals wie mit der Türkei, etwa in Libyen oder Ägypten.

Der saudische König wollte seine Kamele nach Hamburg mitbringen – das kann er machen, wir haben Schafe und Fische. Der Hamburger Hafen schickt hingegen Waffen an die Golf-Diktatoren. Und die EU will mit der Verteidigungsunion weiter aufrüsten. Bis zu zwei Prozent des Sozialprodukts strebt die NATO an. Dies ist das Geld, das wir im Kampf gegen Armut und Klimawandel benötigen. Gegen diese Politik wird daher eine große Mehrheit der Hamburgerinnen und Hamburger friedlich auf die Straße gehen – und das ist auch gut so.


  Yannick Jadot, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, en ces jours d’hommage à Simone Veil, quelles leçons tirer de son parcours et de son expérience pour le débat que nous tenons aujourd’hui?

Simone Veil était une combattante de l’Europe, parce qu’elle avait survécu à ce que l’Europe pouvait produire de pire, mais elle n’a jamais réduit l’Europe à une commémoration. Elle a toujours considéré que l’Europe était un projet de civilisation pour chaque femme, pour chaque homme, pour nous, Européens, et pour le reste du monde.

Simone Veil, aujourd’hui, serait-elle satisfaite d’un projet européen qui serait un projet de circulation sans entrave des biens, des services et des investissements, qui mettrait nos législations, nos réglementations environnementales et sociales et notre souveraineté démocratique à portée de canon des firmes multinationales du vieux monde, du pétrole, du nucléaire et des perturbateurs endocriniens? Que dirait Simone Veil en voyant les murs, les barbelés et les camps qui enferment des personnes qui aussi sont des personnes qui survivent?

Aujourd’hui, l’Europe est seule face à Trump, Poutine, Erdoğan et Xi Jinping, mais elle seule peut porter un projet de coopération à l’échelle internationale, un projet de solidarité et un projet de protection des biens communs. Pour cela, il faut qu’elle change de pied et qu’au G20, elle ne soit pas là pour promouvoir des accords de libre-échange qui produisent tous les chaos du monde et qui alimentent un modèle de développement deux fois plus gros que la planète, deux fois plus gros en prédation et deux fois plus gros en pollution.

S’il y a un élément que doit porter l’Europe au G20, notamment, c’est cette question du climat et, pour porter cette question, il ne suffit pas de dire que l’on va respecter l’accord de Paris: l’Europe n’est pas sur la trajectoire de l’accord de Paris en matière de réduction de ses émissions de gaz à effet de serre.

Alors, allons-y avec une ambition beaucoup plus forte. Allons-y pour dire que la promesse du G20 concernant la fin des subventions publiques aux énergies fossiles doit être mise en œuvre immédiatement. Voilà votre responsabilité, voilà notre responsabilité, y compris si nous voulons être sincères et fidèles à l’hommage rendu à Simone Veil.


  Raymond Finch, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Mr President, the G20 meeting gives the EU an opportunity to speak to the major economies of the world and to find out what their perception of the post-Brexit landscape will be.

I strongly suspect that the EU – and particularly the host nation Germany – is in for an unpleasant surprise. The non-EU countries will be eyeing up how to grab a bigger slice of the lucrative market of exports to the UK from you if the EU pursues its active economic self-harm by trying to exclude the UK from fair access to the single market.

The European Union’s decision in declaring a post-Brexit economic war on the UK won’t act as a deterrent to other would-be leavers. Your huge trade surplus with the UK will crumble and other non-EU G20 nations will be licking their lips at the prospect of trading with, and exporting to, the UK.

The revitalised, liberalised United Kingdom will be seen as a key trading partner by these nations, and we will see cars made in Detroit, rather than Stuttgart, on British roads. For your own economic wellbeing, I urge the EU negotiators to look into the hungry eyes of your fellow G20 nations and reflect upon the damage your present course will have on your precious project. Thank you.


  Marcel de Graaff, namens de ENF-Fractie. – Wat doet de EU op de G-20? De Raad en de Commissie zijn incompetent. Ze zijn niet eens in staat de grote problemen in de Europese Unie aan te pakken en op te lossen. Nog steeds is de werkloosheid dramatisch, nog steeds staan banken op omvallen. Nog steeds is de schuldenberg groter dan ooit, nog steeds stromen migranten met duizenden per dag de EU binnen en nog steeds vinden vrijwel elke week aanslagen plaats.

De oplossingen voor deze tijd komen van de patriotten. Deze Commissie moet een voorbeeld nemen aan de Visegrad-landen in plaats van ze te veroordelen. De heer Juncker moet een voorbeeld nemen aan zijn partijgenoot de heer Orban en de grenzen sluiten. Leg de boten van criminele ngo’s aan de ketting, zet de bemanning achter slot en grendel en confisqueer de tegoeden van deze ngo's.

Juncker moet Frontex opdracht geven het Australische model toe te passen. Boten moeten worden teruggesleept naar Libië. Migranten zijn inmiddels veiliger in Libië dan Engelsen in Engeland, Fransen in Frankrijk of Duitsers in Duitsland. U bent een volledig incompetent en onverantwoordelijk bestuurder en ik zeg tegen Juncker en zijn hulpje, de heer Timmermans: stapt op! Laat de patriotten het overnemen. Wij nemen wél verantwoordelijkheid. Wij hebben de oplossingen en wij nemen wél effectieve maatregelen.

(De spreker gaat in op een “blauwe kaart”-vraag overeenkomstig artikel 162, lid 8, van het Reglement.)


  Hilde Vautmans (ALDE), "blauwe kaart"-vraag. – Mijnheer De Graaff, het is niet de eerste keer dat ik u hierover hoor tussenkomen in de plenaire, waarbij u beschuldigingen uit aan het adres van mensen die keihard werken. Ik vind dat uw uitlating dat er criminele ngo’s zijn, omdat ze mensen op zee redden die anders zouden verdrinken, uit het verslag geschrapt moet worden. Er zijn inderdaad mensensmokkelaars, mensenhandelaars, die we moeten bestraffen, maar we moeten ngo’s die zeer goed werk doen op het terrein, hier niet beschimpen als zouden het criminelen zijn.

Mijnheer de voorzitter, ik vraag met aandrang dat deze gratuite beschuldigingen van mijnheer De Graaff uit het verslag geschrapt worden. Laten we als Europa een echt Europees asiel- en migratiebeleid voeren, zodat we niet moeten rekenen op ngo’s, maar dat we hen dankbaar zijn voor hun werk.


  President. – I am very sorry but with all the understanding one may have for your point, the blue card is there to ask a question of the speaker. You did not ask a question of the speaker. Please use the procedures that are foreseen if you want to ask for something to be deleted from the Minutes. You may do so in a personal remark at the end of the debate.


  Krisztina Morvai (NI). – Mr President, here we are again. I have a question for you, First Vice-President Timmermans. It is a very specific question, and I would like you to give me – as well as Hungarians and a number of other people who are interested – a very specific answer. Suppose we were to follow your order and receive migrants and refugees in my country, Hungary. You, as well as every single person in this room, know perfectly well that those people would not want to stay in Hungary because they want a better life. They would like to move on to richer countries like Germany, Austria, Sweden, and so on. Mr Timmermans, how can we hold them back? What is the order, so to say, in this respect? We all know very well that we cannot put these people into a closed institution; they have the right to freedom of movement. I know we should integrate them. This will probably be the answer, but this is the wrong answer, Mr Timmermans and dear colleagues, because they would not like to be integrated in Hungary, they would like to move on the next day to richer countries.

So you must have a strategy on that, because your whole strategy about the treatment of the migrant crisis is based on the idea of solidarity among Member States and forcing all Member States, including my country Hungary, to receive migrants. So how would you solve this problem? I look forward to your answer, Mr Timmermans.


  Janusz Lewandowski (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Dzisiaj w drodze na G-20 prezydent Stanów Zjednoczonych ląduje w Polsce, oczekując obiecanego, ciepłego przyjęcia, nieco sztucznie zorganizowanego. Jeśli jednak potwierdzi dzisiaj gwarancje z art. 5 NATO, to będzie to niezwykle istotna wartość dla wszystkich krajów, które sąsiadują z Rosją Putina i zaznały w przeszłości „bratniej” pomocy ze strony Armii Czerwonej. Żaden z tych krajów nie powinien jednak uczestniczyć w osłabianiu Unii Europejskiej. Każdy z tych krajów w imię własnego bezpieczeństwa na wszelki wypadek powinien tworzyć elementy europejskiej obronności. Z wielu przyczyn szczyt G-20 jest trudnym zadaniem dla gospodarzy, nie tylko z uwagi na demonstracje, które rzeczywiście tworzą nagłówki gazet i mediów. Dzisiaj trudno odnaleźć coś, co nazywamy euroatlantycką wspólnotą wartości, która stanowiła fundament powojennego ładu pokojowego i świata wolnego człowieka. Stąd, jak sądzę, bardzo szeroka agenda tego spotkania, ale nieco zaniżone oczekiwania, co do efektów G-20 w Hamburgu. Trzeba zatem umieć potwierdzić minimum, które łączy, a co łączy to rzeczywiście wspólna walka z terroryzmem, ze źródłami terroryzmu, zahamowanie fali migracyjnej, bo tu się rozstrzyga zachwiane poczucie bezpieczeństwa w Europie i nie tylko w Europie. Ale jest coraz więcej świadectw tego, że sobie z tym poradzimy.


  Bernd Lange (S&D). – Herr Präsident, Herr Ratspräsident, Herr Kommissar Timmermans, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ja, global gibt es viele schlechte Nachrichten – Angelika Niebler hat einige genannt –, und deswegen ist es doch umso wichtiger, dass wir alle Möglichkeiten nutzen, Global Governance wieder zu etablieren. Gerade angesichts des Verhaltens von einigen Ländern, die da sagen „my country first“ oder „my America first“, müssen wir als Europäer dagegen setzen: „people first“. Das muss die Devise für Global Governance sein – im Interesse der Menschen globale Strukturen einzurichten.

Und ich glaube in der Tat, dass die EU da einige Schwerpunkte setzen muss. Wir haben gehört: Afrika muss ein Schwerpunkt sein. Keine Frage, wir müssen eine nachhaltige Entwicklungsstrategie für Afrika entwickeln, damit Menschen zu Hause eine Perspektive haben und ihre Lebenschancen dort Wirklichkeit werden lassen können. Investitionen und verantwortungsvolle Staatsführung für Afrika sind – meiner Ansicht nach – eine Priorität für die EU.

Dann geht es natürlich auch um das empowering für Frauen. Wenn die IAO von der vergessenen Milliarde, der dritten Milliarde von vergessenen Menschen, spricht, dann meint sie Frauen, die nicht in der Lage sind, ihre Fähigkeiten zu entwickeln – also empowering von Frauen, die zweite Priorität.

Die dritte Priorität: natürlich fairer Handel und nicht nur freier, weg vom Protektionismus. Wenn die IAO sagt, dass 780  Millionen Menschen, die in globalen Wertschöpfungsketten auch Produkte für uns produzieren, nicht genug Einkommen haben, um ihr eigenes Leben zu finanzieren – dann stimmt da etwas nicht! Wir müssen faire Bedingungen für globale Wertschöpfungsketten haben, wir müssen die Arbeitnehmerrechte stärken. Erst dann ist Handel nicht nur frei, sondern auch fair, und das muss die dritte Priorität sein.

Hamburg ist in der Tat eine wunderschöne Stadt, Hamburg repräsentiert aber auch den freien und fairen Geist von Menschen, und deswegen sollte Hamburg hierfür auch ein Symbol sein.


  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga (ECR). – Mr President, in times of challenge, security should define the credibility of partners, including trade partners. I therefore welcome the agreement with Japan. The dreams before G20 were already overshadowed by an exclusive deal between Russia and China, as well as rather unfriendly military exercises on the Baltic Sea. Our response to this – the Western response to this – should be a closer transatlantic alliance, with both the US and Canada.


  Sven Giegold (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident! Zunächst möchte ich deutlich sagen: Ich finde gut, dass dieser G20-Gipfel stattfindet. Die G20-Gipfel sind einer der wenigen Orte, wo zur Zeit der Globalisierung und der Krise des Multilateralismus verschiedene Akteure miteinander sprechen. Diese Chance muss man nutzen. Darüber hinaus muss man allerdings auch klar sagen, dass die Debatte vor dem G20 von falschen Alternativen bestimmt ist.

Es gibt nämlich auch noch etwas zwischen der globalen Handelsordnung und Finanzmarktordnung, wie wir sie heute haben, und dem Trump‘schen Protektionismus. Der Weg dazwischen ist die Globalisierung sozialer und ökologischer Regeln, die mit der Öffnung der Märkte einhergehen muss, und deshalb kann man auch der EU nur sagen: Die Zeit ist jetzt gekommen, mit der Freihandelsagenda, mit den bilateralen Verträgen, wie sie bisher entworfen worden sind, so wie Sie sie mit Japan jetzt wieder entworfen haben, nicht einfach so weiterzumachen, sondern wir brauchen Verträge, die die Chance der Stunde nutzen, um soziale und ökologische Regeln durchsetzbar als Teil dieser Standards zu verankern. Es darf dort kein Weiter so geben, sondern wir brauchen eine Verstärkung der internationalen Zusammenarbeit, aber das in einer Form, dass soziale und ökologische Regeln gestärkt werden.

Was in Hamburg bei diesem G20-Gipfel derzeit allerdings passiert, ist auch in anderer Hinsicht traurig, denn Hamburg ist in der Tat eine liberale Stadt, und zu diesem liberalen Geist gehört, dass man nicht nur die Staatschefs willkommen heißt, sondern auch die Demonstrantinnen und Demonstranten, die friedlich demonstrieren. Auch für sie muss eine offene Stadt Geltung haben.


  Rolandas Paksas (EFDD). – Ekonomikos augimas, prekyba, mokesčiai, kaip taisyklė, yra kertinės tokių susitikimų temos. Tačiau nesuprantu vieno: kaip čia taip yra, kad ekonomikai kasmet vis labiau augant, vis labiau plečiantis neva geriems susitarimams dėl prekybos, globalizmą pateikiant kaip privalumą, pasaulio visuomenė vis labiau skursta, o maistas brangsta. Gal to priežastis – neteisingai skirstomos pajamos, globalių kompanijų ir bankų susitarimai, kapitalo be socialinės atsakomybės auginimas? Gal ir ekonomika auginama anaiptol ne visuomenės gerovei? Pajamų nelygybė, skurdo rizika, nuolatinis milijonų žmonių nedarbas šiandien yra svarbiausios problemos. Gerokai svarbiau yra ir tai, kad ekonomikos augimu būtų tinkamai pasinaudota kuriant bendrąjį gėrį, racionaliai investuojant uždirbamas lėšas ir perskirtomas pajamas visuomenės turtėjimui, o ne atskirų korporacijų pelno gausinimui.


  Gerolf Annemans (ENF). – Ik maak van dit geopolitieke forum, de voorbereiding van de G-20, gebruik om een pleidooi te houden voor de herziening van de Conventie van Genève. Begonnen als een concept met nobele en hoogstaande doelstellingen is dat inmiddels totaal onaangepast geworden en werd het achterhaald door de feiten. De zorg voor vluchtelingen, voornamelijk uit het toen communistische Oost-Europa, is inmiddels verworden tot een ordinaire industriële massa-invasie met culturele ontworteling, verkrachtingen en een eindeloze werkloosheid tot gevolg, een duister verbond tussen een dirty business, tussen ngo's, mensenhandelaars en dat alles onder auspiciën van de Europese instellingen.

Stop die Conventie van Genève, vervang ze door een echt vluchtelingenstatuut met een opvang in eigen regio, en, zoals we nu zien in Syrië, na afloop van het conflict een terugkeer naar de landen van oorsprong.


  Diane Dodds (NI). – Mr President, my thanks to Mr Timmermans. As we approach the G20 Summit, we do so with our world facing huge challenges that threaten the common values and ideals that we share. In the United Kingdom, in London, in Manchester, in cities across Europe, Brussels, Paris and Berlin, terrorist attacks have brought death and destruction. The events in the Korean peninsula are a stark and vivid reminder of darker days we thought were in the past. The migration crisis continues. In the past ten days alone, an estimated 10 000 migrants have arrived in Italy from Libya, and yet we continue with the same bit-part solution that we have always had.

On all of these issues, a coordinated approach is required right across the G20 to bring about meaningful and lasting results – strong and united leadership based upon shared ideas of freedom, democracy and tolerance.


  Françoise Grossetête (PPE). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Président du Conseil, Monsieur le vice-président de la Commission, le monde vit sur un volcan qui peut à tout moment se réveiller.

L’éruption peut être due à la guerre en Syrie, à l’affrontement auquel se livrent les chiites et les sunnites dans le Golfe, notamment au Yémen, ou encore à l’agressivité de la Corée du Nord, qui sont les symptômes d’un monde profondément instable.

L’éruption peut être aussi économique et sociale, si nous ne prenons pas garde à nous renforcer face à la mondialisation, notamment en poursuivant la régulation financière, en luttant contre le dumping ou en œuvrant pour une fiscalité plus juste.

Terrorisme, défi migratoire, défi climatique, défi démocratique, défi économique… Il est grand temps que l’Union européenne porte enfin un autre regard sur le continent africain et l’aide à se développer et à se pacifier.

Il nous revient d’occuper la position de chef de file que l’Amérique a abandonnée, car Donald Trump fait de la figuration, mais ses gesticulations ne trompent personne. Les dirigeants du G20 savent qu’au jeu des chaises musicales, c’est le plus rapide qui l’emporte. Si ce n’est pas l’Europe, ce sera la Chine ou la Russie qui gagneront, et nous resterons là les bras ballants.

L’Union européenne a toujours eu pour vocation de partager et de diffuser ses valeurs et ses idéaux. En ce jour de commémoration, à Paris, en l’honneur de Simone Veil, première Présidente de ce Parlement, inspirons-nous de son exemple exceptionnel de vie.

Le G20 doit être l’occasion pour les dirigeants européens de montrer qu’ils ont une vision, non seulement pour notre continent, mais aussi pour le reste du monde.


  Pervenche Berès (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le vice-président, Monsieur le responsable du Conseil, le multilatéralisme, c’est dans l’ADN de l’Union européenne. Le G20 se tiendra au centre de l’Europe à un moment où, à la fois, le Brexit et le gouvernement Trump nient la valeur du multilatéralisme.

Au fond, pour vous, Monsieur le vice-président, pour l’Union européenne et pour chacun des chefs d’État ou de gouvernement qui participera à ce G20, il y a une double tâche. Dans le G20 lui-même, il faut faire en sorte que ce que dit le bras gauche cesse d’être ignoré par le bras droit. On ne peut pas avoir joué ce rôle exemplaire dans la conclusion de l’accord de Paris lors de la COP 21 et laisser une finance qui, dans les enceintes de Bâle, fait fi des objectifs du financement de la transition écologique.

Pour cela, les travaux qui ont été menés par le groupe de réflexion intitulé «Task force on climate related financial disclosure» (TCFD) doivent être soutenus, alors que le gouvernement Trump veut ignorer toutes les conclusions auxquelles il est parvenu sous l’égide de M. Bloomberg. Vous devez, au nom de la Commission, dire aux États membres combien ce groupe de réflexion doit être soutenu et à quel point il est important que ses conclusions deviennent la feuille de route du G20.

Pour l’Union européenne, cela signifie que, dans chacune des instances, d’abord à Bâle, mais aussi au sein du Conseil des normes comptables internationales (IASB), vous devez défendre, et concrétiser sous forme d’une régulation des marchés, ces exigences d’un changement du climat d’investissement en faveur d’une transition vers le financement des investissements à long terme, des énergies renouvelables au détriment des économies fossiles, qui continuent à irriguer trop de critères d’excellence de l’économie européenne.

Sans oublier ce rendez-vous sur la lutte contre les paradis fiscaux: la proposition de l’OCDE, d’une liste qui ne contiendrait plus que Trinité-et-Tobago, ne peut pas être la feuille de route de l’Union européenne. Nous comptons sur chacun des acteurs européens dans ce G20 pour porter une voix forte. Que la lutte contre les paradis fiscaux reste une priorité!


  Bernd Lucke (ECR). – Herr Präsident, meine Damen und Herren! Die Europäische Union ist einer der drei großen Player unter den G20, und deshalb setzt sich die Europäische Union große Ziele: Afrika soll zu Wachstum und zu Arbeitsplätzen geführt werden – ganz Afrika –, und das sei dann die Lösung für die Migrationskrise. Meine Damen und Herren, können wir bitte auf dem Teppich bleiben! Die Europäische Union hat es ja noch nicht einmal geschafft, Griechenland zu Wachstum und Arbeitsplätzen zurückzuführen, das kleine Griechenland, das im Vergleich zu afrikanischen Staaten ein wirklich wohlorganisierter, wohlentwickelter Staat mit einer starken Regierung ist. Dieses kleine Land haben wir nicht zu Wachstum und Arbeitsplätzen führen können. Und deshalb ist es unrealistisch, nun über ganz Afrika zu reden und ganz Afrika stabilisieren und auf einen Wachstumspfad führen zu wollen.

Wir müssen uns konzentrieren, wir müssen realistische Ziele formulieren. Diese realistischen Ziele im Zuge der Immigrationskrise können nur lauten, dass wir uns auf den Norden Afrikas, auf die Mittelmeeranrainer in Afrika konzentrieren, auf die arabischen Staaten, da, wo Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze ebenfalls erforderlich sind und wo der islamische Terrorismus seine Brutstätte findet. Das ist die Priorität, und darauf sollten wir uns konzentrieren!


  Janice Atkinson (ENF). – Mr President, the G20 will actually revolve around Presidents Trump and Putin, not you. These two men working together can defeat ISIS. These two men understand the threat of migration and culture, jobs and identity. And migrants – no, no, no! What don’t you understand? We have got to secure our borders. Our cultures and identities are under threat and you are incapable of dealing with it. Presidents Trump and Putin actually get this. They understand the nation state and putting up walls and barriers.

We need to arrest and deport the migrants and tow them back to Libya. The Paris climate change agreement is a bad business deal, and Trump gets that because he is a businessman and he is right. And you are obsessed with the gender agenda. Please, we women do not need special treatment. I am not special needs, I take it most of you are not special needs. Stop singling us out. And get real to the threats we face: it is migrants, ISIS and security. You do not have the solutions. The nation state is the way forward, as we are showing in Brexit and the Visegrad countries. Your speeches this morning have confirmed that the death knell of the EU is ringing, so get used to it and go back to your nation states.


  Diane James (NI). –Mr President, good morning everyone in the Chamber and thank you, Mr Timmermans, for the lack of tantrums that we saw yesterday from Mr Juncker, entertaining as it was.

I have two observations to make, and they are serious ones. We have heard this morning the usual calls for open markets, improved trade agreements and religiously enshrining and making sure delivery of consumer protectionism and such. But just remember please, everyone attending the G20, that when we talk about the impact in terms of job losses, falling wages and decreasing lifestyles and living standards, that’s what voters measure G20 meetings by, and we need to be a little bit more flexible in terms of that approach and the timing to achieve the objectives. But the other clear message for me that I would love the G20 to address is the existing European Union monetary policy, which clearly favours one major Member State and penalises so many others. We have young people out there who want jobs – want to work – and they have to leave their countries because of the EU monetary policy. So please can we send some very clear messages and change tack.


  Pilar del Castillo Vera (PPE). – Señor presidente, Consejo, Comisión, conviene recordar que en la historia de la humanidad no ha habido un solo período en el que se haya avanzado, en el que se haya progresado mediante el aislamiento y mediante el proteccionismo. Eso no hay que olvidarlo nunca.

Pero hoy más que nunca, en una sociedad globalizada, solo mediante una economía abierta y una sociedad abierta podremos seguir avanzando. Por eso la Unión Europea tiene que mantener en el G20 una posición de liderazgo constante frente a las veleidades aislacionistas que están mostrando ahora algunos países. Esto es esencial.

Pero la apertura y el no aislacionismo empiezan por la propia casa. Y, en ese sentido, hace falta que el mercado único digital sea una realidad plena, porque es el factor determinante de la competitividad global de nuestra economía. Por eso hay que dar la bienvenida a que la Presidencia estonia haya hecho bandera de los asuntos digitales en este período. Y, en ese sentido, tengo que decir que confío en que podamos alcanzar un acuerdo sobre el Código Europeo de las Comunicaciones Electrónicas y así contribuir a que la conectividad que necesitan nuestras empresas y nuestra sociedad sea plena.


  Pedro Silva Pereira (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, como relator deste Parlamento Europeu para o acordo comercial entre a União Europeia e o Japão, quero sublinhar a enorme importância estratégica que tem o acordo político que as duas partes deverão anunciar amanhã numa cimeira bilateral à margem da reunião do G20. Este acordo entre duas das maiores potências económicas mundiais é uma grande oportunidade para a economia europeia e é uma mensagem forte contra o protecionismo e a favor não apenas de um comércio aberto, mas de um comércio global mais justo e mais regulado.

Sejamos claros, porém. Este não é o fim do caminho. Há questões importantes ainda em aberto e o Parlamento permanecerá vigilante até ao fim das negociações, exigindo mais transparência, a começar pela divulgação de um mandato negocial e a plena salvaguarda dos nossos valores e padrões ambientais, sociais e laborais, no quadro de um capítulo forte sobre desenvolvimento sustentável. É esse acordo justo e ambicioso que queremos entre a União Europeia e o Japão.


  Elisabetta Gardini (PPE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Vicepresidente Timmermans, abbiamo letto ieri un'agenzia dove Lei dice che, non avendo l'Austria notificato i controlli alla frontiera del Brennero, la Commissione non può dare la sua reazione. Purtroppo oggi in Italia le prime pagine dei giornali sono piene proprio di questa notizia, e Lei può immaginare che invece i cittadini reagiscono, eccome.

Purtroppo il velo dell'ipocrisia è caduto, lo possiamo dire chiaramente, perché i paesi europei a parole sembrano diversi, nei fatti invece sono tutti uguali, si dimostrano veramente tutti uguali. A Berlino, qualcuno si era illuso di aver portato a casa qualche risultato; a parte la retorica, abbiamo portato a casa un risultato ben magro, il codice per le ONG, mentre i porti degli altri paesi europei rimangono tutti sigillati.

Per questo riponiamo le nostre speranze nel G20. Avete detto anche qui che è il foro internazionale più importante, dove si condivide la collaborazione. Ebbene, speriamo che questo foro si faccia carico della migrazione nel Mediterraneo, un fenomeno di proporzioni tali che deve essere gestito dalla comunità internazionale tutta. E porto un messaggio al Presidente Juncker: che non si accontenti di soluzioni ridicole, per favore, e porti a casa qualcosa di concreto.

Abbiamo ricordato sabato, in quest'Aula, Helmut Kohl. È stato ricordato come uomo del futuro, perché scelse il percorso giusto e la Storia lo seguì. Ecco, vede, o l'Europa riprende questa capacità, sarà in grado di riprendere questa capacità, o non sarà. In quel caso, non la rimpiangeremo molto.


  Kathleen Van Brempt (S&D). – Bouwen aan een verbindende wereld klinkt een heel klein beetje cynisch als je ziet wat er opnieuw in Italië aan de hand is. U heeft zelf gezegd, vicevoorzitter Timmermans, dat als alle lidstaten al zouden doen wat we hadden afgesproken om de crisis aan te pakken, dan zouden we vandaag niet in de penarie zitten. Het is echt schandalig dat we daar weer zijn. Ik zeg dit omdat velen daarop tussenkomen. Ik wil dat zeker ook ondersteunen. Maar ik zeg het ook omdat we ondertussen weten dat we de migratiecrisis niet gaan oplossen door kortetermijnmaatregelen te nemen, maar effectief door een verbindende wereld te creëren.

Een van de eerste en belangrijkste dingen die we in de G-20 moeten doen is ervoor zorgen dat er een soort van united positie kan zijn, zou moeten zijn, over het toepassen van het klimaatakkoord van Parijs. Want als we het klimaat niet aanpakken, dan zijn dit de voorafjes, dan zijn de problemen rond migratie vandaag de voorafjes van morgen en worden die problemen alsmaar groter.

Ik heb gisteren bij het werkprogramma van de Commissie heel erg benadrukt dat het eerste wat we moeten doen, is zelf het goede voorbeeld geven en ik kijk ook naar mijn collega's in het halfrond. We zijn volop bezig met een aantal dossiers zoals het pakket schone energie. Laten we dat zo ambitieus mogelijk stellen, dat is onze eerste verantwoordelijkheid.

Ten tweede, de Verenigde Staten. We weten het allemaal, ik ben helemaal niet positief over wat president Trump kan en zal doen, maar laten we vooral onze rug niet naar de Verenigde Staten keren. Laten we de hand uitreiken naar die staten in de Verenigde Staten die wél vooruitgang willen boeken, die helemaal niet gediend zijn van het beleid van Trump. Ik denk dat daar ook binnen de G-20 in bilaterale contacten het nodige werk moet worden verricht.

Een derde punt: we hebben vandaag verhandelbare emissierechten. Laten we daar niet alleen stevig aan vasthouden, maar laten we het als een connectie gebruiken om in de rest van de wereld ook heel goeie beprijzingsmechanisme rond CO2 te installeren.

Veel succes, zou ik zeggen. Ik denk dat dat meer dan ooit nodig is om op wereldniveau deze acties te ondernemen.


  Paulo Rangel (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, Presidência do Conselho, Senhor Vice—Presidente da Comissão, queria deixar três notas: a primeira não vai diretamente para a agenda do G20, mas para a conjuntura internacional em que se passa esta reunião.

Aquilo que, neste momento, está a ocorrer com a Coreia do Norte e o que está a ocorrer na península arábica com o Qatar e um conjunto de Estados árabes, designadamente a Arábia Saudita e o Egito, exige uma intervenção a nível global. Por muitas políticas de longo prazo que nós estejamos a acordar no G20, se houver a precipitação de uma crise grave, seja na península da Coreia seja na península arábica, todos esses reforços serão imediatamente postos em causa e aqui a Europa tem condições de fazer pontes entre os Estados Unidos, a China e a Rússia, entre os Estados Unidos, o Irão e a Arábia Saudita, e nós não devemos renunciar a esse papel.

Duas palavras depois para a agenda mais própria do G20. A primeira para dizer que a União Europeia - e aqui não precisamos do G20 - não pode deixar a Itália, a Grécia, incluindo a Espanha, sozinhas nesta questão dos refugiados. É uma responsabilidade de todos: do norte, do leste, do sul e do oeste da Europa. E, em segundo lugar, queria dizer - com a grande experiência que os portugueses têm em África - que, se nós não apostarmos a sério, e isto já pode ser uma responsabilidade do G20, no desenvolvimento de África, acabaremos todos por continuar a aumentar esta tragédia que está a ocorrer no Mediterrâneo.


  Othmar Karas (PPE). – Herr Präsident, meine Damen und Herren! Am kommenden Wochenende geht es – wie so oft – um die Frage: Wie gehen wir mit den Herausforderungen der Globalisierung und ihren Fehlentwicklungen um? Wir sind uns wohl alle bewusst, dass wir die Globalisierung formen müssen, damit die Globalisierung nicht uns formt. Dazu muss Europa seine Kräfte bündeln. Die Probleme innerhalb Europas beginnen nicht erst oder enden nicht erst an der Außengrenze der Europäischen Union. Ich erwarte mir daher von den G20 ein klares Bekenntnis gegen Protektionismus, für den Multilateralismus, für einen fairen internationalen Handel und für die Einhaltung internationaler Abkommen, internationalen Rechts und internationaler Werte.

Ja, wir brauchen eine Global Governance. Ja, wir müssen die Zukunft unserer gemeinsamen Welt zur gemeinsamen Verantwortung machen. Flüchtlingsströme und Migrationsströme sind eine globale Herausforderung, Afrika ist eine globale Herausforderung. Kämpfen wir endlich für mehr Fairness, Gerechtigkeit, Verantwortung und Zusammenarbeit! Wer sich abschottet …

(Der Präsident entzieht dem Redner das Wort.)


  Dubravka Šuica (PPE). – Gospodine predsjedniče, 20 država, 20 različitih političkih sustava, 20 različitih razina razvoja, 4/5 svjetskog bruto društvenog proizvoda, 3/4 globalne svjetske trgovine, 2/3 svjetskog stanovništva. Tko bolje od ovih G20 može riješiti probleme s kojima se suočavamo?

Uvijek smo se dosada bavili financijskim i gospodarskim krizama i tim pitanjima, ali ovaj put je naslov: „Oblikovanje povezanog svijeta”. Kako svijet povezati, kako iskoristiti globalizaciju na najbolji mogući način, kako globalizaciju pozitivno iskoristiti? Protiv protekcionizma, protiv izolacije, protiv uskogrudnih nacionalnih politika, a za povezivanje svijeta i za pozitivno iskorištavanje globalizacije.

Neću zaboraviti ni pitanje žena i jednakost žena koje je jedna od tema na G20. Drago mi je da ste to stavili na dnevni red, ali sam sigurna da će se otvoriti mnoge druge teme koje se ovih dana otvaraju u svijetu, poput Sjeverne Koreje. Nadam se da će G20 odgovoriti na ova pitanja i da će se konačno Putin i Trump susresti i približiti.


  Gunnar Hökmark (PPE). – Mr President, for the last twenty years globalisation has defeated poverty in region after region. There is more to do, but it is a process that is thanks to globalisation, and it has created bigger markets for European companies than we have ever seen: crucial for the recovery we are just seeing in the European economy. We need to defend the stability of this world order that has provided for this. We need to see Russia as the threat it is, with the disinformation, cyber war and the warfare we see, for example, in Ukraine. We need to see that the US is not the credible partner we are used to seeing. When the US gets smaller, we need to get taller, reaching out for free trade and supporting with the national governance. That is the most important aim: that we can take leadership in this global development.


  Christofer Fjellner (PPE). – Herr talman! Det sköljer en våg av protektionism över världen, och Trump och brexit kanske är två av de tydligaste exemplen på det.

G20-mötet i Hamburg är det viktigaste tillfället vi har just nu att ta strid mot den här protektionismen och isolationismen. För den här protektionismen har vi inte råd med. I vår del av världen kostar den pengar och jobb, men i fattiga delar av världen kostar den faktiskt liv. Sen 2008 har tre gånger så många allvarliga åtgärder som är protektionistiska införts än de som varit handelslättnader, totalt 3800 världen över.

Förr gjorde G20 i alla fall ett uttalande till stöd för den fria handeln, men vid senaste mötet satte Trump stopp för det. När USA sviker då måste EU ta ledartröjan. Därför är frihandelsavtalet med Japan fantastiska nyheter, men det räcker inte. Vi måste gå vidare och klara ett frihandelsavtal med Mexiko, Sydamerika, Australien och Nya Zeeland, för det hänger på Europa, nu när USA sviker.


Catch-the-eye procedure


  Ana Gomes (S&D). – O G20 podia fazer a diferença contra a desigualdade, por justiça global nos impostos, pela destruição dos paraísos fiscais, mas do G20 não espero nada, nem sequer tem existência formal.

Mas da presidência estónia espero, e peço, uma ação decisiva em dois domínios absolutamente determinantes para salvar ou afundar a União Europeia. Primeiro, uma gestão inteligente, com visão estratégica e respeito pelos direitos humanos e o direito internacional, do fenómeno imparável, do desafio imparável que temos nas migrações, que não podemos continuar a gerir como se fosse uma ameaça e não uma oportunidade para a Europa em declínio demográfico. Gerir migrações implica combater as causas do terrorismo. A União Europeia precisa de abrir canais legais seguros controlados para refugiados imigrantes e não continuar a alimentar o negócio das redes de traficantes.

Não há União Europeia se deixarmos a Itália e a Grécia sozinhas a afrontar este problema, como foi dito, e não podemos pensar em externalizar as nossas responsabilidades pagando campos de detenção na Líbia. A segunda prioridade é obviamente a justiça fiscal e está ligada com esta porque senão o fenómeno das migrações não vai parar.


  Henna Virkkunen (PPE). – Arvoisa puhemies, kun Yhdysvallat käpertyy entistä enemmän itseensä, se tarkoittaa sitä, että Euroopalla on mahdollisuus ja tärkeä rooli ottaa enemmän tilaa ja johtajuutta kansainvälisillä areenoilla. Silloin kun Euroopan unioni on yhtenäinen, olemme vahvoja. Siitä hyvä esimerkki on Pariisin ilmastosopimus, joka ei olisi syntynyt ilman Euroopan unionin sitkeää työtä kansainvälisillä foorumeilla.

G20-kokouksen erityisen tärkeitä teemoja ovat nyt juuri kauppapolitiikka ja kehityspolitiikka, jotka ovat asialistalla. Olen hyvin iloinen siitä, että komissio on ottanut todella aktiivisen roolin kauppapolitiikan osalta. Tiedämme, että eurooppalaisella kaupalla on nyt kysyntää maailmanlaajuisesti, ja ne säännöt ja sopimukset, joita teemme kansainvälisten kumppaneiden kanssa, ohjaavat koko maailmankauppaa. Globalisaation hallinnassa on tärkeää se, että olemme aktiivisia kansainvälisesti. Pyrimme lisäämään näin yrittäjyyttä ja työtä Euroopassa kansainvälisen kaupan näkökulmasta. Tässä Japani-neuvottelut ovat nyt hyvässä mallissa.


  Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η Διάσκεψη Κορυφής των G20 στις 7 και 8 Ιουλίου πραγματοποιείται σε μια χρονική στιγμή όπου η πλήρης απελευθέρωση του εμπορίου και η παγκοσμιοποίηση έχουν διαλύσει τις ευρωπαϊκές κοινωνίες και έχουν δημιουργήσει στρατιές φτωχών και ανέργων. Αυτό συμβαίνει διότι το παγκόσμιο εμπόριο επιβραβεύει τις χώρες στις οποίες ακολουθούνται αθέμιτες πρακτικές. Έτσι, αμερικανικές και ευρωπαϊκές πολυεθνικές έχουν εγκαταστήσει, με την τακτική του outsourcing, τη βιομηχανική τους παραγωγή στις χώρες της Ασίας, εκεί όπου ανθεί η παιδική εργασία, η κινεζοποίηση των μισθών, η διάλυση των εργασιακών σχέσεων και η παραβίαση των όρων υγιεινής και ασφάλειας, και όλα αυτά γίνονται με στόχο τα υπερκέρδη.

Ήρθε η στιγμή να απαιτήσουμε να μπει φραγμός στις αθέμιτες εμπορικές πρακτικές και να εφαρμόσουμε πολιτικές οι οποίες θα προστατεύουν τους πολίτες της Ένωσης που χάνουν τις δουλειές τους. Ήρθε η στιγμή να μπει φραγμός στη CETA, την TTIP και τις διάφορες άλλες πολυμερείς εμπορικές συμφωνίες, και αυτό μπορεί να γίνει μόνο με την εφαρμογή της αρχής της κοινοτικής προτίμησης. Ταυτόχρονα απαιτούνται μέτρα για τον περιορισμό των μεταναστευτικών ροών που πλήττουν την Ελλάδα και την Ιταλία.


  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señor presidente, comisario Timmermans, el G20 no es una estructura formalizada ni actúa con personalidad jurídica única en la comunidad internacional; la Unión Europea, sí, y está representada en el G20 no solo por la Comisión, sino por hasta cinco Estados miembros de la Unión Europea.

Y sería muy bueno que no hubiese ninguna cacofonía, sino unidad de posición para plantar cara al populista en jefe, que retira a los Estados Unidos del pacto contra el cambio climático; y para exigir una lucha sin cuartel contra la elusión, la evasión y, por supuesto, los paraísos fiscales, que combata la globalización de la desigualdad exasperante; pero, sobre todo, para exigir una respuesta global al desafío de las migraciones.

Y, para eso, sería muy bueno que la Unión Europea honrase el Tratado de Lisboa y el compromiso y mandato de la solidaridad entre los Estados miembros; que no dejase sola a Italia y abandonada a su suerte; y que estableciese, de una vez, vías legales y visados humanitarios para que los desesperados de la Tierra tuviesen una oportunidad de intentar alcanzar Europa sin abandonarse a las mafias ni perder la vida en el intento.


  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κατά την προσεχή Σύνοδο Κορυφής των G20, θα συζητηθούν όπως γίνεται πάντα όλα τα σοβαρά θέματα τα οποία απασχολούν όχι μόνο τα κράτη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, αλλά και όλη την ανθρωπότητα. Τα προβλήματα όμως τα οποία προκύπτουν από αυτά τα σοβαρά θέματα, όπως είναι η οικονομία, το εμπόριο, η δίκαιη φορολόγηση, η ανάπτυξη, η αντιμετώπιση της τρομοκρατίας και της μετανάστευσης, δεν μπορούν να επιλυθούν από την παγκόσμια διακυβέρνηση που επιδιώκουν να επιβάλουν οι G20 και την οποία εισηγούνται πολλοί από εσάς.

Παγκοσμιοποίηση και παγκόσμια διακυβέρνηση σημαίνουν ισοπέδωση, η οποία δεν επιλύει προβλήματα, αλλά επιβάλλει τις απόψεις των διεθνών επικυρίαρχων. Τα διεθνή προβλήματα θα επιλυθούν με μια ειλικρινή και σοβαρή συνεργασία κυρίαρχων και ανεξαρτήτων κρατών ή ένωσης τέτοιων κρατών που γνωρίζουν τις ιδιαιτερότητές τους και με βάση αυτές τις ιδιαιτερότητες προσπαθούν να βρουν την πλέον εφικτή και πλέον πραγματιστική λύση.


(Ende des Catch-the-eye-Verfahrens)


  Frans Timmermans, First Vice-President of the Commission. – Mr President, I will try and react to some of the comments that were made and questions that were put to the Commission. First, on the refugee crisis and our cooperation with the Italian authorities on a code of conduct.

There is no one at the Commission who accuses NGOs of anything. I have stated very clearly yesterday in the press conference that the intentions of the NGOs are noble and good. What they are trying to do is save people from drowning in the Mediterranean. Nobody contests that. The only thing I have said very clearly yesterday is that a code of conduct could be helpful to avoid accidents at sea, to avoid misunderstandings, to make sure that the Libyan coast guard, once it is at the level needed, can do its job in Libyan territorial waters. That is the intention of our cooperation with the Italian authorities. I want to be crystal clear about that.

To the honourable Member, Ms Gardini, I would say this: I understand your criticism of the Commission and of what we are doing, but I think we are in this fight together. We are doing our best to encourage Member States to do what they have promised and to join with extra efforts to make this situation in Italy more bearable on all of us. But I would also ask her and other colleagues here in Parliament: could they please help us in talking to the prime ministers who are part of your political families, and tell them also they should take the responsibility? I understand – Ms in ‘t Veld said very clearly – she criticised the prime minister from her political family. Great. But talk to the prime ministers in your political family and convince them to do what needs to be done, and then we can all do the same job together instead of criticising each other. We are on the same line, the Commission and the European Parliament. Let’s join efforts and convince the leaders of our nations, who are all part of one of mainly three political families in this House, to make sure that they do their bit. I believe if we do that together, we will get results fairly quickly.

Now, just a remark about Brexit. I know that Mr Finch operates under the Farage doctrine here in the European Parliament, which is to make outrageous statements and then run away before anybody can react. But still, I want to use the opportunity to react. I think we are all under an economic, political and above all moral obligation to do the least harm possible in this Brexit process. I think nobody disputes that position and attitude of the Commission, of the Member States and, I would argue also, of Her Majesty’s government in London. But to go from there and to say that the whole of the European Union is going to suffer terribly in the G20 because of Brexit is a bit rich, frankly. And Mr Finch, just so you know, I am a great admirer of British culture and I love the UK deeply, whether they are in the EU or not, but Mr Finch really reminds me of a character created by John Cleese in Monty Python’s The Holy Grail. It is the Black Knight, who, after being defeated terribly and all his limbs cut off, says to his opponent: ‘Let’s call it a draw’.

What I would like to say to Ms Morvai, who has developed a new practice of asking questions to me every time I am here – and credit to her, she waits to hear the answer – I wanted to say this. She asked me precisely the question about refugees. But let me turn this around one moment. What would have happened if, in 1956 the Swedish Prime Minister, the Danish Prime Minister, the German Chancellor, the Dutch Prime Minister, the Belgian Prime Minister, the Luxembourgish Prime Minister, had said: ‘These Hungarians, these people culturally don’t belong here. These people will change our culture in a way that we cannot accept.’ What would have happened in 1956 if that had been done? I am proud of the European legacy where, when people are persecuted by an inhuman Communist regime such as the regime at the time in Hungary, they find safe refuge in other European countries – and the Hungarian communities across Europe have made an incredible contribution to our societies and have reached the highest level of all these societies in the first, second and third generation. That would be my answer to you, Ms Morvai.

And to Ms Atkinson, I really would like to say: how can you develop this profound admiration for President Putin on the basis of national sovereignty? Who in Europe has had more disregard of national sovereignty than President Putin, who occupies part of another sovereign nation? Who has had less disregard for this? How can you admire a man and his politics based on your analysis of national sovereignty? It is completely beyond me.

Finally, if you will allow me, I will answer Mr de Graaff in the same language that he and I share.

Mijnheer De Graaff heeft het over de patriottische lente die door zijn politieke leider in Nederland voortdurend werd verkondigd. Mijnheer De Graaff vertegenwoordigt een politieke beweging die in het land dat ik het beste ken, succes heeft geboekt bij een deel van het electoraat dat zich in de steek gelaten voelt door de traditionele partijen, zoals ook mijn eigen partij.

Als mensen naar je partij toe komen, geeft je dat ook een grote verantwoordelijkheid om iets te doen aan de zorgen die ertoe leiden dat mensen denken dat je een oplossing hebt. Maar de beweging van de heer De Graaff laat mensen alleen maar in de steek, door alleen maar woede te voeden, door alleen maar boosheid op tafel te leggen, door nooit eens een keer met een constructieve oplossing te komen, door nooit te proberen onderdeel van de oplossing te zijn, alleen maar proberen het probleem op te kloppen en groter te maken en ik zeg tegen de heer De Graaff – en hiermee wil ik eindigen – ik zie inderdaad een patriottische lente in Europa.

Het is een Europese patriottische lente die in Bratislava werd getoond door de Europese leiders toen ze samen een toekomst uitstippelden die we samen gaan vormgeven; die in Rome werd getoond door de Europese leiders toen ze aangaven samen de toekomst te willen aangeven; die op de G-20-top zal worden getoond door Europese leiders als ze aangeven dat de toekomst van de wereld, het welzijn van de Europeanen, alleen maar op duurzame manier kan worden gerealiseerd als Europeanen dat sámen doen, niet op basis van een vals idee van nationale soevereiniteit tegen mekaar, niet door neer te kijken op andere Europeanen of minderheden in de eigen samenleving, maar door iedereen de kracht te geven om samen een betere wereld te vormen.


  President. – Thank you, First Vice-President, and thank you also for reminding us of John Cleese and his contributions to our common European culture. Please do inform us when you charge a Commissioner with a department for silly walks!


  Matti Maasikas, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, I would like to thank all Member for their comments, which remind us once again that we are facing challenging times on several fronts, especially with the geopolitical and political uncertainties which are still very high. I therefore look forward to a strong message of confidence from G20 leaders. We need to preserve the spirit of cooperation in the G20 and to continue providing multilateral answers to the challenges that we are facing. This also means maintaining and building on their achievements of the past and not giving in to protectionism and isolationism.


  President. – That concludes the item.

(The sitting was suspended for a few moments)

Written statements (Rule 162)


  Pál Csáky (PPE), írásban. – Timmermans úrnak az ’56-os forradalommal és az azt követő, közép-európai, magyar emberek Nyugat-Európába menekülésével kapcsolatban tett megállapításait helyesbíteném. A II. világháborúig Európa bár sokszínű, de egységes kontinensnek számított, amelynek kultúrája keresztény-zsidó alapokra épült. Ezt az egységet bontotta meg a kommunista rezsim, fizikai és lelki pusztítást végezve. Sajnos, a négy évtizedes szakadás okozta károkat egyelőre nem sikerült teljesen felszámolni. Ezért is szerencsétlen a hasonlat, miszerint a pár ezer ’56-os magyar menekült ugyanaz, mint az EU-ba ma az afrikai és ázsiai kontinensekről érkező tömeges menekültáradat. Az ’56-os eseményeket követően a továbbra is a szabadságban és demokráciában hívők egy része elhagyta Magyarországot a jobb, és a korábban hazájukban is érvényes értékrend szerinti élet irányába. Az ’56-osok tudták miért és hova igyekeznek, ez a jelenlegi esetben nem egyértelmű. Nem fair az EU keleti és nyugati felét az ilyen jellegű, nem igazságon alapuló kijelentésekkel egymástól eltávolítani. Nem az egységet szolgálja, sőt megoldásra sem vezet. Amellett, hogy a kívülről érkező problémákat meg kell oldanunk, ha jobb Európát akarunk, ugyanolyan odafigyeléssel kell lennünk az európaiak iránt, legyenek azok hollandok, franciák vagy magyarok, illetve akár kisebbségi létben élők. Az őshonos kisebbségekre gondolok, akiknek jogai érdekében az EU máig nem tett határozott lépéseket.


  Iratxe García Pérez (S&D), por escrito. – El G20 no es una estructura formalizada ni actúa con personalidad jurídica única en la comunidad internacional; la Unión Europea, sí, y está representada en el G20 no solo por la Comisión, sino por hasta cinco Estados miembros de la Unión Europea. Resulta imprescindible que no haya ninguna cacofonía, sino unidad de posición para hablar con una sola voz frente a Donald Trump y su deseo de retirar a los Estados Unidos del pacto contra el cambio climático; y para exigir una lucha sin cuartel contra la elusión, la evasión y, por supuesto, los paraísos fiscales, que combata la globalización de la desigualdad exasperante; pero, sobre todo, para exigir una respuesta global al desafío de las migraciones. Y, para eso, sería muy bueno que la Unión Europea honrase el Tratado de Lisboa y el compromiso y mandato de la solidaridad entre los Estados miembros; que no dejase sola a Italia y abandonada a su suerte; y que estableciese, de una vez, vías legales y visados humanitarios para que los desesperados de la Tierra tuviesen una oportunidad de intentar alcanzar Europa sin abandonarse a las mafias ni perder la vida en el intento.


  Ivan Štefanec (PPE), písomne. – Skupina G20, ktorá tvorí až 4/5 svetového hrubého domáceho produktu a 2/3 svetovej populácie sa tento mesiac stretne, aby prerokovala dôležité otázky obchodu, daňového dumpingu, klimatických zmien, migrácie, bezpečnosti, terorizmu a iné dôležité témy všeobecného záujmu. Som rád, že sa tento summit koná. V čase globalizácie, ktorá nám prináša veľa výhod, ale i veľa výziev, je to príležitosť, keď môžeme viesť dialóg pre spravodlivejšiu globalizáciu a sústrediť sa na vytváranie a realizáciu realistických cieľov.


  Tibor Szanyi (S&D), írásban. – Reményem szerint az EU vezetői a G20-csúcstalálkozóra a korábbiaknál jobban felvértezve érkezhetnek, mert az utóbbi két év meddő vitái után az Európai Tanács júniusi ülése végre a menekültválságon túllépve kellő súllyal tudott foglalkozni és határozni a világ és az európai polgárok jövőjét meghatározó olyan közös kihívásokról, mint a globális gazdasági növekedés, a Párizsi Egyezmény végrehajtásának fontossága, valamint a közös biztonság. Afrika és a fenntartható fejlesztési célok jelentőségét nem lebecsülve, az európai érdekek, a migrációs mozgások jövője szempontjából szerintem a találkozó kulcskérdése a nemzetközi béke és biztonság szavatolása, elsősorban a szíriai és iraki színtéren. Kevésbé tartom megnyugtatónak az EU pozícióit a globális partnerekkel szemben a migrációs kérdéskörben. A határőrizettel, a menekültek elosztásával, a migráció humánus megközelítésével kapcsolatban tett fontos elvi állásfoglalások ugyanis mindaddig nem tekinthetők a közös uniós cselekvést meghatározó döntésnek, amíg az EiT nem képes véget vetni saját egyes tagjai Európa- és idegenellenes aknamunkájának, mint amilyen például az Orbán-kormányé. Ezzel együtt az EU-nak továbbra is a Trump-adminisztráció politikáját kritikus fényben feltüntető, iránymutató és példaadó szerepben kell fellépnie a G20-on és az egész nemzetközi színtéren a migráció kezelésében az emberi jogok érvényesülését, a menekültekkel való emberséges bánásmódot illetően.


  Miguel Viegas (GUE/NGL), por escrito. – A propósito de um Pilar Social destinado a branquear as políticas neoliberais da UE são feitas 20 propostas concretas que se afiguram como um autêntico manual de exploração e nivelamento por baixo dos direitos laborais e sociais. Promovem o aprofundamento da exploração e da precariedade por via da «flexibilidade», atacam o direito à proteção social e segurança social pública e universal, alinham a «idade da reforma com a esperança de vida». Defendem a precariedade e a submissão dos direitos sociais e laborais aos desideratos dos patrões, do grande capital e dos interesses do diretório de potências da UE. Elimina-se qualquer referência a políticas públicas de serviços, como a educação ou a saúde. Assumem uma visão mercantilista dos direitos seja na proteção social, na saúde, na educação, na água, no saneamento, na energia, nos transportes, entre outros, quem os quiser que os pague! Um manual de exploração que urge rejeitar e com ele as políticas e constrangimentos da UE que promovem a pobreza, as desigualdades e a asfixia de povos e países soberanos.



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