Ausführliche Sitzungsberichte

Donnerstag, 14. September 2017 - Straßburg

1. Eröffnung der Sitzung

VORSITZ: ULRIKE LUNACEK
Vizepräsidentin

(Die Sitzung wird um 8.30 Uhr eröffnet.)

2. Petitionen: siehe Protokoll

3. Eine neue europäische Agenda für Kompetenzen (Aussprache)

  Die Präsidentin. – Als erster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über den Bericht von Martina Dlabajová und Momchil Nekov im Namen des Ausschusses für Beschäftigung und soziale Angelegenheiten sowie des Ausschusses für Kultur und Bildung über eine neue europäische Agenda für Kompetenzen (2017/2002(INI)) (A8-0276/2017).

  Martina Dlabajová, zpravodajka. – Paní předsedající, pane komisaři, představení nové agendy dovedností loni v červnu jsme očekávali s napětím. Agenda se soustředí na jedno z nejvýznamnějších a nejdůležitějších aktuálních témat určujících naši budoucí prosperitu a konkurenceschopnost v Evropě. O toto klíčové téma a jeho prosazení mezi evropské priority se ve frakci Aliance liberálů a demokratů pro Evropu již dlouhodobě zasazujeme.

Hned v úvodu bych chtěla poděkovat svému kolegovi Momchilu Nekovovi, spoluzpravodaji zprávy za Výbor pro kulturu a vzdělávání. Právě v otázce nových dovedností, musím říci, že spolupráce mezi výbory byla naprosto zásadní. Stejně jako není možné mluvit o zaměstnanosti bez návaznosti na potřebné vzdělání, nemůžeme uvažovat ani o vzdělávání bez znalosti perspektiv a potřeb trhu práce. Děkuji všem kolegům za přínosnou spolupráci, podněty i výměny názorů. Zájem o naši zprávu mne upřímně těší a je dokladem toho, že otázka zaměstnanosti a budoucnosti pracovního uplatnění mladých v Evropě nám není lhostejná.

Žijeme v době exploze znalostí a nových technologií, ovšem znalosti a dovednosti, které se naučíme ve škole, právě proto velmi rychle zastarávají. Více než polovina z dvanácti milionů dlouhodobě nezaměstnaných nemá dostatečnou kvalifikaci a úroveň dovedností. Až 20 % Evropanů nemá odpovídající dovednosti ve čtení a psaní a dokonce 40 % Evropanů nemá žádné digitální znalosti. Na pracovním trhu proto představují zranitelnou skupinu.

Na druhé straně velmi kvalifikovaní mladí lidé vykonávají práci, která neodpovídá jejich dovednostem a ambicím, což je frustrující a demotivující. Paradoxem trhu práce je skutečnost, že zároveň má více než 40 % zaměstnavatelů velký problém najít absolventy s odpovídajícími dovednostmi a kvalifikací. Co je tady špatně, ptáte se asi jako já? Chyba je ve špatně nastaveném vzdělávacím systému, který nezvládá pružně reagovat na aktuální potřeby zaměstnavatelů. Hasit požár operativními opatřeními už nestačí. Musíme změnit celý systém. A musíme změnit způsob, jakým na problematiku evropského trhu práce nahlížíme.

Potřebujeme propojit vzdělávací systémy s aktuálními potřebami trhu práce a studentům poskytovat nejen teoretickou, ale i praktickou průpravu už v průběhu studia. Některé staré profese zanikají úplně a naopak díky technologickému vývoji vznikají profese zcela nové. Kdo tato místa obsadí, když školy nebudou na tyto změny připraveny?

Ve zprávě se proto zaměřujeme na několik priorit, které mají sladění vzdělávacích postupů s potřebami trhu práce napomoci. Jsem přesvědčena, že pro úspěšný přechod absolventa na pracovní trh je již při vzdělávání nutná spolupráce všech aktérů, včetně zaměstnavatelů a získávání praktických zkušeností, čili „učení se prací“. Právě tyto praktické zkušenosti a poznávání pracovního prostředí mohou být velmi užitečné při ucházení se o první pracovní pozici.

Podporujme rozvoj STEM dovedností, jejichž výuka musí jít ruku v ruce se začleňováním nových technologií do vzdělávání, rozvoj měkkých a manažerských dovedností a povzbuzujme v mladých podnikavost již od raného věku. Zároveň ale nezapomínejme na podporu řemeslných dovedností a společně pracujme na tom, aby bylo učňovské školství a technické vzdělávání pro mladé lidi atraktivnější.

Jednou z velkých výzev a zároveň velkou příležitostí je prudký rozvoj digitalizace. V horizontu deseti let bude 90 % všech pracovních míst potřebovat určitou úroveň digitálních dovedností a my se na to musíme připravit. I proto ve zprávě upozorňujeme na potřebu kvalitního celoživotního vzdělávání učitelů a zajištění silného pedagogického vedení. Jsem přesvědčena, že investice do profesního rozvoje učitelů a přilákání a motivace nových pedagogů je pro rozvoj dovedností klíčová. Pokud má naše ekonomika i nadále růst a zachovat svoji konkurenceschopnost, je přijetí výše zmíněných opatření nezbytným krokem.

  Момчил Неков, докладчик. – г-н Председател, най-напред бих искал да благодаря на съдокладчика г-жа Мартина Длабайова, както и на останалите докладчици в сянка за конструктивната работа и добрия дух на сътрудничество, който ни съпровождаше по време на преговорите и на дългата работа по консолидирането на окончателната версия на доклада на Европейския парламент.

Използвам случая за да подчертая удовлетворението си от това, че комисията по образование и култура работи на равни начала с комисията по заетост и социални въпроси. Резултатът от нашата съвместна дейност е текст, който взима под внимание не само текущите нужди на пазара на труда, а предлага един по-широк подход, който насочва вниманието и към образованието и неговото първостепенно значение в изграждането на компетентни и уверени личности, които притежават нужните умения да се справят с бъдещите предизвикателства.

Комуникацията на Комисията „Нова европейска програма за умения“ бе дълго очаквана и с право насочва вниманието върху необходимостта от обновяването на Европейските системи за образование и обучения в унисон с бързо променящия се икономически и социален контекст. При все това съм на мнение, че предложеният пакет от мерки, макар и доста амбициозен, се фокусира предимно върху настоящите нужди на пазара на труда, който в действителност е доста динамичен и нужните умения днес няма да бъдат нужните умения след 10 или след 20 години. Освен това основната роля на образователните системи е не само да подготвят кадри за бизнеса, а най-вече да допринасят за личностното израстване на хората, да ги превърнат в отговорни и ангажирани личности.

Смятам, че трябва да мислим отвъд правилните умения за заетост и да обърнем внимание на тези аспекти от образованието, които учат младите как да мислят критично, да бъдат креативни и да са способни да взимат информирани решения.

В този ред на мисли бих искал да обърна внимание на няколко ключови момента, които са в сърцевината на доклада на Европейския парламент. На първо място трябва да се засили социалното измерение на програмата за умения, което според мен напълно отсъства в самия доклад. Има консенсус по въпроса, че образованието спомага за социалното сближаване, борбата с неравенствата и бедността. Само че предложената от Комисията програма за умения не предлага дългосрочна визия, която да обхваща и участието в предучилищно образование. Борбата с ранното отпадане от училищната система за съжаление също не е застъпена. Като имаме предвид, че този модел на неравенства, който съществува още от ранните години на обучение, никак не е изненадващо, че днес в Европейския съюз имаме седемдесет милиона души, които не разполагат с базови умения за четене, писане и смятане. Единственият начин за преодоляване на този проблем е инвестирането в приобщаващо образование, което да отговаря на социалните предизвикателства и да осигурява равен достъп за всички.

В крайна сметка, ако искаме младите и талантливи хора да не напускат Европа, търсейки по-добро бъдеще и възможности за реализация извън граница, трябва да се погрижим да им създадем подходящи условия за развитие у нас. Искам да Ви дам един пример от моята държава. Между 1992 година и 2015 година три милиона българи са напуснали родината си, а за една страна със седем милионно население това е огромна цифра. Сред тях са основно инженери, АЙ-ТИ специалисти, доктори, медицински сестри и учители. Смятам, че трябва да си направи съответните изводи.

На второ място, ако очакваме някаква положителна промяна в социален и икономически план, трябва най-напред да променим манталитета си. Днес работодателите не търсят толкова дипломи за висше образование. Те имат нужда от амбициозни хора, притежаващи широк набор от хоризонтални умения като работа в екип, самоувереност, лидерски качества и предприемачески дух. Истината е, че придобиваме най-разнородни умения извън официалната образователна система.

В тази връзка, не на последно място споделям визията на Комисията, според която трябва да се увеличи привлекателността на професионалното образование.

В заключение искам да кажа, че ще очаквам Европейската комисия да вземе предвид отправените от Парламента препоръки.

  Miguel Arias Cañete, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, I would like to thank the Committee on Employment and Social Affairs (EMPL) and the Committee on Culture and Education (CULT) and, in particular, the co-rapporteurs, Ms Dlabajová and Mr Nekov, for this comprehensive report.

We launched the New Skills Agenda in June 2016. Since then, we have delivered on nine of its ten key actions, including the Upskilling Pathways Recommendation and the European Qualifications Framework. Parliament has adopted its position on the Europass Decision, and the Council is making good progress. Discussions have also started on the Commission proposal on graduate tracking.

We have launched the Digital and Skills and Job Coalition, the skills profile tool for third—country nationals and the blueprint for sectoral cooperation on skills. And soon we will present the results of the public consultation on the review of the European Framework of key competences that we organised this year.

Your report clearly shows that we are going in the right direction. Together, we should keep up the political momentum. We agree with you that, in a fast—changing, global economy, ‘the skills and know-how of our societies are the sole basis for prosperity and for safeguarding our social achievements’. This is why the first principle of the European Pillar of Social Rights states that everyone has the right to quality and inclusive education, training and life-long learning.

Your report rightly emphasises the connection between education and employment, and the need to promote cooperation among stakeholders. This is at the very heart of the Skills Agenda. Together, we must break the silos.

Your decision for a joint report of the EMPL and CULT committees underscores the cross-cutting nature of the skills agenda. This joined-up approach, working across ministries, extends to national skill strategies, which we are supporting in cooperation with the OECD.

Skills are acquired early in life and must be constantly updated. Unfortunately, 70 million Europeans currently do not master the most basic skills. Our Upskilling Pathways Recommendation will make a tangible difference for them.

We share your view on the importance of non-formal and informal learning. Member States have committed to putting in place arrangements for validation of these skills by 2018. Work-based learning deserves particular attention. In October, the Commission will present a Council Recommendation on a Framework for Quality and Effective Apprenticeships. Together with the new Erasmus Pro for cross—border apprenticeships, this will boost quality opportunities for young people.

Digitisation and globalisation are transforming the way we live and work, reshaping the range of skills needed in our society and in the labour market. While we cannot exactly predict the skills of tomorrow, digital and entrepreneurial skills will certainly be important. Already today, 90% of jobs require digital skills. Through our Digital Skills and Jobs Coalition, seven million Europeans were trained in less than a year. In 2018, the Commission will launch the ‘Digital Opportunity’ scheme, a pilot project giving graduates in all disciplines hands-on experience through cross-border internships in the digital area.

Moreover, together with stakeholders, we have developed tools to improve citizens’ skills: the Digital Competence Framework and the Entrepreneurship Competence Framework. And to show what skills are most needed and where, from next year we will publish data on skills needs and trends using big data analysis.

The success of the Skills Agenda depends on our joint commitment and efforts. Indeed, the responsibility for education and training lies with Member States. We trust that, with your support, they will adapt and shape the Skills Agenda to meet labour market needs and fulfil citizens’ aspirations.

  Maria Grapini, Raportoare pentru aviz Comisia pentru piața internă și protecția consumatorilor. – Doamnă președintă, în calitate de raportor pentru aviz din partea comisiei IMCO, am ținut neapărat cu colegii mei să subliniem câteva lucruri importante.

În primul rând, vreau să felicit Comisia pentru că a adoptat în 2016 o Nouă agendă pentru competențe în Europa. Este absolut necesar să vedem ce putem să facem cu resursa umană și noi, comisia IMCO, sigur, care ne ocupăm de piața internă, suntem siguri și convinși că, pentru a asigura o creștere durabilă, coeziune socială și crearea de noi locuri de muncă, precum și pentru a promova inovarea și antreprenoriatul, în special pentru IMM-uri și sectorul artizanatului, este esențial să se elimine lacunele în materie de competențe, să se soluționeze problema necorelării competențelor și să se promoveze oportunitățile de mobilitate socială.

Și domnul comisar a arătat, și noi susținem că, sigur, statele membre au o obligație: sistemul de informare a pieței interne trebuie să funcționeze eficient și să contribuie la îmbunătățirea schimbului de date și la consolidarea cooperării administrative. Subliniez, de asemenea, necesitatea de a ține cont de nevoile reale ale pieței și de a lua măsuri pentru dezvoltarea competențelor.

  Michaela Šojdrová, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, our report should help with implementation of the 10 measures of the new skills agenda in order to strengthen human capital, employability and competitiveness. Our approach respects the key role of the Member States and the real possibilities and competences of the EU.

Skills are key to the future competitiveness of our economy. We have to address the problem of around 17 million European adults who lack basic skills. We point out that our priority should be to strengthen our human resources, not only for better employability but also for the personal development and success of Europeans as individual human beings. For better skills, we need better teachers. This is essential and I am glad that the report puts much emphasis on their role and their better conditions. I think this is crucial. We highlight the need to develop the skills that are necessary on the labour market.

I would like to thank both my co-rapporteurs for their constructive spirit.

  Jana Žitňanská, za skupinu ECR – Vážený pán komisár, ctení kolegovia, je mi potešením, keď sa poslanci tohto parlamentu pri svojej práci pozerajú smerom do budúcnosti. Tá je totiž závislá od schopností, zručností a znalostí, ktorými budú občania v našich krajinách disponovať.

Moji kolegovia v priebehu tejto rozpravy spomenuli a určite ešte spomenú viaceré pozitívne body tejto správy. Pre mňa je takýmto pozitívom jednoznačne to, že pri pohľade do budúcnosti nezabúdame ani na našich najzraniteľnejších občanov. Zo správy jasne vyplýva, že napríklad ľudia so zdravotným postihnutím musia byť súčasťou zmeny, súčasťou odbornej prípravy, neformálneho vzdelávania, súčasťou dôležitých digitálnych zmien, ktoré nás čakajú. Nové zručnosti a možnosti ich získavania sa však nesmú týkať výlučne len mladých ľudí, ale každého občana. Svoju šancu by mali dosť aj naši seniori, aj ľudia s veľmi nízkou kvalifikáciou.

Vieme, že takýto prístup pri uvažovaní o budúcnosti nie je samozrejmosťou, a je to pre mňa dôvod prečo hlasovať za túto správu.

  Νικόλαος Χουντής, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας GUE/NGL. – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, αναμφισβήτητα οι δεξιότητες των εργαζομένων πρέπει να βελτιώνονται και να επικαιροποιούνται για να μπορούν να ανταποκριθούν στη μεταβαλλόμενη πραγματικότητα του αιώνα μας. Παράλληλα, όμως, πρέπει να διασφαλίζονται και να βελτιώνονται και τα εργασιακά τους δικαιώματα. Η νέα ατζέντα δεξιοτήτων της Επιτροπής με τη νεοφιλελεύθερη αντίληψη που τη διατρέχει αποτυγχάνει και στα δύο. Βάζει στο επίκεντρο την κερδοφορία και την ανταγωνιστικότητα των επιχειρήσεων και όχι τις πραγματικές ανάγκες της κοινωνίας και των εργαζομένων. Μεταφέρει το βάρος από την ολιστική μορφή στις απλές και σκόρπιες δεξιότητες με βάση τις επιταγές της αγοράς και μόνο. Μετατρέπει τις σπουδές σε εκπαιδευτικά προϊόντα και προτάσσει την εμπορευματοποίηση και ιδιωτικοποίηση της εκπαίδευσης. Απορρυθμίζει περαιτέρω τις εργασιακές σχέσεις και προωθεί ελαστικές μορφές επισφαλούς εργασίας υπό το περιτύλιγμα της κατάρτισης. Ισχυρίζεται προσχηματικά ότι για τα τεράστια ποσοστά ανεργίας και το φαινόμενο της διαρροής εγκεφάλων που ταλαιπωρεί τις χώρες του Νότου δεν ευθύνονται οι εφαρμοζόμενες πολιτικές αλλά το μη σωστά καταρτισμένο και εκπαιδευμένο εργατικό δυναμικό. Έτσι με αυτή τη δέσμη οδηγούμαστε στην αποδιάρθρωση, την υποβάθμιση, τον κατακερματισμό και των εργασιακών σχέσεων και της εκπαίδευσης στην Ευρώπη.

  Jill Evans, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, I would like to thank the rapporteurs. There are some excellent points in this report, such as the key role of non—formal and informal learning, quality frameworks for apprenticeships and internships, and the inclusion of social partners and civil society. Upgrading education and training is a crucial issue in my constituency in Wales, as it is across the EU. And given the recognition that the labour market is dynamic and future skills needs have to be considered, we believe the report could be strengthened by clear reference to the huge innovation and employment potential of renewable energy sources and green technologies and the skills required for those. There’s also a need for a reference to upskilling in relation to migrants, consistent with the action plan on the integration of third—country nationals. So I would ask colleagues to support the amendments that we have put forward.

  Isabella Adinolfi, a nome del gruppo EFDD. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Commissario, il tema è di cruciale importanza, soprattutto se si pensa ai dati della disoccupazione e della disoccupazione giovanile in particolare, dati che non riescono a rendere appieno il dramma vissuto da milioni di persone, soprattutto dell'Europa del Sud, che portano ancora addosso i segni di una perdurante crisi economica.

Ciò che dobbiamo insegnare non può ridursi al solo insegnamento delle competenze richieste dalle esigenze del mercato del lavoro. Se così fosse, infatti, snatureremmo il ruolo cruciale dell'insegnamento, che è più ampio e che deve formare i cittadini del domani, fornendo sì competenze tecniche ma anche e soprattutto competenze civiche, analitiche e il necessario spirito critico.

Ricordo infatti a tutti che l'analfabetismo funzionale è un problema europeo e in particolare di alcuni Stati: in Italia, ad esempio, si è calcolato che esiste un 28% di analfabeti funzionali. Credo così che problemi come le fake news e il cyberbullismo si possono risolvere soltanto tramite l'educazione e l'istruzione.

Voglio inoltre sottolineare come sia fondamentale il ruolo degli insegnanti che non possono essere precari ma, anzi, vanno tutelati e il loro ruolo valorizzato al meglio. Servono investimenti in questo senso, senza dimenticare, inoltre, il fenomeno della fuga dei cervelli.

Allora mi chiedo: quali soluzioni pensa di approntare l'Unione europea per fermare questo fenomeno che ancora una volta sembra colpire in modo più significativo i paesi del Sud dell'Europa? Molto resta ancora da fare e questa reazione mette a fuoco soltanto alcuni dei problemi. Per questo dobbiamo impegnarci di più e continuare a lavorare.

  Mara Bizzotto, a nome del gruppo ENF. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la nuova agenda per le competenze per l'Europa, in discussione oggi, contiene sicuramente punti positivi, ma anche punti negativi. Per esempio, come è già successo in quest'Aula, trovo inaccettabile che si faccia passare l'idea che gli immigrati clandestini siano risorse.

Vi faccio due semplici domande: quale valore aggiunto hanno portato 100 000 clandestini sbarcati quest'anno in Italia? Il mezzo milione di clandestini arrivati in Italia negli ultimi tre anni che cosa ha portato di positivo nel nostro paese? Ve la do io la risposta: niente, zero! Anzi, sono aumentate le violenze, le aggressioni e il degrado nelle nostre città.

Gli italiani sono stufi dei danni provocati da queste finte risorse. Le risorse di cui ha bisogno l'Italia non vengono dai barconi carichi di clandestini che partono dalla Libia. Le vere risorse del mio paese sono i giovani, le famiglie, i cittadini che lavorano e che vogliono un futuro sereno e senza immigrazione di massa. È sui nostri giovani che questa Europa deve investire, non sui clandestini.

(L'oratrice rifiuta una domanda "cartellino blu" di Silvia Costa)

  Emilian Pavel, în numele grupului S&D. – Doamnă președintă, acest raport a fost unul dintre cele la care am lucrat cu cel mai mare drag, deoarece abordează teme pe care le consider cu adevărat esențiale pentru viitorul nostru european: educația și dezvoltarea cetățenilor. Înainte de toate celelalte priorități ardente ale Uniunii noastre, nu cred că e posibil să vorbim de o reală dezvoltare fără să avem un sistem de educație și pregătire care să le ofere europenilor o adevărată șansă la un viitor mai bun. Noua agendă pentru competențe în Europa nu cred că aduce nici un element șocant de nou. Acest raport etalează o serie de principii și acțiuni simple. Acestea, însă, pot avea un impact extrem de mare dacă sunt implementate cu seriozitate și angajament de fiecare stat membru. Educația și formarea profesională sunt, bineînțeles, competențe exclusive ale fiecărui stat membru, însă cred că putem accepta cu toții că avem enorm de multe puncte în comun.

Nu cred că mai avem vreo scuză pentru a nu investi într-o educație favorabilă incluziunii, care să răspundă provocărilor sociale și economice, care să asigure acces și oportunități egale pentru toți, indiferent de vârstă. Consider că fiecărui european trebuie să i se respecte dreptul de a obține competențe fundamentale pentru secolul al XXI-lea pe întreg parcursul vieții. Rog statele membre să se concentreze în programele lor de formare profesională și de învățământ atât pe competențele care contribuie la inserția profesională, precum cele de bază, ca alfabetizarea și competențele numerice, cât și pe alfabetizarea digitală și pe competențele care sunt relevante pentru societate într-un mod mai general. Acestea ar fi competențele transversale, transferabile sau non-tehnice ca, de exemplu, capacitatea de a conduce, competențele sociale și interculturale, educația managerială și antreprenorială. Mai mult, rog statele membre să pună în aplicare măsuri concrete pentru a facilita tranziția tinerilor de la educație la muncă, prin asigurarea unor stagii și ucenicii de calitate și bine plătite și care să le asigure tinerilor un set de drepturi sociale și economice.

Consider că avem o agendă excelentă pentru competențe în Europa. Întrebarea mea este: ce vom face cu ea?

  Ελευθέριος Συναδινός (NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, τα ευρωπαϊκά συστήματα εκπαιδεύσεως και καταρτίσεως οφείλουν να προσαρμόζονται στο ταχέως μεταβαλλόμενο οικονομικό, τεχνολογικό και κοινωνικό περιβάλλον ώστε να ανταποκρίνονται στις πραγματικές ανάγκες των πολιτών και τις εθνικές προτεραιότητες. Η εκπαίδευση και η δια βίου μάθηση καλούνται να αντιμετωπίσουν προκλήσεις όπως η υψηλή εξειδίκευση, το ψηφιακό περιβάλλον, οι ιδιαιτερότητες των ατόμων με ειδικές ανάγκες, η φτώχεια και η ανεργία. Ένα πλέγμα εκπαιδευτικών συστημάτων και μεθόδων δίχως στρατηγικό υπόβαθρο και ηθικές αρχές οδηγεί στην καταστροφή. Η ανάπτυξη ικανοτήτων και η μεγιστοποίηση των δυνατοτήτων των πολιτών πρέπει να υλοποιούνται ταυτόχρονα με την καλλιέργεια του ήθους και της αρετής. Σε αντίθετη περίπτωση, ενέχει ο κίνδυνος η αποκτηθείσα γνώση να κατευθύνεται σε αντικοινωνικές ή παράνομες ακόμα και ακραίες δραστηριότητες. Η αγάπη προς την πατρίδα, την οικογένεια και τον χριστιανισμό, ιδιαίτερα για την Ελλάδα, είναι πάνω και πέρα από όποιες λοιπές δεξιότητες και σε αυτά πρέπει να επικεντρωθεί το εν λόγω θεματολόγιο αν θέλουμε να μορφώσουμε τους ευρωπαίους πολίτες και όχι να τους προσαρμόσουμε παθητικά στη σημερινή εποχή.

Catch-the-eye-Verfahren

  Bogdan Brunon Wenta (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Komisarzu! Przede wszystkim dziękuję sprawozdawcom za pracę nad tym sprawozdaniem. Uważam, że dalsze rozwijanie systemów edukacyjnych i szkoleń w Unii Europejskiej jest niezwykle istotne, szczególnie w kontekście dynamicznych zmian i ewolucji technologicznej. Koledzy mówili już, jak wiele milionów Europejczyków – co zresztą potwierdzają dane OECD – ma znaczne problemy z podstawowymi umiejętnościami, jakimi są czytanie, pisanie i liczenie. Z tego powodu rozwiązanie tej kwestii powinno zostać potraktowane absolutnie priorytetowo. Istotne jest stworzenie ogólnoeuropejskiego narzędzia prognozowania umiejętności, które pozwoli młodym ludziom rozwijać się, a także wskaże kompetencje, które okażą się przydatne w przyszłości.

Zdolność poruszania się w świecie medialnym, cyfrowym oraz umiejętność krytycznego myślenia są dzisiaj atrybutami niezbędnymi do adaptacji we współczesnym miejscu pracy. Zatem uczenie przedsiębiorczości i kreatywności powinno być wspierane od najmłodszych lat. Wiemy, jak ważne jest dziś umiejętne korzystanie z narzędzi cyfrowych, dlatego zniwelowanie braków technologicznych w systemie edukacji oraz utrzymanie finansowania rozwoju edukacji w Europie powinny być sprawą najwyższej wagi.

  Silvia Costa (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, anche in sua assenza, rispondo subito a ciò che di gravissimo ha detto prima l'on. Bizzotto, ricordando che forse non sa che, per esempio, nel nostro paese la metà delle donne immigrate hanno una laurea o un diploma. Ma capisco che non è molto interessata al tema e li chiama tutti clandestini.

Vorrei dire, come già presidente della commissione per la cultura e l'istruzione e ora coordinatrice del gruppo S&D, che sono molto felice della buona collaborazione che si è avviata in questa legislatura fra la commissione per la cultura e l'istruzione e la commissione per l'occupazione e gli affari sociali, capendo che la sfida, come dimostra l'agenda per le nuove competenze europee, è una sfida trasversale che dobbiamo affrontare insieme, anche attraverso le dieci azioni proposte dall'agenda.

Ritengo che questo sia molto importante anche per le raccomandazioni più significative che si possono fare agli Stati membri per accelerare i processi di inclusione delle competenze informali, per parlare in particolare delle competenze digitali applicate a tutti i livelli di istruzione.

Però vorrei dire che, proprio per la grande obsolescenza del mercato del lavoro e delle competenze attuali, serve una grande istruzione alta di base, insieme all'incrocio con le competenze specifiche e, quindi, unire conoscenza, competenze e abilità. Se c'è uno squilibrio fra questi elementi, non abbiamo capito la sfida del futuro.

  Ruža Tomašić (ECR). – Gospođo predsjednice, u modernom svijetu u kojem stari poslovi za niže kvalificirane radnike ubrzano nestaju cjeloživotno je obrazovanje nužnost. Drago mi je da izvjestitelji uviđaju kako su obrazovanje i osposobljavanje u nadležnosti država članica, ali se slažem da nam prekogranična suradnja može biti vrlo dragocjena.

Budući da dolazim iz Hrvatske, u kojoj se lome koplja oko reforme kurikuluma, a koja pravu obrazovnu reformu nije provela desetljećima, uvjerena sam da nam upravo u ovom trenutku iskustva naših partnera mogu biti od velike pomoći.

Izvješće opravdano naglašava važnost učitelja, trenera, mentora i ostalih edukatora jer su oni temelj svake reforme. Na žalost, često im se ne odaje priznanje kakvo zaslužuju i ne ulaže dovoljno u njih, a time se i djeci uskraćuje mogućnost kvalitetnog obrazovanja. Želimo li da naša djeca budu spremna za budućnost, moramo više uložiti u one koji im prenose znanja i vještine.

  Ilhan Kyuchyuk (ALDE). – Madam President, I would like to congratulate my colleagues, Ms Dlabajová and Mr Nekov, for their great work. Our world is changing fast. Education should be the means to empower children and adults alike to become active participants in the transformation of their societies. Learning should focus on the values, attitudes and behaviours which enable individuals to live together in a world of technology, characterised by diversity and pluralism. But at the same time, it should develop the skills demanded by our moral, globalised and digital economy. The new skills agenda was highly needed in order to overcome the security issues existing in the EU. Furthermore, we still need to make qualification systems in Europe comparable, with a focus on qualification levels and learning outcomes. I welcome the support for modernisation on that and adult education. Member States’ private and public companies and institutions should invest more resources.

  Agnieszka Kozłowska-Rajewicz (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Szanowni Państwo! Dzisiaj rozmawiamy tutaj dużo o rynku pracy, ale chciałabym podkreślić, że w mojej opinii nie możemy kształtować i postrzegać systemu edukacji jako systemu usługowego na rzecz rynku pracy. Powinno być i jest wręcz odwrotnie: to, co robimy w systemach edukacji, skutkuje sprawiedliwym – lepszym albo gorszym – rynkiem pracy. To jest moja pierwsza uwaga. A druga: z powodu, że to właśnie edukacja kształtuje rynek pracy, tak ważne są umiejętności przekrojowe, miękkie i kluczowe, których temat poruszono w programie New Skills Agenda for Europe. Bardzo dobrze, że tak się stało. Bardzo się cieszę, że nastąpi przegląd umiejętności kluczowych, bo istotne jest, żeby rynek pracy odpowiednio budować. Chciałabym powiedzieć, że program ten postrzegam jako interwencyjny. Mamy potężny problem w Europie, jeżeli chodzi o umiejętności: 40 % pracodawców nie może znaleźć pracowników z właściwymi umiejętnościami. Ponad 20 % (a czasami więcej) osób ma problemy z czytaniem, pisaniem, rozumieniem czyli z podstawowymi umiejętnościami. Mamy 2 miliony wakatów i 25 milionów bezrobotnych, musimy więc interweniować i program ten jest ku temu właściwą drogą.

  Nicola Caputo (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la Carta dei diritti fondamentali dell'Unione europea sancisce il diritto di accesso alla formazione e all'apprendimento per tutti. Formazione e apprendimento, però, devono anche tradursi successivamente in qualcosa di concreto, cioè in un lavoro all'altezza delle aspettative.

Oltre il 30% dei giovani altamente qualificati occupa posti di lavoro che non corrispondono alle proprie competenze e aspirazioni. Allo stesso tempo, il 40 % dei datori di lavoro europei segnala di non riuscire a trovare persone con competenze sufficienti per crescere e innovare. Questo è il segnale di un vero e proprio cortocircuito tra domanda e offerta: spesso i giovani più qualificati si trovano a dover fare affidamento esclusivamente sulle risorse familiari.

Se l'Europa vuole costruirsi un futuro, deve iniziare da qui, dal rafforzamento dei collegamenti tra istruzione e occupazione, con un approccio più flessibile, individuale e personalizzato, coinvolgendo tutti gli attori del mercato del lavoro nella definizione di competenze spendibili e nel collegamento tra questi due mondi.

  Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η ανεργία η οποία πλήττει την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση καθώς και η απορρύθμιση των σχέσεων εργασίας και η μείωση των μισθών όλα αυτά θα αντιμετωπιστούν αλλάζοντας τις πολιτικές. Διότι η πολιτική της λιτότητας και της βίαιης δημοσιονομικής προσαρμογής ήταν αυτή που έχει δημιουργήσει τα τεράστια προβλήματα. Στη μείωση των μισθών συντελεί βεβαίως και η δημιουργία ενός «εφεδρικού στρατού» ο οποίος είναι οι πρόσφυγες και οι παράνομοι μετανάστες, οι οποίοι ερχόμενοι βεβαίως εργάζονται οι περισσότεροι από αυτούς παράνομα και έτσι μειώνονται οι αποδοχές. Από κει και πέρα βεβαίως δεν μπορεί να αμφισβητήσει κανείς τον σημαντικό ρόλο που μπορεί να παίξει η εκπαίδευση και η κατάρτιση για την αντιμετώπιση της φτώχειας και του κοινωνικού αποκλεισμού. Τον κυριότερο ρόλο βεβαίως πρέπει να παίξουν τα κράτη μέλη αλλά για να γίνει αυτό χρειάζονται κονδύλια και τα κονδύλια αυτά μπορεί να τα δώσει η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Ταυτόχρονα, με τη μόρφωση μπορούμε να συμβάλλουμε στη δημιουργία μιας δημοκρατικής κοινωνίας αλλά πρέπει να υπάρχουν ισότιμες ευκαιρίες για πρόσβαση όλων όσοι έχουν ανάγκη στην εκπαίδευση.

  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος (NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, οι θέσεις που αναπτύχθηκαν σχετικά με την ανάγκη να αποκτήσουν οι νέοι της Ευρώπης δεξιότητες ούτως ώστε να ανταποκρίνονται στις απαιτήσεις της εργασίας είναι σωστές. Το πρόβλημα είναι ότι η θεωρία απέχει πολύ από την πράξη. Εκείνο το οποίο συμβαίνει είναι ότι, πράγματι η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση χορηγεί ορισμένα κονδύλια, γίνονται κάποιες εκπαιδεύσεις και στο σημείο αυτό σταματά κάθε εξέλιξη. Οι νέοι της Ευρώπης έχουν ανάγκη να βρουν εργασία. Δυστυχώς αυτό δεν γίνεται ή δεν γίνεται εύκολα. Για τον λόγο αυτό γίνονται αντικείμενο εκμεταλλεύσεως από εργοδότες, οι οποίοι τους υποχρεώνουν να εργάζονται πολλές ώρες, δεν τους αμείβουν σύμφωνα με τα προσόντα και τις ικανότητές τους και τη μόρφωσή τους και, πολλές φορές, τους απειλούν με απόλυση, διότι υπάρχουν κάποιοι άλλοι οι οποίοι περιμένουν να πάρουν τη θέση τους. Τραγικά θύματα αυτών των εξελίξεων είναι οι νέοι της Ελλάδος οι οποίοι παρά τη μόρφωση την οποίαν έχουν και τις ικανότητές τους, λόγω της υπάρξεως πολλών παρανόμων μεταναστών οι οποίοι επιθυμούν να εργαστούν κάτω από άθλιες συνθήκες και με πολύ μικρές αποδοχές, αναγκάζονται να ξενιτευτούν πολλές φορές και εκτός Ευρώπης με όλες τις συνέπειες που προκύπτουν.

  Julie Ward (S&D). – Madam President, we need to prepare learners of all ages and from all backgrounds, including migrants and refugees, for a fast—changing, complex and hyper—connected world, and for jobs and competences that do not even exist yet. That’s why it is key to ensure that learners are equipped with transferable skills such as media literacy, critical and creative thinking and entrepreneurship. We also want to equip learners with the necessary skills for a more open, sustainable and inclusive society. We therefore need to invest in their social skills, in particular intercultural skills. On top of guaranteeing a minimum level of literacy, numeracy and digital skills for all, there are skills we must invest in for learners to become not only fit for the labour market, but true problem—solvers and responsible and active citizens. In this context, it is key that proper recognition is given to the role of adult learning, informal and non—formal learning.

(Ende des Catch-the-eye-Verfahrens)

  Miguel Arias Cañete, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, I would like to thank all those who have spoken in this important debate. With the right skills, people are equipped for quality jobs and can fulfil their potential in the labour market and in society as confident and active citizens. With the right skills, our companies can thrive, invest and innovate, contributing to the virtuous circle of job creation and growth. These are two sides of the same coin: making sure that people can acquire the skills they need to improve their chances for better employment and that they can update these skills to better face job transitions, and equipping Europe to compete and succeed, now and in future, in the global economy.

With this report, Parliament has underlined the need to continue our joint efforts to tackle the skills challenge. We welcome your commitment to supporting the implementation of the Skills Agenda, both in Europe and in your home countries.

On 20 November, we will launch the second European Vocational Skills Week. Our message is: ‘Discover your talent!’. We want to improve the attractiveness and image of vocational and educational training. We look forward to working together with you to spread this message at European, national, regional and local levels.

  Martina Dlabajová, zpravodajka. – Děkuji kolegům za přínosné připomínky a poznatky. My tady hovoříme o budoucnosti, o nové generaci znalostí a dovedností, které podpoří zaměstnanost a naši konkurenceschopnost. Musíme mít všichni ambici vychovávat sebevědomé občany, moderní Evropany, kteří budou dobře připraveni na život a kteří se nebudou bát převzít zodpovědnost za sebe ani za ostatní. Já věřím, že naše zpráva je prvním krokem na této cestě.

Zásadní potřeby již byly definovány a my víme, jakým se vydat směrem. To, co Evropa potřebuje, je nové nastavení systému vzdělávání. Systému, který bude pružně reagovat na změny, které jsou dnes nevyhnutelné. Samozřejmě zaznělo od vás mnohých, že propojení vzdělávacích systémů s aktuálními potřebami trhu práce je nutné a samozřejmě musí být v rovnováze.

Chtěla bych uklidnit svoji kolegyni Maru Bizzottovou, že při práci na této zprávě jsme mysleli právě na naši mladou generaci a ti jsou pro nás na prvním místě. Nerozumím tomu, proč kolegyně uráží tyto mladé tím, že diskusi o jejich budoucnosti zneužívá čistě k politickým cílům své extrémní pravice, což dokazuje tedy i to, že v sále už není.

Chtěla bych ale závěrem zdůraznit jednu věc. Představa, že vývoj evropského trhu práce je něco hodně vzdáleného, co nás zatím nepálí, je mylná. Teď je nejlepší čas o budoucnosti diskutovat a hlavně teď musíme začít konat. Dnes, ne zítra, říkal můj oblíbený, úspěšný podnikatel a manažer Tomáš Baťa. Takže dnes a ne zítra věnujme nové agendě dovedností pozornost, kterou si zaslouží, a neodkládejme tyto změny, které musíme udělat opravdu už dnes.

  Момчил Неков, докладчик. – г-н Председател, по време на изготвянето на доклада с г-жа Длабайова направихме много срещи и в Европейския парламент. Аз направих срещи на европейско и на национално ниво с работодатели, които казаха, че са много важни хоризонталните умения, като работа в екип, креативност, критичност, творческо мислене и т.н. Това е в едната насока. Учителите от друга страна също казаха, че те също имат предизвикателства с дигиталните умения и трябва да ги преодолеят. Затова ние трябва да инвестираме първо в учителите, а не само в изграждането на дигитална инфраструктура.

Отделно на всичко това ние трябва да възвърнем блясъка на професионалното образование, тъй като, поне в моята държава, се приема, че професионалното образование е за децата, които се справят най-зле. В случая, за да преодолеем точно този феномен, ние трябва да заложим на ранното кариерно ориентиране. Това означава още от малки децата да бъдат водени във фабрики за различни производства, да използваме новите технологии, да видят как се правят тези нови технологии, за да придобият това желание след това да се запишат в професионално образование.

Както каза и г-жа Длабайова, сега ние градим бъдещето, но ние наистина не знаем след 10 – 20 години кои ще бъдат професиите на бъдещето. От тази гледна точка ние трябва да изградим не една система на образование, трябва да изградим личности и да поставим хората в центъра не само в рамките на образователната система. Трябва да се стремим към учене през целия живот и придобиване на знания през целия живот, и правене на много ясна разлика между факти и между мнения.

  Die Präsidentin. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Abstimmung findet heute, 14. September 2017, statt.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 162 GO)

  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (EFDD), per iscritto. – Nell'epoca della globalizzazione e soprattutto della digitalizzazione e del rapidissimo progresso tecnologico, i sistemi di istruzione e formazione in Europa vanno sicuramente aggiornati. Per questo da tempo si attendeva l'iniziativa, che alla fine è giunta.

La relazione allarga il concetto di competenze non restringendo il campo a quelle immediatamente "verificabili", ma includendo aspetti diversi. Si passa dal porre l'accento sullo spirito imprenditoriale e la creatività, alla condanna del taglio dei fondi per l'istruzione. Non altrettanto apprezzabili sono gli incoraggiamenti presenti nell'agenda a far ricorso alla flessibilità del lavoro, che, in mancanza di adeguate tutele, viene troppo spesso coniugata come precarietà; come anche i riferimenti al sistema del semestre europeo.

  Danuta Jazłowiecka (PPE), na piśmie. – W UE aż jedna czwarta mieszkańców nie posiada umiejętności potrzebnych w pracy, którą wykonują, a aż 40 % pracodawców nie potrafi znaleźć pracowników posiadających odpowiednie kwalifikacje. Aż 70 mln mieszkańców Unii nie posiada podstawowych umiejętności czytania, pisania i liczenia. To oznacza, że dotychczas podejmowane działania nie przynoszą oczekiwanych efektów. Można wskazać główne przyczyny takiego stanu rzeczy. Po pierwsze, nikt nie wyciągnął wniosków z już realizowanych programów. Po drugie, w minionych latach mogliśmy zaobserwować spadek wydatków na kształcenie i szkolenie. W latach 2010–2014 w całej Unii spadły one aż o 2,5 %. W pierwszej kolejności powinniśmy więc zaapelować do Komisji, aby prześledziła realizację dotychczasowych programów i wyciągnęła wnioski z popełnionych błędów, a do rządów państw członkowskich, aby nie szukały oszczędności w tym newralgicznym segmencie polityki społecznej. W nowym programie na rzecz umiejętności musimy skupić się między innymi na zaspokojeniu obecnych potrzeb rynku pracy. Konieczne są działania nakierowane na przyszłość oraz pogłębiona refleksja na temat tego, co zrobić, aby te potrzeby zaspokoić w następnych dekadach. Efektywne wdrożenie nowych systemów szkolenia i kształcenia wymaga czasu, a więc podejmowane obecnie działania powinny być skupione na prognozowanych potrzebach, a nie na tych, które istnieją obecnie.

  Ádám Kósa (PPE), írásban. – Az új európai készségfejlesztésről szóló európai parlamenti jelentés számos eleme az Orbán-kormány oktatáspolitikáját támasztja alá. Az e-készségekkel kapcsolatos fejlesztések, vagy a szakképzési rendszerek korszerűsítése, duális képzés bevezetése mind kiemelt hangsúlyt kapnak hazánkban 2010 óta. A magyar kormány évekkel ezelőtt elkezdte kidolgozni és megvalósítani a digitális készségekre vonatkozó átfogó nemzeti stratégiákat, valamint az e-készségekkel kapcsolatos fejlesztéseket. Jelenleg 270 milliárd forint uniós támogatás áll rendelkezésre a 2014–2020-as időszakban, amiből csak 125 milliárd forintot infrastruktúra-fejlesztésre fordít a kormányzat. Ez elsősorban új iskolákat és a meglévők felújítását jelenti egy gyökeresen megújuló oktatási eszközállománnyal.

A fennmaradó részt tartalomfejlesztésre fordítják, mint például a digitális tananyagok és az új Nemzeti Alaptanterv (NAT) kidolgozása. Jelentős összegeket fordítanak továbbá a központi régión kívüli iskolák digitális fejlesztésére, bővül az iskolák mobileszköz-állománya, valamint 50 ezer pedagógus vehet részt az új tartalmak, eszközök használatát célzó továbbképzéseken. Ugyanakkor a baloldali frakciók olyan módosítást nyújtottak be a végén, amelyben homályosan utalnak a migránsok számára biztosítandó követelményekre, amely alapján több értelmezéssel is lehet élni, ideértve az illegális bevándorlók támogatását is, amit a magyar néppárti frakció egységesen ellenzett. Mindezekre tekintettel a szavazás végén tartózkodtam a teljes dokumentum elfogadása kapcsán, hiszen alapvetően egy jó szakmai jelentést sikerült politikailag és felelőtlenül felülírni.

  Krystyna Łybacka (S&D), na piśmie. – W społeczeństwie wiedzy edukacja jest kluczowym aspektem aktywności życiowej. Wysokiej jakości edukacja jest niezbędna, aby wyposażyć młodych ludzi w wiedzę, postawy, umiejętności i nastawienie do świata, które pomogą im świat zrozumieć i zmienić. Edukacja ma ogromny wpływ na wiele dziedzin życia gospodarczego i społecznego, dlatego potrzebujemy holistycznego podejścia do edukacji oraz strategii politycznych, które wspierają wysokiej jakości edukację na każdym poziomie. Szczególnie ważny jest stały dostęp do edukacji przez całe życie dla osób znajdujących się w najbardziej niekorzystnym położeniu oraz osób niepełnosprawnych. Zwracam też szczególną uwagę na status, warunki pracy, wynagrodzenie, kwalifikacje i umiejętności nauczycieli, osób prowadzących szkolenia, mentorów i pedagogów. Realizacja europejskiego programu na rzecz umiejętności jest zależna od jakości edukacji, której gwarantem są właśnie nauczyciele. Systemy edukacji powinny przyciągać najlepszą kadrę, która powinna cieszyć się wsparciem rodziców i społeczności lokalnej oraz mieć zapewnione stałe możliwości rozwoju zawodowego.

  Dominique Martin (ENF), par écrit. – Le 14 septembre 2017, le Parlement européen a soutenu une série de vœux pieux en matière de compétences. Au menu, catalogues de mesures recyclées et une vieille rengaine chère à Bruxelles: «Les nouveaux arrivants apportent avec eux de nouvelles compétences».

En vérité, au-delà de l’effet «Molenbeek», notre avenir ne dépend pas des «non-européens». Le taux d’emploi des «non-européens» n’était que de 51% en France en 2016, soit un «fainéant» sur deux (sic Macron). Visiblement ces nouvelles compétences ne sont pas transférables.

«L’outil de profilage des ressortissants de pays tiers» de la Commission n’est même pas disponible dans les langues parlées par tous les migrants. Le gaspillage des 155 milliards d’euros du Fonds social européen (FSE) est démontré: sur 30 millions de participants, 21 millions n’ont pas trouvé d’emploi après leur «formation».

Revitaliser l’Europe passera par la préférence européenne et le lancement d’industries nouvelles. Pour preuve, Airbus est né d’une coopération entre États (Allemagne, France, Grande-Bretagne) en mai 1967, hors Union européenne et sans l’intervention de la Commission de Bruxelles.

  Marek Plura (PPE), na piśmie. – Serdecznie gratuluję sprawozdawcom przygotowania ciekawego i kompleksowego sprawozdania. Zgadzam się z nimi, że konieczne jest kształcenie w kierunku przedsiębiorczości zaczynające się już w szkole podstawowej. Jak już wielokrotnie podkreślałem (również we własnym sprawozdaniu w sprawie strategii nabywania umiejętności służących zwalczaniu bezrobocia ludzi młodych), przedsiębiorczość to także zdolność do inicjatywy i kreatywność. Umiejętności te pomagają w życiu zawodowym i społecznym, dlatego za kluczowe uważam ich rozwijanie. Popieram także postulat sprawozdawców dotyczący przyjęcia integracyjnego podejścia do opracowywania strategii w dziedzinie edukacji i szkoleń. Uważam, że dzięki takiemu podejściu niepełnosprawność przestanie być barierą w rozwijaniu potencjału i byciu aktywnym przedsiębiorcą, pracownikiem, obywatelem.

  Claude Rolin (PPE), par écrit. – Dans l’Union européenne, 66 millions de personnes âgées de 25 à 64 ans n’ont pas dépassé le premier cycle de l’enseignement secondaire. Derrière ces chiffres interpellants, ce sont autant de personnes qui se trouvent souvent en situation difficile, notamment sur le plan financier; certains vivant au quotidien une forme d'exclusion sociale. C'est en priorité à ces personnes que s'adresse la nouvelle stratégie en matière de compétences pour l’Europe. Chaque parcours, chaque expérience a de la valeur! Il faut reconnaitre les acquis dans toutes les autres formes d'apprentissage (formel, mais aussi non formel et informel) et également valoriser l'apprentissage tout au long de la vie. L'Union européenne doit construire des ponts entre les personnes et entre les différentes politiques. Car seule une approche globale, alliant tant l'éducation, que la formation, l'emploi, la jeunesse, la santé, et l'émancipation sociale, sera bénéfique pour l’ensemble des Européens.

  Claudia Țapardel (S&D), în scris. – Noua agendă pentru competențe este unul dintre instrumentele esențiale pentru atingerea obiectivelor de coeziune socială și de creare de locuri de muncă și creștere economică, abordând două provocări urgente ale Uniunii Europene: lipsa de competențe relevante pentru piața de muncă și crearea de programe educaționale pentru toate categoriile sociale. Printre cele zece acțiuni propuse de Comisie în cadrul agendei pentru următorii ani, consider că recomandările privind competențele cheie sunt de o importanță strategică pentru UE. Pentru a răspunde la transformările economice și sociale care au avut loc în ultimul deceniu, este nevoie urgent de o abordare comună a unui set principial de competențe pentru a lucra și trăi în secolul al XXI-lea. În acest sens, o prioritate va fi sectorul digital, unde avem nevoie de o strategie care să echipeze cetățenii din Europa cu competențele digitale adecvate.

Ca membru în Comisia TRAN, rămân însă cu convingerea că strategia europeană pentru competențe trebuie să acorde o mai mare atenție turismului. Acesta poate fi unul dintre sectoarele prin care să combatem șomajul în rândul tinerilor și să relansăm economia UE. De aceea, sprijin înființarea unei Academii de turism, cu ajutorul căreia tinerii europeni să aibă șansa nu doar de a avea un job, ci de a porni o carieră de succes.

  Romana Tomc (PPE), pisno. – Novi program znanj in spretnosti za Evropo je dolgo pričakovana pobuda, ki jo v tem obdobju nujno potrebujemo. Ne le v moji državi, tudi v celotni EU obstaja razpon med evropskimi sistemi izobraževanja in gospodarskim ter družbenim okoljem. Trg dela je dinamičen, izobraževalni sistem pa mnogokrat rigiden. Bistven je torej premik v smeri vseevropskega orodja za napovedovanje potreb po znanju in spretnostih.

Zagon gospodarstva je nujen, tako kot je nujna tudi dobra in usposobljena delovna sila. Zato to poročilo podpiram, saj menim, da je pomembno iti dlje od ustreznih poklicnih znanj in spretnosti in se osredotočiti tudi na tiste vidike izobraževanja, ki lahko spodbudijo podjetniško miselnost in ustvarjalnost, ljudem omogočijo kritično mišljenje, sprejemanje odločitev na podlagi informacij ter polno sodelovanje v demokratičnem in družbenem življenju.

4. NordStream 2 (Aussprache)

  Die Präsidentin. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärung der Kommission zu NordStream 2 (2017/2832(RSP)).

  Miguel Arias Cañete, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, I would like to thank you very much for giving me the opportunity to deliver, on behalf of the Commission, a statement on the Nord Stream 2 project. I know that this continues to be a subject to which many of you attach a high importance and which we have discussed already a number of times. Today I would like to update you on what has happened with regard to this file since the last time the Commission stood before you nearly a year ago.

As you know, our stance on this project derives directly from the Energy Union objectives and in particular from our desire to enhance energy security through creating a well-diversified, secure and competitive gas market. We do not see that, if built, the Nord Stream 2 project would contribute to these objectives, essentially for two reasons. First, because it will not contribute to diversification, as it will give access neither to a new source nor to a new route of gas supply. In this it is different from Nord Stream 1. Second, we project gas demand to decline from today’s level of 460 billion cubic metres to somewhere between 350 and 410 billion cubic metres by 2030. Against falling domestic production and a roughly stable level of imports, the Commission sees no need for a new infrastructure of the magnitude of Nord Stream 2. A massive addition of 55 billion cubic metre import capacity through Nord Stream 2 could rather lead to further concentration and allow Gazprom to further strengthen its position on the European Union gas market.

I know that these concerns relating to the impact of the project on the Energy Union objectives are shared by many Members of this House. But beyond these political considerations, in the past exchanges with Vice—President Šefčovič and myself, many of you have also expressed the more specific concern that a project of such magnitude and with such an impact on our internal gas market could not, and should not, be developed outside the EU’s legal framework.

Allow me to update you on the steps that the Commission has recently taken to address this specific issue. First, we consider that it cannot be in the European Union’s interests that the Nord Stream 2 pipeline, if built, would be operated in a legal void or only according to third-country law.

Second, when it comes to the application of our internal market rules, we have to take into account that the Nord Stream 2 pipeline is in a specific legal situation, different from other projects. The gas pipeline entry point lies in a third country, while the exit point is on European Union territory, and the pipeline passes under the sea, including through European Union Member States’ territorial waters. Clearly, Union rules cannot be made directly binding within the jurisdiction of third countries. Moreover, the Third Gas Directive does not explicitly include a specific framework for such situations.

Therefore, the Commission is of the view that a specific legal regime is needed. The starting point for such a specific legal regime should be the core principles of international and European Union energy law. These principles include a certain degree of third-party access, a degree of separation between supply and transmission, non-discrimination in tariff-setting and transparency.

In this spirit, on 9 June the Commission adopted a recommendation to the Council requesting a mandate to negotiate with the Russian Federation an agreement on the operation of the pipeline. Our aim is to ensure that a project of this scale, which impacts the internal market and security of supply, is operated according to the main principles of international and European Union energy rules. We have transmitted this recommendation to the Council and also to the European Parliament. Discussions on the mandate have started in the Council. Overall, a majority of Member States have welcomed the Commission proposal of a mandate.

Three different approaches to the Mandate can be distinguished at this stage in the Council. First, there is a significant number of Member States which are clearly in favour of the Mandate. Second, there is a group of Member States who are rather neutral towards the idea and have not yet made their view known. Finally, only a few Member States are at this stage against the Mandate, albeit for different reasons: either because they see it as unnecessary or, on the other hand, because they consider it not sufficiently ambitious.

Furthermore, the Council’s Legal Service has been requested to provide an opinion, and the Presidency is now waiting for this opinion before continuing the discussions. As I said, a copy of the mandate has been sent to the European Parliament. As required by the Treaty, if the Council agrees to authorise negotiations, then the Commission will keep the European Parliament fully informed at all stages of the negotiation and upon the conclusion of an agreement.

Finally, I will say that the Commission is also working on a proposal to clarify the regulatory framework for pipelines coming from third countries. This is in any event without prejudice to the Mandate for Nord Stream 2.

  Manfred Weber, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Ich bedanke mich zunächst beim Kommissar für die klare und starke Positionierung, die er gerade vorgenommen hat, aber auch für die Einbindung des Europäischen Parlaments.

Es gibt zwei Aspekte, die wir sehen müssen. Der eine Aspekt ist die Energiefrage. Bei der Energiefrage haben wir als Europäische Union klare Ziele: Wir wollen die Diversifizierung, wir wollen mehr Ressourcen anbinden, damit wir unabhängiger werden. NordStream 2 führt nicht zu mehr Diversifizierung, es führt zu mehr Abhängigkeit. Deswegen ist das erste Ziel mit diesem Projekt nicht erreicht.

Das zweite Prinzip sind unsere Rechtsprinzipien, die der Kommissar angesprochen hat, die es durchzusetzen gilt. Und es stellt sich natürlich ganz praktisch die Frage – und damit komme ich zu meinem zweiten Punkt: Wenn das Projekt, wie der Kommissar ausgeführt hat, für die Versorgungssicherheit Europas nicht nötig ist, wenn die Pipelines nicht nötig sind, warum wird dann so viel Geld ausgegeben?

Und damit sind wir bei der Politik. Dann wissen wir, dass es sich nicht um ein wirtschaftliches, sondern um ein politisches Projekt handelt. Der beste Beweis dafür ist das Engagement von Gerhard Schröder und vielen anderen Politikern in den entsprechenden Aufsichtsräten, und weiter stellt sich die Frage nac der politischen Verquickung. Gerhard Schröder wird dort nicht beschäftigt sein, weil er gute wirtschaftliche Erfahrungen hat, sondern weil er gute politische Kontakte hat. Insofern gilt es, klar zu machen, dass es sich um ein politisches Projekt handelt.

Wir wissen, dass wir mit Russland viele schwierige Fragen haben: Georgien, Ukraine, Syrien. Russland ist auf dem falschen Weg, setzt Militär ein, um seine politischen Ziele durchzusetzen. Deswegen dürfen wir nicht unnötiges weiteres Geschäft machen, sondern müssen Klarheit zeigen.

Ein letzter Gedanke, Frau Präsidentin: Deutschland als das Land, das von dem Projekt am meisten betroffen ist, sollte jetzt ein klares Zeichen der EU-Partnerschaft setzen. Das heißt: Das Mandat, das der Kommissar vorgelegt hat, muss von Deutschland mit unterstützt werden, damit klar wird, dass wir alle miteinander eine europäische Lösung wollen.

  Jeppe Kofod, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, it is very clear that Nord Stream 2 is directly against both the spirit and the objective of our energy Union. It is clear for many reasons; the Commissioner mentioned it himself.

First of all, we will increase our dependence on the reliable supply of energy if the Nord Stream 2 is built. Secondly, we will also increase our dependence on fossil fuel in Europe if Nord Stream 2 is built, while at the same time we are trying to make a climate and energy Union in which we decarbonise our energy system.

Thirdly, we will also expose ourselves to pressure from external partners, so it is also a security matter for Europeans. Russia will now have a direct or indirect means of pressuring Member States in Europe, and it is clear that we cannot let that happen. Therefore, it is high time that the Commission and Council clearly say ‘no’ to Nord Stream 2, because it is going against our solidarity and our aims in Europe.

  Zdzisław Krasnodębski, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Projekt Nord Stream II nie ma uzasadnienia rynkowego. Jest on niezgodny z prawem europejskim, w szczególności z trzecim pakietem energetycznym. Jest też niezgodny z podstawowymi wartościami europejskimi, na które tak często powołuje się Komisja. Będzie miał katastrofalny wpływ na dywersyfikację w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej. Mimo to realizacja tego projektu ciągle nie została zaniechana. Być może dlatego, że cieszy się on ogromnym poparciem politycznym nie tylko w Rosji, o czym mówił pan Weber. Symbolem tego stanu rzeczy jest rzeczywiście Gerhard Schroeder, niedawno mianowany dyrektorem w rosyjskim Rosnieft, nadal wywierający wpływ na Niemcy oraz na Europę. Dodam też, że również pani kanclerz Angela Merkel popierała niestety ten projekt. Komisja powinna wykazywać zatem więcej śmiałości i zdecydowania – także wobec tych antyeuropejskich projektów, w których biorą udział przedsiębiorstwa najsilniejszych krajów członkowskich i które popierane są przez ich elity polityczne i gospodarcze.

  Morten Helveg Petersen, for ALDE-Gruppen. – Fru formand! Nord Stream 2 skal gå gennem dansk farvand, hvis den bliver til noget, og hidtil har ledningen været behandlet som et spørgsmål af miljøteknisk karakter. Men den rørledning er jo geopolitik fra allerøverste hylde: Det er sikkerhedspolitik, det er miljøpolitik, det er klimapolitik og meget mere. Og netop nu, hvor vi i EU er ved at skabe rammerne for vores energiunion, som vi alle sammen sidder og arbejder med hver eneste dag, ja der er ambitionen jo netop at sikre et flydende indre marked for energi. Men ideen til energiunionen blev jo netop født ud af et ønske om at gøre Europa uafhængig af Putins gas og sheikernes olie. Så lige nu laver vi sanktioner mod Rusland med den ene hånd, og så vil vi lave nye store forretninger med dem med den anden hånd. Det går ikke, og derfor er vi dybt kritiske over for Nord Stream! Europa skal i fuldstændig modsat retning end den fossile, som Putins gas og Nord Stream 2 repræsenterer. Derfor er vi glade for, at Kommissionen nu går ind i sagen, og at Ministerrådet går ind i sagen, det er der hårdt brug for, så vi kan få stoppet dette projekt.

  Xabier Benito Ziluaga, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señora presidenta, una nueva interconexión millonaria de 9 500 millones de euros para importar más gas, aunque su demanda desciende; 1 200 kilómetros de gasoducto submarino, con un efecto medioambiental bastante grave en el entorno. Pero hoy se habla más de geopolítica que de energía.

Pues bien, detrás de este proyecto hay muchos intereses: los de Gazprom, los de Wintershall, NG, Shell, y también los de las élites alemanas y rusas. Y, a pesar de que este mismo martes votamos el informe prioritario de la Comisión para la seguridad del suministro de gas, hoy yo veo aquí, señor comisario, una posición bastante blanda —diría yo— con el Gobierno alemán y con los lobbies del gas, con los que usted se reúne habitualmente.

Yo pensaba que, cuando alguien se oponía a los planes de la Comisión Europea, se le pisaba y sancionaba, como ya hicieron con Grecia. En definitiva, que no queremos otro gasoducto más en el mar Báltico, ni una Comisión Europea con un doble rasero para con los países miembros.

  Reinhard Bütikofer, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, sehr geehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich bin Ihnen für die Klarheit Ihrer Ausführungen sehr dankbar, Herr Kommissar Cañete. Und ich bin dankbar, dass Sie feststellen, dass Sie nicht nur in Ihrem eigenen Namen sprechen, sondern hier für die Kommission diese Position eingenommen haben. Ich glaube, das ist ein wichtiges Faktum, dass hier eine ganz eindeutige Stellungnahme für uns vorliegt.

Ich bin mit fast allem einverstanden, was die Rednerinnen und Redner bis jetzt gesagt haben. Insbesondere auch mit Ihnen, Herr Weber, nur Herrn Krasnodębski will ich an einem Punkt widersprechen: Wenn Sie über die Rolle von Gerhard Schröder reden, gebe ich gerne zu, dass auch ich diese Rolle für schandbar halte. Was die Rolle der aktuellen Kanzlerin betrifft: Das schätze ich etwas anders ein, und da bin ich bei Ihnen, Herr Weber. Sie haben gesagt: Das ist nicht nur ein wirtschaftliches Geschäft – ich gebe Ihnen Recht. Die Kanzlerin aber hat bis jetzt versucht, sich hinter dem Argument zu verstecken, es wäre nur ein wirtschaftliches Geschäft, um nicht klar politisch Farbe bekennen zu müssen. Und wenn Sie sagen, Deutschland sollte ein klares Zeichen der EU—Partnerschaft setzen und klarmachen, dass Deutschland auch dieses Mandat nicht blockiert, sondern unterstützt, bin ich wieder bei Ihnen, aber da müssen wir wohl gemeinsam in Berlin noch erheblich bohren, damit die Stimmen auch in Ihrer Partei, die das bis jetzt öffentlich kritisiert haben, endlich mal so weit durchdringen, dass auch die Kanzlerin ein klares Wort sagt.

Ich bin vor kurzem vor Ort gewesen in Mukran. Ich war vor Ort in Stralsund und habe mit den betroffenen Bauern und den Umweltverbänden und den Genehmigungsbehörden gesprochen. Man versucht, vor Ort Fakten zu schaffen. Lassen Sie uns gemeinsam dafür sorgen, dass dieses Mandat zustande kommt, und dass es von unserem Land auch unterstützt wird.

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel 162 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)

  Maria Grapini (S&D), Întrebare adresată conform procedurii „cartonașului albastru”. – Sunt total de acord nu numai cu ce ați spus dumneavoastră, ci și cu ce au spus colegii. Și cu ce a spus domnul comisar. Nu credeți, însă, că noi, eurodeputații, ar trebui să știm clar care sunt acele state care se opun? (Domnul comisar a spus că sunt state care se opun.) Și noi, ca parlamentari europeni, să mergem la parlamentele naționale, evident, la statele care se opun, și să solicităm o explicație pentru că da, nu trebuie să fim dependenți de gazul rusesc.

  Reinhard Bütikofer (Verts/ALE), blue-card answer. – Well, as far as I am informed, there are three governments that have expressed reservations: the German Government, the Austrian Government and the Dutch Government. Mostly, it hinges on the position of the Germans. I think what some of us have said is very clear: we want the German Government to change its position. One coalition partner in our national government is very much in favour of this project – the Social Democrats. We Greens are not, and the CDU – as a party and a partner in government – has not taken a very clear position, and a new step is needed.

  Rolandas Paksas, EFDD frakcijos vardu. – Pone pirmininke, kolegos. Pastaruoju metu vis labiau politizuojami energetikos reikalai gali reikšti tiktai viena – energetikos išteklių brangimą. Tas politizavimas demonstruoja ir tai, kad dėl politiko nesugebėjimo susitarti ir ieškoti sąlyčio taškų, visuomenė visuomet bus priversta mokėti brangiau už dujas, elektrą, ar naftos produktus. „Nord Stream“ neatsirado nei vakar, nei užvakar. Akivaizdu, kad pastatyti didžiąją kinų sieną Europoje, uždaryti oro erdvę ar tinklais aptverti povandenines teritorijas neišeis. Todėl šiandien aš siūlyčiau atsisakyti menką pridėtinę vertę kuriančio politikavimo. Žvelkime į šį projektą, kaip naudingą, kaip ekonominį, ieškodami ne politinių dividendų, bet ekonominės naudos. Ekonomikoje pigesni energetiniai ištekliai visuomet reiškia mažesnius gamybos kaštus. Sugebėjimas mažinti sąnaudas gali būti viena iš prielaidų intensyvinti po krizės gerokai sulėtėjusį ūkio augimą Europos valstybėse – tai ir didesnės eksporto apimtys, ir naujos darbo vietos.

  Michał Marusik, w imieniu grupy ENF. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Widzimy, że projekt taki jak Nordstream jest wielkim przedsięwzięciem inżynierskim, ale koncentrujemy się bardziej na jego innych aspektach – najłatwiej dostrzegalne są te aspekty biznesowe. A my tutaj koncentrujemy się na jeszcze ważniejszych aspektach, to znaczy aspektach politycznych, możliwości politycznego oddziaływania, a więc stosowania nacisków politycznych lub wręcz szantażu politycznego przy wykorzystaniu takiego poważnego narzędzia jakim jest transfer węglowodorów.

Ja chciałbym zwrócić uwagę na jeszcze jeden aspekt, który tutaj pomijamy. Otóż jest to niezwykle ważny aspekt symboliczny. To pokazuje, jakie zachodzą zmiany w polityce europejskiej. Otóż jest budowany pewnego rodzaju świat orwellowski, gdzie wszystkie kraje są równe, ale niektóre kraje są równiejsze. My tutaj mówimy bardzo wiele pięknych słów, a prawdziwa polityka jest tam, gdzie trwa milczenie. Milczenie trwa nad procesem, który widać po rurociągu Nordstream: otóż wszystkie te aspekty politycznego oddziaływania znajdują się w rękach Rosji i Niemiec, bo przecież cały ten sznur dostaw i dystrybucji węglowodorów znajdzie się w rękach Niemiec i Rosji, i one będą miały narzędzia realizacji własnej polityki metodami szantażu i nacisku. I nie możemy udawać, że tego nie widzimy.

  Λάμπρος Φουντούλης (NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, πολύ εύκολα μπορεί να αντιληφθεί κανείς πως πίσω από τις αντιρρήσεις σας για την επέκταση του αγωγού ΝordStream δεν βρίσκονται παρά τα συμφέροντα των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών της Αμερικής. Λέτε πως πρέπει να διαφοροποιήσουμε τις πηγές από τις οποίες προμηθεύεται η Ένωση φυσικό αέριο. Ο αγωγός αυτός δεν εμποδίζει την εκμετάλλευση άλλων κοιτασμάτων που έχουν ανακαλυφθεί, κάποια από τα οποία μάλιστα σε χώρες της Ένωσης, όπως η Ελλάδα και η Κύπρος. Αντιθέτως, η Τουρκία είναι εκείνη που προσπαθεί με κάθε τρόπο να εμποδίσει τις εξορύξεις. Όσον αφορά τη Ρωσία, η Ένωση είναι που υποστηρίζει την επιθετική πολιτική των Αμερικανών εναντίον της. Η Ένωση χρηματοδότησε και οργάνωσε το πραξικόπημα στην Ουκρανία που ανέτρεψε τη νομίμως εκλεγμένη κυβέρνησή της. Είναι η Ένωση που υποστήριξε τον γραφικό Saakashvili εναντίον της Ρωσίας. Αντιθέτως, όταν η Ένωση, κατ’ απαίτηση των Αμερικανών, επέβαλε κυρώσεις στη Ρωσία, ούτε για μία ώρα δεν σταμάτησε η προμήθεια φυσικού αερίου, καταδεικνύοντας πόσο ανεδαφικές είναι οι ρητορείες περί ενεργειακής ασφάλειας.

Ο μόνος δρόμος που ευνοεί όλα τα μέρη και εξασφαλίζει τη σταθερότητα στην ήπειρό μας είναι αυτός της συνεργασίας και της έντιμης εταιρικής σχέσης μεταξύ της Ρωσίας και των υπολοίπων κρατών της Ευρώπης.

(Ο ομιλητής αρνείται ερώτηση με γαλάζια κάρτα της κ. Michaela Šojdrova)

  Bogusław Liberadzki (S&D). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Rzeczywiście debatujemy o sprawie, która jest nadzwyczaj ważna, nadzwyczaj – rzekłbym – gorąca, aktualna i kontrowersyjna. Podzielam stanowisko pana komisarza, potwierdzone też przez pana Webera, które przyjmuję z zadowoleniem. Po pierwsze, inwestycja ta nie zwiększa dywersyfikacji źródeł dostaw gazu, wręcz przeciwnie – uzależnia nas mocniej od jednego źródła dostaw, a tworzenie faktów w postaci wielomiliardowej inwestycji powoduje, że uzależnienie to ma charakter trwały lub może mieć charakter trwały. Po drugie, wspomniano o ewentualnie niższych kosztach. Pamiętajmy, że w sytuacji dominacji rynkowej koszty i ich poziom nie są nigdy zagwarantowane. Zabrakło tutaj głosu na temat ekologii, który też jest ze wszech miar ważny. Dodam, iż podzielam poglądy, które mówią, że projekt ma charakter polityczny. Polityczny nie z powodu osoby Gerharda Schrödera, lecz polityczny w większym wymiarze: polityczny z powodu pomijania państw i głosów, które zgłaszają do tego projektu zastrzeżenia. I wreszcie należy podkreślić brak jasnego rozdziału funkcji, zarządu infrastruktury i dostawcy. Z tego powodu mandat powinien skłaniać nas do niezachęcania do podjęcia realizacji tego projektu.

  Hans-Olaf Henkel (ECR). – Frau Präsidentin, meine Damen und Herren! Wir haben ja heute schon viel über NordStream 2 gehört, dass zum Beispiel NordStream 1 gar nicht ausgelastet ist, dass sich unsere östlichen Nachbarn immer mehr erpressbar fühlen – auch das haben wir gehört –, und dass Deutschland immer abhängiger von russischem Gas wird.

Ich möchte aber darauf aufmerksam machen, dass das eigentlich nicht nur für die Polen unannehmbar ist, dass in diesem Zusammenhang ein veritabler Skandal zu erkennen ist: Wenige Wochen, nachdem sich Gerhard Schröder als Kanzler der damaligen Regierung so erstaunlich engagiert für das NordStream-1-Projekt eingesetzt hatte, ließ er sich dann von Präsident Putin anheuern. Regelmäßig beschweren sich – gerade in diesem Parlament – immer Abgeordnete darüber, dass, wenn Politiker sich aus ihren Ämtern verabschieden, sie kurz danach andere Ämter in der Wirtschaft annehmen, insbesondere auch deutsche Politiker. Und deshalb halte ich es für absolut notwendig, dass nicht nur die Polen, sondern auch die deutschen Politiker diesen Skandal im Zusammenhang mit diesem Projekt kritisieren.

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel 162 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)

  Tibor Szanyi (S&D), Kékkártyás kérdés. – Köszönöm szépen a lehetőséget, tisztelt Képviselő Úr! Ön említette, ennek az egész kérdéskörnek a nemzetközi dimenzióit, legalábbis több ilyen aspektusát. Kérdezem, hogy nem gondolja-e, hogy ebbe a felsorolásba, hogy mennyi országnak sérti az érdekét ez a projekt, esetleg Ukrajnát is be lehetne sorolni, tekintettel arra, hogy egy Ukrajnán keresztüli vezetéket viszont kiváltana ez az Északi Áramlat 2. vezeték, ezáltal az ukránok könnyen gáz nélkül maradhatnának.

  Hans-Olaf Henkel (ECR), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – (Der Redner spricht ohne Mikrofon.) … machen, dass ich gerade eben gesagt habe, dass sich die östlichen Nachbarn eben auch erpressbar fühlen, und dazu gehört selbstverständlich auch die Ukraine.

  Fredrick Federley (ALDE). – Fru talman! Det är klart att man kan se detta som affärstransaktion om det inte är ens eget land som ryska intressen flyger in mot i övningar att säkra sina gasleveranser till Europa. Vi har redan en ledning. Nu bygger NOC ytterligare en ledning som riskerar för det första att gå emot alla våra klimat- och energiarbeten som vi håller på med. Det största lagpaketet som vi har just nu är paketet Clean Energy for All Europeans. Det här går helt utanför ambitionen i det.

För det andra pågår det just i dagarna två stora militära övningar i Östersjön. Den ena baserad i Sverige, den andra baserad på ryska intressen. Låt oss säga att detta eskalerar, låt oss säga att intensiteten i konflikten mellan väst och Ryssland ökar. Vad kommer Ryssland att göra då? Jo, garanterat att kränka svenskt vatten och svenskt luftrum för att man vill garantera att kunna försörja Europa med gas.

Ingen fråga är så enkel att det bara skulle vara en affärstransaktion. Här har vi ett ansvar för hela säkerheten i Europa, för klimatet, för energin. Vi i parlamentet kan sätta ner foten och kräva tydligare handling. Detta projekt borde ha stoppats för länge sedan.

Catch-the-eye-Verfahren

  Jerzy Buzek (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Dziękuję, panie komisarzu, za kolejny udział w dyskusji. Koleżanki i koledzy, właściwie my mieliśmy już trzy takie dyskusje w Parlamencie Europejskim. Wniosek jest podobny, jak widać, do tego, co było poprzednio. Zdecydowana większość Parlamentu Europejskiego jest przeciwna projektowi Nordstream 2, bo nie spełnia on warunków ani zasad unii energetycznej i nie może też być dla niego żadnych derogacji ani wsparcia finansowego. Rada ma teraz podjąć decyzję co do mandatu, ale nie wiadomo, według jakiej procedury i jak ma być to głosowane. Po uzyskaniu mandatu Komisja Europejska podejmie ewentualnie negocjacje, ale ten mandat negocjacyjny, a przede wszystkim wyniki negocjacji musi w odpowiedniej procedurze zaakceptować Parlament Europejski – to jest bardzo skomplikowana sprawa. Dla nas byłoby wszystko jasne, gdyby ten mandat mówił, że aż do granicy kraju trzeciego, przez cały Bałtyk ten rurociąg musi odpowiadać prawu Unii Europejskiej, a zwłaszcza trzeciemu pakietowi energetycznemu.

  Nicola Caputo (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, nel corso dell'attuale legislatura molte speranze sono state poste sull'Unione dell'energia, che mira a rafforzare la sicurezza energetica dell'Unione e a garantire il funzionamento del mercato interno dell'energia.

In questo contesto la discussione sul NordStream 2 è di cruciale importanza. Se il raddoppio del gasdotto andasse in porto, l'80% del gas russo verso l'Europa arriverebbe in un solo punto, la Germania, rischiando di peggiorare ulteriormente la situazione, danneggiando altri paesi e aumentando la dipendenza da fonti fossili.

Il NordStream 2, dunque, va nettamente contro gli interessi dell'Unione europea per la diversificazione dell'approvvigionamento energetico, perché rischia di accrescere oltremodo la dipendenza dell'Unione europea dal gas russo e contraddice gli obiettivi europei in materia di sicurezza energetica, soprattutto per i paesi partner dell'Europa dell'Est.

La Commissione deve agire in tutte le sedi opportune per porre fine alla realizzazione di questo progetto – del quale sembrano contente sono alcune lobby politiche – che vanificherebbe il disegno dell'Unione europea, progetto di punta dall'amministrazione Juncker.

  Marek Jurek (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie i Panowie! W polityce w ogóle, a w sprawie Nord Stream II w szczególności trzeba odróżniać słowa od czynów. Budowa Nord Stream II powinna zostać bezzwłocznie wstrzymana. Ten projekt kompromituje tak naprawdę nasze sankcje wobec Rosji. Kompromituje naszą politykę wschodnią. Co więcej, trzeba przypomnieć, że kompromituje on również działania, którym Komisja Europejska udzielała poparcia, takie jak porozumienia mińskie. Projekt Nord Stream II jest aktywnie popierany, a jego stroną są Niemcy będące państwem, które w jakimś sensie w imieniu Unii Europejskiej – bo z poparciem Komisji – porozumienia mińskie zawierało. Pamiętajmy o tym, co mówiło kilku kolegów, na przykład pan Tibor Szanyi: Nord Stream I był zwrócony przeciwko Polsce i państwom bałtyckim, Nord Stream II jest projektem zwróconym przede wszystkim przeciwko Ukrainie. Jeżeli poważnie traktujemy nasze słowa, Nord Stream II powinien zostać jak najszybciej objęty polityką sankcji.

  Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Paní předsedající, my si v České republice určitě také přejeme diverzifikovat energetické zdroje, ale musí to být v souladu s duchem a cíli, na kterých je postavena naše Evropská unie. Je jednoznačné, že tento projekt v souladu s těmito cíli není. Ohrožuje naši energetickou bezpečnost. Zvyšuje závislost na Rusku a ohrožuje Ukrajinu a vlastně i popírá sankce, které jsme přijali v souvislosti s agresí Ruska na východě Ukrajiny.

Jde ve svých důsledcích i proti klimatické Pařížské dohodě. Já si myslím, že zde musíme jasně říci, kdo stojí za tímto projektem. Pro mě překvapivě bývalý německý kancléř, který byl velmi proevropský a nyní pracuje v žoldu Ruska. Velmi děkuji za stanovisko, které bylo předneseno panem komisařem, protože to je jasný postoj Komise s jasným vysvětlením. V České republice bude po říjnových volbách ustanovena nová vláda, já si velmi pohlídám, jaké stanovisko zaujme právě k tomuto tématu NordStream 2.

  Κώστας Μαυρίδης (S&D). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η δημιουργία μιας αγοράς για εφοδιασμό φυσικού αερίου με καλή διασπορά και ανταγωνισμό είναι θέμα στρατηγικής ασφάλειας και σταθερότητας για την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Σωστά το εξήγησε χθες ο κύριος Juncker και πολύ σωστά το εξήγησε σήμερα ο Επίτροπος Cañete. Οι εμπορικές συναλλαγές και οι συμφωνίες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης αποτελούν εργαλείο μέσω του οποίου οφείλουμε να εξάγουμε τα δικά μας πρότυπα και, προσθέτω, είναι εργαλείο μέσω του οποίου πρέπει να επιδιώκουμε να εξάγουμε και τις δικές μας αξίες. Διευκρινίζουμε όμως ότι η απόφαση για το έργο αυτό θα πρέπει να βασίζεται πάνω σε ευρωπαϊκά κριτήρια τα οποία είναι νομικά, πολιτικά και στρατηγικά. Αυτή η συζήτηση όμως, αγαπητέ κύριε Επίτροπε, αναδεικνύει και ένα άλλο ζήτημα. Την ανάγκη για άλλες πηγές εφοδιασμού όπως στην αποκλειστική οικονομική ζώνη της Κύπρου, σε συνεργασία και με την Αίγυπτο και με το Ισραήλ. Συνεχίστε στην ίδια γραμμή.

  Tunne Kelam (PPE). – Madam President, I would like to thank Commissioner Miguel Arias Cañete for his efforts, which are a very hopeful sign. But I would like to say that it is not business as usual: in fact, hesitations and ambiguity about this project are going to undermine the very foundations of this Union – solidarity, energy independence and diversification.

The question is: who benefits? Most of all, Russia will benefit from it. Russia, which is going to strengthen its military control just at this moment in the Baltic Sea, and also some German big interests. My message to the German Social Democrats is to stop supporting this project, because it is clear that there is a big conflict between realpolitik and EU solidarity. We need legal clarity and unity about this as soon as possible.

  Tibor Szanyi (S&D). – Elnök Asszony, én azt gondolom, hogy ennek az új tervezett vezetéknek az esetleges megvalósulása vagy kialakítása abszolút veszélybe hozza az összes létező eddigi és többé kevésbé jól működő ellátási láncot. Olyan mértékben borítaná föl az európai gázellátásnak az eddigi struktúráját, ami teljességgel ellentmond minden nemcsak eddig kialakított politikánknak, hanem egyúttal az energiaunió valamennyi célkitűzéseinek. Én azt gondolom, és itt a Bizottságot szeretném maximális támogatásról biztosítani, és úgy látom, hogy itt a kollégák mindegyike ezt tette, hogy a mandátumát egy teljesen átlátható gyakorlat révén fejtse ki. Én azt hiszem, hogy az európai közvélemény kifejezetten érdeklődik itt Európa magatartása iránt, és én azt gondolom, hogy nagyban segítené a polgárok Európájának kialakulását, hogy ha itt a Parlamentben kialakuló egységet a Bizottság is méltó módon képviselni tudná.

(Ende des Catch-the-eye-Verfahrens)

  Miguel Arias Cañete, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, I would like to thank all the Members of this Parliament who have participated in the debate, because they have confirmed the importance that this House, and all its Members, attaches to the security of supply of gas. Let me tell you that since I took office my main concern has been to make sure that every single country had access to three different sources of supply and was not dependent on a single supply.

That has been the focus of our activity. We have thus supported the southern corridor to bring gas from Azerbaijan. That is why we delivered an LNG gas strategy to eliminate dependence on Russian gas and have other possibilities in addition to imports of LNG from a lot of countries in which there is an abundant production of gas, and that is why we are also supporting the EastMed gas pipeline which will bring gas from Cyprus, Egypt, Israel, from the Leviathan and from Zohr gas fields, to the European Union as it is fundamental to have another one.

That is also why we want to finish all the interconnectors, even those in the Iberian Peninsula, the MidCat. We will connect the Iberian Peninsula with the Central European gas network in order to have more security of supply.

Our guideline has been to have diversification of sources and to support those gas pipelines which are really useful for security of supply, and not give support to pipelines like Nord Stream 2 which can never become a project of common interest because it does not increase our security of supply and it also creates problems for dominant positions in the market in the end. That is the first thing.

What is the problem? The problem is that if we could apply European Union legislation directly we would have done so, but our legislation has some problems and that is why we are doing two things now. Firstly, asking for a mandate so that the Council allows the Commission to negotiate with the Russian Federation in order to apply all the principles of our current legislation. And secondly, we are changing our legislation to prevent this from happening in the future. So we will do two things – legislative change and a mandate.

I very much appreciate the words of Mr Weber when he said that the German Government should also support the mandate because we need the Commission to be in a strong position to negotiate not only application of the principles of the European Union, but also to take into account the situation of Ukraine because the Commission position is also that Nord Stream 2 will have a negative impact on the existing transit routes to the European Union, including via Ukraine.

As a result, the mandate also raises the issue of the possible impact of the pipeline on gas transit via Ukraine and on European Union security of supply, and how such impact will be mitigated. Because we consider Ukraine a stable and reliable transit route and we will continue our support to ensure that Ukraine remains an important transit route, including after 2020.

You can be sure that the Commission is waiting for the Council to decide on the mandate. Any support from the members of parliament within national governments in order to have support will be very welcome and we hope that the Council decides soon and the Commission comes to negotiations. In the meanwhile, we would propose a legislative reform to make very clear that our gas supply regulations are applied in cases like Nord Stream 2 in the future.

  Die Präsidentin. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 162 GO)

  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga (ECR), na piśmie. – Decyzja o budowie Gazociągu Północnego podjęta w 2005 roku stanowiła znaczące złamanie obowiązującej w UE zasady solidarności. Budowa kolejnych nitek stanowi zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa energetycznego państw regionu, a przede wszystkim dla zaatakowanej przez Federację Rosyjską Ukrainy, zwiększając jej podatność na rosyjski szantaż energetyczny. W swoich stanowiskach i działaniach Komisja Europejska wielokrotnie opowiadała się bardziej po stronie rosyjskiego giganta energetycznego – Gazpromu, niż europejskich partnerów. Procesowi decyzyjnemu towarzyszyła cała seria działań lobbingowych. Ostatnie publikacje wskazują, że były one również niezgodne z prawem. Duński dziennikarz śledczy Jens Høvsgaard zarzuca, że Kreml oraz Gazprom z prezydentem Rosji Władimirem Putinem i byłymi agentami Stasi i KGB na czele przekupywali i szantażowali zachodnich polityków i urzędników ministerialnych w Niemczech, Szwecji, Danii i Finlandii. Podejrzewam, że podobne działania były i są stosowane także wobec urzędników w Brukseli. Zadaniem przewodniczącego Komisji jest zapewnienie przejrzystości procedur i niezależności procesu decyzyjnego. Niestety mam co do tego znaczące obawy. Przypominam, iż na każdym etapie, poczynając od głosowania w PE w 2005 r., byłam przeciwna tym inwestycjom, wskazując na związane z nimi zagrożenia.

  Krzysztof Hetman (PPE), na piśmie. – Jak wyraźnie pokazała dyskusja podczas sesji plenarnej, Nord Stream2 jest jednogłośnie krytykowany przez większość grup politycznych Parlamentu Europejskiego jako projekt o charakterze czysto politycznym, dzielący Europę i groźny z punktu widzenia bezpieczeństwa unijnego. Uważam też, że realizacja tego projektu może być postrzegana jako hipokryzja. Z jednej strony bowiem nakładamy na Rosję sankcje w odpowiedzi na bezprawną aneksję Krymu i celową destabilizację Ukrainy, z drugiej jednak strony nie przeszkadza to w promowaniu projektu, który nie tylko podważa unijną solidarność i jest w sposób oczywisty sprzeczny z interesami i bezpieczeństwem wielu państw członkowskich, ale też daje Rosji duży potencjał biznesowy i szansę na rozwój jej rynku gazu. Apeluję zatem do państw członkowskich o udzielenie silnego mandatu do negocjacji z Rosją, aby Nord Stream2 objęły zasady Trzeciego Pakietu Energetycznego. Cieszę się z zapowiedzi komisarza Cañete i przewodniczącego Junckera, że Komisja Europejska zaproponuje nowy reżim prawny dla gazociągów takich jak Nord Stream2 w celu zapewnienia, by automatycznie podlegały zasadom Trzeciego Pakietu.

  Karol Karski (ECR), na piśmie. – Istnieje ogromna dysproporcja między technicznymi możliwościami eksportowymi Rosji, a ilością gazu importowanego przez państwa europejskie. Nawet w rekordowym 2016 roku rosyjska infrastruktura przesyłowa wykorzystywana była jedynie w 67 % – pozostało więc około 100 miliardów metrów sześciennych zapasu. Pokazuje to, że obecne zdolności wszystkich korytarzy znacznie przewyższają zapotrzebowanie w Europie. W tym kontekście widać, że budowa Nord Stream 2 nie ma uzasadnienia rynkowego, lecz jest geopolitycznym projektem Władimira Putina. Projekt Nord Stream 2 nie jest spójny z polityką energetyczną UE w sektorze gazu ziemnego, która kładzie nacisk na rozwój dobrze funkcjonujących rynków gazu przez wzrost dywersyfikacji źródeł dostaw oraz integrację infrastrukturalną. Może warto powtórzyć, że wbrew temu, co robią niektórzy, dywersyfikacja oznacza większą ilość gazu z różnych kierunków, a nie więcej gazociągów z Rosji.

  Algirdas Saudargas (PPE), raštu. – „Nord Stream 2“ projektas yra tarsi Europos energetikos sąjungos solidarumo veiksmingumo testas. Projektas aiškiai prieštarauja Europos Sąjungos energetikos, saugumo ir kaimynystės politikos tikslams, tačiau, kaip matome, suderinti bendrą poziciją tarp valstybių narių vis dar sudėtinga. Niekas nediskutuoja, kad „Nord Stream 2“ projektas yra politinis, todėl iš Europos Sąjungos pusės sprendimas negali remtis vien tik ekonominiais įvertinimais. Atsižvelgiant į tai, kad projekto „South Stream“ įgyvendinimas vadovaujantis ES energetinio saugumo strategija buvo sustabdytas dėl jo neatitikimo ES teisės aktams, privalome užtikrinti, kad jį pakeičiančiam projektui išvengti ES teisės nepavyks. Europos Parlamente jau ne kartą buvo prašoma Komisijos imtis konkrečių priemonių dėl „Nord Stream 2“, todėl labai sveikinu Komisijos iniciatyvą pateikti pasiūlymą dėl dujotiekių, patenkančių į Europos bendrąją dujų rinką, bendrų taisyklių bei rekomendacijos Tarybai pradėti derybas su Rusija dėl „Nord Stream 2“ dujotiekio projekto eksploatavimo principų. Tai aiškiai rodo, kad yra teisinis vakuumas, kurį privalu užpildyti prieš pradedant statyti bet kokį dujotiekį, tiesiogiai nukreiptą į Europos Sąjungos rinką. Svarbu pažymėti, kad, kol nebus užbaigtos derybos su Rusija dėl „Nord Stream 2“, projekto įgyvendinimas negali būti tęsiamas.

  Indrek Tarand (Verts/ALE), in writing. – When it comes to NordStream 2, Germany unfortunately places the short-term interests of its industry above those of its EU partners, above the EU’s Energy Union, and in the long run above the interests of its own citizens. I should not need to reiterate the examples which demonstrate that Russia is not a reliable partner and doesn’t hesitate to wield energy as a weapon.

Earlier this week we adopted, with a large majority, Jerzy Buzek’s report on security of gas supply, which introduces a solidarity mechanism between Member States in cases of gas-shortage emergencies. Yet at the same time Germany is busy undermining all these efforts put into the Energy Union by increasing its dependence on Russian gas. This will have disastrous consequences for Ukraine right now, but in the long-term German and EU citizens will also be subjected to the Kremlin’s whims. Furthermore, the fact that the European part of NordStream 2 is built by European companies cements our lock-in, and will lead to stranded assets in the event of the supply ceasing. Before that, Russia will be able to blackmail us, knowing that we need to keep buying to make up for the sunk costs of the new pipeline.

5. Aussprache über Fälle von Verletzungen der Menschenrechte, der Demokratie und der Rechtsstaatlichkeit (Aussprache)

5.1. Kambodscha: insbesondere der Fall von Kem Sokha

  Die Präsidentin. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über sechs Entschließungsanträge zu Kambodscha: insbesondere der Fall von Kem Sokha (2017/2829(RSP)).

  Barbara Lochbihler, Verfasserin. – Frau Präsidentin! Seit den Kommunalwahlen im Juni hat es schwere Rückschritte beim Menschenrechtsschutz und beim Demokratisierungsprozess in Kambodscha gegeben. Die Situation eskalierte im August mit der Verhaftung des Oppositionsführers Kem Sokha, mit Attacken gegen unabhängige Medien und auf die Zivilgesellschaft. Diese Entwicklungen müssen vor dem Hintergrund der im Juli 2018 anstehenden Wahlen gesehen werden. Es ist zu befürchten, dass sich die Situation noch weiter verschlechtert. Ohne größeren internationalen Druck und Widerstand wird es auf Seiten der kambodschanischen Regierung bald keine Toleranz mehr für kritische Meinungen, für demokratische Debatten und für Menschen, die ihre Grundrechte verteidigen, geben.

Die EU muss konsequent und mit hoher Aufmerksamkeit die erheblichen Menschenrechtsverletzungen adressieren. Die EU unterstützt die kambodschanische Regierung durch Handelsvorteile. Sollten die Repressionen anhalten, muss die EU ihre Handelsbeziehungen mit Kambodscha überdenken.

  David Martin, author. – Madam President, sadly in recent months we have seen a serious deterioration in human rights in the South—East Asia region, reflected by the fact that we have three urgencies on these countries in this session.

Cambodia sadly is no exception. Given Cambodia’s tragic recent past, it is particularly concerning to see fundamental values such as democracy, the rule of law and freedom of expression all under attack in that country. I urge the Cambodians to release political prisoners, to ensure that political parties – and the opposition in particular – have space to campaign and operate in advance of the 2018 elections in that country, in the hope that we can have fair and free elections in Cambodia. We should remind Cambodia that we are a significant partner of theirs. We are giving them EUR 400 million between 2014 and 2020. We give them trade preferences. We do that because we are a community of values who wish to promote values in that country, and I hope they will respect that.

  Marie-Christine Vergiat, auteure. – Madame la Présidente, le Cambodge fait partie de ces pays pour lesquels ce Parlement européen dénonce régulièrement les violations des droits de l’homme. À juste titre d’ailleurs, car les choses y évoluent très mal, nous l’avons déjà dit. Pourtant, attachée à l’indivisibilité des droits de l’homme, j’aimerais que nous dénoncions toutes les violations des droits de l’homme aussi fermement et que nous ayons la même préoccupation pour les droits économiques et sociaux que pour les droits civils et politiques.

Au Cambodge, sur lit de corruption, l’accaparement des terres fait des ravages et les multinationales, notamment européennes, s’en donnent à cœur joie: 56 % des terres accaparées et 830 000 personnes concernées. La Cour pénale internationale a été saisie. Cela provoque d’énormes déplacements de populations et aggrave la misère dans une région du monde qui n’a pas besoin de cela. Le cas de Tep Vanny est un bel exemple de la répression qui pèse sur ceux qui dénoncent tout cela.

Lutter contre les causes profondes des migrations, c’est aussi cela, notamment dans cette région du monde la plus concernée par les déplacements de populations.

PRZEWODNICTWO: RYSZARD CZARNECKI
Wiceprzewodniczący

  Νότης Μαριάς, Συντάκτης. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, το πολιτικό κλίμα στην Καμπότζη επιδεινώνεται. Οι διώξεις κατά της αντιπολίτευσης και κατά των ακτιβιστών και των μέσων μαζικής ενημέρωσης είναι στην ημερήσια διάταξη. Έχουμε επίσης καταδίκες αυθαίρετες. Επομένως, αυτό που συμβαίνει είναι απαράδεκτο και μάλιστα επιδεινώνεται όταν έχουμε δημόσιες δηλώσεις του πρωθυπουργού σε εκκρεμείς δίκες και με αυτόν τον τρόπο θεωρούμε ότι γίνεται παρέμβαση στα θέματα της Δικαιοσύνης. Πρέπει λοιπόν να σταματήσουν οι συλλήψεις, πρέπει να λειτουργήσει ουσιαστικά το πολιτικό σύστημα, πρέπει η κυβέρνηση να εγγυηθεί το κράτος δικαίου, την ελευθερία του συνεταιρίζεσθαι και την ελεύθερη λειτουργία των μέσων μαζικής ενημέρωσης.

Ταυτόχρονα, πρέπει να σταματήσει η αρπαγή γης. Το 56% της γης έχει ουσιαστικά κατασχεθεί, έχει δημευθεί, έχει καταστεί αντικείμενο διαδικασίας αρπαγής. Αρπαγή βεβαίως έχουμε σε πάρα πολλές χώρες και είναι απαράδεκτο. Πρέπει λοιπόν η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση να στείλει ένα μήνυμα προς την Καμπότζη. Δεν μπορεί να συνεχίζεται η προτιμησιακή εμπορική συμφωνία με την Καμπότζη, να υπάρχουν αυτά τα προνόμια και, από την άλλη πλευρά, η Καμπότζη να μην τηρεί τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα.

  Petras Auštrevičius, author. – Mr President, first of all let me express my warmest greetings to the Cambodian opposition delegation, which is today here with us in the Chamber. I wish to thank you personally for your fight for pluralism and democracy in Cambodia for so many years.

What is going on in Cambodia recently makes us increasingly concerned. Instead of seizing an opportunity that is given by the upcoming elections in 2018, instead of choosing a path of reconciliation, respect for human dignity and basic rights, and instead of taking measures to reduce corruption and poverty, we observe repressions against the independent media, civil society and opposition. All this must be stopped immediately. Kem Sokha and other political prisoners must be instantly released, and Sam Rainsy unconditionally pardoned. After decades and decades of enormous suffering, there is so much to do for enduring peace, real reconciliation and better lives in Cambodia.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8)).

  Ramon Tremosa i Balcells (ALDE), blue-card question. – I just want to ask my colleague from Lithuania, Mr Petras Auštrevičius, if he agrees with the fact that the EU could send an official mission next year to the election of Cambodia, as we have been always giving money to this country to improve their political situation.

  Petras Auštrevičius (ALDE), blue-card answer. – This is a very current issue. Indeed, we had no observation mission in the recent municipal elections, but for the general elections in 2018 I hope that, with the close cooperation of the external service and our delegation support in Phnom Penh, we will be present observing these elections in order to ensure, as much as possible, transparency and accountability.

  Tunne Kelam, author. – Mr President, I would like to say to the High Representative that I join my colleague Petras Auštrevičius in supporting his view on the observation mission and greeting the Cambodian opposition here, because their presence today is very important. Just 11 days ago, opposition leader Kem Sokha was arrested and is facing charges of treason. We are very much concerned that Cambodia has experienced no democratic change of government in 30 years, and that many opposition leaders have been imprisoned, now including two MPs.

Our second concern is the muzzling of the independent media: only 10 days ago, the Cambodian Daily was forced to close due to high tax bills, and in recent weeks a number of radio stations were closed. So we call on the government to provide, before next year’s parliamentary elections, a fair democratic space for opposition so that elections could really reflect the will of the majority of the Cambodian population.

  Stanislav Polčák, za skupinu PPE. – Pane předsedající, já bych chtěl rovněž pozdravit zástupce kambodžské opozice, kteří jsou dnes zde s námi.

Zatčení vůdce opozice a jeho obvinění pro velezradu a špionáž je skutečně mimořádný akt. Soud v Phnompenhu řekl, že je to obvinění z konspirace s cizinci. Takto vágní a neodůvodněné obvinění je, podle mého názoru, nebývalé. Pokud odůvodnění pronese dlouholetý premiér tohoto státu, pan Hun Sen, a řekne, že je to tajné spiknutí se Spojenými státy americkými, tak si myslím, že v tu chvíli takovýto postoj naplňuje postoje proti právnímu státu. Myslím si, že to je věc, kterou bychom měli jednoznačně odsoudit.

My poskytujeme pomoc Kambodži, měli bychom dát jasně najevo, že se nám tento postup nelíbí, že není možné tímto způsobem ovlivňovat politickou volební soutěž. Požadavek na vyslání pozorovatelské mise chci jednoznačně podpořit.

Zgłoszenia z sali

  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já chci podpořit to usnesení, o kterém zde dnes budeme hlasovat, protože situace v Kambodži se opravdu výrazně zhoršuje. To je třeba si uvědomit. Režim premiéra Hun Sena nikdy nebyl demokratický, nikdy se neblížil principům právního státu, jak to vnímáme my v Evropě a ta situace je čím dál horší.

Uvěznění vůdce opozice v polovině tohoto měsíce, což je ta aktualita, o které hovořím, je opravdu asi zatím vrcholem toho, co Hun Sen předvedl. Chci pouze konstatovat, že on sám 11. září pohrozil tím, že rozpustí hlavní opoziční stranu, to znamená, že tam ještě hrozí, že před volbami příští rok může být hlavní opoziční strana rozpuštěna a tím budou ty volby zcela zkreslené.

Je opravdu dobré, aby se Evropská unie postavila do role pozorovatele a jednoznačně více monitorovala to, jak volby příští rok v Kambodži proběhnou, protože já se velmi obávám toho, že pokud budou rozpuštěny opoziční strany, tak ta situace se klasickým demokratickým volbám nebude ani zdaleka blížit.

  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (EFDD). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, in primis desidero salutare e assolutamente invitare i leader dell'opposizione cambogiana presenti oggi a continuare la loro battaglia, a non arrendersi di fronte alle scelte antidemocratiche poste in essere dal regime di Hun Sen. È un paese a cui sono molto legato, avendo vissuto anche nella casa della Cambogia alla cité universitaire di Parigi.

L'accusa di tradimento nei confronti del leader dell'opposizione Kem Sokha è l'ennesimo arresto di esponenti dell'opposizione nel paese mentre, nel frattempo, il bavaglio nei confronti dei media indipendenti continua a essere sempre più stretto.

Denunciamo anche i fenomeni di accaparramento dei terreni in questo momento incentivati dal governo e reiteriamo il nostro appello affinché cambi totalmente il clima nei confronti dell'opposizione e nei confronti della società civile per permettere che le future elezioni politiche si svolgano in modo democratico.

Invitiamo infine l'Alto rappresentante e il SEAE a valutare, se ce ne saranno le condizioni, di inviare una missione di osservazione affinché possa essere d'incoraggiamento nei confronti dell'opposizione cambogiana, non solo a presentarsi, ma a credere che un futuro per il proprio paese sia effettivamente possibile.

  José Inácio Faria (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, no início deste mês, o líder opositor cambojano Kem Sokha foi detido de forma arbitrária e em claro desrespeito da sua imunidade parlamentar. Dois dias depois foi formalmente acusado de traição por um tribunal de Phnom Penh e pode incorrer numa pena de 15 a 30 anos de prisão efetiva. Esta detenção é o culminar de semanas de tensão política que levaram à expulsão do Camboja da ONG americana National Democratic Institute e ao encerramento de 19 emissões de rádio e de uma das poucas vozes independentes da imprensa escrita, o jornal Cambodia Daily.

O que a condenação de Kem Sokha representa é mais uma inaceitável tentativa de neutralização da liderança da principal força política da oposição, o Partido de Resgate Nacional, cujos bons resultados eleitorais nas eleições municipais do passado mês de junho fazem agora o regime de Hun Sen temer que as eleições parlamentares de julho do próximo ano representem o fim do poder que desde 1985 detém naquele país do sudoeste asiático.

Caros Colegas, esta casa não pode deixar de condenar a detenção de Kem Sokha e apelar às autoridades cambojanas para a sua imediata libertação, bem como para o respeito das liberdades fundamentais e das mais elementares regras do jogo democrático.

  Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já se chci také připojit k hlasům, které odsuzují zatčení a věznění opozičního předáka Kema Sokhy a útoky proti jeho straně, celkové utahování šroubů médií a neziskových organizací. Kambodžská národní strana záchrany, která je předmětem útoků, razí politiku odklonu od Číny a příklonu k západnímu liberálnímu modelu. Proto je také Číně i premiérovi nepohodlná.

Premiér Hun Sen, který v zemi vládne již přes třicet let, svoji zemi zavádí zpět k diktatuře. Kambodža je země s velkým potenciálem, ale také velmi pohnutou historií, zejména v době tyranie Rudých Khmerů. Přeji si, aby lidé v této zemi žili svobodně a mohli se plnohodnotně rozvíjet. Naše usnesení by mělo podpořit demokratickou opozici a její předáky zde zdravím.

  Bogdan Brunon Wenta (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Koleżanki i koledzy przedstawili już trudną sytuację Kambodży, problemy opozycji, jak i ich lidera Kema Sokhy. Sądzę, że akty aresztowań i przemocy są spowodowane także wzrostem poparcia dla ugrupowań opozycyjnych podczas ostatnich, czerwcowych wyborów lokalnych. Nowe poprawki do ustawy o partiach politycznych i stowarzyszeniach pokazują formy łamania podstawowych praw człowieka.

Chciałbym także nadmienić, tak jak tu kolega już wspomniał, o jeszcze jednym elemencie, bardzo ważnym dla ludności wiejskiej, z perspektywy uprawiania trzciny cukrowej na wielkich plantacjach przez wielkie firmy za przyzwoleniem rządu – to jest zwykły land grabbing i przejmowanie gruntów użytkowanych tradycyjnie przez tych mieszkańców bez zapewnienia odpowiedniej rekompensaty, co skutkuje utratą głównego źródła utrzymania tej najuboższej części społeczeństwa. Dlatego rząd Kambodży musi respektować prawa człowieka, w tym zapisane w konstytucji zasady pluralizmu, wolności słowa i stowarzyszeń, które są podstawowym warunkiem umowy o współpracy między Kambodżą a Unią Europejską.

(Koniec zgłoszeń z sali)

  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, last week, indeed, was a very sad week for Cambodia’s fragile democracy, a sad week for the freedom of the press – as many of you have said – and a sad week for the people of Cambodia.

The arrest of the opposition leader, Kem Sokha, on 3 September and the closure of the Cambodia Daily the day after add to a long list of very serious developments in the country. These include continued restrictions on the freedom of expression, the closure of radio stations, arrests of members of the main opposition party and civil society actors. It is clear that this is a dangerous political escalation. These events suggest a further effort to restrict the space for democratic debate, independent media and civil society ahead of next year’s general elections. The continued use of judicial processes against opposition politicians and NGO figures is widely seen as politically motivated. On our side, as you have recognised, the European Union has called on the authorities to release Kem Sokha immediately. Earlier this year we made our voice heard very clearly when Cambodia amended the law on political parties twice to introduce provisions that would potentially allow for arbitrary dissolution of political parties. Such actions against opposition parties would cast a shadow on the July 2018 elections and ultimately call into question the very legitimacy of the vote.

With regard to the elections, the European Union has provided support worth EUR 10 million to electoral reform, primarily through an improved voter registration process. We have worked closely with the Cambodian National Election Committee in support of electoral reform, mainly through an improved voter registration process. Our support has also included technical support on legal and civic education aspects and support to domestic election observation and monitoring of election-related violence. We will monitor closely the updates of the voters’ list that began on 1 September.

We also deployed an EU election expert mission to Cambodia to follow the local elections last June. The EU delegation, to which some of you have referred, in close coordination with EU embassies and like-minded members of the international community, sent diplomatic observers to polling stations on election day. We have continuously urged the Cambodian authorities to take all necessary steps to ensure the conditions for credible, transparent and inclusive elections whose results will command the confidence of Cambodia’s voters.

The EU has also expressed deep concern over the adoption by the Cambodian Parliament of amendments, as I said, to the law on political parties, and I have heard your considerations on the possibility of sending a fully-fledged EU election observation mission to the next political elections. If the political situation is conducive to a credible election process and if invited by the government, the European Union would be ready to consider the deployment of an EU election observation mission for the national elections due to be held in July next year. I believe that political developments in the coming weeks and months will be a key factor in assessing our possible deployment.

The European Union and its Member States, on another issue that is also important: I have been proud to support the reconstruction and the development of the country from the very beginning. We have an important envelope of development cooperation with Cambodia that is embedded in a multi-annual cooperation programme for the period 2014-2020. All our programmes are implemented subject to close monitoring and on the basis of political and policy dialogue with the government. The respect of human rights, democratic principles and the rule of law are fundamental elements in our development policy and are closely monitored in this context. Our development cooperation with Cambodia is long term, and I have to tell you very clearly that any consideration regarding the possible suspension of cooperation would have to be carefully evaluated in terms of its impact, especially on the poor and vulnerable population, on people’s livelihoods and on better access for children to schools. These are the first priority in helping the Cambodian people. A large part of Cambodia’s population is still very vulnerable, and we will continue to closely monitor the situation and to use our development cooperation to improve the situation of the population.

Cambodia has also been granted access to the European markets under the Everything But Arms scheme, which has served as an important driver of the country’s economic growth. You might be surprised that, despite our geographical distance, the European Union is today Cambodia’s biggest export market. But we also believe, as I said, that there can be no sustainable development with no human rights and no democratic guarantees, so we are using, and will continue to use, all the available channels to ask, and work, for a substantial change in the current political trends. The European Union is ready to continue to work with Cambodia towards a consolidation of its democracy and an equitable economic growth, but we look to the authorities of the country to take all the necessary steps to ensure that all political parties, civil society and the media can carry out their activities without fear, as should be the case in any functioning democracy.

  Przewodniczący. – Zamykam debatę.

Głosowanie odbędzie się dzisiaj po debacie.

Oświadczenia pisemne (art. 162)

  Miguel Viegas (GUE/NGL), por escrito. – Num momento em que se discute o Camboja, Laos e outros assuntos, Salah Hamouri, ativista palestiniano de 32 anos, foi preso a 23 de agosto pela União Israelita na sua residência de Jerusalém e condenado por um tribunal militar a uma pena de prisão administrativa de 6 meses, passível de ser renovada indefinidamente sem qualquer motivo. Esta situação afeta hoje centenas de milhares de palestinianos. Salah Hamouri passou já 7 anos nas prisões israelitas por um “delito de intenção” relacionado com uma tentativa nunca provada de assassinar um líder religioso de extrema-direita e de pertencer à Frente Popular de Libertação da Palestina. Esta condenação administrativa baseia-se num dossier secreto inacessível aos advogados de defesa e decorre de uma decisão direta do ministro da defesa de Israel, Avigdor Liberman, conhecido pelas suas declarações racistas, anti árabes e anti palestinianas. Refira-se que a esposa de Salah Hamouri, juntamente com o filho de ambos foi e está impedida de entrar em Jerusalém. Só a passividade da UE e dos Estados Unidos permite que Israel prossiga na sua política de sabotagem do processo de paz, massacrando a população palestiniana e comprometendo a criação de um estado independente de acordo com as resoluções da ONU.

5.2. Gabun: Unterdrückung der Opposition

  Przewodniczący. – Kolejnym punktem porządku dnia jest debata nad siedmioma projektami rezolucji w sprawie Gabonu: represje wobec opozycji (2017/2830(RSP)).

  Ignazio Corrao, autore. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, oggi ci ritroviamo nuovamente a parlare qui di Gabon. Ce ne siamo già occupati l'anno passato, quando la nostra partecipazione alla missione di osservazione elettorale, di cui ho fatto parte anche io, non è riuscita a garantire elezioni giuste e trasparenti ma ha comunque messo in luce le anomalie dei risultati finali delle elezioni.

I problemi allora presenti non solo non sono stati risolti ma addirittura sono degenerati, purtroppo, in violenze e scontri. È evidente che l'attuale divisione politica e sociale in Gabon richiede un maggior coordinamento e un raddoppiamento degli sforzi da parte di tutti gli Stati membri dell'Unione europea, per garantire non solo il dialogo politico, la pace e la stabilità nel Paese, ma anche una reale applicazione degli accordi di Cotonou, che purtroppo rimangono molto spesso solo accordi scritti o solo parole.

Infine, ritengo sia giusto sottolineare che la presenza militare francese in Gabon, considerato l'attuale processo, l'attuale situazione europea, dovrebbe essere coordinata dalla delegazione europea. Sarebbe importante dimostrare, da parte dell'Unione europea, la volontà di abbandonare l'anacronistica mera presenza colonizzatrice francese e sostenere il popolo gabonese con il solo fine di aiutarlo a trovare la sua rotta per il futuro.

  Jo Leinen, author. – Mr President, I would like to say to Mrs Mogherini that Gabon must be a test case for the credibility of the Cotonou Agreement and our willingness to act. It can be a test case for restoring democracy in Central Africa.

Ali Bongo is not a legitimate President. We know that he manipulated the last results and that he lost the elections. His reaction was brutal attacks on the opposition, with killings, imprisonment and repression all over the country. The people in Gabon are crying out for help, and they look to the United Nations – but also, and especially, to us. They are also looking to France, and I cannot understand why the EPP is making a split vote on our appeal to France to be more constructive and more active, because of their historic role and involvement in Gabon.

I know that the intensive dialogue is going on. It should be finished, and then, if there are no results, we should take further steps. I think our credibility depends on us helping the people – especially young people – in this country.

  Marie-Christine Vergiat, auteure. – Monsieur le Président, les élections présidentielles se sont effectivement déroulées en août 2016, il y a environ un an. Il ne fait pas de doute que celles-ci ont été marquées par de lourdes fraudes, dénoncées par plusieurs observateurs, y compris la mission de l’Union. Et l’annonce des résultats a été suivie par des violences qui ont fait de trop nombreux morts.

Depuis notre résolution en février dernier, la situation n’a guère changé. C’est donc un triste anniversaire que nous commémorons ici. Violences, arrestations des militants de l’opposition et même désormais interdiction de voyager de ses leaders, y compris M. Ping.

Le silence, voire le soutien implicite de la communauté internationale et en particulier de la France semble donner des ailes à Ali Bongo. C’est pourquoi tout en soutenant la résolution, nous refusons son paragraphe 9.

Les Gabonais savent bien malheureusement qu’ils ne peuvent pas compter sur la France et que, loin de jouer un rôle constructif, les gouvernements successifs de mon pays protègent malheureusement, de fait, les intérêts financiers du clan au pouvoir.

  Yannick Jadot, auteur. –Monsieur le Président, Madame la Haute Représentante, 2009 et 2016, deux élections truquées, deux élections volées par Ali Bongo et toujours les morts, les centaines de victimes, l'opposition réprimée, persécutée, la société civile et les médias réprimés.

Cette violence, cette démocratie bafouée est une corruption politique qui mine, qui gangrène le vivre-ensemble et qui gangrène la cohésion de la société. Ce n'est pas un hasard évidemment si cette corruption politique s'adosse, se nourrit d'une corruption économique. Trop de dirigeants politiques et économiques gabonais, européens et français sont, tour à tour dans cette affaire, corrompus et corrupteurs.

Si les mots ont un sens dans cette enceinte, dans les traités, dans l'accord de Cotonou, l'Union européenne doit tout faire pour que s'installe la démocratie et elle doit mettre en oeuvre des sanctions pour les auteurs des exactions et des crimes.

Nous le devons pour la crédibilité de ce Parlement, nous le devons aux Gabonais et aux Gabonaises et, surtout, nous le devons à la jeunesse gabonaise qui a un tel appétit de vie, un tel appétit de liberté, et qui ne peut pas se construire dans le ressentiment vis-à-vis de nous et vis-à-vis d'elle-même.

  Νότης Μαριάς, Συντάκτης. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, οι προεδρικές εκλογές που έγιναν στη Γκαμπόν τον Αύγουστο του 2016, αντί να διευκολύνουν τα πράγματα έχουν περιπλέξει την κατάσταση και στην περιοχή αυτή έχει ενταθεί η βία. Ταυτόχρονα, υπήρχε και υπάρχει ακόμη αναβολή των βουλευτικών εκλογών, οι οποίες υποτίθεται θα γίνουν κάποια στιγμή και μάλλον προσδιορίζεται για τον Απρίλιο του 2018. Επιδεινώνεται λοιπόν η κατάσταση, περιορίζονται τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα. Υπάρχουν συλλήψεις αντιφρονούντων και ακτιβιστών.

Βέβαια, το θέμα λαμβάνει και άλλη διάσταση καθώς, από ό,τι φαίνεται, παράνομα κέρδη τα οποία υπάρχουν στην Γκαμπόν επενδύονται στη Γαλλία. Οι γαλλικές αρχές έχουν εντοπίσει και κατασχέσει εμπορεύματα αξίας περίπου 60 εκατομμυρίων ευρώ. Ταυτόχρονα, υπάρχει έλεγχος σε τραπεζικό λογαριασμό ύψους 1,3 εκατομμύρια ευρώ ο οποίος βρίσκεται στη Γαλλία και ανήκει στην οικογένεια Bongo. Αντιλαμβάνεστε ότι τα θέματα είναι πολύ σοβαρά. Πρέπει να υπάρξει παρέμβαση της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Πρέπει να πιεστεί το καθεστώς της Γκαμπόν να τηρήσει τις συμφωνίες του Κοτονού.

  Hilde Vautmans, Auteur. – De spanningen lopen heel erg op na de verkiezingen van vorig jaar en er kunnen inderdaad vraagtekens worden geplaatst bij het eerlijk verloop en de uitkomst van die verkiezingen. De oppositie wordt monddood gemaakt, er is een reisverbod, er is sprake van onderdrukking, moorden, arrestaties. Het land bevindt zich echt in een politiek conflict. De sociale en politieke spanningen lopen heel hard op.

Vanuit de Unie moeten we een duidelijk signaal geven. Wij willen Cotonou gerespecteerd zien. Wij willen dat de vrede weerkeert. Dus we moeten een oproep doen aan de regering om een vreedzame oppositie toe te laten. Maar dat betekent ook dat we aan de oppositie zullen vragen om vreedzame oppositie te voeren en ook een einde te maken aan hun gewelddaden. Elk land binnen de Europese Unie dat een goede band heeft met Gabon en dat zijn invloed kan uitoefenen, moet dat ook doen. Alleen door als Unie samen sterk te zijn, zoals president Juncker gisteren zei, kunnen we op het gebied van buitenlands beleid het verschil maken.

  Joachim Zeller, Verfasser. – Herr Präsident, Hohe Vertreterin! Vor einem Jahr wurde das Volk von Gabun um das Ergebnis einer Wahl betrogen. Während der oppositionelle Kandidat Jean Ping augenscheinlich die Mehrheit der Wählerinnen und Wähler in Gabun für sich gewinnen konnte, hat der amtierende Präsident Ali Bongo den Wahlsieg für sich beansprucht und alles getan, um eine Nachprüfung der Wahlen zu unterbinden. Proteste der Bevölkerung wurden unterdrückt; bei Zusammenstößen mit den Sicherheitsbehörden wurden viele Menschen getötet oder verletzt. Viele oppositionelle Politiker wurden inhaftiert. Die Bürger- und Menschenrechte werden seitdem in Gabun missachtet.

Gabun ist ein reiches Land, trotzdem leben mehr als 80 % der Menschen in bitterer Armut, weil die Einkünfte aus den Öl- und Rohstoffexporten in den Taschen des Präsidenten und seiner Familie landen. Wir dürfen die ihrer Rechte beraubten Bürgerinnen und Bürger in Gabun nicht im Stich lassen, und der nicht geringe Einfluss der EU und ihrer Mitgliedstaaten – insbesondere Frankreichs – sollte genutzt werden, um einen demokratischen Dialog in Gabun zu fordern und zu fördern.

Und, Herr Leinen, dass separate vote zu einzelnen Artikeln beantragt wird, sagt noch nichts über das Abstimmverhalten einer Fraktion.

  Pavel Svoboda, za skupinu PPE. – Pane předsedající, i když rezoluce vůči Gabonu nebyly zatím příliš úspěšné co do výsledku, neměli bychom rezignovat a měli bychom reagovat dál na používání násilí a zneužívání justice proti politickým protivníkům, na volební podvody, na omezování svobody slova nebo omezování a pronásledování opozice obecně.

Cílem Evropské unie musí být pomoci občanům Gabonu rozvinout demokracii a občanskou společnost s důvěryhodnými a obecně akceptovanými nezávislými institucemi. Vláda práva není nástavba, ale předpoklad prosperity, kterou občanům Gabonu přejeme. Tento postoj musí Evropská unie, a zejména ty členské státy, které mají v Gabonu vliv, důsledně uplatňovat na všech fórech a jasněji vyjádřit v bilaterálních jednáních.

Zgłoszenia z sali

  Krzysztof Hetman (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Koleżanki i Koledzy! Sytuacja polityczna w Gabonie, w szczególności zaś wątpliwości dotyczące prawidłowości przebiegu ostatnich wyborów prezydenckich czy niekonstytucyjne przekładanie terminu wyborów parlamentarnych muszą wzbudzać niepokój społeczności międzynarodowej.

Jeszcze bardziej niepokojące są doniesienia dotyczące nieprzestrzegania praw człowieka i wolności słowa oraz stosowania represji wobec opozycji, włączając w to tortury czy zabójstwa. Unia Europejska nie może dać przyzwolenia na brak przejrzystości w procesie wyborczym, dlatego jestem zdania, że konieczne jest pociągnięcie do odpowiedzialności osób winnych stosowania przemocy i oszustw wyborczych. Chciałbym przypomnieć, że rząd Gabonu jako jeden z sygnatariuszy umowy z Kotonu zobowiązał się do przestrzegania zasad demokracji, państwa prawa i praw człowieka, dlatego też uważam, że konieczne jest użycie wobec Gabonu narzędzi zarówno politycznych, jak i gospodarczych w celu wyegzekwowania tych zobowiązań oraz zapewnienia zaprzestania stosowania przemocy i represji wobec opozycji.

  Jean-Paul Denanot (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Haute Représentante, naturellement, je soutiens la partie de la résolution qui rappelle à l’État gabonais ses obligations et responsabilités.

Je voudrais exprimer, comme beaucoup ici, ma réprobation à l’égard des trucages qui ont entaché les scrutins. Il est nécessaire, Madame la Haute Représentante, que l’Europe, partout dans le monde, affirme sa volonté de promouvoir tant la démocratie que les droits de l’homme.

Les peuples africains sont particulièrement touchés, lassés et désabusés de tant de mascarade électorale, alors que les sujets vitaux pour eux devraient être au cœur des politiques: enjeux alimentaires, enjeux énergétiques, aménagement du territoire et menaces écologiques.

Ali Bongo, pas plus que d’autres, ne peut se soustraire au verdict des habitants pour se maintenir à tout prix au pouvoir et orienter à son profit exclusif les richesses du pays.

  Cécile Kashetu Kyenge (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, le Gabon n’a plus retrouvé la paix depuis août 2016. Le climat politique est marqué par la violence, par la répression et par la violation systématique des droits et des libertés fondamentales de ses citoyens, des opposants politiques et de sa diaspora.

Ce Parlement demande des sanctions ciblées à l’encontre des responsables de la fraude électorale et des violences qui en ont découlé. Nous rappelons qu’une délégation de la Cour pénale internationale s’est déjà rendue à Libreville. Nous attendons et soutenons avec force l’ouverture d’une enquête internationale indépendante pour rendre justice aux victimes du régime en place.

(Koniec zgłoszeń z sali)

  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, one year after the heavily contested presidential elections in Gabon, the situation has reached a stalemate, with no prospect of a political solution to the country’s divisions and to the crisis.

It is quite clear to us that the new restrictive and repressive measures imposed on the opposition escalate the political and social tensions. In a moment when tempers are running high, also because of the downward economic trend, this is a very dangerous path to follow. We expect all parties to refrain from any statement or action that may fuel further tension. Gabonese law guarantees freedom of expression, assembly, movement and access to media for all the citizens of the country. This means that no one should be subject to arbitrary and legally unjustified arrests and restrictions.

As you all know, at the beginning of the year we decided to call for an intensified political dialogue between the European Union and the Government of Gabon, in the framework of the Cotonou Agreement. Months after our proposal, the government has accepted and the first procedural session of the dialogue was held this summer, in July. In September and October, we will hold four specific sessions of the dialogue, including one on the electoral process. Our conversation will be based on the final report of the EU’s Election Observation Mission, and I would like here to take again the opportunity to thank all the Members of this Parliament, and your former colleague and my new fellow Commissioner, Mariya Gabriel, for having led that mission in a remarkable manner.

The conclusions of the Electoral Observation Mission were very clear. We cannot simply turn the page or allow others to turn the page. So the European Union’s relations with Gabon have been reassessed. Our aim is to prevent a lasting split in the country and to contribute to reconciliation. This requires that the government engages towards meaningful electoral and institutional reforms. We are ready to accompany the institutions in this process in any possible way.

It is also essential to shed light on the serious human rights violations in the country. The preliminary examination of the International Criminal Court, the European Union’s intervention at the Human Rights Council in March, the resolution of the European Parliament and the resolution of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights all agree on this point. Truth must be established and those responsible for any violations must be brought to justice. The session of the UN Committee on Enforced Disappearances on Gabon was an opportunity for the government to take more seriously the numerous and well documented allegations of human rights abuses.

Reconciliation will also need true dialogue between the parties. Unfortunately, the national dialogue process did not succeed in bringing together the main political forces. It is essential for us to find a new framework for a truly inclusive dialogue, with the ultimate goal of agreeing on structural reforms. We stand ready, as the European Union, to work with the government and the opposition, to help them find a way out of the crisis and towards transparent and credible future elections.

For this aim, as I said, the remarkable work done by our Electoral Observation Mission will be incredibly valuable, an excellent basis for our further work. I thank you for that and also for this debate that I believe will provide us with good guidance for the further work that we will carry on.

  Przewodniczący. – Zamykam debatę.

Głosowanie odbędzie się dzisiaj po debacie.

5.3. Laos: insbesondere die Fälle von Somphone Phimmasone, Lod Thammavong und Soukane Chaithad

  Przewodniczący. – Kolejnym punktem porządku dnia jest debata nad sześcioma projektami rezolucji w sprawie Laosu, w szczególności przypadków Somphone Phimmasone’a, Lod Thammavong i Soukane Chaithada (2017/2831(RSP)).

  Barbara Lochbihler, author. – Mr President, we are very concerned that, in Laos, arrests and forced disappearances of activists and protesters continue. In particular, those who have been critical of issues ranging from land disputes and corruption to the abuse of power are facing repression.

This is underlined by the recent arrests and lengthy prison sentences for Somphone Phimmasone, Soukane Chaithad and Lod Thammavong. In compliance with the opinion of August 2017 of the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, we call for their immediate and unconditional release. In the resolution we also address the case of the leading civil society activist Sombath Somphone, who disappeared in December 2012. He was allegedly abducted by the police, and we have still not seen any reaction from the Laos Government. We call for transparent and impartial investigations into all pending cases of enforced disappearances.

  Marc Tarabella, auteur. – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Haute Représentante, en avril dernier, trois jeunes Laotiens – dont Mme Lochbihler vient de rappeler les noms – ont été condamnés à des sentences d’une durée ahurissante pour avoir posté sur les réseaux sociaux des commentaires négatifs à l’encontre du pouvoir.

20, 16 et 12, voilà les chiffres que nous retiendrons aujourd’hui. Tant d’années de prison pour avoir seulement exprimé leur opinion à l’égard du gouvernement de leur pays. Lors de leur procès à huis clos ces trois jeunes gens avaient même été obligés de reconnaître avoir attenté à la sécurité nationale de leur pays, selon le rapport d’Amnesty International.

Encore une fois, le Laos fait preuve de non-respect à l’égard des droits fondamentaux des êtres humains. Comment peut-on accepter qu’un pays applique de telles sentences juste pour des propos qui ne plaisent pas au gouvernement?

Il est grand temps que le Laos accorde aux agences spéciales des Nations unies, ainsi qu’aux représentants d’organisations humanitaires, un accès complet à son territoire en leur autorisant les contacts avec les prisonniers politiques et les minorités religieuses.

Le Laos doit devenir plus démocratique, cela peut prendre du temps mais il est primordial que cela se produise, parallèlement au développement économique de ce pays.

  Miguel Urbán Crespo, autor. – Señor presidente, en Laos, tres personas están en la cárcel por criticar en las redes sociales a su Gobierno por cuestiones como la corrupción y los problemas de deforestación en el país, y se enfrentan a penas de hasta veinte años de cárcel. Pero este no es el único caso que nos preocupa. Es alarmante la situación de desapariciones forzosas en el país, entre ellas las de los activistas ecologistas Somphone y Khantisouk, que luchan contra los megaproyectos agrícolas multinacionales en el país.

Desde aquí queremos exigir la paralización del megaproyecto de la presa Don Sahong, que pondrá en peligro la vida de millones de personas en la región, vulnerará sus derechos básicos y tendrá un grave impacto en el ecosistema del río Mekong. Este es uno más de los innumerables conflictos en la región estimulados por la depredación de las multinacionales sobre los recursos y el territorio.

El año pasado se batió el triste récord de asesinatos de activistas ecologistas, con un total de doscientos. Especialmente significativo fue el caso de Berta Cáceres. Este Parlamento debe tener entre sus prioridades la protección de estas personas, que defienden nuestros derechos y los del planeta.

  Mark Demesmaeker, Auteur. – Zonder democratie zijn er geen mensenrechten en zonder mensenrechten is er geen democratie. Dat blijkt vandaag heel duidelijk in Laos. De vrijheid van meningsuiting, de vrijheid van vereniging, de vrijheid van vergadering: ze zijn onbestaande. Dat is handig voor de Laotiaanse Revolutionaire Volkspartij, die het land in een wurggreep houdt. Andere partijen worden niet toegelaten. De Democratische Volksrepubliek Laos verdraagt geen kritiek, laat opposanten verdwijnen, onderdrukt religieuze minderheden en hanteert het wapen van de censuur voor media en internet.

En heel speciaal vragen we aandacht voor het lot van drie moedige mensen: mevrouw Thammavong en de heren Phimmasone en Chaithad. Ze zijn veroordeeld tot lange celstraffen en hoge geldboetes, omdat ze de problemen in het land aankaarten en willen aanpakken en omdat ze dromen van een betere toekomst voor de volgende generaties. Kritische stemmen horen niet thuis in de gevangenis. We roepen de Laotiaanse regering dan ook op om hen onmiddellijk en onvoorwaardelijk vrij te laten en de verplichtingen die voortkomen uit internationale mensenrechtenverdragen, na te leven.

  Frédérique Ries, auteure. – Monsieur le Président, 48 ans de prison à eux trois. Un demi-siècle presque. C’est la peine ahurissante qui a été prononcée au mois de mars dernier contre ces trois jeunes Laotiens coupables d’avoir posté des commentaires négatifs sur Facebook à l’encontre du régime, l’un des plus répressifs de cette région. En fait, des commentaires négatifs très inoffensifs à nos yeux de démocrates occidentaux. Ils dénonçaient la situation des droits de l’homme dans le pays, la déforestation aussi et la corruption abusive.

Procès à huis clos, donc défense inexistante, verdict impitoyable. C’est cette situation des droits de l’homme au Laos, pays dont on ne parle jamais dans cet hémicycle, dont on ne parle jamais tout court, que nous dénonçons ici. En fait, c’est une dictature très discrète que ce procès inique vient de placer sous le feu des projecteurs.

Madame la Haute Représentante, notre question est simple et très compliquée à la fois: que faisons-nous? Quels sont en réalité nos moyens de pression et avons-nous la volonté de les activer?

  Tomáš Zdechovský, Autor. – Paní komisařko, tady se mi bude velmi těžko navazovat na to, co už tady bylo řečeno, protože tady bylo řečeno vše. My jsme se jako poslanci všech politických skupin semkli k tomu, abychom společně kritizovali režim v Laosu, který důsledně a poměrně vytrvale porušuje veškerá lidská práva, na která si můžeme vzpomenout.

Rád bych začal vlastně i tento projev konstatováním, že dle nejnovějšího žebříčku časopisu Economist je Laos na úplném dně indexu demokracie. Je obecně známo, že dochází k častým zatčením kvůli jinému názoru, kvůli publikování příspěvku na sociálních sítích, to je i případ těchto tří osob. Mohli bychom ale vzít příklady desítek dalších osob, které jsou pronásledovány jenom za svobodu slova.

Paní komisařko, já věřím, že právě tento tlak a to spojení nás všech pomůže tyto lidi z vězení dostat, jak už se to stalo v mnoha případech. Proto bych byl rád, kdybyste tento postoj Evropského parlamentu tlumočila i laoské vládě.

Zgłoszenia z sali

  Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, για ποιον λόγο διώκονται οι τρεις ακτιβιστές οι οποίοι αναφέρονται στο ψήφισμα; Επειδή έκαναν σχόλια μέσα στο διαδίκτυο και μάλιστα, όταν έκαναν αυτά τα σχόλια, βρισκόταν στην Ταϊλάνδη και διώκονται σήμερα από τις αρχές του Λάος. Είχαν συλληφθεί και από την αστυνομία του Βιετνάμ. Αντιλαμβάνεστε λοιπόν την κατάσταση η οποία επικρατεί. Μια κατάσταση απαράδεκτη καθώς υπάρχει συστηματική καταπίεση των θρησκευτικών μειονοτήτων στο Λάος, ιδίως των χριστιανών οι οποίοι υπέστησαν ξυλοδαρμούς διότι συμμετείχαν στον εορτασμό των Χριστουγέννων.

Πρέπει λοιπόν να καταδικαστούν όλες αυτές οι απαράδεκτες καταστάσεις που ισχύουν στο Λάος. Πρέπει να υπάρξει παρέμβαση της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, ιδίως με αφορμή την Ευρωασιατική Σύνοδο. Δεν μπορούμε να ανεχθούμε τον περιορισμό των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων, τις συλλήψεις των ακτιβιστών, τους περιορισμούς που υπάρχουν στα μέσα μαζικής ενημέρωσης και, κυρίως, την καταπίεση των χριστιανών που βρίσκονται στο Λάος.

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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, the European Union has been following very closely the arrest last year and the sentencing of the three citizens about whom we are debating today: Somphone Phimmasone, Lod Thammavong and Soukane Chaithad, three young people charged with criticising their government online while working abroad.

The European Union delegation has held several discussions on this case with the Lao authorities, including at ministerial level. We also raised the case in the EU-Laos Human Rights Dialogue that took place earlier this year. We asked for a fair and transparent trial that could be observed by the international diplomatic community, as well as access to lawyers and families for the detainees. Their three names were included in our list of persons of concern, based on the work we do with, and for, human rights defenders. During the dialogue we handed over this list to the authorities of Laos.

The sentences given to the three are long and disproportionate, as many of you have mentioned. After their arrest was announced, the authorities provided assurances that the international community would be able to observe the trial but we only learned about the hearing two months after it actually happened. The news was broken by the media, instead of being reported by the authorities, as should normally happen. The European Union is also following closely other similar cases in the country.

In our contacts with the authorities we have called on Laos to uphold its national and international human rights obligations. We have urged Laos to protect freedom of expression and association, and peaceful assembly. The right to a fair and transparent trial, and the right of detainees to obtain access to their families and to a lawyer should also always be assured.

During the Universal Periodic Review in January 2015, under the auspices of the UN Human Rights Council, Laos committed to protecting freedom of expression, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly and association. All these rights are guaranteed by the National Constitution of Laos, as revised in 2015, and by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Laos ratified in 2009. We therefore expect Laos to maintain its own commitments taken at international and national level.

In a few months’ time, we will have another opportunity to formally raise this issue in our Human Rights Dialogue with Laos and we truly hope and believe that the situation should have been addressed by then. If that should not be the case, we will continue to raise the issue and will continue to discuss the situation with the authorities of the country.

These three young people have already spent over one year in jail, merely for having expressed their opinions in public, something which is completely normal in our democracies, as some of you have said. Every day they spend in custody is one too many.

  Przewodniczący. – Zamykam debatę.

Głosowanie odbędzie się dzisiaj po debacie.

Oświadczenia pisemne (art. 162)

  Isabella Adinolfi (EFDD), per iscritto. – Le sentenze detentive emesse contro Somphone Phimmasone, Soukane Chaithad e Lod Thammavon, sono solo le ultime di una lunga serie. Arresti e sparizioni, perpetrate ai danni di attivisti e dimostranti che hanno espresso opinioni legittime circa controversie territoriali, corruzione e abuso di potere, sono purtroppo una triste realtà nel Laos.

Il governo del Laos deve rispettare il diritto alla libera espressione e di associazione e i diritti delle minoranze, deve inoltre rispettare gli impegni e obblighi internazionali che si è assunto. Bisogna condannare fortemente la persecuzione delle minoranze religiose ed esortare il Laos a consentire l'accesso alle agenzie specializzate dell'ONU e ai rappresentanti delle organizzazioni umanitarie.

6. Zusammensetzung der Ausschüsse: siehe Protokoll

7. Aussprache über Fälle von Verletzungen der Menschenrechte, der Demokratie und der Rechtsstaatlichkeit (Fortsetzung der Aussprache)

7.1. Myanmar, unter anderem die Lage der Rohingya

  Przewodniczący. – Kolejnym punktem porządku dnia jest debata nad sześcioma projektami rezolucji w sprawie Mjanmy, w szczególności sytuacja wspólnoty Rohingya (2017/2838(RSP)).

  Barbara Lochbihler, Verfasserin. – Herr Präsident! Die Gewaltexzesse in Myanmar bezeichnet der UN-Hochkommissar für Menschenrechte als „wie aus einem Lehrbuch für ethnische Säuberungen“. Diese Gewalt muss sofort gestoppt werden, und ausreichend humanitäre Hilfe muss die Menschen erreichen. Ja, es gab Angriffe auf Polizeiposten, die nicht hingenommen werden können. Doch die Reaktion des Militärs ist extrem und kann durch nichts gerechtfertigt werden. Die Regierung Myanmars macht nun den großen Fehler, sich nicht von der unverhältnismäßigen Gewalt des Militärs zu distanzieren.

Wir fordern eine unabhängige internationale Untersuchungskommission, die ins Konfliktgebiet reisen kann. Dieser Konflikt braucht unbedingt eine nachhaltige Lösung. Die Regierung muss den Rohingya die Staatsbürgerschaft oder einen legalen Status geben, der ihnen Schutz und Rechte verschafft.

  Pier Antonio Panzeri, autore. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la situazione drammatica dei rohingya descrive molto bene la deriva antidemocratica oggi presente in Myanmar e l'attacco al popolo rohingya ha un duplice obiettivo: quello di natura etnica, cioè eliminare una minoranza, e quello di natura religiosa, cioè la volontà di sopprimere la libertà religiosa – stiamo parlando di una popolazione musulmana.

Per questo è grave il comportamento delle autorità birmane: lo condanniamo ed esprimiamo la nostra solidarietà alla popolazione rohingya. Chiediamo anche al Bangladesh che, comprendiamo, è in una situazione difficile, di mantenere fede ai propri obblighi internazionali non chiudendo le frontiere e aiutando l'accoglienza.

Infine, un ultimo richiamo a San Suu Kyi, oggi ai vertici del governo birmano. Abbiamo sostenuto le sue battaglie di libertà per lungo tempo ma lei oggi gira la testa dall'altra parte e di fatto favorisce questi attacchi. Io penso che se continua questo comportamento, il Parlamento europeo dovrebbe decidere la procedura di ritiro del premio Sacharov a lei conferito.

  Younous Omarjee, auteur. – Monsieur le Président, une population entière rendue apatride dans son propre pays se retrouve lentement, silencieusement décimée. Le silence tue et nous avons la responsabilité d’agir en nommant les atrocités, en les dénonçant, en les condamnant.

Oui, condamnons les exactions, les discriminations et les crimes commis à l’encontre de la minorité musulmane des Rohingyas, qui sont encouragés par les mouvements ultranationalistes birmans et qui sont perpétrés par l’armée.

Dénonçons la passivité coupable du gouvernement et en particulier de la lauréate du prix Nobel de la paix, Aung San Suu Kiy, lauréate également du prix Sakharov et devenue aujourd’hui indigne de ce prix que nous lui avons attribué.

Alors, adoptons la résolution commune dans laquelle nous appelons à la fin de ces massacres.

  Amjad Bashir, author. – Mr President, as Edmund Burke said, all tyranny needs to get a foothold is for people of good conscience to remain silent. On Myanmar, some of us had wished for a still stronger resolution. Others felt that we should wait another month. The same procrastination allowed the genocide in Rwanda and Srebrenica. They also said that we should not jeopardise our on-going trade talks with Myanmar. How can we have trade, when the UN calls this a textbook example of ethnic cleansing? Trade cannot and should never thrive alongside tyranny. Cruelty is no culture for commerce. This resolution – not the first on Myanmar – represents a unified and determined response from Parliament. However, my fear is that, unless we all seriously consider sanctions and suspension of trade talks, there will no longer be any Rohingyas left.

  Urmas Paet, author. – Mr President, the latest figure on Rohingyas fleeing ethnic cleansing in Myanmar are staggering. Out of around a million Rohingyas, already nearly 400 000 have crossed the border to Bangladesh, despite the hazardous circumstances on their way and the horrendous living conditions they meet upon arrival. At this rate, all of the Rohingyas will either be in Bangladesh or dead by the end of October.

We must do what we can, and that is to say clearly that, if these atrocities do not stop, the European Union will consider punitive sanctions and also consequences in the context of trade preferences that Myanmar enjoys. Losing valuable investments is the only thing that will make the Myanmar army generals maybe understand that this cannot go on.

In addition, humanitarian and medical aid must be provided to the camps in Bangladesh immediately. We cannot waste a day anymore. We have been watching these atrocities going on too long.

  Cristian Dan Preda, auteur. – Monsieur le Président, nous sommes effectivement tristes de voir que Aung San Suu Kyi n’est pas capable de gérer cette situation extrêmement préoccupante. L’urgence maintenant, c’est l’accès de l’aide humanitaire. Je crois qu’il faut insister sur ce point. C’est la priorité.

Ensuite, je veux vous annoncer que le groupe PPE a décidé de n’envoyer aucun membre la semaine prochaine dans la délégation INTA. Il est inconcevable d'organiser une délégation INTA actuellement.

D'autre part, la proposition du groupe PPE – que j’ai présentée au Bureau élargi il y a quelques minutes – vise à organiser d’ici quelques semaines une mission AFET et DROI, bien préparée des deux côtés, au Myanmar et au Bangladesh. Une mission non pas dans les capitales, mais sur le terrain, parce qu’il n’est pas nécessaire d’aller là-bas pour écouter des discours officiels dans les capitales. Il faut se rendre sur place quand nous pourrons organiser cela.

  Csaba Sógor, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, the persecution of the Rohingyas, the largest stateless group in the world, is not a new phenomenon. They have been targeted for decades, during which thousands have lost their lives. What is different today is the brutality of the military campaign, which in no universe can be considered proportionate to the insurgent attacks carried out last month. What is unfolding before the eyes of the world is an inhuman process of ethnic cleansing. Solid reports confirm soldiers and militiamen raping and mutilating women, decapitating children and setting fire to buildings with people herded into them.

What is also different is that all this is happening under the process the West sees as democratisation and under the government of a Nobel Prize winner, who would not even spell out the name of the people being massacred. The response of the EU should be firm in the face of this atrocity.

  Soraya Post, för S&D-gruppen. – Herr talman! Terrorn i Burma passar inte in i västvärldens narrativ om militära muslimer och fredliga buddhister. Aung San Suu Kyis tysta medgivande passar inte in i vår bild av hjälten som stod upp mot militarismen.

Aung San Suu Kyi, du har varit en förebild även för mig, men nu är det omöjligt att fortsätta hålla tyst. På satellitbilder ser vi hur byar, där barn nyss lekte, mödrar hämtade vatten och fäder plogade fält, nu står nedbrända och tömda. Så många har dött på flykt genom djungeln. I Bangladesh har man fiskat upp många drunknade flyktingar.

Aung San Suu Kyi, också din tystnad måste få ett slut. Din kamp har prisats med Nobels fredspris och Sacharovpriset. Om du sviker lär du inte bara gå miste om priserna, du förlorar din heder. Vi, EU, måste reagera och agera nu.

  Miguel Urbán Crespo, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señor presidente, en Myanmar/Birmania no solo se está dando una enorme persecución religiosa y étnica contra la comunidad rohinyá, sino que también estamos asistiendo a desalojos masivos de miles de pequeños campesinos y campesinas para acaparar sus tierras.

La ley de tierras y la nueva ley de inversiones extranjeras en Myanmar/Birmania están permitiendo la entrada masiva de capital transnacional, promoviendo el extractivismo minero, la venta de madera, la agricultura industrial para exportación y el acaparamiento de agua.

La expulsión de los rohinyás de su territorio no solo responde a un conflicto religioso o étnico, sino que está generando grandes negocios. Sin ir más lejos, el Gobierno de Myanmar/Birmania asignó recientemente más de un millón de hectáreas de esta comunidad a proyectos agroindustriales.

La Unión Europea no puede ser corresponsable de esta tragedia. Exigimos desde aquí que se tome partido efectivo contra el acoso y la expulsión de estas comunidades, por la defensa de la tierra de la comunidad rohinyá y de todas las trabajadoras, incluidas las sin tierra y los desplazados por el conflicto armado.

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  José Inácio Faria (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Alta Representante, os muçulmanos Rohingyas, descritos pelas Nações Unidas como povo sem Estado e sem amigos, do Myanmar, são desde a independência daquele país, em 1948, vítimas de tortura negligência e repressão. Mas agora, depois de uma resposta militar ilegítima e totalmente desproporcionada aos ataques de um grupo armado Rohingya, as atrocidades no Estado de Rakhine atingiram proporções nunca antes alcançadas e provocaram a fuga de mais de 300 mil refugiados para o Bangladesh, onde muitos deles estão a necessitar de ajuda humanitária urgente. Esta brutal repressão e as persistentes violações graves dos direitos humanos significam, infelizmente, a morte da esperança de consolidação da democracia e da reconciliação nacional que as eleições de novembro de 2015 representaram para muitos.

Este Parlamento não pode deixar de condenar veementemente todos os ataques ocorridos no Estado de Rakhine e recordar à Sra. Aung San Suu Kyi, Conselheira de Estado do Myanmar e líder de facto do país que, enquanto laureada do Prémio Nobel da Paz de 1990, tem especiais responsabilidades na promoção da tolerância religiosa e ética e na luta contra todas as formas de radicalismo, não podendo remeter-se ao silêncio perante esta verdadeira catástrofe humanitária.

  Julie Ward (S&D). – Mr President, we all share the sense of horror at what is happening to the largely Muslim Rohingyas in Myanmar. I want to thank all those constituents and citizens who have contacted us to raise their concern.

The international community cannot sit by while a Nobel Peace Prize laureate oversees what the UN has called ‘textbook ethnic cleansing’. These crimes must stop. We also know that words are not enough, and mass atrocities like this go on despite diplomatic statements and resolutions. The EU needs a robust, joined-up strategy for dealing with situations like this around the world, to apply real pressure to stop the violence and to work together with international partners and grassroots anti-racist organisations to bring perpetrators to justice.

  Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, για το θέμα της εθνικής μειονότητας των Rohingya έχουμε συζητήσει αρκετές φορές εδώ στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο: τον Ιούλιο του 2016, τον Δεκέμβριο του 2016 και, βεβαίως, στην έναρξη, τον Μάρτιο του 2017. Αυτό το οποίο συμβαίνει είναι μία εθνοκάθαρση και αυτό γίνεται καθαρά για οικονομικούς λόγους, προκειμένου να γίνει αρπαγή της γης εκεί όπου κατοικούσαν οι κοινότητες των Rohingya, διότι εκεί υπάρχει ενδιαφέρον για εξορύξεις. Ενδιαφέρον από μεγάλες πολυεθνικές. Ταυτόχρονα, αρπάζουν και την εκμετάλλευση του ύδατος.

Επομένως, η θρησκεία χρησιμοποιείται ως μια δικαιολογία. Το ότι τυχαίνει οι Rohingya να είναι μουσουλμάνοι δεν έχει καμία σχέση, διότι πίσω από όλα αυτά είναι μία διαδικασία οικονομική. Αυτό πρέπει να δούμε και σε αυτό πρέπει να σταθούμε καταδικάζοντας τη βία από την πλευρά του στρατού και, βεβαίως, ζητώντας άμεσα μέτρα για να σταματήσει η εθνοκάθαρση η οποία συμβαίνει αυτή τη στιγμή στη Βιρμανία. Θα περιμέναμε από την Aung San Suu Kyi, που έχει βραβευθεί και με το βραβείο Ζαχάρωφ, να έχει πάρει μία θέση πολύ αποφασιστική. Επομένως, κυρία Mogherini, περιμένουμε τη λήψη μέτρων από πλευράς της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης.

  Hilde Vautmans (ALDE). –De rapporten zijn ziekmakend. Duizenden Rohingya's worden elke dag vermoord, verjaagd uit hun huizen, kinderen worden verbrijzeld. Er is een etnische zuivering, een genocide aan de gang. Dit is gaande in 2017! Ik betreur dat sommige collega's zelfs dat durven betwisten.

De Rohingya's zitten eigenlijk als ratten in de val. Internationale organisaties geraken er niet bij en ook wanneer ze willen vluchten, geraken ze niet weg. Daarop wordt toegekeken door iemand die de Nobelprijs voor de vrede heeft gewonnen, iemand die de Sacharovprijs heeft gewonnen. Wij moeten ons toch eens afvragen wat we van die persoon verwachten en of we die titels kunnen afnemen.

Maar belangrijker is natuurlijk dat er daden komen, dat de mensen beschermd worden. We kunnen dat niet alleen als Europa, maar we kunnen wel onze invloed in de wereld uitoefenen om druk uit te oefenen en er samen voor te zorgen dat de vervolging van de Rohingya's eindelijk stopt.

  Jean Lambert (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, I also speak in my capacity as Chair of the Delegation for South Asia, which covers Bangladesh as one of our countries and where in the past we visited the Rohingya camps down at Cox’s Bazar. So we know this is something which has been going on for a very long time and where the European Union has been a key funder in terms of supporting the Rohingya people in Bangladesh – the refugees there.

We gather that the EU has currently put in EU 3 million from ECHO funding in light of the current situation. We would ask how that is actually being spent, given that it is also, apparently, covering Myanmar. And we know, as we have just heard, that there is no access for the UN and INGOs in North Rakhine State, which is something we need to push to reinstate. We need a UNHCR—led body down in Bangladesh, but we also need a strong response from the European Union and all its governments and active diplomacy in the region, not least with the two big powers, because this is something that is ongoing. People need to be able to return home in dignity with their rights restored. This is something which is not just about Aung San Suu Kyi; it is about the generals and their military power too. Don’t let them off the hook.

  Ignazio Corrao (EFDD). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la tragedia che sta colpendo il popolo rohingya è una tragedia immane. Nonostante quest'Aula si sia già occupata di questo popolo sventurato in più di una circostanza, direttamente con le risoluzioni del 7 luglio del 14 dicembre 2016, e indirettamente con le risoluzioni del 15 marzo e del 13 giugno di quest'anno, la situazione purtroppo non è cambiata, anzi è peggiorata. Secondo le stime dell'UNHCR, solamente nelle ultime due settimane sono più di 300 000 i rohingya che hanno cercato rifugio in Bangladesh, sfuggendo alle persecuzioni, mentre le immagini satellitari mostrano interi villaggi rasi al suolo, in una zona in cui è negato l'accesso sia alle ONG che agli osservatori delle Nazioni Unite.

Parliamo di un intero popolo che dal 1982 è stato privato della cittadinanza, un popolo di apolidi. I civili che arrivano in Bangladesh hanno spesso pallottole in corpo, mentre il confine tra Myanmar e Bangladesh è stato addirittura minato, pur di impedire il ritorno in patria di questi poveri disgraziati.

Stiamo parlando di una tragedia enorme, per cui chiediamo con forza e con urgenza azioni concrete, ad esempio possiamo pensare di ritirare il premio Sacharov, dovremmo annullare la missione INTA che si terrà la prossima settimana: mi sembra assurdo andare a parlare di commercio davanti a situazioni del genere.

  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Pane předsedající, jak už zde bylo řečeno, toto je opakovaná debata ke kauze Rohingyů. Sám jsem minule také vystupoval a musím říci, že je samozřejmě třeba toto pokračující a eskalující násilí odsoudit. Ale sami vidíme, že samotné odsuzování ze strany Evropského parlamentu k ničemu nevede, ba naopak, situace eskaluje. Hovoříme zde o dalších tři sta tisících Rohingyů, kteří byli vyhnáni do Bangladéše, a hranice byla zaminována, aby se nemohli vrátit do své vlasti.

Já si myslím, že je třeba už reálně hovořit o konkrétních sankcích, o tom, co může Evropská komise, co mohou orgány Evropské unie v tuto chvíli udělat z pohledu sankcí vůči barmskému režimu, a hlavně také o tom, jakou humanitární pomoc poskytnout, protože situace v Bangladéši je velmi napjatá. Bangladéš v tuto chvíli živí několik set tisíc uprchlíků na svém území. To jsou asi konkrétní věci, které můžeme udělat. Já tedy také sdílím odsudky a rozčarování nad nositelkou Nobelovy ceny, ale hlavním viníkem celé situace je armáda v Barmě, to bychom neměli zapomenout.

  Wajid Khan (S&D). – Mr President, these atrocities against the Rohingya community have to stop. I welcome the resolution today. Aung San Suu Kyi’s disgraceful reaction is prompted by the fear that speaking out in support of the Rohingyas will trigger an angry reaction from the military. And yet looking away while a genocide is taking place is shameful. Avoiding confrontation at the UN General Assembly is not the reaction of a Sakharov Prize laureate or any democratic leader.

We must push the Myanmar Government to allow international aid to those that need it. We also need to ratchet up pressure on China, which holds influence over the military in Myanmar. In the words of Archbishop Desmond Tutu: ‘A country that is not at peace with itself, that fails to acknowledge and protect the dignity and worth of all its people, is not a free country’.

We look to the High Representative Madam Federica Mogherini to end the suffering for the Rohingyas; please, Madam, for the Rohingyas and please, for humanity.

  Nicola Caputo (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, siamo di fronte all'ennesimo dramma umanitario. Non è la prima volta che la minoranza musulmana dei rohingya in Myanmar subisce violenza: la privazione arbitraria della nazionalità, la limitazione della libertà di movimento, minacce alla vita e alla sicurezza, la negazione del diritto alla salute e all'educazione e la limitazione dei diritti politici.

Il relatore speciale delle Nazioni Unite per i diritti umani Yanghee Lee parla già di un migliaio di morti e 200 000 profughi musulmani rohingya entrati in Bangladesh per sfuggire alle violenze in territorio birmano.

La leader birmana Aung San Suu Kyi, su cui da sempre anche l'Europa ha riposto ogni speranza per la pacificazione dell'area, respinge con sdegno le accuse di repressione o addirittura genocidio nei confronti dei rohingya, bollando le notizie che circolano in Occidente come fake news. Dunque, proprio a questa signora ci rivolgiamo affinché si giunga al più presto a una soluzione pacifica, che tenga conto del rispetto della dignità e dei diritti umani.

(Koniec zgłoszeń z sali)

  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, as we all know very well, Myanmar went through over half a century of military rule and isolation. Those of you that referred to the history, and even the present, of the country and the role of the military are perfectly right. We have to look at the events of these weeks and we also have to look at the history of the country.

In the last few years the country has gone through impressive change and yet the path towards an inclusive and diverse democracy is far from accomplished. Let me start by stating clearly one thing – the European Union has condemned the attacks of 25 August by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, as well as the violence that followed in Northern Rakhine State. We believe that the perpetrators must be brought to justice in line with the rule of law.

Let me also state, just as clearly as what I said just now, that we are very much aware of and concerned about the excesses during the security operations conducted by Myanmar security forces. This has led to a massive flow of refugees into Bangladesh, one of the most terrible refugee crises of our time. This situation is completely unacceptable and risks destabilising the wider region.

We have two immediate priorities and I was glad to see that the UN Security Council discussed this issue last night. UN Secretary-General António Guterres expressed similar priorities to the one I will share with you in a moment. First immediate priority: end the tensions, the violence; de—escalate. Violence must stop immediately. Human rights must be respected by all but it is very clear: security forces face a special responsibility to refrain from any violence against unarmed civilians.

Secondly, and I think Mr Preda mentioned this, humanitarian aid should be brought to those in need urgently. Here we have a European Union role to play that we are playing in a quite a remarkable manner. I would like here to thank Commissioner Stylianides for the dedication of his work, which is also proving to be essential in this moment and in this case. There are 350 000 vulnerable people in Rakhine. They need to be urgently reached by humanitarian aid and aid workers. For many of them, this is a matter of life or death.

My colleague Stylianides and I are working very closely to address this issue and yesterday, upon our insistence, a lot of diplomatic work, the government communicated that the International Red Cross will be able to fly in and aid 30 000 of them.

But let me be clear, this is a welcome step that can only be the beginning of a path that we have to see continuing, because the Bangladeshi authorities have welcomed the many refugees who fled their homes and the international community – and we, first of all, I believe – should not only praise but also support their efforts. As an immediate response to the current situation, the European Union has decided to increase our support to Bangladesh with another EUR 3 million, on top of the EUR 12 million aid already provided for Myanmar and Bangladesh together.

These are the two immediate priorities: end the violence and bring in humanitarian aid. But then we have another important task to carry out. We will continue to work with everyone involved to find lasting peace in Myanmar to the benefit of the whole population, addressing the structural issue of Rakhine. As you mentioned, this is not the first time we have come on this issue. This means that, beyond the acute moment of crisis, we have a responsibility to work on the political scene.

There is no doubt that one of the underlying causes of instability in the region is the status of the Rohingya minority in Myanmar and the underdevelopment of Rakhine State. Addressing the situation is what we have always asked for in our political dialogue with Myanmar over the years, including at high-level meetings and in the EU-Myanmar Human Rights Dialogue.

As you know, the last resolution adopted by the Human Rights Council, last March, was also a European Union initiative. The recommendations of the final report of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State headed by Kofi Annan are our point of reference. The Government of Myanmar has committed itself to taking this report forward and I discussed this issue personally with Aung San Suu Kyi during her visit to Brussels just a few months ago.

Recommendations include the issue of discrimination, poverty alleviation, assurance of basic rights, equal access to education and social services, as well as the promotion of trust and reconciliation. The time to implement the Annan Report is now because we are seeing what the people of Rakhine are facing and they cannot wait any longer.

We are ready to support the implementation of these recommendations in all possible ways. The Government of Myanmar should also continue its cooperation with the United Nations and make it stronger including with the UN Special Rapporteur and the UN Human Rights Council’s independent fact-finding mission. This is also something we discussed with Aung San Suu Kyi and just last week, once again, all these points were raised directly with the Government of Myanmar by a European Union delegation headed by the European External Action Service (EEAS) and, as you can imagine, by our EU delegation on a daily basis.

Our coordination stays strong with the UN, personal contacts from my side with Secretary-General Guterres and with my colleagues all over the world on this issue, and we will use the UN General Assembly ministerial week for continuing intensive consultations and to guarantee that the international community can stay united in facing this issue.

Myanmar’s struggle for democracy has been a source of inspiration for many around the world, and for me personally and I believe for many of you in this room. The responsibility that the country’s leadership, civilian but also military, faces today is immense exactly because they have been, San Suu Kyi in particular, a source of inspiration for the democratic world. They need to show that the democracy they fought so hard fought can work for all the people of Myanmar, beyond ethnic, social and religious boundaries. During Myanmar’s fights for democracy, the international community and Europe never left the people of Myanmar alone and we will not leave them alone now.

  Przewodniczący. – Zamykam debatę.

Głosowanie odbędzie się dzisiaj po debacie.

Oświadczenia pisemne (art. 162)

  Rolandas Paksas (EFDD), raštu. – Nestabili Mianmaro vidaus padėtis kelia ypatingą susirūpinimą. Rohinjų tautinė mažuma susiduria su represijomis ir nuolatiniais dideliais žmogaus teisių pažeidimais, įskaitant grėsmę gyvybei ir saugumui. Be to, šios tautinės mažumos atžvilgiu buvo priimtas bepilietybės įstatymas.

Šalyje susidariusi padėtis yra kritinė. Todėl labai svarbu, kad Mianmaro vyriausybė kuo skubiau imtųsi veiksmų, siekdama užkirsti kelią etniniam persekiojimui ir pašalinti bepilietybės atvejį. Be to, turi būti užkirstas kelias rohinjų judėjimo teisių ir laisvės apribojimams. Mianmare vykdomi masiniai žmogaus teisių pažeidimai, žudomi, žalojami iš Mianmaro bėgantys žmonės, sužeistiesiems nėra suteikiama būtina medicinos pagalba. Pagalbą teikiančioms humanitarinėms organizacijoms turi būti nedelsiant suteikta galimybė patekti į Mianmaro valstybę.

  Marijana Petir (PPE), napisan. – Rohingya muslimani su već godinama jedna od najugroženijih etničkih skupina na svijetu. Izloženi su najbrutalnijim oblicima kažnjavanja, uključujući ubojstva, progone, mučenja, silovanja, spaljivanje domova i čitavih sela. Nasilje koje se provodi nad Rohingya muslimanima može se okarakterizirati kao zločin protiv čovječnosti te je potrebno osigurati punu odgovornost za počinitelje i pravdu za žrtve. Pravo na kretanje im je iz godine u godinu sve više ograničeno, tako da je postalo gotovo nemoguće zaposliti se i raditi, dobiti odgovarajuću medicinsku pomoć. Također im je uskraćeno i pravo na obrazovanje. Jedino školovanje je ono osnovno i ponegdje srednje koje stječu eventualno u medresama i džamijama koje im je pak zabranjeno graditi. Oni su ljudi bez ikakvih prava i bez državljanstva.

Vrijeme je da ovaj teror nad Rohingya muslimanima dođe kraju. Potrebno je pronaći načine kako osigurati pravedan i miran suživot različitih svjetonazora. Ljudska prava pripadaju svim ljudima u svakom društvu te bi trebala biti neotuđiva. Svatko ima pravo na svoju vjeru, to je nešto što se nikome ne može otuđiti. Ne smijemo se oglušiti na probleme muslimana Mjanmara, moramo raditi zajedno kako bi se pronašlo rješenje.

  Tokia Saïfi (PPE), par écrit. – Les Nations Unies ont publié qu’en moins de deux semaines, 370 000 Rohingyas ont fui les exactions de l’armée birmane pour trouver refuge au Bangladesh et plus de 400 ont trouvé la mort. Les Nations Unies qualifient la répression menée par les militaires birmans «de nettoyage ethnique ». Nous devons agir au plus vite. J’appelle l’Union à engager d’urgence un dialogue avec les autorités birmanes pour mettre fin à cette situation inhumaine, pour protéger les civils et pour rétablir le respect des droits de l’homme. Le refus d’accès à l’aide humanitaire par les autorités birmanes est une violation du droit international. L’Union doit peser de tout son poids pour que les organisations humanitaires puissent venir en aide aux personnes déplacées. En tant que Vice-Présidente de la commission du Commerce international, je m’oppose au maintien d’une délégation de parlementaires en Birmanie pour discuter commerce et investissement. J’ai d’ailleurs interpelé le Président de cette commission à ce sujet. Enfin, il est insupportable de voir, Aung San Suuu Kyi, ancienne lauréate du Prix Nobel et Prix Sakharov, nier les accusations de nettoyage ethnique et se taire dans un silence assourdissant. La possibilité de lui retirer le Prix Sakharov doit être sérieusement étudiée.

IN THE CHAIR: IOAN MIRCEA PAŞCU
Vice-President

8. Abstimmungsstunde

  President. – The next item is the vote.

(For the results and other details of the vote : see Minutes)

8.1. Barrierefreiheitsanforderungen für Produkte und Dienstleistungen (A8-0188/2017 - Morten Løkkegaard) (Abstimmung)

– Before the vote on Amendment 217:

  Richard Corbett (S&D). – Mr President, as all the votes seem to be close and as you seem to be checking every single one, why don’t we just do them all electronically directly? It would be quicker.

  President. – Thank you for the suggestion. This way everybody would be at peace.

– After the vote:

  Morten Løkkegaard, rapporteur. – Mr President, in accordance with Rule 59(4), I would like to send this report back to the committee in order to start interinstitutional negotiations.

(The proposal to refer the report back to committee was approved.)

8.2. Kambodscha: insbesondere der Fall von Kem Sokha (RC-B8-0506/2017, B8-0506/2017, B8-0507/2017, B8-0508/2017, B8-0509/2017, B8-0510/2017, B8-0511/2017) (Abstimmung)

8.3. Gabun: Unterdrückung der Opposition (RC-B8-0512/2017, B8-0512/2017, B8-0514/2017, B8-0515/2017, B8-0520/2017, B8-0522/2017, B8-0524/2017, B8-0526/2017) (Abstimmung)

8.4. Laos: insbesondere die Fälle von Somphone Phimmasone, Lod Thammavong und Soukane Chaithad (RC-B8-0513/2017, B8-0513/2017, B8-0517/2017, B8-0518/2017, B8-0519/2017, B8-0521/2017, B8-0523/2017) (Abstimmung)

8.5. Myanmar, unter anderem die Lage der Rohingya (RC-B8-0525/2017, B8-0525/2017, B8-0527/2017, B8-0528/2017, B8-0529/2017, B8-0530/2017, B8-0531/2017) (Abstimmung)

8.6. Abkommen EU/Chile über den Handel mit ökologischen/biologischen Erzeugnissen (A8-0257/2017 - Inmaculada Rodríguez-Piñero Fernández) (Abstimmung)

8.7. Protokoll zum Assoziierungsabkommen EU/Chile (Beitritt Kroatiens) (A8-0277/2017 - Inmaculada Rodríguez-Piñero Fernández) (Abstimmung)

8.8. Modernisierung der Handelssäule des Assoziierungsabkommens EU/Chile (A8-0267/2017 - Inmaculada Rodríguez-Piñero Fernández) (Abstimmung)

8.9. Verlängerung des Europäischen Statistischen Programms bis 2020 (A8-0158/2017 - Roberto Gualtieri) (Abstimmung)

8.10. Europäische Risikokapitalfonds und Europäische Fonds für soziales Unternehmertum (A8-0120/2017 - Sirpa Pietikäinen) (Abstimmung)

8.11. Mehrjahresplan für die Grundfischbestände in der Nordsee und für die Fischereien, die diese Bestände befischen (A8-0263/2017 - Ulrike Rodust) (Abstimmung)

– After the vote:

  Ulrike Rodust, Berichterstatterin. – Herr Präsident! Ich möchte nur lediglich darum bitten, diesen Bericht in den Ausschuss zurückzuüberweisen, damit wir schnell mit den interinstitutionellen Verhandlungen beginnen können.

(The proposal to refer the report back to committee was approved.)

8.12. Schaffung eines Instruments, das zu Stabilität und Frieden beiträgt (A8-0261/2017 - Arnaud Danjean) (Abstimmung)

– Before the vote:

  Arnaud Danjean, rapporteur. – Monsieur le président, il ne s'agit pas ici de réouvrir un débat de fond, nous demandons l'autorisation d'entrer en négociations interinstitutionnelles sur un texte qui a fait l'objet d'un large accord en commission Affaires étrangères et qui est basé lui aussi sur un large compromis. Je rappelle quand même que le texte dont nous discutons provient d'une initiative lancée par la Haute représentante en décembre 2013, qu'on a perdu beaucoup de temps et que le résultat des négociations que nous entamerons est attendu avec beaucoup d'urgence par des missions européennes qui sont déployées au Mali, en Somalie, en Centrafrique et qui ont besoin du financement que nous allons leur proposer.

  President. – Who would like to speak against? Mrs Hautala, you have the floor.

  Heidi Hautala (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, the legal basis for this proposal is incorrect. We should not turn a blind eye when a Common Foreign and Security Policy instrument is masked to look like development policy. The legal services of all institutions, also in this Parliament, were very reluctant to approve the proposed legal basis, and in the Committee on Legal Affairs in July, the legal basis of this proposal was pushed through by minority votes, while the majority of the committee was voting against or abstaining.

There can hardly be development without security, but that should not mean that legal bases are interchangeable. Article 209 on Development Cooperation and Development Cooperation Instrument funds cannot be used to finance military capacity-building abroad. We have to make clear that, also internally, we respect the rule of law in the European Union institutions.

Many of us may think that the European Union, and especially the European Parliament, should have more of a say in the Common Foreign and Security Policy matters, but it does not mean that we should sacrifice the development policy principles and bend legal rules. That should not be done. This regulation would create the precedent that development aid and non-Common Foreign and Security Policy instruments and funds are used for military purposes and development funds are used for capacity-building for the armed forces.

These activities go far beyond development policy. Therefore, I ask you to vote against starting the negotiations.

(Applause)

  President. – Colleagues, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Mrs Federica Mogherini, would like to say a few words. You have the floor.

  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, I understand you are under time pressure, but I think we are discussing something important.

Just to confirm what Mr Danjean said: this decision to enter negotiations has been long awaited. Next week in New York, many of our partners – the Central African Republic, the Horn of Africa, the Sahel – will ask us again, as they have done for many years now, if we are ready to do more to support their own work on peace and security, and I would really like finally to bring them good news after four years. This is not about moving the objective from development to security. On the contrary, it is to fulfil SDG No 16 that links development and security and asks all international players also to dedicate resources to guarantee that the security conditions are there for the development work to be effective. So I hope for a wise decision from this Chamber.

(Applause)

  President. – Thank you very much. We will now decide by roll call vote.

  Matt Carthy (GUE/NGL). – Mr President, can you please explain to this House under what provision in our rules is it permitted for an outside institution to intervene in a debate in the course of votes taking place?

(Applause)

  President. – I think that if we raise these sorts of questions – why the Vice—President of the Commission/High Representative, who is with us all the time – we question her credentials to come and tell us something which is relevant to the vote which we are taking, I think we should not expect that.

(Shouting and applause)

I therefore open the vote.

8.13. Transparenz, Rechenschaftspflicht und Integrität in den EU-Organen (A8-0133/2017 - Sven Giegold) (Abstimmung)

8.14. Die Zukunft des Programms Erasmus+ (B8-0495/2017) (Abstimmung)

8.15. Eine neue europäische Agenda für Kompetenzen (A8-0276/2017 - Martina Dlabajová, Momchil Nekov) (Abstimmung)

  President. – That concludes the vote.

9. Stimmerklärungen

9.1. Barrierefreiheitsanforderungen für Produkte und Dienstleistungen (A8-0188/2017 - Morten Løkkegaard)

Explicații orale privind votul

  Monica Macovei (ECR). – Domnule președinte, doar 4,2 % dintre persoanele cu dizabilități au un loc de muncă în România. În Uniunea Europeană, procentul atinge 50 %. Oricum, este puțin și procentul din Uniunea Europeană.

O Europă pentru toți trebuie să fie nu numai un slogan, ci și o realitate. De aceea, persoanele cu dizabilități trebuie să aibă acces total și foarte ușor la produse și servicii, la tot ce înseamnă viață culturală, la tot ce înseamnă transporturi, intrat pe internet, transferuri bancare și așa mai departe. Trebuie să nu fie nici o diferență între ce putem face noi, cei fără dizabilități și ce pot face cei cu dizabilități.

Prin urmare - iar toate astea se reflectă pe piața muncii-, trebuie să aibă un loc pe piața muncii și pregătirea profesională, și pregătirea școlară, toate acestea duc spre găsirea unui loc de muncă. De aceea, susțin măsuri speciale ca să creștem procentul de 50 % din Uniunea Europeană, desigur, și în România.

9.2. Abkommen EU/Chile über den Handel mit ökologischen/biologischen Erzeugnissen (A8-0257/2017 - Inmaculada Rodríguez-Piñero Fernández)

Explicații orale privind votul

  Tiziana Beghin (EFDD). – Signor Presidente, chi accusa il Movimento 5 Stelle di dire sempre di no o è sordo o è in malafede. Quando si rispettano le regole e i cittadini, il Movimento 5 Stelle c'è sempre, e lo abbiamo dimostrato con il nostro "sì" al trattato per il commercio di prodotti biologici con il Cile. Al contrario di CETA e TTIP, è un accordo onesto, che permette ai nostri prodotti di qualità di entrare in un nuovo mercato in crescita e ai nostri cittadini di contare su prodotti sicuri e certificati.

L'Italia è leader nel settore del biologico con 1,3 milioni di ettari di superficie coltivata, 55 000 operatori e un fatturato di oltre quattro miliardi di euro. Vogliamo far crescere ancora questo settore e suggerire di ampliare questo tipo di accordi ad altri paesi. Questa è la visione del commercio secondo il Movimento 5 Stelle e a questo tipo di accordi noi diciamo un forte "sì".

9.3. Transparenz, Rechenschaftspflicht und Integrität in den EU-Organen (A8-0133/2017 - Sven Giegold)

Explicații orale privind votul

  Monica Macovei (ECR). – Domnule președinte, transparență, responsabilitate și integritate în instituțiile europene înseamnă un principiu foarte simplu: să respectăm legile și să facem legi pentru cetățeni. Nu pentru grupuri de interese, nu pentru industrii, nu pentru lobbyiști. Noi, aici, reprezentăm cetățenii.

Este inacceptabil că nu avem încă un registru al transparenței obligatoriu și este în continuare facultativ și avem o dezbatere de ani de zile care ne arată câtă opoziție există pentru un registru de lobby obligatoriu. Pentru fiecare lege care iese pe poarta acestei instituții, oamenii trebuie să știe cu cine s-au întâlnit, pe cine au ascultat raportorii și reprezentanții lor.

Este rușinos că nu avem nici acum un program european pentru protecția acelor whistleblowers (în limba română: avertizori de integritate) și a jurnaliștilor de investigație. Pentru că ei sunt cei care descoperă lucrurile ilegale din instituții, inclusiv din instituțiile europene, și, ca atare, trebuie protejați.

Prin urmare, din nou solicit să adoptăm cât mai repede un registru obligatoriu al transparenței, protecția martorilor, a avertizorilor de integritate și a jurnaliștilor de investigație. Și, de asemenea, reformarea instituțiilor europene, pentru că avem prea multe și foarte mulți angajați. Ca să putem merge înainte, trebuie să fim ceva mai mici și mai flexibili și numai pe ce este important să ne concentrăm.

  Monika Smolková (S&D) – Vážený pán predsedajúci, dôvera občanov v inštitúcie EÚ je základom demokracie, dobrej správy a účinnej tvorby politík. Preto inštitúcie Európskej únie musia vynaložiť úsilie o dosiahnutie čo najväčších noriem transparentnosti, zodpovednosti a integrity. Tieto zásady predstavujú kľúčové a navzájom sa doplňujúce zložky pri presadzovaní a zaisťovaní väčšej otvorenosti v inštitúciách EÚ a v jej rozhodujúcom procese. Transparentnosť a zodpovednosť v oblasti verejných výdavkov musí byť v súlade s čo najväčšou mierou otvorenosti . Že otvorenosť je namieste, svedčí aj tá skutočnosť, že v roku 2014 OLAF odporučil vymáhanie finančných prostriedkov vo výške 476,5 milióna eur pochádzajúcich zo štrukturálnych fondov a skonštatovali sme, že príslušné orgány spätne získali iba 22,7 milióna eur. Preto sa pripájam k výzve, aby členské štáty venovali prioritnú  pozornosť správnemu prideľovaniu finančných prostriedkov EÚ a vyvíjali maximálne úsilie o ich spätné získavanie, ak neboli správne pridelené či použité.

  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – г-н Председател, гласувах в подкрепа на този доклад, защото категорично е необходимо да има и повече прозрачност, и повече видимост, и повече яснота как се вземат решенията в институциите. Загубата на доверие в Съюза, в институциите му се дължи именно на впечатлението на гражданите на държавите, които са членове на Европейския съюз, че тези институции вземат своите решения непрозрачно и под натиск на лобистки групи.

А лобизъм категорично има. Мога да посоча лобистки интереси в сферата на автомобилния транспорт, където редица лобистки фирми притискат собствените си държави да изработват законодателство, което е в ущърб на държавите или по-скоро на предприемачите от източната част на Европа, лобистки поправки, които противоречат на свободното придвижване, на свободната инициатива. Така че институциите трябва да бъдат реформирани, лобистите трябва да бъдат въведени в един списък и трябва да е ясно кой взема решенията, и кой харчи парите на данъкоплатците.

9.4. Die Zukunft des Programms Erasmus+ (B8-0495/2017)

Explicații orale privind votul

  Monica Macovei (ECR). – Domnule președinte, peste 3 000 de studenți români pleacă în fiecare an la studii în programul Erasmus la universități europene. Programul Erasmus+ este un instrument foarte valoros care permite schimburi de experiență, care permite educație în diverse țări ale Uniunii și schimbarea de bune practici în domeniul educației.

Actualul program Erasmus+ are un buget de 14,7 milioane de euro și este insuficient. Numărul studenților, profesorilor și cercetătorilor care beneficiază de acest program este în creștere an de an, ceea ce înseamnă că este un program bun și eficient. De aceea, bugetul Erasmus trebuie mărit și asta trebuie făcut din următorul cadru financiar multianual 2020. Doar așa o să răspundem cererii tot mai mari de programe de mobilitate Erasmus+ în lumina ideilor care subliniază avantajele mobilității pentru învățământul superior, inovația, cercetarea și progresul cetățenilor și progresul Uniunii Europene.

  Bogdan Andrzej Zdrojewski (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Bez wątpienia program Erasmus+ nie należy do doskonałych, ale nie oznacza to, że należy go negować. Wręcz odwrotnie – trzeba go wzmocnić finansowo i usprawnić także procedurę kwalifikacji. Przy tej okazji chcę upomnieć się zwłaszcza o młodych ludzi z obszaru partnerstwa wschodniego. To tam przeznaczenie tego programu jest najdoskonalsze, najlepsze i najefektywniejsze i w związku z tym uważam, że mechanizm pozyskiwania studentów z tego obszaru musi zostać zdecydowanie poprawiony.

Bardzo się cieszę, że odrzucono kilka wniosków, które ten program psuły albo go negowały. Przeszły na szczęście te korekty – w czasie dyskusji, debaty i w wyniku głosowania – które program wzmacniają. Przypomnę także, że ta debata i ta rezolucja są pokłosiem pytania o przyszłość programu Erasmus+. A pytanie pojawiło się w związku z niedoskonałościami gwarancji finansowych, jak również z procedurą naboru samych studentów. Bardzo się cieszę, że dzisiaj tę rezolucję mogliśmy przyjąć.

  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – г-н Председател, аз съм силен поддръжник на програмата Еразъм, затова гласувах в подкрепа на тази резолюция. Както можете да си представите, работата по тази програма беше истинско предизвикателство за колегите. Въпреки това, благодарение на доброто сътрудничество и положените усилия от всички, успяхме да постигнем балансиран и положителен резултат, който ще има по-положителен ефект върху програмите за образование и обучение в целия Европейски съюз.

Наша цел беше да се насочим основно към успеха, постигнат от тази програма, както и към бъдещите предизвикателства, които тя поражда. С окончателния тест ще успеем да постигнем точно това за нашите образователни и обучителни програми, особено за младите поколения, които скоро ще усетят тези положителни ефекти.

  Csaba Sógor (PPE). – Elnök Úr, valószínűleg kevesen kérdőjelezik meg, hogy az Erasmus+ az Unió egyik legjelentősebb, az európai polgárok által közvetlenül megtapasztalható vívmánya. Szükségünk van erre a sikertörténetre, annál is inkább, mivel a jövő generációjának világlátásához, jellemük formálásához és a közös Európába vetett hitükhöz járulhat hozzá. A program folytatása és forrásainak emelése terén talán nem várhatóak nagy viták, ezzel együtt felhívnám a figyelmet az EP vonatkozó, év elején elfogadott jelentésének ajánlásaira. Különösen arra, amely a programban sajnos még ma is megtapasztalható szociális szelektivitásra mutat rá: az alacsonyabb jövedelmű hallgatók korlátozottan férnek hozzá a programhoz, a programban részt vevő hallgatók közül pedig magas azoknak az aránya, akiket a családjuk anyagilag támogat. Olyan részletszabályokra van szükség, amelyek mindenkinek lehetőséget adnak a mobilitásra, azoknak is, akik tanulmányaik finanszírozásához munkát kell vállaljanak, hiszen nagyon sok fiatal teszi ezt.

  Monika Smolková (S&D) – Vážený pán predsedajúci, podporila som návrh uznesenia, pretože tiež považujem program Erasmus+ za jeden z najvýznamnejších aj najlepších programov, ktoré Európska únia má. Tento program pozitívne ovplyvnil za tridsať rokov svojej existencie viac ako deväť miliónov občanov EÚ, to je skoro dvojnásobok, ako má Slovensko obyvateľov.  V období, keď v členských štátoch narastá euroskeptizmus, keď mladí ľudia nemajú víziu svojej budúcnosti, musíme tento program ešte posilniť a urobiť ho ešte efektívnejším. Dôležité je, aby sme o jeho úspechoch hovorili, aby sme ho mladým ľuďom, pedagógom ešte viac priblížili, pretože podľa mojich osobných skúseností sú ešte školy, školské zariadenia, inštitúcie, ktoré nevyužili tento program aj preto, že nemali dostatok informácii. Erasmus dáva každoročne možnosť mladým ľuďom kontaktovať sa s rovesníkmi z iných členských štátov a okrem získavania jazykových zručností je to pre nich aj skutočný most do Európy.

9.5. Eine neue europäische Agenda für Kompetenzen (A8-0276/2017 - Martina Dlabajová, Momchil Nekov)

Explicații orale privind votul

  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – г-н Председател, разбира се гласувах и подкрепих доклада, и подкрепям неговия докладчик, колегата Неков, който е в залата.

Наложително е не само да се съсредоточим върху традиционните програми за обучение, но също така да подкрепим формални и неформални програми, както и програми за учене през целия живот. Този доклад относно новата програма за умения правилно подчертава редица области, които изискват подобряване и по-добро сътрудничество между държавите членове на Европейския съюз и техните образователни институции.

Две точки, които бих искал да изтъкна, са важността на професионалното образование и обучение и своевременното изпълнение на препоръките на съвета, все по-наложителни стъпки за по-нататъшен напредък.

  Момчил Неков (S&D). – г-н Председател, благодаря на всички колеги, които подкрепиха доклада. Естествено съм щастлив, че новата Европейска програма за умения е приета с голямо мнозинство. Като докладчик на комисията по култура и образование смея да твърдя, че първоначалното предложение на Европейската комисия, макар и доста широкомащабно, бе значително подобрено, особено що се отнася до липсващия социален елемент.

Смятам, че целите на Програмата за умения могат да бъдат реализирани единствено чрез прилагането на холистичен подход към развиване на умения, според които учащият трябва е в центъра на процеса. По същия начин достъпът до образование, обучения и развиване на умения трябва да е равен за всички, в това число и за най-уязвимите членове на обществото.

В заключение искам да кажа, че подобряването на уменията на европейските граждани ще зависи в голяма степен от повишаването на уменията на нашите учители. Затова е необходимо да се задели и финансов ресурс за тяхното професионално развитие, както и да се приложат мерки за увеличаване привлекателността на учителската професия. Не трябва да забравяме, че именно те са стълбът на образователната система.

  Csaba Sógor (PPE). – Mr President, just as technological and trade patterns are shifting, industrial employment is declining and jobs become more sophisticated and demanding, skill shortages in European economies are becoming more and more apparent. Against this situation, the Commission’s new skills agenda initiative is extremely welcome even though the role of the EU in this field is only a supportive one.

Just as the foundation of long-term productivity and growth is a highly skilled workforce, the key to developing such a workforce lies in education systems and investment in education staff. Ensuring quality education at all stages, including lifelong learning possibilities regardless of age, must be an absolute priority for us. This is why I, for one, would be extremely glad to see European Semester recommendations on minimum levels of investment in education and training, as well as minimum levels of education quality in Member States that lag behind.

  Monika Smolková (S&D) – Vážený pán predsedajúci, zručnosti a vedomosti sú jediným základom našej prosperity a zabezpečenia sociálnych výdobytkov. Podľa najnovšej štúdie OECD 70 miliónov Európanom chýbajú základné zručnosti, ako sú čítanie, písanie a počítanie. Táto skutočnosť predstavuje neprekonateľnú prekážku pre ľudí, ktorí si hľadajú dôstojnú prácu pre primeranú životnú úroveň. Preto nový program v oblasti zručností pre Európu je dlho očakávanou iniciatívou správne zameranú na potrebu modernizácie európskych systémov vzdelávania a odbornej prípravy v súlade s rýchlo sa meniacim hospodárskym a sociálnym prostredím. Preto prístup k príležitostiam na vzdelávanie a odbornú prípravu musí byť právom pre všetkých a v každej fáze života. Pripájam sa k návrhu Komisie naliehavo vyzvať členské štáty, aby vypracovali komplexné vnútroštátne stratégie pre základné zručnosti s nevyhnutným predpokladom na osobné a profesijné naplnenie. V stratégiách nesmieme zabúdať na podporu profesijného rozvoja učiteľov a pedagógov ako základnému jadru systému vzdelávania.

10. Berichtigungen des Stimmverhaltens und beabsichtigtes Stimmverhalten: siehe Protokoll

(Ședința, suspendată la ora 13.05, a fost reluată la ora 15.00)

VORSITZ: RAINER WIELAND
Vizepräsident

11. Genehmigung des Protokolls der vorangegangenen Sitzung: siehe Protokoll

12. Große Anfragen (Aussprache)

12.1. Abschaffung des UNRWA

  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Große Anfrage gemäß Artikel 130b der Geschäftsordnung von Beatrix von Storch und Robert Jarosław Iwaszkiewicz im Namen der EFDD-Fraktion an die Kommission betreffend die Abschaffung des UNRWA (O-000061/2017 – 2017/2834(RSP)) (B8-0325/2017).

Leider hat die EFDD-Fraktion, die diese Große Anfrage eingereicht hat, heute niemanden da. Deshalb wird diese Große Anfrage nicht vorgestellt und es spricht sofort Frau Kommissarin Crețu.

  Corina Crețu, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members of Parliament, you know very well that the Palestine refugees question has existed for almost 70 years. The United Nations General Assembly established and mandated the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East to provide assistance and protection to register Palestine refugees pending a just and lasting solution. Only in December 2016 the General Assembly extended the Agency’s mandate for three years by a large majority.

The European Union’s continued support to the Agency is a key element in the European Union’s strategy of contributing to the promotion of stability in the Middle East and to the viability of the two-state solution, which is an essential political horizon for Arab-Israeli relations.

The Agency’s work helps to ensure that the essential needs for the well-being, protection and human development of Palestine refugees are met. Over many years the agency has demonstrated its capacity to provide education, health, relief, and social services. A future independent Palestinian state needs education, skills and healthy citizens to deliver peace, security and prosperity for all.

The Agency’s work provides political space for efforts that need to be considerably intensified to conclude a peace deal and to pursue Palestinian state-building.

In each education service delivered, the Agency focuses on respect for human rights and for the fundamental freedoms. In doing so, it gives young Palestinians a perspective for their future, it represents a bulwark against violent radicalisation. The European Union is by far the most predictable donor to the Agency and will continue to be so, as reflected in the Joint Declaration on European Union support to the Agency on 7 June.

Since 1971 the EU has been providing reliable and predictable support to the Palestine refugees through the Agency programmes, special projects and emergency appeals. The European Union and its Member States are by far the largest provider of assistance to Palestine refugees.

Mr President, honourable Members, today’s debate was triggered by a so-called major interpellation introduced by one Parliamentary Group, as you said, alleging that this Agency mismanages EU funds and tolerates terrorist activities. Our view is quite the opposite. In 2014 the Agency successfully passed the EU’s seven-pillar assessment, which evaluated its internal control, accounting, external audit and procurement systems. Assurances have been provided as the Agency’s processes and mechanisms are in place to ensure the neutrality of these facilities, including monitoring of facilities by its staff members, regular informal inspection of the Agency’s installations by operation support officers, and a strict no-weapons policy in the Agency’s installations. The Agency explicitly condemns all acts of terrorism in the strongest possible terms and regularly does so whenever any such act is carried out. It also remains the Agency’s policy to always investigate credible allegations of neutrality violations. Where violations of staff rules and regulations are established, appropriate disciplinary action is taken. The agency has indeed taken forthright actions whenever allegations of incitement have surfaced. The major interpellation also suggests merging the Agency with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. The Commission is not in favour of such a merger. The reasons are obvious: the Agency has a specific mandate, with staff going beyond the usual humanitarian aid, and a broader relevance, not only in Palestine but also in Jordan, Lebanon and Syria.

Mr President, honourable Members, the European Union is committed to the two-state solution as the only viable way to achieving lasting peace in the Middle East. The European Union is convinced that any solution to the Israeli-Arab conflict will need to encompass an agreed, just and fair solution to the refugee question, allowing the two future states to live side by side in peace and security. Whatever the difficulties – and they are real – the region should not lose sight of this goal.

  Fernando Ruas, em nome do Grupo PPE. – Senhor Presidente, em julho solicitei um debate sobre incêndios florestais. À data eram apenas Portugal e Espanha os países afetados. Hoje juntamos-lhe a Croácia, a França, a Grécia e a Itália, o que demonstra bem a abrangência desta triste realidade.

De facto e somente no meu país arderam este ano e até 31 de agosto 214 mil hectares de floresta. Este número representa mais de 234 % da área ardida do que a média dos últimos dez anos para o mesmo período e no âmbito da ajuda europeia importa, pois, saber se a Comissão perspetiva a aplicação flexível do Fundo de Solidariedade como agora é solicitado. É que no terreno as populações precisam de ajuda imediata.

  Der Präsident. – Herr Kollege Ruas! Sie nehmen gerade Stellung zu der nächsten Großen Anfrage. Wir sprechen über die erste Große Anfrage.

  Fernando Ruas (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, mas foi para aí que pedi a palavra. Foi exatamente para a próxima interpelação que pedi a palavra. Como o Sr. Presidente me instou a usar da palavra, fi-lo agora.

  Der Präsident. – Dann muss möglicherweise ich um Entschuldigung bitten, wenn es von der EVP-Fraktion verwechselt worden ist. Jedenfalls stehen Sie für diese Anfrage auf der Tagesordnung, und für die EVP-Fraktion wird bei der nächsten Anfrage die Kollegin Zovko sprechen. Also dann machen wir das mal ganz pragmatisch so: Sie stehen bei der nächsten großen Anfrage nicht auf der Tagesordnung. Ich würde Ihnen dann auf jeden Fall nochmals das Wort erteilen. Herr Kollege Preda, können Sie etwas zur Aufklärung beitragen?

  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). – For UNRWA, yes.

  President. – Mr Preda, your name is later down the list for this Interpellation.

  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). – Ok. thanks a lot.

  Victor Boştinaru, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, the Socialists and Democrats reject this infamous attack against the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), the UN agency providing protection and assistance to the Palestinian refugees in the Middle East for almost seven decades. A huge number of Palestinian refugees have been facing an extremely precarious situation, as they are in the front line of a series of regional conflicts that converge and amplify one another. Palestinian refugees who periodically had few conflicts live and survive in extreme poverty and insecurity. The Syrian crisis has exacerbated the situation in the twelve Palestinian camps existing in this country, and in spite of achieving remarkable results in the field, UNRWA’s capabilities are stretched beyond limits. This problem is recurring every time, and I think that we as the Union and we as the European Parliament should fight, together with the Commission, every year to face our responsibility and, together with our other international partners, find a more stable solution for UNRWA funding.

Finally, this interpellation does not represent in anyway the position of this Parliament. The Rules of Procedure have been abused and misused by a minority group on the right – I would say a far-right minority group. We continue to strongly support the Agency and praise UNRWA for their most-needed, difficult but also extraordinary efficient work they are doing.

I will tell the colleagues from EFDD: they should go one single day to see how UNRWA is operating in those camps – what they are doing – and only after to come here and to spread these unacceptable lies. UNRWA is a part of the solution and not a part of the problem when it comes to ensuring stability in the Middle East today and achieving a just and lasting peace between Israelis and Palestinians tomorrow. I won’t comment on or question today the honesty of EFDD – this is not the case.

Instead of any other conclusion, Mr President and Madam Commissioner, I can only say: for some people infamy has no limits, and we should stop this process in the future.

  Der Präsident. – Vielen Dank, Herr Kollege Boștinaru! Ich will nochmals klar sagen: Es war offensichtlich nicht das Versehen von Herrn Kollegen Ruas. Ich kann das jetzt so nicht reparieren, wir lassen jetzt die Tagesordnung ablaufen. Normalerweise hätte die EVP-Fraktion als stärkste Fraktion natürlich das Recht, als erste Fraktion zu sprechen. Das ist eben heute ein bisschen anders.

  Ангел Джамбазки, от името на групата ECR. – г-н Председател, безспорно въпросът за щетите от горските пожари е много важен, затова аз подкрепям усилията на колегата, но това най-вероятно ще стане разговор в следващата точка.

А сега по точката на разговора, който водим в момента. Няма никакво съмнение, всякакви въпроси свързани с финансирането, разходването на средства трябва да бъдат много, много внимателно разследвани, защото това е една изключително чувствителна тема.

Но аз бих искал да Ви обърна внимание върху въпроса, който много често се поставя от службите за сигурност на държавата Израел, именно за пропагандата, която се води в палестинските лагери. За това, че там има свободен достъп и има възможност радикални ислямисти да водят пропаганда насочена срещу мирни граждани и заплашваща мира, здравето и живота, и на гражданите на държавата Израел, и на други, европейски граждани. И този въпрос също е много важен, трябва да бъде поставен и на него трябва да бъде отговорено от агенцията на ООН.

  Jozo Radoš, u ime Kluba zastupnika ALDE-a. – Gospodine predsjedniče, gospođo povjerenice, palestinsko-izraelski sukob od samog početka opterećuje međunarodne odnose, pogotovo političke odnose na Bliskom istoku. Položaj Palestinaca na Zapadnoj obali i u Gazi u velikoj mjeri je doprinio nepovjerenju u politiku zapadnog svijeta, uključujući i politiku Europske unije, i radikalizaciji islamskog i arapskog svijeta.

Stoga podržavam cilj djelovanja Agencije Ujedinjenih naroda za pomoć palestinskim izbjeglicama, a pogotovo njeno djelovanje na obrazovnom području, što je i glavna svrha njenoga postojanja i djelovanja. Jednako tako podržavam i pomoć koju Europska unija pruža i djelovanju ove Agencije i generalno pomoć u financiranju i djelovanju palestinske države.

Naravno, ukoliko postoje naznake zloporaba u djelovanju Agencije i korištenju financijskih sredstava i objekata Agencije, te zloporabe treba pomno istražiti. No, bilo bi korektno da predlagatelji ponude konkretne dokaze za tvrdnje za zloporabe koje su naveli u njihovoj interpelaciji.

  Eleonora Forenza (GUE/NGL). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, io mi recherò tra pochi giorni con una delegazione del mio gruppo parlamentare in Palestina per vedere con i miei occhi la situazione e portare la mia solidarietà e quella del mio gruppo al popolo palestinese, come ho già fatto nell'agosto 2014.

Vorrei testimoniare al Presidente il mio sconcerto per il comportamento vergognoso del gruppo EFDD che, prima, sulla base di calunnie, solleva questa interpellanza e non si presenta nemmeno in Aula. Penso che debba essere chiaro che le calunnie presenti nell'interpellanza sono respinte dall'intero Parlamento e dall'intera Unione europea. Se esistono dei rifugiati palestinesi, è perché i palestinesi sono ancora un popolo senza Stato, perché Israele occupa un territorio non suo e perché ha espulso con la forza i palestinesi dalla sua terra.

Questo Parlamento dovrebbe discutere non della chiusura ma di come aumentare il sostegno all'UNRWA, di come mettere fine all'occupazione israeliana dei territori palestinesi e alla continua violazione, da parte del governo israeliano, di tutte le risoluzioni dell'ONU sul conflitto, delle convenzioni internazionali sui diritti umani, fino all'ultimo sopruso: la negazione del permesso di soggiorno per cittadini europei sposati con palestinesi.

Di questo dovremmo discutere, di come far sì che, ad esempio, l'Unione europea sospenda l'accordo di associazione con Israele. Io penso che quello di cui è stato chiesto di discutere oggi qui in Aula sia davvero una calunnia vergognosa, che infanga questo Parlamento.

  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). – Monsieur le Président, le 31 août dernier, la commission des affaires étrangères a voté l’avis que j’ai rédigé sur le budget 2018.

Dans ce texte, on avait notamment souligné combien il est important que l’Union continue de jouer un rôle central en soutenant le processus de paix au Proche-Orient, l’autorité palestinienne et l’UNRWA.

On a également essayé, par des amendements budgétaires, de répondre aux difficultés financières que rencontre l’UNRWA, qui doit répondre aux besoins croissants de quelque cinq millions de réfugiés palestiniens. Le soutien qu’on apporte à l’UNRWA est constant et justement vu comme une partie de notre stratégie d’engagement en faveur de la paix dans la région.

Dans le contexte que je viens de rappeler, je trouve incongru le débat que nous avons aujourd’hui, à peine deux semaines après ce vote, sur l’idée d’abolir l’UNRWA. Quel signal envoyons-nous si, d’un côté, on vote des amendements budgétaires qui sont favorables à l’UNRWA et, de l’autre côté, on débat de son abolition.

Cela étant dit, mon groupe a toujours soutenu le renforcement de la responsabilité de tous les organismes qui bénéficient des fonds européens. On peut certes toujours améliorer les choses et vérifier que l’argent des contribuables est utilisé de façon responsable pour atteindre nos objectifs stratégiques en accord avec nos valeurs. Ce serait mieux de le faire en agissant de façon constructive plutôt qu’en parlant d’abolition.

Catch-the-eye-Verfahren

  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE). – Gospodine predsjedniče, ono što sam htio pitati kolege iz EFDD-a, ali očito nisu imali hrabrosti doći da im se postavi pitanje i da čuju našu raspravu, jedno je ustvari vrlo jednostavno pitanje. Htio sam ih pitati je li bolje financirati rat ili financirati mir, je li bolje potrošiti novac poreznih obveznika na stvaranje dodatnog ludila na Bliskom istoku ili je bolje pomoći pameti i razumu na Bliskom istoku, jer se o tome radi.

Svi znamo da na kraju uvijek, i najviše, Europska unija i njezini građani financiraju pogotovo mir i pogotovo razvoj. Rat ipak na sreću gotovo svugdje puno manje financira. Kako nema onih koji su postavili ovo pitanje, želim izraziti svoj jednostavan stav. Podržavam rad ove agencije Ujedinjenih naroda i želim joj jednostavno puno uspjeha.

(Ende des Catch-the-eye-Verfahrens)

  Der Präsident. – Bevor die Kommissarin nochmals Stellung nimmt, will ich schon sagen, dass ich es als nicht besonders parlamentarisch empfinde, dass man hier eine Große Anfrage einreicht und es dann nicht für nötig hält, bei der entsprechenden Debatte als Fraktion vertreten zu sein.

   (President addressing himself to Earl of Dartmouth) Colleague, you get the floor when I have finished, not just by raising your hand and starting to shout. One second, please.

   Umgekehrt ist es so, dass sich sowohl die Kommission als auch andere Fraktionen auf die Antwort auf diese Anfrage vorbereiten. Ja deshalb sind wir ja gerade nochmal dabei zu schauen, ob die Änderungen der Geschäftsordnung alle gut angekommen sind. Ich werde dem Kollegen Corbett gegenüber anregen, dass für den Fall, dass Fraktionen, die eine Anfrage stellen, nicht da sind, die Anfrage dann als zurückgezogen gilt, wenn nicht andere Fraktionen sagen, dass sie Wert auf die Behandlung legen. Aber man sollte das nicht honorieren, wenn hier Anfragen gestellt werden und dann ein entsprechender Kollege nicht da ist.

  William (The Earl of) Dartmouth (EFDD). – Mr President, I would just simply point to what you were saying, that there was no EFDD member present. There is an EFDD member present: it is myself. May I presume just to point that out to you before you make a ruling?

  Der Präsident. – Herr Kollege, heute wird keine endgültige Entscheidung getroffen, aber es war jedenfalls so, dass zu Beginn der Debatte niemand von der EFDD da war, denn normalerweise ist es so, .....

(Earl of Dartmouth off micro: ‘I was here at the very beginning’)

  President. – At the very beginning?

But I was told nobody was here. But you are not ready to speak.

  William (The Earl of) Dartmouth (EFDD). – Mr President, I am present. There is a distinction between present and speaking. So I wasn’t given the speaking time but I was actually present; there was somebody present. I would just simply draw attention to this before a final ruling is made. I think that it is perfectly correct to do so and it is designed to be helpful to the Chair.

  Der Präsident. – Okay, wir werden den Sachverhalt so aufnehmen. Ich habe verstanden, dass die Fraktion mit dieser großen Anfrage nicht Ihre Wellenlänge getroffen hat.

  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). – Monsieur le Président, j’interviens pour appuyer totalement votre point de vue, parce que je trouve qu’il est inacceptable d’introduire une question sous le titre «Grandes interpellations» et de n’avoir personne du groupe concerné qui vienne introduire le sujet pour parler de cette interpellation. C'est une entrave au travail des autres. De cette façon, on peut inventer quinze questions et bloquer tous les autres groupes ici.

Il est inacceptable qu’un groupe introduise une interpellation sans être capable d’être présent pour la défendre. Nous ne sommes pas les joujoux des groupes politiques radicaux dans ce Parlement.

Je suis donc intervenu pour appuyer totalement votre interprétation. Je trouve que, dorénavant, les groupes qui ne sont pas capables de défendre ce qu’ils veulent inscrire à l'ordre du jour doivent être exclus de ces débats.

  Der Präsident. – Vielen Dank. Jetzt spricht Frau Kommissarin Crețu.

  Corina Crețu, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, thank you for this interesting debate, which has highlighted the very important role of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian refugees in the Near East, as well as the strong and dynamic partnership that exists between the Agency and the European Union. The European Union stands by its commitments to the Agency and Palestinian refugees, and I appreciate very much that the European Parliament is on the same page.

  Der Präsident. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

12.2. Waldbrände in der Europäischen Union in diesem Sommer

  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Große Anfrage gemäß Artikel 130b der Geschäftsordnung von Nicola Caputo, Fernando Ruas, Ivan Jakovčić, Eric Andrieu, Clara Eugenia Aguilera García, Ana Gomes, Renata Briano, Simona Bonafè, Ricardo Serrão Santos, Gilles Pargneaux, Pina Picierno, Ivica Tolić, Aldo Patriciello, Biljana Borzan, Claudia Țapardel, Dubravka Šuica, Brando Benifei, Doru-Claudian Frunzulică, Alberto Cirio, Liliana Rodrigues, Barbara Spinelli, Andrea Cozzolino, Michela Giuffrida, Tonino Picula, Damiano Zoffoli, Daniele Viotti, Isabella De Monte, Martin Häusling, Monica Macovei, Takis Hadjigeorgiou, Željana Zovko, Merja Kyllönen, Igor Šoltes, Luigi Morgano, Silvia Costa, Elena Gentile, Alessandra Mussolini, Momchil Nekov, Salvatore Domenico Pogliese, Peter Kouroumbashev, Stefano Maullu, Marijana Petir, Franz Obermayr, Tibor Szanyi, Miltiadis Kyrkos, Stelios Kouloglou, Viorica Dăncilă, Eleonora Forenza, Curzio Maltese, Piernicola Pedicini, Manolis Kefalogiannis, Barbara Kappel, Enrique Guerrero Salom an die Kommission betreffend Waldbrände in der Europäischen Union in diesem Sommer (O-000063/2017 – 2017/2842(RSP)) (B8-0327/2017).

  Nicola Caputo, autore. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'estate appena trascorsa ha fatto registrare un picco di incendi mai rilevato in precedenza: il numero di roghi che ha devastato un'area dell'Europa grande quando il Lussemburgo è quasi triplicato rispetto alla media degli ultimi otto anni, passando da 404 a 1 068. I paesi più colpiti sono stati quelli della fascia del Mediterraneo – Italia, Portogallo, Spagna, Francia, Croazia e Grecia – che hanno subito numerose perdite umane e danni materiali su vasta scala.

L'Italia in particolare, secondo il Centro di coordinamento per la risposta all'emergenza della Commissione europea, nella scorsa estate ha avuto 371 roghi ed è stato il primo paese in Europa per numero di incendi boschivi, che hanno cancellato 72 000 ettari di vegetazione. Per gli Stati membri è spesso difficile affrontare da soli incendi di tale portata: come evidenziato dalla Corte dei conti europea in una relazione del 24 febbraio 2015, i finanziamenti dell'Unione europea destinati alla prevenzione dei danni alle foreste causati da incendi e calamità naturali, nonché alla ricostruzione del potenziale forestale, non sono gestiti in modo sufficientemente efficace. Di fatto ad oggi non esiste alcuna normativa specifica nell'Unione europea che riguardi la lotta agli incendi e alla siccità, e diventa sempre più evidente la mancanza di una strategia politica più ampia riguardante la prevenzione degli incendi.

Per questi motivi abbiamo presentato questa interpellanza principale, per chiedere alla Commissione se non ritiene opportuno mobilitare il Fondo di solidarietà dell'Unione europea e applicarlo in modo flessibile per far fronte ai gravi danni causati dagli incendi; se non ritiene sia il caso di avviare meccanismi di intervento europeo mediante la creazione di adeguati strumenti giuridici e di bilancio per ottenere un miglior coordinamento delle politiche degli Stati membri in materia e ottimizzare gli strumenti europei disponibili; e se, infine, ha intenzione di presentare misure specifiche per la prevenzione e la lotta agli incendi e alla siccità nell'Unione europea, prevedendo, ad esempio, aiuti agricoli per la creazione e la manutenzione di fasce parafuoco, in modo da conseguire un miglior coordinamento tra le politiche degli Stati membri in materia e avvalersi al meglio degli strumenti comunitari disponibili.

  Corina Crețu, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, let me start by thanking you all for this major interpellation. Forest fires are currently a major concern for the European Union, and you know very well that the Commission is ready to make every effort to ensure EU solidarity reaches all those people and all those areas that were hit by the dramatic forest fires of this summer and avoid such catastrophes happening again.

EU solidarity is active at all stages – prevention, intervention and construction – and it is channelled through a broad range of instruments. First of all, the European Solidarity Fund. This fund can be mobilised to help with recovery from major and regional natural disasters. However, support is subject to two conditions – first, total direct damage should exceed a threshold which is specific for each Member State or region, and second, national authorities have to submit an application within twelve weeks of the start of the disaster. Without an application the Commission may not take the initiative.

Among the many countries affected by forest fires during the summer, only one, namely Portugal, has submitted so far an application for financial assistance, which is currently being assessed by the European Commission.

The second instrument that is available is the Cohesion Policy. The Cohesion Policy can support, among others, replacement of small and medium-sized enterprises’ productive capacity as well as public infrastructure and equipment. This is what we put in place, for example, for Portugal in August, sent through a swift reallocation of funding within Portuguese programmes with a total maximum budget of EUR 45 million from the Regional Development Fund.

Other EU response tools are also available to assist in fire emergencies. The European Commission’s Emergency Response Coordination Centre monitors forest fires 24 hours per day using the European Forest Fire Information System, and close coordination is maintained between these two bodies with the countries at high risk of forest fires. Assistance may be provided by the EU civil protection mechanism – we mean fire fighting equipment and personnel. The Copernicus Emergency Management Service provides satellite maps for forest fire related emergencies to the European Forest Fire Information System.

The European Union’s main arm to protect forests is the European Agriculture Rural Development Fund, yet not because of the means it devotes to fire fighting. Experience shows that large-scale, catastrophic mega fires, if not intentional, are driven mainly by two factors. First, extreme weather conditions such as extended heatwaves, drought and strong winds, which are intensifying due to climate change. Second, fire-proneness of forests due to natural resource mismanagement and unsustainable land-use decisions such as abandonment of sustainable forest management practices. These factors are largely regardless of how much we spend on firefighting means and preparedness.

On the contrary, more investments are needed on forest fire prevention, on boosting the health and resilience of forest ecosystems. This is exactly what the European Agricultural Development Fund promotes, through three measures: investments in preventive actions to reduce the consequences of natural disasters on agricultural areas; prevention and restoration of damage to forests from fires; and risk management tools.

So thank you very much, and I am waiting for your debate.

  Željana Zovko, u ime Kluba zastupnika PPE-a. – Gospodine predsjedniče, poštovana povjerenice Crețu, kao jedna od supotpisnica interpelacije o požarima u Europskoj uniji ovog ljeta, dužna sam sudjelovati na današnjoj raspravi te upozoriti na razmjere štete koje su požari kao posljedica i dugotrajne suše izazvali na jugu Europe, a osobito u Hrvatskoj i na njezinom području Dalmacije.

Tako se prema prvim procjenama našao podatak od 42 milijuna kuna štete bez opožarenih šuma samo u Splitsko-dalmatinskoj županiji, i to samo za vrijeme velikog požara u okolici Splita. Vjerujem kako će iznos štete biti mnogo veći kad se konačno zbroje svi podaci iz opožarenih područja u Dalmaciji, ali i u ostatku Hrvatske. Također, željela bih ovom prilikom zahvaliti svim dobrovoljnim i javnim vatrogasnim postrojbama, ali i svim hrvatskim građanima koji su neumorno hrabro i bez prestanka pomagali u obrani imovine, prirode i, što je još najvažnije, zaštiti i spašavanju ljudskih života.

No, kako ne bi ostali samo na zahvalama i riječima ohrabrenja našim vatrogascima i građanima, ovom prilikom želim ukazati na manjkavost u postojećim mehanizmima solidarnosti i instrumentima Europske unije. Tako, primjerice, ne postoji fleksibilnost unutar postojećih instrumenata kako bi se pomoglo državama članicama pogođenima velikim šumskim požarima. Ono što me zanima, poštovana povjerenice, jest kada Komisija misli mobilizirati sredstva Europskog fonda solidarnosti kako bi se pomoglo Hrvatskoj i ostalim državama članicama.

Smatrate li kako je nakon ovih požara potreban jedinstven zakonodavni okvir i instrument i tijelo koje bi pomoglo u koordinaciji politika i preventivnih mjera u borbi protiv ovakvih katastrofa?

  Fernando Ruas (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, as minhas desculpas pelo sucedido e também o meu agradecimento pela compreensão que revelou ao dar-me a palavra.

Em julho solicitei este debate sobre incêndios florestais. À data, como disse, eram apenas Portugal e Espanha os países afetados, hoje juntamos-lhe a Croácia, a França, a Grécia e a Itália, o que demonstra bem a abrangência desta triste realidade.

De facto, e somente no meu país, arderam este ano e até 31 de agosto 214 mil hectares de floresta. Este número representa mais do que 234 % da área ardida do que a média dos últimos dez anos para o mesmo período e no âmbito da ajuda europeia importa saber se a Comissão perspetiva a aplicação flexível do Fundo de Solidariedade, como agora aqui é solicitado.

É que, no terreno, Senhora Comissária, as populações precisam de ajuda imediata e, se os governos nacionais são os primeiros responsáveis por essas ajudas, é também importante que conheçam, em tempo, os montantes europeus que lhe são atribuídos. Alerto, por isso, e mais uma vez, para a absoluta necessidade de uma ajuda célere, simplificada e flexível às famílias dos sobreviventes, aos trabalhadores que perderam os seus postos de trabalho, às empresas afetadas, aos bombeiros e às autarquias. Também aqui a União Europeia pode ajudar, aliás de acordo com a informação que a Sra. Comissária nos prestou, e que já está a ser feito no meu país.

  Urszula Krupa, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Chciałam poprzeć postulaty i pytania autorów interpelacji dotyczącej pożarów lasów, jakie dotknęły Unię, a zwłaszcza południowe kraje, powodując ofiary śmiertelne i ogromne szkody. Ochrona lasów jest niezbędna, a ich dobroczynny wpływ na środowisko czy klimat jest nie do przecenienia, a nawet trudny do wyszczególnienia. Trzeba mieć świadomość, że nowe lasy wyrosną na terenach Unii dopiero za kilkadziesiąt lat.

Zabieram głos w tym temacie także dlatego, że w Polsce doszło do ogromnych strat, co prawda nie wskutek pożarów, ale po nawałnicach, jakie miały miejsce w drugiej dekadzie sierpnia, kiedy to powalonych zostało prawie osiem milionów sześciennych drzew. Zniszczonych jest czterdzieści tysięcy hektarów lasów w południowo-zachodniej części mojego kraju, gdzie także zginęło kilka osób i zostało zniszczonych kilka tysięcy zabudowań. Szkody zwykle mają charakter powierzchniowy, jednak szczególnie w czasie pożarów zniszczeniu ulegają całe drzewostany, powstają ogromne straty przyrodnicze, ulegają zniszczeniu siedliska cennych gatunków ptaków, legowiska dzikich zwierząt czy siedliska cennych gatunków roślin. Dlatego potrzebna jest ochrona wspólnotowa, solidarność i wsparcie zarówno w kwestii ochrony lasów przed pożarami, jak i innymi kataklizmami, nie zapominając o edukacji społeczeństwa w tej dziedzinie. Konieczne jest uruchomienie Funduszu Solidarności Unii Europejskiej, jak i stosowanie go w elastyczny sposób, żeby usunąć szkody spowodowane pożarami, suszą czy kataklizmami.

  Ivan Jakovčić, u ime Kluba zastupnika ALDE-a. – Gospodine predsjedniče, Mediteran je ove godine, ovoga ljeta, opet gorio. U Hrvatskoj je najgore bilo u Dalmaciji. Požare ne možemo predvidjeti, teško ih je kontrolirati, ali mi moramo nešto napraviti. Moramo staviti ruku na srce i reći, prije svega, i pitati se jesmo li dovoljno napravili, jer tragedije koje su se dešavale na čitavom Mediteranu zaista su nevjerojatne.

Trebamo više solidarnosti u Europi i trebamo iskoristiti Fond solidarnosti na fleksibilniji način. Trebamo pomoći ljudima, jer je bilo zaista velikih tragedija. Želim naglasiti, gospođo povjerenice, da sam Vam pisao, i, kao što znate, govorio sam o makrostrategiji Jadransko-jonske makrostrategije ovdje u ovom Parlamentu i u toj strategiji pisao sam kako trebamo jedan jadranski centar za prevenciju katastrofa, jedan zajednički centar za Jadran i Jonsko more.

Učinimo nešto kada govorimo o požarima, to možemo napraviti, to možemo financirati, to može pomoći ljudima. To je barem minimalno ono što možemo napraviti, ali učinimo to odmah.

(Govornik je pristao odgovoriti na pitanje postavljeno podizanjem plave kartice (članak 162. stavak 8. Poslovnika).

  Petras Auštrevičius (ALDE), blue-card question. – Mr President, I noticed my colleague Mr Jakovčić made very clear proposals, and I believe that solidarity is a great value, but this value should somehow be translated into action. I would like to ask Mr Jakovčić: apart from the crisis centre, do you think that there should be some regional capacities established in order to cope with disasters much better? I mean, countries in a region might cooperate – have joint firefighters or something. What is your opinion about this?

  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE), odgovor na pitanje postavljeno podizanjem plave kartice. – Gospodine Auštrevičius, ja Vas naravno poznajem kao osobu koja ima uvijek vrlo konkretne ideje i prijedloge i u potpunosti podržavam ovo što govorite. Upravo na tragu i onoga što sam predložio, Vi na neki način sugerirate suradnju zemalja koje su blizu. Spomenut ću samo kanader; Italija i Hrvatska dijele ogromnu obalu Jadranskog mora, a tako smo blizu, i mi bismo zaista morali imati zajednički centar, jer kanader može preletjeti Jadran u nekoliko minuta. Dakle, apsolutno se slažem s Vama.

  Der Präsident. – Vielen Dank, Herr Kollege Jakovčić! Es ist schön, dass Sie Ihre gegenseitige Wertschätzung, die Sie normalerweise nur in der Fraktion austauschen, auch einmal in öffentlicher Sitzung zur Geltung bringen.

  João Pimenta Lopes, em nome do Grupo GUE/NGL. – Senhor Presidente, Portugal registou este verão números históricos de incêndios e área ardida, alguns de brutais proporções e consequências, e que não se podem justificar apenas pelas intensas vagas de calor. Dois meses volvidos após a aprovação de reforço orçamental do Fundo de Solidariedade importa apurar os montantes efetivamente disponibilizados para o país, bem como compreender como foram mobilizados e de que forma se efetivou o apoio às vítimas e às populações, por um lado, na recuperação ecológica estrutural, por outro.

Mas tomamos esta oportunidade para reforçar o que há muito defendemos: a necessidade de modificar as regras de mobilização do Fundo, assegurando uma mobilização mais flexível, atempada e cobrindo um leque mais amplo de catástrofes, mas igualmente afirmar que defender a floresta e prevenir os fogos exige outra política e meios financeiros e humanos.

A abordagem comunitária da prevenção de catástrofes e muitas das propostas que em 2010 este Parlamento aprovou - de que destaco a proposta de criação de um quadro financeiro apropriado à prevenção de catástrofes capaz de financiar ações em domínios como o ordenamento florestal ou a manutenção da atividade agrícola em áreas afetadas pelo despovoamento - estão ainda longe de serem implementadas. Muito está por fazer e urge tomar ações e medidas nesse sentido.

  William (The Earl of) Dartmouth, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Mr President, fires happen in particular places. Countries do not catch fire, nor even do regions. It is houses that catch fire, trees catch fire, woods catch fire, villages, even whole communities can get caught in fires, but it is all essentially local. The best approach to help put fires out and help cope with the consequences of fires is to do it locally. Victims of fires need people on the spot, and they and we need resources applied in exactly the right way at the right time and in the right place, that is to say locally.

Therefore, it follows that fires are the ultimate example in which to apply subsidiarity. Of course, neighbours must help out, and of course, all donations are welcome and all decent people will indeed help. But this is yet another and regrettable example of the EU Commission thinking that big is best. This is incorrect. It is local that is best – and more than that, micro is magic. We can help people best – individuals, communities and people caught in the middle – locally. What we do not need is the slow-moving, Kafkaesque EU bureaucracy which has proven itself over and over again to be dysfunctional and unhelpful.

To depart for my prepared text: there was a fire earlier today in the Hemicycle – a fire of democracy. It is not often that I agree with a Member of GUE/NGL, but the gentleman was right. It was profoundly undemocratic for a member of the Commission – the executive – to intervene directly in a parliamentary debate. This was fire of democracy, and colleagues should consider that a Parliament should not accept intervention in this way, from a member of the executive.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

  Andrejs Mamikins (S&D), zilās kartītes jautājums. – Godātais Dartmouth kungs! Es gribu jums uzdot jautājumu. Kā jūs tik kaislīgi tagad kritizējat gan Eiropas Komisiju, gan manu kolēģi Corina Crețu, kuru es labprāt gribētu paslavēt, jo viņa ir komisāre no Rumānijas, viņa ir sociāldemokrāte, viņa strādā cītīgi, lai problēmas, par ko jūs runājat, tiktu atrisinātas maksimāli efektīvi.

Bet man jautājums ir jums principā — kāpēc jūs šeit esat šajā zālē un kritizējat Eiropas Komisiju, ja jūsu politiskā grupa ir principiāli pret Eiropas Savienību? Nu tad varbūt pietiek runāt šajā stilā un vienkārši jāatbrīvo plenārsēžu zāle?

  William (The Earl of) Dartmouth (EFDD), blue-card answer. – As Donald Tusk, the President of the Council, pointed out in a prepared statement the day after the Brexit referendum, all UK citizens and all the citizens of other countries represented by members of the EFDD Group are fully bound by all the laws, rules, regulations and directives of the European Union. We therefore have a moral obligation to represent our constituents and to defend our constituents from all too many examples of bad decisions and bad decision-making by a number of Commissioners, many of whom are frankly just not up to the job.

  Der Präsident. – Ich will doch noch einen Satz zu dem sagen, was heute Mittag kurz vor der Abstimmung nicht gesagt worden ist.

Nach den einschlägigen Bestimmungen hat die Kommission jederzeit das Recht zu intervenieren. Deshalb war die empörte Reaktion auf Frau Mogherini – die nicht von Ihnen kam, Herr Kollege Dartmouth, aber Sie haben es jetzt noch einmal angesprochen – in keiner Weise angebracht.

Catch-the-eye-Verfahren

  Marc Tarabella (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, de plus en plus souvent on constate une baisse de la pluviosité au printemps, donc plus de sécheresse dans les taillis et dans les bois. Lorsque s'y ajoutent une vague de chaleur, des températures assez élevées – comme celles que l’on a connues cet été –, et des vents forts, on a évidemment des incendies qui se déclarent, notamment sur le pourtour méditerranéen. De plus, la simultanéité des feux est une difficulté supplémentaire dans la lutte contre les incendies.

Or, j’ai souvent entendu qu’on parlait de fonds solidarité et on a raison. Mais, dans les conditions d’aujourd’hui, même des coupe-feux dans les forêts bien entretenues ne peuvent empêcher des sautes de feux, quand il y a des vents très forts, de dizaines de mètres, voire de centaines de mètres.

À côté du Fonds de solidarité, qui intervient quand il est trop tard, quand il faut indemniser les victimes, ne pourrait-on pas penser à un fonds mixte privé/public qui pourrait, par exemple, intégrer des mairies, des assurances et aussi une série d’acteurs pour avoir un fonds de prévention qui puisse mieux équiper les zones les plus sensibles, par exemple en canadairs de réserve – même si je sais que c’est très onéreux – qui pourraient renforcer les équipes déjà existantes sur le terrain pour mieux combattre les feux, surtout quand il y a une simultanéité de déclaration d’incendies.

  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – г-н Председател, поздравявам колегата Капуто и тези, които са се подписали под този въпрос. Той е много на място. Не само цяла Южна Европа горя тази година, горя и една от големите български планини – Пирин. Там щетите са за милиони и ще се възстановяват, както знаете една гора се възстановява от порядъка на десетилетия.

Много от колегите говориха за Фонда за солидарност, но той ще трябва да погасява щети, които вече са настъпили. Много по-евтино и много по-разумно е да се говори за това какво трябва и може да се направи, за да не бъдат допускани пожари в такива мащаби. И тук, колега Капуто, не може да става дума само за противопожарни просеки, те могат да бъдат правени някъде, но в биорезервати, в национални паркове, природни паркове такива просеки не могат да бъдат правени заради законодателството и труднодостъпния терен.

И тук, г-жо Комисар, имам конкретни предложения към Вас.

На първо място, може и трябва да се помисли за това да бъде закупувана съвместно техника от държавите членове, вертолети, самолети, водосамолети, които да гасят заедно големите площи между държавите.

На второ място трябва да бъдат обучавани доброволците от различните държави и да бъдат екипирани така, че да се борят с пожарите.

  Jozo Radoš (ALDE). – Gospodine predsjedniče, požari koji su ove godine zahvatili Hrvatsku nisu zapamćeni u zadnjih nekoliko desetaka godina. Samo u kolovozu je izgorilo 44 000 hektara s velikom materijalnom štetom, ali na sreću bez ljudskih žrtava.

Ljetni požari su trajni problem Europe, pogotovo njenog mediteranskog dijela. Stoga zahvaljujem kolegi Caputou i ostalim kolegama koji su potaknuli ovo pitanje, a jednako tako podržavam njihove prijedloge o aktiviranju Europskog fonda solidarnosti i uspostavi europskog intervencijskog mehanizma. Mislim da bi se ti instrumenti, koje treba svakako aktivirati, trebali fokusirati na solidarnost prilikom gašenja požara i možda, što je još važnije, na zajedničku prevenciju izbijanja požara u pograničnim područjima Europske unije.

  Eleonora Forenza (GUE/NGL). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, … di essere ancora affezionata alla divisione dei poteri che sono a fondamento dello Stato di diritto e, quindi, che una commissaria europea possa intervenire nel corso di una votazione è qualcosa che, per fortuna, ancora mi sorprende e penso che sia qualcosa di poco consono all'esaltazione dei poteri del Parlamento europeo e al loro rafforzamento, che molto spesso ascoltiamo da quello scranno. Quindi, mi permetta di dissentire fortemente da quanto Lei ha detto.

Ringrazio l'onorevole Caputo per essersi fatto promotore di questa interpellanza, che ho contribuito a sostenere attraverso la mia firma. Condivido integralmente quanto ha detto il collega Pimenta Lopes sul Fondo di solidarietà, cioè sul fatto che le politiche di austerità e di tagli hanno reso più difficile la prevenzione e gli interventi antincendio. Mi permetto anche di dire che non sempre gli Stati membri hanno fatto quanto potevano fare, che il Governo italiano dovrebbe forse acquistare più Canadair e meno F35 e che l'abolizione del Corpo forestale dello Stato di certo non ha aiutato a fronteggiare adeguatamente questa situazione.

(Ende des Catch-the-eye-Verfahrens)

  Corina Crețu, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, I would like to thank Members for their words. I think the tensions that appeared here are not about this debate and about myself, but I thank you for your words.

I presented in my first speech exactly how many tools we have to deal with fires, and I can assure you that for us it was a priority during the summer. It was by chance that I was on permanence when Portugal suffered the fires. Each day I was in contact with the Ministers, in Greece and Italy also. You know that you, the Members of the European Parliament, voted yesterday for 95% from European funds to be used for natural disasters. Yesterday you also approved the Commission proposal to help Italy with EUR 1.2 billion after the earthquake.

In terms of the fires, I think the richness of the debate today shows just how complex the issue of forest fires is and requires joining forces, knowledge and expertise beyond silos and beyond borders. To respond to your questions, I would like to say that you are right when you say that everything is local, but the European Union activates assistance only when locals ask for help, so it took less than 12 hours this summer for Portugal to receive help from France, and also France, Italy and Spain. To give you an example: as I said at the beginning, we have a Solidarity Fund, we have Cohesion Funds. Portugal has asked for change in the operational programme, and in a few days we will change and help Portugal with EUR 45 million to deal with Portugal. We also have other instruments, for instance the Civil Protection Mechanism. The mechanism was activated by Portugal in the early hours of Sunday, 18 June, and through the mechanism an immediate offer was made, I can say, within one hour, of three planes from France. The French fleet arrived in the affected area on the same day and began operations immediately. The other eight planes from Italy and Spain were offered on 18 June and arrived on 18 and 19 June. So I just wanted to give you some examples of what we are doing with this.

What you said on prevention is very important. We have investments on prevention, on boosting the health and resilience of forests’ ecosystems. This is exactly what the European Agricultural Rural Development Fund promotes through the measures I presented at the beginning.

So, thank you once again for this debate. I will go back to Brussels with this message from you, with an unwavering will to work closely with you and the Member States in finding a European response to these very dramatic challenges for the countries and for the people.

  Der Präsident. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

13. Vorlage von Dokumenten: siehe Protokoll

14. Beschlüsse über bestimmte Dokumente: siehe Protokoll

15. Übermittlung der in dieser Sitzung angenommenen Texte: siehe Protokoll

16. Zeitpunkt der nächsten Sitzungen: siehe Protokoll

17. Unterbrechung der Sitzungsperiode

  Der Präsident. – Ich erkläre die Sitzungsperiode des Europäischen Parlaments für unterbrochen.

(Die Sitzung wird um 15.55 Uhr geschlossen.)