Verbatim report of proceedings

Wednesday, 4 October 2017 - Strasbourg

15. Fiscal compact and its incorporation into the EU legal framework (topical debate)

  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über ein aktuelles Thema gemäß Artikel 153a der Geschäftsordnung: „Der fiskalpolitische Pakt und seine Integration in den Rechtsrahmen der EU“ (2017/2866(RSP)).

Bei dieser Art von Aussprache gibt es kein Catch-the-eye-Verfahren und auch keine blauen Karten.

  Marco Valli, autore. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, oggi parliamo del fiscal compact e quindi della sottrazione della sovranità dei popoli e della loro sottomissione attraverso il vincolo economico.

Per farlo dobbiamo tornare un po' alla preistoria: 1972. Si parte col serpente monetario, il primo tentativo fallito di vincolare i cambi delle valute, per poi riuscire ad attuarlo nel 1979 con lo SME. 1981: gli italiani lo ricorderanno bene; è l'anno della separazione tra la Banca d'Italia e il ministero del Tesoro ad opera di due federalisti, nonché architetti di questa Unione europea, Ciampi e Andreatta, che consegnarono il controllo del nostro debito pubblico al mercato finanziario. 1992: il trionfale ingresso in Maastricht, con l'introduzione di vincoli numerici, come quello del limite della spesa del 3%, basati su nessun tipo di logica economica. Poi, nel 1999, arriva l'euro, voluto da Prodi che dichiarava: "lavoreremo un giorno di meno e guadagneremo come se avessimo lavorato un giorno in più".

La verità è che ci hanno privato della leva monetaria, senza dirci che ci avrebbero tolto la libertà di autodeterminarci. Ed eccoci al 2012: l'anno in cui 25 Stati membri su 28 sottoscrivono il fiscal compact, rendendo vincolanti il principio di pareggio di bilancio e il parametro del debito/PIL del 60% contenuta in Maastricht. Nel 2012 i governi si sono dati appuntamento a 5 anni per discuterne. Quei 5 anni scadono tra 3 mesi e i cittadini, a Natale, potrebbero trovarsi sotto l'albero l'ennesima cessione di sovranità, perché il fiscal compact diventerà giuridicamente superiore alla legislazione nazionale e renderà irreversibili le politiche liberiste ed austerità.

Il fiscal compact assume la trappola del debito unico come cornice indiscutibile entro la quale costruire la gabbia per i diritti sociali e del lavoro e la privatizzazione dei beni comuni. Se i governi confermeranno il fiscal compact, il mio paese per esempio, sarà obbligato per i prossimi vent'anni a portare il rapporto del debito PIL dall'attuale 133% al 60% attraverso un taglio sconsiderato della spesa pubblica relativa al welfare, e soprattutto, trattamenti medievali per le pensioni e i diritti dei lavoratori.

Questo è il pareggio di bilancio previsto dal fiscal compact e inserito nella Costituzione italiana con un colpo di Stato avvenuto nel 2011, per mano del professor Monti. Quello che è la Grecia è il più grande successo dell'euro, sostenuta dai partiti come il Partito democratico e Forza Italia che militano nel Parlamento europeo tra socialisti e popolari, che hanno vincolato per sempre la democrazia del mio paese al volere di Bruxelles.

Molti di voi a telecamere accese continuano a dire di essere contrari a questi principi di austerità ma lo fate solo per raccattare voti: è accaduto nel passato, sta accadendo nel presente e non possiamo permettere che accada anche in futuro con questioni vitali come quelle sancite nella relazione Brok-Bresso, la parlamentare del Partito democratico del 40% di Renzi, quello della riscossa contro l'austerità e i vincoli economici, una relazione vergognosa, dove si celebrano il fiscal compact e quella che di fatto è un'istituzionalizzazione della troika.

Volete trasformare il Meccanismo europeo di stabilità nel Fondo monetario europeo, volete istituzionalizzare quel sistema perverso e di ricatto per fare in modo che gli Stati siano schiacciati dalla Troika. Volete istituzionalizzare tutto questo. Ci chiedete di mettere i nostri soldi nel Meccanismo europeo di stabilità e poi ce li date in prestito per pagare interessi finanziari insostenibili e soprattutto illegittimi. Il tutto orchestrato da un super ministro dell'Eurozona che dirà ai popoli cattivi della periferia quali riforme lacrime e sangue dover implementare.

Quindi che cosa sono il pareggio di bilancio e il fiscal compact? Sono semplicemente dei beceri strumenti di ricatto verso i diritti dei popoli europei, in contrasto con i principi delle Costituzioni dei nostri paesi e nello stesso trattato di Lisbona su cui si dovrebbe fondare tutta questa Unione europea.

Ma tutto questo può essere fermato entro fine anno: gli Stati dovranno decidere il destino del fiscal compact. Questo Parlamento ha il dovere morale di dare un'indicazione negativa alle politiche di austerità insostenibili e depressive.

Noi nel 2012 non c'eravamo: oggi sì e sappiamo che il nostro governo umilierà ancora i suoi cittadini. Chiediamo a questo Parlamento di sostenere la nostra battaglia per stracciare definitivamente il fiscal compact.

  Matti Maasikas, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, the Intergovernmental Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in the economic and monetary union aims for its substance to be incorporated into the EU legal framework. This includes the fiscal compact. At present, a review of the implementation of the fiscal compact by Member States is ongoing. In the context of the March 2017 Ecofin Council, Member States had a first exchange of views on this based on a Commission report.

According to this report, all contracting Member States have significantly adapted their national fiscal frameworks as a result of the fiscal compact requirements, but the Council has not yet been in a position to address the issue of integrating the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance into EU law. At the same time, a broader debate is currently taking place on the future governance of the EMU, of which the fiscal policy coordination is a part.

The Presidency supports this debate and looks forward to the Commission’s legislative package on the economic and monetary union deepening to be presented on 6 December. This, as we understand, will include a proposal for incorporating the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance into EU law. Going forward, the December inclusive euro area summit at the invitation of President Tusk will be an important meeting, following which work on the EMU governance reform will continue.

  Valdis Dombrovskis, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, as you know, the fiscal compact is a cornerstone of the Intergovernmental Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in the Economic and Monetary Union (TSCG). It was signed in March 2012 by 25 Member States. 22 out of those 25 contracting parties, namely the euro area countries Bulgaria, Denmark and Romania, are bound by the fiscal compact. The chief objective of the fiscal compact is to strengthen budgetary discipline by operating as a complement to the Stability and Growth Pact, the EU rule-based framework.

In fact, the fiscal compact was initially proposed as an amendment to the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union and became part of the intergovernmental instrument only after having failed to garner unanimity in the European Council. But this intergovernmental approach was understood from the onset as a way to move forward swiftly, as a response to the economic and financial crisis. The integration of the fiscal compact into Union law was already foreseen at the time of its creation. This is clearly acknowledged in the text itself, specifically in the so-called repatriation clause. This clause states that the necessary steps will be taken with the aim of incorporating the substance of the TSCG into the Union legal framework within five years at most from its entry into force. This means 1 January 2018.

The Commission is not legally bound by the provisions of TSCG. However, as a general principle, the Commission is in favour of integrating intergovernmental arrangements such as TSCG or the Treaty Establishing the European Stability Mechanism into Union law. These intergovernmental solutions were conceived as stop-gaps during the crisis. Their incorporation into Union law would bring greater democratic accountability and legitimacy across the Union.

These are not just the views of the Commission. The Five Presidents’ report argues that a well-functioning Economic and Monetary Union would benefit from the integration into Union law of all intergovernmental instruments created during the crisis.

The Commission’s Reflection Paper on deepening the Economic and Monetary Union published this May recalls the agreement among the contracting parties to integrate the relevant provisions of the fiscal compact into EU law as one of the elements towards completion of the Economic and Monetary Union by 2025. Accordingly, President Juncker’s letter of intent that accompanied his State of the Union speech lists this step among the priority initiatives to be taken forward by the end of 2018. The integration into Union law should take into account the flexibility built into the Stability and Growth Pact.

The Commission is currently exploring the concrete options for this incorporation, with the aim of putting forward the proposal as part of the December package on the EMU as announced by President Juncker. I am looking forward to hearing your views.

  Dariusz Rosati, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, the fiscal compact, as part of the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance, was adopted in 2012 as a response to the lack of compliance by some Member States with the provisions of the stability and growth pact. Its objective was to strengthen budgetary discipline across the EU, with the introduction of more effective and stricter fiscal rules, including independent monitoring, the automatic corrective mechanism, transposition of a balanced budget rule into national legislation, and swifter sanctions for non-compliance.

Four years after the Treaty entered into force, its implementation is only partly completed, and the results achieved are not very impressive. First, specific measures undertaken to comply with the fiscal compact vary from country to country, with different degrees of commitment and effectiveness. As a result, the budgetary situation in some Member States has not improved despite a generally better macroeconomic environment and stronger growth. Moreover, many Member States do not generate progress towards their medium-term objectives at a sufficient speed.

Moreover, the overall fiscal framework in the EU has become even more complex making its implementation more difficult and less transparent. Therefore, further steps are needed. While fully endorsing the fiscal compact, we need to enforce it more effectively. First, we need to make sure that its transposition into Member States’ legislation leads to stronger national ownership and better compliance with the rules. Second, we have to reduce the complexity of the whole EU fiscal framework in order to make it more transparent and to ensure better monitoring and equal treatment of all Member States. And third, the revised and improved fiscal compact should be incorporated into the primary law of the EU to give it more legal clout and make it binding for all Member States.

  Pervenche Berès ,au nom du groupe S&D. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Vice-président, Monsieur le représentant du Conseil, le TSCG (pacte budgétaire), signé et entré en vigueur en 2012, prévoit en son article 16, cinq ans après, son intégration dans le droit communautaire. Peut-être est-ce le moyen de transformer le TSCG, objet juridique mal identifié, en un instrument qui soit plus conforme à ce qu’il aurait dû être depuis le départ, et non pas un traité intergouvernemental accaparant des institutions de l’Union.

Pour autant, dès le début, notre groupe a été très clair, et nous avons bataillé pour que, a minima, les objectifs poursuivis par ce traité soient conformes à ceux qu’il nous semble indispensable de poursuivre, à savoir l’objectif d’une croissance durable de l’emploi, de la compétitivité et de la cohésion sociale.

Dès le départ, nous avons aussi été critiques sur la conditionnalité de l’accès au mécanisme européen de stabilité qu’il instituait, sur l’incorporation nécessaire dans l’ordre juridique des États membres de la règle d’or ou sur le durcissement qui nous semblait excessif de la surveillance budgétaire.

D’entrée de jeu, nous avons dit qu’il fallait que ce traité soit complété par des politiques économiques favorables à la croissance durable ou à la création d’emplois.

Nous en venons aujourd’hui aux conditions de son intégration dans le droit communautaire. Depuis longtemps, ce Parlement européen, résolution après résolution, et la dernière fois encore, dans le rapport de Guy Verhofstadt, demande que cette intégration soit précédée d’une évaluation rigoureuse de l’expérience acquise au terme de sa mise en œuvre. De ce point de vue, je ne peux que citer le président Juncker lui-même qui, dans son discours sur l’état de l’Union, a dit très clairement que l’application intelligente des règles avait permis d’améliorer la situation de l’Union sans casser la croissance.

C’est dans cet esprit que nous vous demandons de réviser et d’évaluer ce pacte pour le rendre conforme à l’objectif que nous avons toujours poursuivi. De ce point de vue, il y a beaucoup à faire car, dans le calcul des déficits structurels, dans l’évaluation de la trajectoire d’ajustement des économies, lorsqu’elles rentrent dans le «bras» préventif du pacte, nous voyons bien que le traité, tel qu’il a été dessiné il y a cinq ans, n’est pas adapté.

Par conséquent, nous soutiendrons une intégration, mais après une évaluation rigoureuse dans le cadre d’un débat démocratique ouvert que nous sommes prêts à mener.

  Joachim Starbatty, im Namen der ECR-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Es ist bekannt, dass Währungsunionen auseinanderbrechen, wenn die fiskalpolitische Disziplin nicht in allen Mitgliedstaaten ausgeübt wird. Jeroen Dijsselbloem, der Präsident der Euro-Gruppe, hat das in einen Vergleich gebracht, der das Haus sehr aufgeregt hat. Er sagte: Wenn die einen sich mit Frauen und Schnaps vergnügen, können sie nicht erwarten, dass andere die Zeche bezahlen! Schäuble hat das auch gesagt – nur vorsichtig. Warum ist es so, dass wir dauernd darüber sprechen, dass der Fiskalpakt effektiver ausgestattet werden muss, dass man da noch etwas ändern muss, dass man den integrieren muss? Warum ist das so?

Es ist ganz einfach! Wenn die Länder nicht für ihre Entscheidungen haften, können sie auch nicht für bestimmte Dinge haftbar gemacht werden! Es ist wie bei einem Fußballspiel. Wir haben Fußballspielregeln, und Regelverstöße werden geahndet. Dafür gibt es eine gelbe Karte. Und jeder Spieler weiß, dass bei einem zweiten Regelverstoß nicht eine zweite gelbe Karte, sondern die rote Karte kommt. Jeder Spieler weiß, dass bei mehrfachen Regelverstößen Platzverweis droht. Aber wenn es keine roten Karten gibt, kann man so viele gelbe Karten zeigen, wie man will, es wird sich nichts ändern!

Wir haben hier beim Fiskalpakt ein System, wo nur gelbe Karten aufgezeigt werden. Deswegen fragen wir uns immer wieder: Warum wird das nicht besser?

Jetzt haben Jean-Claude Juncker und Emmanuel Macron einen europäischen Finanzminister und ein eigenes Budget vorgeschlagen. Nur ist der Finanzminister nichts anderes als die Fortschreibung des Fiskalpakts. Wenn die Länder nicht wollen, dann wird man sie nicht disziplinieren können. Denn wenn wir sagen, wir haben eine unauflösliche Schicksalsgemeinschaft, und kein Land das Euro-Währungsgebiet verlassen muss, dann können wir uns nicht wundern, dass es Regelverstöße über Regelverstöße gibt.

Die Konsequenz wird sein, dass nur die Fonds, die Budgets für das Euro-Währungsgebiet übrig bleiben – also weitere Transfers, eine fiskalische Drainage. Aber was wir als Ökonomen auch wissen, ist: Wenn Subventionen und Transfers eingeführt werden, hören sie nicht irgendwann mal auf, sondern sie perpetuieren sich! Das ist die Erkenntnis der Ökonomie und auch der Politik. Budgets für das Euro-Währungsgebiet werden das Problem nicht lösen, sondern sie werden es verlängern, weil es jetzt nicht mehr notwendig ist, Regeln einzuhalten, denn andere kommen ja dafür auf!

Wenn ich dann Herrn Timmermans‘ Engagement für die Rechtsstaatlichkeit höre, die notwendig ist, – da unterstreiche ich jeden Satz, jeden Akzent! Aber in der Europäischen Währungsunion ist es ja so, dass wir uns nicht fragen: Ist das regelgerecht? Sondern wir fragen uns: Was müssen wir tun, um das Euro-Währungsgebiet zusammenzuhalten? Da werden auch Regeln gebrochen! Ich möchte, dass die Kommission und das Haus die Rechtsstaatlichkeit auch für die Währungsunion anwenden.

  Petr Ježek, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, the Economic and Monetary Union needs improvement in the areas of stability, convergence and governance. We do not only need to put in check public deficits, which in most Member States are now under control. We also need to reduce the excessively high debt levels to free money to invest in the future.

We also need to keep public spending under control so as not to overburden future generations, and we need to cater for future crises by not over-spending in economic good times so we have sufficient buffers in case the next crisis comes from the US. Moreover, the economic policies in the Union need to be more closely coordinated to generate positive spill-over effects and to enhance competitiveness in all Member States. We need a coordinated effort in modernising and reforming economies to create jobs and growth and face global competition. The Union has created so many new institutions, structures and procedures partly under Union law, partly on an intergovernmental basis, but not all of these new creatures have an equivalent counterpart holding them accountable.

If we want our citizens to have greater acceptance of the decisions that are taken at EU or indeed national level, we need to make sure that those can be effectively scrutinised, as many of these issues can be addressed if the Fiscal Compact were to be transposed into Union law. It is not without flaws and some of its provisions may need amendments, but overall, my group is strongly in favour of transposing the Treaty on Stability, Convergence and Governance to the greatest extent possible into the Union law in order to strengthen the principle of sound public finances, improve economic policy and coordination and legal uncertainty, and allow for proper democratic accountability.

  Miguel Viegas, em nome do Grupo GUE/NGL. – Senhor Presidente, a estabilidade, a coordenação e a governação da União Económica e Monetária foi assinada em 2012 como resposta à crise financeira de 2008. Mas, em vez de tirar lições desta crise financeira, acentuou os aspetos mais negativos do Pacto de Estabilidade e Crescimento, querendo assim matar o paciente com a doença.

Como era de esperar, o tratado orçamental apenas prolongou a trajetória de divergência encetada com o euro e o Pacto de Estabilidade e Crescimento, impondo austeridade e a agenda neoliberal da União Europeia aos Estados-Membros contra a vontade dos seus povos.

Como o demonstra a situação de Portugal, a austeridade não é inevitável, revertendo as medidas da troica, apesar da chantagem da Comissão Europeia e das ameaças de sanções e cortes dos fundos estruturais, os salários e as pensões aumentaram, os impostos sobre o trabalho diminuíram e as privatizações andaram para trás, o crescimento voltou e o défice até baixou. Em vez de incorporar o pacto orçamental no quadro jurídico da União Europeia, melhor seria acabar com a União Económica Europeia ou, pelo menos, permitir a saída ordenada dos Estados-Membros que assim o desejem.

  Ernest Urtasun, en nombre del Grupo Verts/ALE. – Señor presidente, el Pacto Presupuestarioha sido uno de los grandes errores de la Unión Europea y uno de los puntos de inflexión que han alimentado de alguna forma también el antieuropeísmo. Este acuerdo intergubernamental es el buque insignia de la austeridad en Europa y ha sido el elemento que ha permitido al Consejo ser el brazo ejecutor de un programa de austeridad y reformas estructurales que ha empobrecido a muchos países y disparado las desigualdades.

Ahora ya podemos decir que esta receta ha sido un fracaso a nivel económico y devastadora a nivel social. Este artefacto, además, tiene graves faltas de escrutinio democrático tanto por el Parlamento como por parte del Tribunal de Luxemburgo.

Permítame que le recuerde cómo se aplicó en España la llamada «regla de oro» en 2011: con una reforma antidemocrática de la Constitución, sin debate, sin refrendo ciudadano, creando una grave crisis institucional...

Y muchas de las crisis institucionales posteriores tienen una gran vinculación con lo que pasó ese día, con un sentimiento de secuestro de la democracia en una parte de la ciudadanía que todavía hoy perdura.

Por eso, creo que lo mejor que se puede hacer con el Pacto Presupuestario es derogarlo y asegurar que todas las políticas de coordinación económica y presupuestaria en la Unión Europea, que son extremadamente necesarias, se hagan dentro de los Tratados con un fuerte escrutinio en el Parlamento Europeo y con pleno respeto de los procesos democráticos en cada Estado de la Unión Europea.

  Bernard Monot ,au nom du groupe ENF. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, nous sommes totalement opposés à l’intégration du pacte budgétaire, le TSCG, dans le cadre juridique de l’Union européenne, et ce pour deux raisons principales.

Premièrement, par principe, parce que nous sommes partisans de l’Europe des nations, nous avons une nette préférence pour les accords intergouvernementaux, comme le TSCG, et ce afin d’éviter la propagation fédéraliste du cadre juridique de l’Union. Or, les matières du TSCG sont très importantes pour l’autonomie budgétaire des États.

Deuxièmement, parce que l’intégration du pacte budgétaire dans l’ordre juridique de l’Union européenne est extrêmement dangereuse dans le contexte de la mise en place d’un fonds monétaire européen, le FME.

La Commission européenne prépare en effet pour décembre un paquet de réformes de la zone euro qui inclut ce FME. Ce fonds monétaire européen est voulu par l’Allemagne. Gendarme macro-financier, il aura pour mission de mettre en place un mécanisme de restructuration des dettes publiques, c’est-à-dire un buy-in pour les États.

Le FME annoncera ainsi aux investisseurs et agents économiques les différentes paires qui seraient appliquées en cas de défaut. Cela aura l’effet d’accroître préventivement les pressions sur les États, via les disciplines de marché, et le renchérissement du coût des financements par la dette.

Le FME assurera le respect le plus strict du TSCG. Sa tâche sera facilitée par la possibilité nouvelle de saisir la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne. Cette possibilité, activement défendue par Mme Merkel lors de la négociation originelle du TSCG, avait alors été rejetée par les autres États. Cinq ans après, discrètement, nous y revenons.

Monsieur le Commissaire, nous nous opposerons résolument à la mise en place de la schlague du fonds monétaire européen et aux visées impérialistes de l’Union européenne, qui seront justement facilitées par la transformation législative du pacte budgétaire.

  Janusz Korwin-Mikke (NI). – Panie Przewodniczący! Słucham tej dyskusji z ogromnym rozbawieniem, bo Unia Europejska narzuca państwom członkowskim masę kretynizmów, masę zupełnie idiotycznych ustaw, a jak raz usiłuje narzucić coś rozsądnego, to słyszę głosy, że to jest skandal, że demokracja musi się ugiąć przed tym, że dwa razy dwa równa się cztery. My demokratycznie chcemy sobie uchwalać dług, ale kto nam to narzuca? Unia Europejska, której bank centralny drukuje fałszywe pieniądze – którymi nawiasem mówiąc płaci nam również nasze pensje – drukuje te pieniądze bez opamiętania, fałszując oczywiście monetę, Unia Europejska nam to narzuca. Proszę Państwa, powiedzmy sobie jasno, przez cały XIX wiek była deflacja, a nie inflacja, i był rozwój. Nie ma co się tego obawiać, że dyscyplina finansowa spowoduje zastój gospodarczy. To nie dyscyplina finansowa, tylko socjalizm hamuje rozwój gospodarczy. Państwo chcecie zachować socjalizm, bo większość tego chce. Pamiętajmy jasno, że głupich jest więcej niż mądrych. Dopóki mamy demokrację, nic rozsądnego nie będzie wprowadzone.

  Luděk Niedermayer (PPE). – Mr President, we are talking about fiscal rules in the European Union. Let me start with a broad perspective and also history, but not so old. In pre-crisis time, the fiscal framework of European Union – the so-called SGP – has failed – or we should rather say that politicians of that time let it fail.

SGP was not respected, the purpose, neither substance. As the consequence, countries soon after suffered with substantial difficulties, and people have suffered. During the crisis, under the threat and during the very limited time, a new framework, including the Fiscal Compact that we are debating today, was created. More intelligent rules, as some would say, were the result of that. The results, the data and the figures are quite impressive. Just looking at the data, I would observe that in the Eurozone from 2009, every year there was a decline of deficit to GDP. Since 2014, there is a decline of debt to GDP, and the deficit to GDP reached 1.5% last year.

At the same time, if I look at the US data, I can see the deficit was twice as high. The debt is growing since 2008, with only one exception. People can ask: what about the growth? The European Union is growing, unemployment has dropped down and employment is at an all-time high. People can say that it was too much of austerity; I would rather say it was a responsibility. Spending money that people do not have is not a good policy; sometimes it is a mistake, and sometimes it is even a crime.

I fully support the idea of incorporation of the Fiscal Compact into EU legislation, but I understand why, at a given time, it was not part of that. But as Mr Dombrovskis said, it was always intended. We can build on current results and not waste them.

  Roberto Gualtieri (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il fiscal compact è un trattato sbagliato due volte: nella forma, perché è intergovernativo, e nel contenuto, perché esprime una visione economica antiquata, che contraddice la necessità di politiche anticicliche e nega la funzione fondamentale degli investimenti pubblici.

Esatto, signor Starbatty, per il fiscal compact gettare denaro in donne e alcol, come ha detto infelicemente Dijsselbloem, è la stessa cosa del New Deal di Franklin Delano Roosevelt: non c'è differenza – cioè, una visione, appunto, che decenni di cultura economica del Novecento hanno contribuito a superare – e, inoltre, disconosce il concetto di posizione fiscale aggregata della zona euro, oltre a negare il fatto che una politica economica non si conduce solo sulle regole, sul pilota automatico, ma ha bisogno di un governo economico.

Questo, tanto più in quanto l'Unione economica e monetaria non dispone di un bilancio comune serio, degno di questo nome, che giustificherebbe un maggiore rigore a livello degli Stati membri. Peraltro, questa impostazione, com'è noto – forse il Movimento 5 Stelle lo ignora – è presente anche nel Patto di stabilità e di crescita, che è la vera fonte delle regole di cui si parlava.

Noi in questi anni ci siamo opposti a questa visione e ci siamo battuti per un'applicazione flessibile delle regole del patto di stabilità. E se oggi c'è la ripresa e il deficit si sta riducendo, come diceva Niedermayer, è proprio perché abbiamo applicato la flessibilità a delle regole, invece, concepite in un modo eccessivamente rigido e antiquato.

E tuttavia, è altrettanto evidente, che noi dobbiamo costruire delle regole migliori: non ci basta semplicemente ogni anno trovare il modo di applicarle in modo più intelligente. E in questo senso, il vero problema non è il fiscal compact, anche perché c'è un articolo 2 – vi spiego – che spiega che esso deve comunque assecondare eventuali cambiamenti delle leggi dell'Unione, ma è il patto di stabilità e noi chiediamo di migliorarlo, di cambiarlo, di introdurre una "golden rule", che distingua tra gli investimenti e la spesa corrente e di introdurre il concetto di posizione fiscale aggregata dell'eurozona.

Per questo noi crediamo che la Commissione farebbe bene a utilizzare, in modo più utile, il proprio tempo, a occuparsi a costruire una capacità fiscale dell'eurozona e a migliorare le regole del patto di stabilità. Se ciò non sarà, e si proporrà l'integrazione, sia chiaro che il Partito democratico in Italia e nel Consiglio porrà il veto, a meno di profondi cambiamenti nel contenuto del fiscal compact.

  Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, το δημοσιονομικό σύμφωνο είναι ένα σύστημα επιβολής μιας μόνιμης «μερκελικής» λιτότητας σε βάρος όλων των λαών της Ευρώπης. Επιβάλλει μάλιστα την υποχρέωση ενσωμάτωσής του στο Σύνταγμα των κρατών μελών. Επιπλέον, επιβάλλει στα κράτη μέλη τον περίφημο χρυσό κανόνα της Merkel, δηλαδή κρατικούς προϋπολογισμούς ισοσκελισμένους ή πλεονασματικούς. Σε διαφορετική περίπτωση, ενεργοποιούνται αυτόματα διορθωτικοί μηχανισμοί – ο γνωστός «κόφτης» – με μειώσεις μισθών, συντάξεων, κοινωνικών επιδομάτων και μέτρα βίαιης δημοσιονομικής προσαρμογής. Έτσι η δημοσιονομική πειθαρχία μπαίνει πάνω από την ανάπτυξη.

Πρόκειται για έναν δημοσιονομικό «ζουρλομανδύα», που επιβάλλει πρόστιμα και κυρώσεις, που περιορίζει την εθνική κυριαρχία, που αυξάνει την ανεργία, τις κοινωνικές ανισότητες. Η τρόικα και το Εurogroup εφαρμόζουν αυτή την πολιτική στην Ελλάδα, που έχει μετατραπεί σε πειραματόζωο του δημοσιονομικού συμφώνου με εκατομμύρια φτωχούς και στρατιές ανέργων, με ξεπούλημα της δημόσιας περιουσίας και αύξηση του επονείδιστου χρέους. Όμως, κύριε Dombrovskis, ο ελληνικός λαός δεν ανέχεται τα μνημόνια και την τρόικα και σύντομα θα σας στείλει το μήνυμα.

  Marisa Matias (GUE/NGL). – Senhor Presidente, a política orçamental única da União Europeia, com regras como a limitação do défice, restringe a capacidade dos Estados—Membros de responderem ao ciclo económico através da sua própria política orçamental.

O Tratado orçamental mostra que a União Europeia não aprendeu nada com a História e o que faz é reforçar dois aspetos perversos das regras que já existem, o envesamento ultraliberal das regras orçamentais, ou seja, austeridade como regra, agravando os problemas dos países na resposta à estagnação prolongada e ao desemprego elevado e ao introduzir o critério do saldo estrutural, a arbitrariedade que já existia na imposição das regras, tratando os países de forma desigual, que passa agora a ser ela própria uma regra.

Integrar o Tratado orçamental no direito comunitário será trágico. O papel dos socialistas é determinante e espero que não seja trágico como foi em momentos anteriores. Apelo a todos os grupos que reivindicam o Estado social, a proteção do trabalho e a Europa social que rejeitem esta conversão. Não sei se vamos a tempo de salvar a União. Mas não dar este passo será fundamental para isso.

  Marco Zanni (ENF). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, mi dispiace che il collega Gualtieri se ne sia andato, perché mi avrebbe fatto piacere ricordargli che il suo partito non solo ha sostenuto il fiscal compact ma ha sostenuto anche Maastricht e il Patto di stabilità e crescita. Quindi è un po' ridicolo, dopo vent'anni, venire a chiedere scusa, e dopo i danni fatti agli italiani ridotti in povertà.

Per quanto riguarda il fiscal compact, questa è l'essenza dell'Unione europea: la morte dello Stato e della democrazia. È follia pensare che il bilancio di uno Stato venga gestito come il bilancio di una famiglia: vuol dire avere ignoranza e non capire come funziona il bilancio di uno Stato. Ci avete fatto credere che il problema e la causa della crisi fossero il debito pubblico e il deficit. No, non è il debito pubblico; il debito pubblico è stato una conseguenza delle azioni scellerate dell'asimmetria che l'euro ha portato all'interno dell'Unione europea.

Non lo dico io: lo dicono coloro che voi ritenete persone credibili e di buon senso. Lo dice il vicepresidente della Banca centrale europea, Constâncio, lo dice il Presidente della Banca centrale, Mario Draghi, lo dice il capo economista della BCE e uno dei più alti dirigenti della BCE, Benoît Cœuré: uno Stato che ha sovranità monetaria, che ha il potere di stampare la moneta in cui è denominato il suo debito, può sempre sostenere il suo debito. Andate a vedere il sito della BCE: queste ricerche e questi discorsi sono pubblici per tutti.

Oggi noi non possiamo sostenere questo sistema: dentro all'Europa, dentro a queste regole si muore. L'unica via è ritornare alla sovranità monetaria.

  Danuta Maria Hübner (PPE). – Mr President, as Chair of the Committee on Constitutional Affairs, I will not refer to the substance of this Treaty but to the constitutional aspects of the Treaty. One may recall that the European Parliament has never been a proponent of resorting to an intergovernmental treaty governed by international law to strengthen the fiscal rules and compliance with fiscal discipline in the Union, and this is why, in the phase leading to the adoption of this Treaty in 2012 (which was exactly after the most famous, I think, of the British vetoes in December 2011), the European Parliament has insisted on certain safeguards to be put in the Treaty in order to guarantee conformity with the Union Treaties, the Union law in general, and to make the international nature of the Treaty temporary. It was the European Parliament that insisted on this specific clause contained in Article 16, which requires the substance of the Treaty to be incorporated into the legal framework of the Union before January 2018.

The Committee on Constitutional Affairs is concerned with the institutional aspects of the incorporation of the substance of the Treaty in the EU framework, and we have been investigating this issue for quite some time. Now we have it in the Commission work programme; we have it in the letter of intent of Jean-Claude Juncker, so we are expecting the proposal. There is in the Treaty the substance that is not necessary or suitable to be incorporated, because the provisions relate to the intergovernmental nature of the Treaty and have no substantial content or duplicate existing legislation but also concern elements that could be established within another framework.

There is also substance that is already – or can be – incorporated through secondary legislation, but there is also substance that most likely would require Treaty change, and this is about the key provisions of the Treaty. So we are awaiting the December proposal with a sort of curiosity, especially in the context of the declaration of the President of the Commission that no Treaty change is on the Union’s agenda.

  Maria João Rodrigues (S&D). – Mr President, the integration of the fiscal compact into the legal framework of the European Union should be envisaged only if the lessons of recent years are properly taken into account. The first lesson is that this Treaty is also about coordination and governance. When it comes to coordination, the objectives are not only stability but also growth and convergence. We have learned in recent years that this convergence should be guided by economic and social targets together and the European Semester should be designed with this purpose.

When it comes to reforms, the assumption is that the reforms which should be recommended to Member States should take into account their real priorities and not invented priorities. But we also need to deal with the governance part of the treaty and the governance must be democratic, which is not yet the case. This means that, if a eurozone summit is now being convened, let me remind you that the Treaty provides for Parliament’s President to be invited. Most of all, we need to make sure that, all through the process, Parliament will play a central role: when we discuss the reforms of the economic and monetary union (EMU), when we discuss the fiscal stance and when we discuss the recommendations for the euro area. We also need to recognise that there is a role for the national parliaments – yes, there is – when they are involved in discussing the national reform programmes and the country—specific recommendations. But overall we need an interinstitutional agreement to set the rules for real democratic governance of the EMU.

Finally, on fiscal discipline, let me be clear: of course we need common fiscal discipline in the eurozone to make it sustainable, but it is also clear that, in order to have this common fiscal discipline, if we do not want to hinder growth and growth potential, we need to complement national fiscal discipline – which should be intelligent – with a proper fiscal capacity, as all other monetary zones in the world have. No monetary zone in the world has existed and been sustainable without a fiscal capacity.

So these are our lessons to be integrated into the new framework.

  Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Kiedy ponad sześć lat temu w moim kraju, w Polsce, toczyła się debata na temat ratyfikacji traktatu fiskalnego, wyraźnie przedstawiliśmy swoje zastrzeżenia. Dotyczyły one przekazania do Brukseli suwerennych praw parlamentów krajowych w kwestiach budżetowych, forsowania koncepcji federalistycznej Unii Europejskiej oraz wykorzystywania zasobów całej Unii i jej instytucji do realizacji celów określanych w gronie niepełnej Unii, czyli w państwach eurostrefy.

Dzisiaj z rozczarowaniem obserwujemy, że trochę daliśmy się nabrać. Brak jest pozytywnego wpływu na wzrost gospodarczy unijnych gospodarek czy konkurencyjność krajów peryferyjnych strefy euro. Forsowany zintegrowany rygor fiskalny nie niweluje trwałego deficytu rachunków bieżących w Grecji, Portugalii, Hiszpanii czy Włoszech, o czym mówił pan Zanni. Zamiast tego pogłębia on przepaść między nimi a najsilniejszymi gospodarkami eurostrefy, głównie Niemcami. Wydaje mi się, że teraz Komisja powinna przedstawić, Panie Komisarzu, dokładną ocenę wpływu traktatu o stabilności. Jaki ma on wpływ na gospodarkę poszczególnych krajów?

  Miguel Urbán Crespo (GUE/NGL). – Señor presidente, hace veinticinco años se firmaba el Tratado de Maastricht. Yo tenía doce años, pero recuerdo muy bien cómo mucha gente entendió ya entonces que tratar de imponer, mediante un tratado, un modelo económico neoliberal era un peligro directo para la democracia, la soberanía y los derechos sociales en Europa. Desde entonces, la historia de Europa ha consistido en el esfuerzo de los poderosos por imponer políticas económicas neoliberales frente a la resistencia de los pueblos.

La firma del Pacto Presupuestario llevó a mi país a la modificación de la Constitución en medio de un verano, lo que supuso un golpe encubierto contra la democracia de la gran coalición de socialistas y populares. Lo único que se ha logrado con todo esto es sumir al continente en una situación de crisis política permanente, desempleo masivo, desigualdad y crisis territoriales.

Señorías, la Comisión anuncia ahora que pretende aprovechar la salida del Reino Unido para integrar este Pacto en la legislación europea: nosotros les decimos que desistan de su intento. El Pacto Presupuestario no lleva a una mayor cohesión europea, sino a un aumento de las tensiones y a la desintegración del propio proyecto europeo: no lo vamos a permitir. Desistan de su intento.

  Mara Bizzotto (ENF). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, inserire il fiscal compact nei Trattati è pura follia. Il fiscal compact ha reso l'Italia ancora più schiava dei diktat di Bruxelles e della troika. Noi siamo stanchi dell'imposizione dell'Europa e dello Stato centrale: noi vogliamo essere liberi di usare i nostri soldi per i nostri cittadini. Le nostre regioni, i nostri comuni, i nostri territori hanno il diritto di usare questi soldi che sono soldi nostri, non dell'Europa, di Bruxelles o di Berlino.

Faccio un esempio: il mio Veneto e la Lombardia hanno residui fiscali più alti di tutta Europa. Sono le regioni che pagano di più ma che ricevono meno dallo Stato. Paghiamo più di tutti ma non possiamo usare in autonomia i nostri soldi.

Il prossimo 22 ottobre il Veneto e la Lombardia voteranno nel referendum per l'autonomia: quindici milioni di cittadini saranno chiamati alle urne e andranno a votare, serenamente e tranquillamente, non come è successo in Catalogna. Referendum ufficiali e legali, sanciti dalla Costituzione, che hanno l'obiettivo di trattenere più risorse economiche sul nostro territorio: meno centralismo e più autonomia per i territori e per le regioni.

È questa la direzione che dobbiamo prendere, in Italia e in Europa, per governare meglio e per creare sviluppo e benessere per i nostri cittadini.

  Gunnar Hökmark (PPE). – Mr President, the idea of a fiscal compact is not as new as it sounds here, because it is a very old rule: if you spend more money than you have then you will in the end cause problems either for yourself or for someone else. That is why, in solidarity and in respect for others, you need to have stability in your economy. If you spend more than you get, then you either need to reform and spend less, or reform and earn more. A third alternative is of course to borrow money, and if you borrow money then your deficit will increase and your debt will increase.

I say this because reality is much more important than the rules. The rules we have are important, but reality is the really worrisome thing, because if you are increasing your deficit and cannot finance your public spending then it is the deficit and the increased deficit that is creating the austerity, not the rules. The rules are there in order to hinder the road to austerity. The rules are there to make us keep together around a sound and stable economy, sound and stable public finances, and I can never understand, if we look at all the experiences we have had, when countries – Sweden at the beginning of the 1990s, others in recent times – have nearly not been able to finance the public spending, not because of the rules but because of reality. That is why we need a fiscal compact in order to safeguard our economies.

  Ramón Jáuregui Atondo (S&D). – Señor presidente, conviene recordar que el Pacto Presupuestario y el Pacto de Estabilidad en gran parte son consecuencia de la moneda común. Me gustaría trasladarles un poco de reflexión histórica sobre lo que fue el abismo al que se enfrentó la economía europea con la moneda común hace ya unos años.

El Pacto de Estabilidad y el Pacto Presupuestario son la consecuencia de que las diferencias entre los diferentes países, las divergencias macroeconómicas entre el norte y el sur, obligaban a mantener el euro con arreglo a una serie de condiciones. A mí muchas de ellas no me gustan. El Pacto no me gusta en su conjunto, pero es la consecuencia de una moneda común, señorías. Y esto es lo que tenemos que asegurar, que tenemos una moneda común con la que enfrentar la crisis, el futuro, la globalización. Y yo, que soy europeísta, quiero una moneda común y asumo algunas condiciones.

Y esas condiciones, ahora, se van a poder discutir porque, al incorporar el Tratado al Derecho de la Unión, tenemos la posibilidad de que el Parlamento pueda discutirlo, cambiarlo, flexibilizarlo, evaluarlo. Sí, tenemos el control parlamentario. No es fácil, pero el Tratado es intergubernamental, el Derecho de la Unión es Derecho parlamentario.

Yo querría referirme a quienes se oponen a la moneda común y a la gente que quiere volver a la lira o la peseta o al franco. ¿Qué futuro ofrecen ustedes a sus ciudadanos volviendo a la lira? Díganlo claramente a los ciudadanos, porque no hay futuro económico fuera de la moneda común, aunque esto exija sacrificios.

  Matt Carthy (GUE/NGL). – Mr President, it is simply astounding to me that so many in this House want to permanently impose an austerity straitjacket on the entire EU by inserting the fiscal compact into the Treaty. The evidence is stark. The fiscal compact has prolonged the downturn, stifled growth and ensured that stagnation is the new normal. It has tied the hands of governments in the diverse countries now entirely reliant on the European Central Bank’s one-size-fits-all monetary policies, which are running out of steam.

Where are the strict rules to reduce current account surpluses that will inevitably cause a new debt crisis? A single Member State could veto this move to enshrine this failed model into the treaties, but will any government in the EU have the courage to say that the German model does not work for us?

The failed austerity model has caused the rise of the far right in Europe. It has led to a crisis of legitimacy for the EU institutions. We have the opportunity to shake off the straitjacket. If we do not do so, the EU’s political and economic crisis will become a political and economic catastrophe.

  Othmar Karas (PPE). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, meine Damen und Herren! Es ist eine Selbstverständlichkeit, dass der Fiskalpakt in Unionsrecht übergeführt wird. So wie im Vertrag von Maastricht festgeschrieben wurde, dass der Euro die Währung für alle Mitgliedstaaten der Europäischen Union ist, die die Kriterien erfüllen, so ist im zwischenstaatlichen Fiskalpakt festgeschrieben, dass dessen Bestimmungen so bald wie möglich in die europäischen Verträge übergeführt werden sollen.

Ich möchte mich überhaupt einmal dafür aussprechen, dass wir eine Generalklausel vom Rat beschlossen bekommen, dass alle europäischen Gesetze auf dem Boden des Unionsrechts und damit unter Mitbeteiligung des Europäischen Parlaments erarbeitet und beschlossen werden. Alle Maßnahmen zur Weiterentwicklung der Währungsunion und zur Wirtschafts- und Sozialunion, zur Schaffung einer Banken-, Kapitalmarkt-, Fiskal- und Investitionsunion müssen auf dem Boden des Unionsrechts erfolgen. Denn nur dann ist ihre demokratische Legitimierung durch diese Bürgerkammer gegeben.

Damit unsere einheitliche Währung funktionieren kann, brauchen wir gesunde öffentliche Haushalte, Marktdisziplin und klare Vorgaben für die gesamtwirtschaftliche und haushaltspolitische Überwachung. Daher müssen wir den Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt weniger komplex, aber verpflichtender und effektiver auslegen. Wir benötigen strengere und effektivere Sanktionsmaßnahmen gegenüber jenen, die das gemeinsam Beschlossene nicht einhalten. Bereits im Stufenplan zur Vollendung der Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion, dem sogenannten Pierre-Werner-Plan von 1970, steht, dass alle Maßnahmen im Laufe eines Jahrzehnts erreicht werden können, sofern ausreichend politischer Wille der Mitgliedstaaten besteht. Auf diesen politischen Willen kommt es an, nicht mehr und nicht weniger.

  Mercedes Bresso (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, da europeista convinta concordo con quanti hanno ricordato che il trattato è in vigore ma non è un trattato comunitario e quindi esclude da qualunque potere questo Parlamento e le istituzioni comunitarie. Quindi la discussione deve avvenire e deve essere anche chiaro che la revisione in corso dovrà definire nuovi parametri che tengano conto dello scenario attuale.

Quando è stato ratificato dai governi, dagli Stati e dai parlamenti nazionali il fiscal compact, l'economia europea era in una situazione disastrosa: ricordo gli spread che salivano a centinaia e centinaia di punti e quindi il rischio di fallimenti concreti degli Stati era in corso. Oggi l'economia è in ripresa, grazie ai grandi sforzi che sono stati fatti. Non bastano le misure di austerità, anzi vanno dimenticate. Occorre affrontare in modo diverso una revisione delle politiche economiche dell'Unione, che da un lato, garantisca investimenti da parte dell'Unione europea, a fronte della disciplina fiscale e degli Stati, investimenti non solo privati ma anche quelli che forniscono beni pubblici e producono occupazione.

È solo se ci sarà un bilancio della zona euro, che consenta di rilanciare crescita e occupazione, che si potrà affrontare la questione della riduzione del debito, che è certamente necessaria, ma in un quadro che non crei povertà e ostilità nei confronti delle istituzioni europee.

Trenta secondi Presidente perché sono stata insultata personalmente. Al signor Valli, che è poco onorevole, risponderò sui social che tanto è l'unica cosa che sa .....

(Il presidente interrompe l'oratore)

  Laura Agea (EFDD). – Signor Presidente, come capo delegazione del Movimento 5 Stelle, mi riservo di chiedere quali affermazioni ha fatto la collega Bresso, rivolgendosi alla mia delegazione, e voglio sapere dalle registrazioni se le offese che ci ha rivolto, mentre interveniva il suo collega Gualtieri, corrispondono a quanto da lei detto, perché mi riserverò di agire a nome della mia delegazione. Nessuno l'ha offesa! Si riservi un comportamento consono a quest'Aula e ai cittadini che anche Lei rappresenta.

  Der Präsident. – Frau Kollegin! Es gibt in unserer Geschäftsordnung den Artikel 164. Wenn Sie sich persönlich angesprochen oder beleidigt oder unrichtig wiedergegeben fühlen, können Sie hier beim Präsidenten beantragen, nach dem Ende der Debatte eine persönliche Erklärung abzugeben, um das richtigzustellen. Aber Sie können nicht die laufende Debatte unterbrechen, in der jetzt der Kollege Chountis warten musste. Bitte schauen Sie in die Geschäftsordnung, beantragen Sie die persönliche Erklärung und geben die dann ab. Die wird zu Protokoll genommen. Sie haben dafür drei Minuten Zeit, das ist mehr als die wenigen Sekunden, die Sie jetzt hatten.

  Νικόλαος Χουντής (GUE/NGL). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, το δημοσιονομικό σύμφωνο είναι η άρνηση της δημοκρατίας στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Τα κράτη μέλη που το έχουν υπογράψει μεταφέρουν τις εξουσίες επί των οικονομικών τους πολιτικών στους θεσμούς της ΟΝΕ. Όλες οι χώρες είναι υποχρεωμένες να υιοθετήσουν, ακόμα και στα Συντάγματά τους, κανόνες ισοσκελισμένων προϋπολογισμών και μηχανισμούς αυτόματης περικοπής δαπανών. Το αποτέλεσμα είναι να εφαρμόζεται μία και μόνη πολιτική, η νεοφιλελεύθερη πολιτική των ισοσκελισμένων προϋπολογισμών, των χαμηλών κοινωνικών δαπανών, της μείωσης των εισοδημάτων, της απελευθέρωσης των αγορών και των ιδιωτικοποιήσεων, της μείωσης των δικαιωμάτων και της διαπραγματευτικής δύναμης των εργαζομένων. Τα αποτελέσματα και τις συνέπειες μιας τέτοιας νεοφιλελεύθερης πολιτικής βιώνει ο ελληνικός λαός τα τελευταία εφτά χρόνια κατά δραματικό τρόπο.

Αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, οι λαοί της Ευρώπης, αν θέλουν οικονομικές πολιτικές που να υπηρετούν την κοινωνική δικαιοσύνη και την ευημερία τους, οφείλουν να έρθουν σε ρήξη με τις πολιτικές και τις δομές της ΟΝΕ και του ευρώ. Αν θέλουν να επαναφέρουν τη δημοκρατία, οφείλουν να υπερβούν τα όρια που θέτει η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, το σύμφωνο σταθερότητας και το δημοσιονομικό σύμφωνο.

  Der Präsident. – Meine Damen und Herren, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wir haben einen Fehler auf der Tafel. Der nächste Redner ist gleich Herr Stolojan.

Erlauben Sie mir nur, mich zu verabschieden. Das war meine letzte Sitzung als Vizepräsident. Ich bin in das nationale Parlament gewählt worden. Ich möchte das nicht tun, ohne mich hier zu bedanken bei denjenigen, die mir geholfen haben: den Beamten der Generaldirektion Präsidentschaft, den Saaldienern, den Dolmetschern für ihre hervorragende Arbeit und der Technik, die normalerweise dafür sorgt, dass hier alles reibungslos läuft.

Ich hoffe, dass Sie meiner Nachfolgerin das gleiche Vertrauen entgegenbringen wie mir. Ich danke sehr herzlich und wünsche einen guten Fortgang der Debatte.

(Beifall)

PRZEWODNICTWO: BOGUSŁAW LIBERADZKI
Wiceprzewodniczący

  Theodor Dumitru Stolojan (PPE). – Domnule președinte, criza financiară și criza datoriilor publice nesustenabile ne-au reamintit că nu există niciun substitut pentru disciplina bugetară, disciplina fiscală. Toți cei care au crezut că pot să susțină o bunăstare prin îndatorare continuă au fost treziți la realitate de către crizele prin care am trecut, iar cel mai mult au avut de suferit oamenii simpli, pensionarii, oamenii atât din sectorul public, cât și din sectorul privat.

Exemplul Greciei este edificator. Grecia, după ani de suferință, și-a pus casa în ordine și, în prezent, înregistrează rezultate pozitive. De aceea, este necesar ca acest compact fiscal să devină regulă în legislația Uniunii Europene, pentru că, înainte de a te gândi la capacitate fiscală, la solidaritate, trebuie să fii conștient că trebuie să respecți regulile privind disciplina bugetară, disciplina fiscală și, după aceea, dacă respecți aceste reguli, să te gândești la solidaritate în cadrul Uniunii Europene. De aceea, așteptăm propunerile Comisiei în decembrie cu privire la transpunerea în legislația europeană a compactului fiscal.

  Paul Tang (S&D). – Een gemeenschappelijke munt vraagt om een gemeenschappelijk beleid en niet om rigide regels. Ik sta in een Nederlandse traditie, ooit begonnen met een liberale minister van Financiën, Gerrit Zalm, wanneer ik pleit voor een structureel begrotingsbeleid waarbij schokken in de begroting worden opgevangen en niet worden afgewend door te bezuinigen en mensen voor hun baan moeten vrezen, en waarbij wordt gestreefd naar volledige werkgelegenheid in goede én in slechte tijden.

De euro kan zoveel beter. De euro had landen bij elkaar moeten brengen, maar heeft landen uit elkaar doen groeien. De euro had moeten zorgen voor stabiliteit, maar de economieën zijn kwetsbaar gebleken – vooral in het zuiden.

Dus pleit ik voor een euro met 1) een duidelijke, afgebakende, Europese verantwoordelijkheid door een bufferfonds, door schokdempers om de schok op te vangen, door een Europese achtervang, zodat banken landen niet omver kunnen trekken; maar ook met 2) een duidelijke Europese verantwoording. Want de euro is van ons en er moet democratische verantwoording worden afgelegd aan gekozen volksvertegenwoordigers. Dat kan door een Europese minister van Financiën en niet door een ongekozen voorzitter van een schimmige eurogroep. En dat kan ook door een begrotingsunie zoals nu wordt voorgesteld, maar anders dan nu is vastgelegd.

Kortom, de euro kan zoveel beter en de euro moet zoveel beter.

  Siegfried Mureşan (PPE). – Mr President, fiscal discipline is obviously an essential tool for the success of a Union of 27 Member States which share a common single market and a common currency. Only by maintaining a balanced budget can a country increase its resilience in order to face an economic downturn or a financial crisis.

Fiscal rules make our economy stronger not weaker. Having a balanced budget means having more fiscal space when it is needed. It means having funds available to implement structural reforms, not only in bad times but also in good times. The time to repair the roof is always when the sun is shining.

My country, Romania, has been part of the fiscal compact since the beginning. Joining it was the correct decision. Let me explain briefly why. The actions of the current government of the country make clear why the fiscal compact is necessary and why it protects our citizens from what is sometimes irresponsible governance at national level. In Romania, the debt-to-GDP ratio has increased by 4 percentage points from 37% to 41% of GDP in less than two years, and structural deficit has increased from 0.6% of GDP to more than 3%. Due to the significant deviations from the budgetary medium-term objective, the Commission issued a warning, and the Council followed. In the case of any country that does not comply with the provisions, the Commission or any other country can take the case to the Court of Justice. The last step is the imposition of sanctions.

These current developments, in any Member State, highlight the importance of respecting EU fiscal rules and the importance of imposing them on governments that sometimes work only for short-term objectives. Otherwise, who will carry the burden of the increasing deficit and debt in any Member State? Certainly not the current government which just happens to be in office and which will have been voted out by the time the debt comes to maturity. Then it will be the younger generations who will have to shoulder this debt and who will have fewer options for the future than the previous generations.

  Przewodniczący. – Było pytanie o niebieską kartę. Chciałem wyjaśnić, że to jest debata na tzw. temat aktualny i nie mamy ani formuły niebieskiej karty, ani też nie mamy formuły pytań z sali.

  Hugues Bayet (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, l’inclusion du pacte de stabilité et de croissance dans les traités n’est, à mon sens, pas souhaitable, en tout cas pas sans modification en profondeur de ce pacte. Car si le TSCG doit être remplacé par un traité qui encourage la convergence économique et sociale des pays européens et, plus particulièrement, des pays de la zone euro, il ne peut l’être qu’en évitant évidemment de reprendre des mesures comme celles qui ont conduit à l’accentuation de l’austérité.

Pour l’instant, reconnaissons-le, la Commission n’analyse que les données budgétaires, mais aucune vision globale n’est envisagée. Pourtant, il serait vraiment plus pertinent de prendre en compte tous les indicateurs, qu’ils soient sociaux, environnementaux ou économiques, et pas uniquement budgétaires.

En ne prenant en compte qu’une partie des données, le TSCG empêche les États membres d’investir et, on le sait tous, sans investissement, aucune relance économique n’est possible. Cela signifie tout simplement de nouveaux emplois en moins et plus de précarité pour les citoyens européens.

La modification du TSCG est donc une condition indispensable pour proposer des emplois de qualité au plus grand nombre et lutter contre la pauvreté grandissante dans l’Union européenne. Le fait de considérer le budget comme une entité déconnectée de la vie des Européens a créé, comme vous le savez, des inégalités inacceptables en Europe au lieu d’apporter des solutions pour les réduire.

Ayez donc le courage de mettre fin à l’austérité. Nous pouvons en constater les dégâts tous les jours. Le retour à la confiance des citoyens nécessite un changement de cap social et économique majeur. Je pense qu’il en est plus que temps, Monsieur le Commissaire.

  Κώστας Μαυρίδης (S&D). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, όπως τονίστηκε, το νομικό πλαίσιο για το δημοσιονομικό σύμφωνο και το σύμφωνο σταθερότητας είναι πολύ σημαντικό, αλλά εφόσον προωθεί τη σύγκλιση στο επίπεδο των πραγματικών οικονομιών μας προς τα πάνω. Από τον Ιανουάριο του 2013 που τέθηκε σε ισχύ το δημοσιονομικό σύμφωνο μέχρι σήμερα, το αποτέλεσμα σε επίπεδο πραγματικής σύγκλισης των οικονομιών μας είναι απογοητευτικό. Θα αναφερθώ σε συγκεκριμένα παραδείγματα, αλλά θα τονίσω ότι χρειάζονται απαραιτήτως προσαρμογές και αλλαγές που να στοχεύουν στη βελτίωση της πραγματικής οικονομίας. Χρειάζεται εμπλοκή των ιδίων των κρατών μελών στον σχεδιασμό των διαρθρωτικών τους αλλαγών και όχι επιβολή, ούτε ένα μέγεθος για όλους.

«Υπευθυνότητα» αναφέρεται στους κανόνες. Ναι, η Επιτροπή θα πρέπει να επιζητεί τη διόρθωση των μακροοικονομικών υπερβολών, αλλά αυτό θα πρέπει να στρέφεται τόσο προς τα υπερβολικά ελλείμματα όσο και προς τα υπερβολικά πλεονάσματα. Άλλωστε τα ελλείμματα των μεν είναι εν πολλοίς τα πλεονάσματα των άλλων. Όσον αφορά τα Διαρθρωτικά Ταμεία, πρέπει να σταματήσει η διασύνδεσή τους με το Ευρωπαϊκό Εξάμηνο. Όσοι θέλουν να αφαιρέσουν την πρόσβαση στα Ταμεία λειτουργούν ενάντια στους κανόνες που διέπουν τη λειτουργία τους, τους κανόνες της αλληλεγγύης και της κοινωνικής συνοχής. Τελειώνω με ένα ερώτημα: είναι δυνατόν να φτάσουμε μέχρι εδώ χωρίς ακόμα να έχει εφαρμοστεί πανευρωπαϊκή τραπεζική εγγύηση των καταθέσεων;

  Evelyn Regner (S&D). – Herr Präsident! Wir müssen uns vor Augen führen, was als Reaktion auf die Krise passiert ist: Sozialstandards wurden abgebaut, Gewerkschaftsrechte nicht nur in Griechenland ausgehebelt, und man hat das Ganze mit einer Flucht aus dem Europarecht ermöglicht. Der Fiskalpakt und die Rettungsschirme wurden um die Verträge herum errichtet, demokratische Sicherheitsmaßnahmen des Europarechts umgangen. Es liegt also auf der Hand, dass wir die europäische Wirtschaftspolitik demokratischer gestalten müssen. Die demokratische Kontrolle durch uns im Europäischen Parlament muss sichergestellt werden.

Aber für eine zukunftsfähige europäische Wirtschaftspolitik brauchen wir vor allem eines: eine Abkehr von der neoliberalen Sparpolitik – am Rücken von Beschäftigten, am Rücken von Schwächeren. Öffentliche Investitionen in die Zukunft, etwa in Bildung, müssen aus den strikten Regeln des Stabilitätspakts ausgenommen werden.

  Bernd Lucke (ECR). – Herr Präsident, meine Damen und Herren! Der Fiskalpakt ist angelegt worden, um die Schuldenstände in der Europäischen Union zu senken und um die Neuverschuldung zu dämpfen. Wenn man jetzt darüber spricht, ob man den Fiskalpakt in die europäischen Verträge integrieren möchte, dann muss man doch erst mal gucken: Hat sich der Fiskalpakt denn bewährt? Hat er denn so funktioniert, wie er hätte funktionieren sollen? Hat es denn funktioniert, dass Staaten, die ihre Neuverschuldungsobergrenzen ein ums andere Mal überschritten haben, Sanktionen zahlen mussten, so wie es im Fiskalpakt vorgesehen ist? Und dann stellen wir fest, dass das nicht der Fall gewesen ist, dass man diesen Staaten immer wieder Aufschub gegeben hat, dass man beide Augen zugedrückt hat, dass man letzten Endes, als der Vertrag zwingend vorschrieb, dass wir jetzt Sanktionen verhängen müssen, gesagt hat: Na super, jetzt verhängen wir Sanktionen, nämlich Sanktionen von null Euro.

Was ist denn das für eine Politik? Jeder Autofahrer, der mal die Geschwindigkeit ein bisschen überschreitet, muss 30, 40, 50 EUR für ein kleines Delikt bezahlen, und hier, wenn ganze Staaten nicht rechtzeitig auf die Bremse treten, wenn sie ein ums andere Mal ihre Verschuldung, ihre Neuverschuldungsgrenze überschreiten, dann kriegen sie eine Strafe von null Euro!

Vizepräsident Timmermans hat vorhin in der Aussprache zum Katalonien-Konflikt gesagt, dass die Europäische Gemeinschaft auf dem Prinzip der Rechtsstaatlichkeit basiert. Das ist sicherlich richtig. Aber wir brauchen nicht nur die Rechtsstaatlichkeit, wir brauchen auch die Verlässlichkeit des Rechts. Wir müssen wissen, dass das staatliche Handeln berechenbar ist. Wenn der Staat aber immer wieder willkürlich handelt, wenn die Gesetze so flexibel angelegt sind, dass man ihren Geist einfach missachten kann, dann ist es mit der Verlässlichkeit des Rechts nicht weit her.

  Valdis Dombrovskis, Vice-President of the Commission. – Mr President, this was an important opportunity to exchange views on the integration of the fiscal compact into the Union’s legal framework. The fiscal compact emerged five years ago as a stop-gap solution at a time of deep crisis. Even though today our European economies are sailing in calmer seas, the basic tenet of the fiscal compact, of pursuing responsible fiscal policies, remains entirely valid. Moreover, bringing the fiscal compact into the body of the EU fiscal framework will help enhance the resilience of the EU going forward, and it will do so in a way that ensures more accountability. But we also have to acknowledge that the incorporation is unlikely to be a routine operation. As we could also see from today’s discussions, there are serious political and legal implications at stake. This is why on the Commission side we are looking carefully into possible options.

Once again, let me thank you for your persistent interest in this matter.

  Marco Valli (EFDD). – Signor Presidente, all'ordine 664 la deputata Mercedes Bresso ha dichiarato, durante il suo intervento, che io l'avrei insultata all'inizio, quando è stato appunto enunciato il mio dibattito.

Per quanto mi riguarda, io ho rivisto il mio discorso e non ho fatto nessun insulto. Quindi vorrei che, nel caso, si vedesse la registrazione di questo dibattito e si dichiarasse che io non ho insultato nessuno, perché ho rispetto per tutti i parlamentari che sono qui dentro.

  Przewodniczący. – Przeczytamy tę debatę, przeczytamy zapisy i wtedy stosownie zareagujemy.

Zamykam debatę.

Oświadczenia pisemne (art. 162)

  Laura Ferrara (EFDD), per iscritto. – La gravissima crisi economica, sociale e politica che sta attraversando l'Unione europea è stata aggravata da politiche di austerità che hanno avuto forti effetti prociclici e hanno generato livelli insostenibili di disoccupazione, povertà e diseguaglianze soprattutto nei paesi della periferia della zona euro. In tal senso, la paventata incorporazione del "Fiscal Compact" nell'ordinamento giuridico dell'Unione, con tutto quello che ciò comporta in termini di vincoli di bilancio giustiziabili davanti alla Corte di giustizia, rappresenta un pericolo gravissimo che occorre contrastare. Siamo convinti, infatti, che il "Fiscal Compact" impegni i governi a perseguire obiettivi di bilancio tecnicamente irrealistici e insostenibili da un punto di vista economico, politico e sociale, e ciò in quanto le misure di austerità che si renderanno necessarie a seguito della sua malaugurata inclusione nell'ordinamento dell'UE, saranno talmente drastiche da alimentare un'ulteriore recessione ed una conseguente disaffezione dei cittadini verso l'UE. Condivido pienamente, pertanto, l'allarme lanciato dal collega Marco Valli, e mi associo all'appello, rivolto al Parlamento europeo, a sostenere la nostra battaglia contro il "Fiscal Compact".

  Андрей Ковачев (PPE), в писмена форма. – Приветствам предложението на Европейската комисия за включването на фискалния пакт в правната рамка на ЕС. Сключването му като междуправителствено споразумение в разгара на финансовата и икономическа криза беше необходимо, за да се преодолее липсата на единодушие в Европейския съвет, но общностният метод трябва да се запази и да не бъде отслабван.

Европейският съюз винаги се е развивал динамично, когато се е придържал към този метод на вземане на решения, и винаги е буксувал, когато решенията се основават на междуправителствени споразумения без необходимата прозрачност и контрол от страна на Европейския парламент. Съюзът трябва да изпълнява задачите си в контекста на единна институционална рамка и да се избягва създаването на нови институции извън тази рамка.

Включването на фискалния пакт в правната рамка на ЕС ще гарантира не само по-добър демократичен контрол по отношение на правилата за бюджетна дисциплина, но и по-голямата легитимност на европейските институции.

  Κωνσταντίνος Παπαδάκης (NI), γραπτώς. – Το «δημοσιονομικό σύμφωνο» της ΕΕ αποτελεί βήμα περαιτέρω ευρωενωσιακής ενοποίησης. Ο ενιαίος ευρωενωσιακός προϋπολογισμός, ο Ευρωπαίος Υπουργός Οικονομικών, το Ευρωπαϊκό Νομισματικό Ταμείο, σε ανταγωνισμό, αλλά και με τον ίδιο ρόλο με το ΔΝΤ, είναι η δίχως τέλος θωράκιση της αντεργατικής πολιτικής των κυβερνήσεων, υπό τη διαρκή εποπτεία της ΕΕ. Η υποχρέωση για ισοσκελισμένους προϋπολογισμούς - εντός του πλαισίου του «Συμφώνου Σταθερότητας» - σε περίπτωση υπέρβασης, υποχρεώνει τα κράτη σε ακαριαία αντεργατικά μέτρα, με «αυτόματους δημοσιονομικούς κόφτες», νέες περικοπές μισθών, συντάξεων, κοινωνικών δαπανών. Σε συνδυασμό με τον «ΕΜΣ» και το «Σύμφωνο του Ευρώ» για την ασφυκτική ευρωενωσιακή εποπτεία έως την αποπληρωμή του δημόσιου χρέους υπόσχονται μνημόνια διαρκείας. Τα αιτήματα διαφόρων κυβερνήσεων, όπως της κυβέρνησης ΣΥΡΙΖΑ - ΑΝΕΛ, πρωταθλήτριας στην εφαρμογή μνημονίων, για εξαίρεση από το σύμφωνο σταθερότητας των «αναπτυξιακών» επενδυτικών δαπανών δεν αφορούν σε καμία περίπτωση τη χαλάρωση της αντιλαϊκής πολιτικής, αλλά επιδοτήσεις με τζάμπα χρήμα και φοροαπαλλαγές για το κεφάλαιο που θα πληρώσει πάλι ο λαός με αλλεπάλληλες καταιγίδες μέτρων και φόρων. Η πείρα των λαών μπορεί να αποτελέσει κριτήριο και βάση αντεπίθεσης του εργατικού - λαϊκού κινήματος. Καπιταλιστική ανάπτυξη χωρίς θυσίες διαρκείας των λαών, δίκαιη ανάπτυξη μέσα σε ένα άδικο σύστημα δεν υπάρχει.

  Alfred Sant (S&D), in writing. – Proposals for reforming and deepening the EU have proliferated. In the European Union, formally or informally, they must be acknowledged and taken into account. Especially with regard to the eurozone, most proposals envisage further deepening of central management structures on a federalist basis. They then put a bracket around meaningful consolidation strategies. Yet, these should be considered the top priority.

One reason why it’s not happening follows from the dogma that the eurozone cannot operate as a transfer union. But that is the rationale behind any federal arrangement covering a monetary union. The US, a mature federal system, operating as a transfer union, has less controls on the policy options available to its component parts, than the eurozone already has as of now. Meanwhile, the “terms of trade” defined by the eurozone’s implicit internal exchange rate, actually make it a sytemic ‘transfer union’ from south and east to north and centre.

The EU should aim to bridge these contradictions through a political settlement. Firstly, it must focus on convergence between economies and consolidation of existing euro management structures. Otherwise, deepening of the eurosystem will remain either a chimera or a further curb on the weaker, smaller Member States.

  Σωτήριος Ζαριανόπουλος (NI), γραπτώς. – Το «δημοσιονομικό σύμφωνο» της ΕΕ αποτελεί βήμα περαιτέρω ευρωενωσιακής ενοποίησης. Ο ενιαίος ευρωενωσιακός προϋπολογισμός, ο Ευρωπαίος Υπουργός Οικονομικών, το Ευρωπαϊκό Νομισματικό Ταμείο, σε ανταγωνισμό, αλλά και με τον ίδιο ρόλο με το ΔΝΤ, είναι η δίχως τέλος θωράκιση της αντεργατικής πολιτικής των κυβερνήσεων, υπό τη διαρκή εποπτεία της ΕΕ. Η υποχρέωση για ισοσκελισμένους προϋπολογισμούς - εντός του πλαισίου του «Συμφώνου Σταθερότητας» - σε περίπτωση υπέρβασης, υποχρεώνει τα κράτη σε ακαριαία αντεργατικά μέτρα, με «αυτόματους δημοσιονομικούς κόφτες», νέες περικοπές μισθών, συντάξεων, κοινωνικών δαπανών. Σε συνδυασμό με τον «ΕΜΣ» και το «Σύμφωνο του Ευρώ» για την ασφυκτική ευρωενωσιακή εποπτεία έως την αποπληρωμή του δημόσιου χρέους υπόσχονται μνημόνια διαρκείας. Τα αιτήματα διαφόρων κυβερνήσεων, όπως της κυβέρνησης ΣΥΡΙΖΑ - ΑΝΕΛ, πρωταθλήτριας στην εφαρμογή μνημονίων, για εξαίρεση από το σύμφωνο σταθερότητας των «αναπτυξιακών» επενδυτικών δαπανών δεν αφορούν σε καμία περίπτωση τη χαλάρωση της αντιλαϊκής πολιτικής, αλλά επιδοτήσεις με τζάμπα χρήμα και φοροαπαλλαγές για το κεφάλαιο που θα πληρώσει πάλι ο λαός με αλλεπάλληλες καταιγίδες μέτρων και φόρων. Η πείρα των λαών μπορεί να αποτελέσει κριτήριο και βάση αντεπίθεσης του εργατικού - λαϊκού κινήματος. Καπιταλιστική ανάπτυξη χωρίς θυσίες διαρκείας των λαών, δίκαιη ανάπτυξη μέσα σε ένα άδικο σύστημα δεν υπάρχει.