Doslovno izvješće

Utorak, 6. veljače 2018. - Strasbourg

14. Stanje u Zimbabveu (rasprava)

  Przewodniczący. – Kolejnym punktem porządku dnia jest oświadczenie Wiceprzewodniczącej Komisji i Wysokiej Przedstawiciel Unii do Spraw Zagranicznych i Polityki Bezpieczeństwa w sprawie sytuacji w Zimbabwe (2017/3022(RSP)).

  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, Zimbabwe has a unique opportunity for change. For the first time since independence, a transition of power has begun. We still do not know where this transition will end. Europeans would like, first and foremost, to accompany the people of Zimbabwe on the path of political and economic reform. We want to sustain their hope that real change is possible and help them realise their aspiration to democracy and social justice.

This is our offer to the country: we are ready to intensify our cooperation and be with you in this moment of your history. It will be up to the people of Zimbabwe to decide the new course of the country. Yet I believe it is already quite clear what kind of change the people of Zimbabwe are asking for. Zimbabwe is a country of talented people with good education. They are asking for human rights, democracy and the rule of law. They are asking for an opportunity to prove their talents and put the country’s economy back on track.

The country needs structural change that will require strong popular backing. Reconciliation and an inclusive dialogue are essential, and they are possible. They will require, first and foremost, respect for the constitutional order, the rule of law and the fundamental rights of all citizens. We then hope that the new authorities will organise inclusive, transparent and credible elections later this year. A peaceful electoral campaign and credible elections can set the country on track towards positive change. It is precisely for this reason that we have already started to assist the Zimbabwe Election Commission in establishing a credible electoral role through biometric voter registration. We are also supporting the local media with training on how to cover elections, and also inter-party dialogue and civic and voter education, and this support could be enhanced. I would also support the idea of an electoral observation mission by the European Union, provided that the required conditions are fulfilled and that we receive an invitation from the Government of the country.

The economic situation also needs to be addressed as a matter of urgency. We count on the Government to reengage quickly and substantively with the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. On our side, we will continue to work very closely with international financial institutions towards a package of measures to stabilise the economy and guarantee basic social services.

The people of Zimbabwe have the opportunity to close a difficult chapter in their history and start anew. It is a delicate and decisive moment for the country. All those who are working for progress in Zimbabwe can count on us in strong cooperation with the United Nations, the African Union and the Southern African Development Community. It is now up to the new authorities to make the first move. A first and encouraging discussion took place in Addis Ababa last week between the President and Commissioner Mimica. Our next steps will depend entirely on the new Government’s actions and its commitment to change.

We see an entire people hoping for progress and for true democracy. The aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe are our own aspirations and we want to make sure that this opportunity is not wasted and that the mistakes of the past do not happen again. But if Zimbabweans embraces the path of change, they can count on the European Union to be with them every step of the way.

  Bogdan Brunon Wenta, w imieniu grupy PPE. – Panie Przewodniczący! Wysoka Pani Przedstawiciel! Właściwie mogę powtórzyć te zachęcające słowa, chociaż ostatnie wydarzenia polityczne w Zimbabwe napawają nadzieją na demokratyzację kraju, przywrócenie rządów prawa i polepszenie standardów ochrony praw człowieka. Z zadowoleniem przyjmuję obietnicę prezydenta Mnangagwy dotyczącą przeprowadzenia wolnych wyborów w drugiej połowie 2018 r. i respektowania woli obywateli niezależnie od wyniku. Liczymy wszyscy, że prezydent dotrzyma słowa i że władza zostanie przekazana i ustanowiona w sposób w pełni demokratyczny i pokojowy.

Jak już Pani wspomniała, Unia Europejska jest gotowa wesprzeć wybory poprzez organizację misji obserwacyjnej w Zimbabwe. Ponadto, niedawno została podjęta decyzja o uruchomieniu trzech projektów o wartości około 3 milionów euro na rzecz wspierania rządów prawa w ramach Europejskiego Funduszu Rozwoju.

Przywrócenie demokratycznego państwa prawa w Zimbabwe spowoduje, że społeczność międzynarodowa będzie bardziej skłonna udzielać krajowi pomocy rozwojowej. Istotne jest także utrzymanie stabilności w tym regionie Afryki. Pamiętać bowiem należy, jak wydarzenia sprzed kilku miesięcy wpłynęły na kraje sąsiadujące z Zimbabwe. Przykładem jest tu Botswana, która w krótkim czasie przyjęła tysiące uchodźców z tego kraju.

Jednocześnie zapewnienie stabilizacji wewnętrznej jest kluczowe dla zwiększenia atrakcyjności Zimbabwe dla inwestorów i otwarcia jego gospodarki na świat. Są to kwestie niezwykle istotne z punktu widzenia poprawy sytuacji ekonomicznej po wielu latach stagnacji i zubożenia obywateli w związku z wysokim poziomem inflacji.

Będziemy z uwagą śledzić rozwój wydarzeń w Zimbabwe w najbliższych miesiącach. Mam nadzieję, że obecne zmiany w kraju otworzą nowy rozdział w jego stosunkach z Unią Europejską i społecznością międzynarodową oraz pozwolą na stworzenie w Zimbabwe warunków dla zrównoważonego rozwoju.

  Cécile Kashetu Kyenge, a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ringrazio l'Alto rappresentante Federica Mogherini per il suo lavoro e anche per questa dichiarazione.

Emmerson Mnangagwa è passato al potere nello Zimbabwe a novembre, dopo le dimissioni di Mugabe, pressato dall'esercito, dal ZANU-PF e dalla mobilitazione popolare. Durante le trattative per la resa di Mugabe, siamo rimasti con il fiato sospeso perché temevamo che la situazione potesse sfuggire di mano, sfociando appunto nella violenza. Per fortuna l'alternanza è avvenuta in modo pacifico e il nuovo presidente si è insediato senza particolari problemi. La comunità internazionale ha persino preso parte alla cerimonia di insediamento, segno che il passaggio del potere tra Mugabe e il suo ex vice ha trovato gradimento.

Oggi il paese punta all'elezione generale prevista entro luglio, se possiamo dare credito alla recente dichiarazione del presidente. Sarebbe così rispettato il normale processo elettorale. Anche su questo punto dobbiamo riconoscere che i nuovi dirigenti del paese stanno dando segnali positivi. Sulla questione dell'elezione sono in gioco la trasparenza e l'imparzialità. L'attuale presidente è stato il primo a prometterli, invocando con serenità anche l'ipotesi del coinvolgimento di una missione di osservazione elettorale da parte dell'Unione europea, come già ricordato dall'Alto rappresentante.

Le elezioni sono doverose, perché l'attuale potere è segnato da un'insufficienza di legittimità in quanto regime di transizione e si deve dunque confrontare con il popolo dello Zimbabwe in una partita elettorale che vorremmo concorrenziale. Qui sta la mia preoccupazione: lo Zimbabwe versa oggi in una situazione politica di egemonia dello ZANU-PF, il partito di Mugabe e di Mnangagwa. L'opposizione, una volta incarnata da Morgan Tsvangirai, mostra evidenti segni di affaticamento e questo potrebbe contribuire alla svalutazione delle offerte politiche, cioè all'abbassamento delle tutele dei cittadini dello Zimbabwe. Su questo punto e sui diritti umani dobbiamo restare vigili ed esigenti nei confronti del nuovo governo dello Zimbabwe.

  Geoffrey Van Orden, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, I speak as Chairman of the Friends of Zimbabwe in the European Parliament. We can only welcome the overthrow of Mugabe’s tyranny that took place last November, but I want to look forward now and there is indeed hope for the people of Zimbabwe. The international community needs to help reinforce that hope.

Morgan Tsvangirai was mentioned, and I want to put on record our admiration for Morgan Tsvangirai as the MDC leader who campaigned over so many years for democratic change in Zimbabwe. He seriously ill at the moment. I hope I can speak on behalf of all Parliament in saying we send our best wishes to him for a strong recovery.

I wrote to Emerson Mnangagwa immediately before he became President urging him to initiate the much—needed political, economic and social changes to set Zimbabwe on a fresh course. He must be assured that if he does the right thing then we will give Zimbabwe every possible support, but we need to know that the Zimbabwean authorities are indeed committed to a new path. That means action against political thugs. Just four days ago Joice Mujuru and her supporters were injured by such thugs on their way to a political meeting in the Glen Norah suburb of Harare. Violence and intimidation has to stop.

I am most encouraged by what Ms Mogherini had to say on the subject of support for the elections to make sure they are indeed credible elections, and indeed on an economic package.

The possibility of Zimbabwe rejoining the Commonwealth is under active consideration. I very much hope the Zimbabwean Government will commit itself to this and it will be invited to send observers to the CHOGM meeting in London.

  Lola Sánchez Caldentey, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señor presidente, hace un año ya que alertamos sobre la situación en Zimbabue y sobre el rol que estaba teniendo la Unión Europea. Ya rechazamos entonces cualquier operación externa, así como injerencias en los asuntos internos de Zimbabue por meros fines geoestratégicos que solo respondan a intereses económicos de la Unión Europea. Seamos realistas porque los problemas los sufre la gente. La pobreza, el desempleo, la malnutrición crónica son los principales problemas que afronta este país. Y consideramos que estos problemas solo pueden ser resueltos mediante políticas públicas del Gobierno, apoyadas, eso sí, por la solidaridad y la cooperación internacional.

Zimbabue es también uno de los países más endeudados del mundo y ejemplifica, una vez más, que necesitamos abordar la deuda desde un enfoque basado en los derechos humanos y su sostenibilidad a largo plazo, así como en unos estándares justos que redefinan los mecanismos de préstamo. Sin todo ello, seguiremos siendo incoherentes, utilizaremos nuestras declaraciones sobre terceros países a modo de palo y zanahoria en función de intereses económicos y desatendiendo los problemas reales de todo un pueblo.

  Judith Sargentini, namens de Verts/ALE-Fractie. – Voorzitter, natuurlijk is er hoop nu Mugabe vertrokken is en er een nieuwe president is in Zimbabwe. Maar Emmerson Mnangagwa heeft een geschiedenis in dat land. Emmerson Mnangagwa is een kameraad van Mugabe, die betrokken was bij de moordpartijen in Matabeleland. Nou sluit je nooit vrede met aardige mensen – dat begrijp ik heel erg goed – en het is natuurlijk een stap voorwaarts dat deze verandering vreedzaam is verlopen.

Maar we moeten ons ook wel realiseren dat er in dat land veel meer mis is dan alleen maar een economisch probleem. Ik denk inderdaad dat Emmerson Mnangagwa een ander soort economisch beleid zal voeren en dat dat goed is ook voor internationale investeerders. Maar als wij hem nu alleen maar het voordeel van de twijfel gegeven omdat hij niet Robert Mugabe is, dan missen we ook een kans. De verkiezingen zijn in juli of juni. Na de verkiezingen heeft deze regering, die toch uit wel erg veel militairen bestaat, een nieuwe legitimiteit gekregen. Vóór die tijd zijn ze op zoek naar legitimiteit.

Volgens mij is het nu het moment om ook om democratische veranderingen te vragen. De public order security act bijvoorbeeld kan veranderd worden. Het land is al decennia bezig met constitutionele hervormingen. Er is geen enkele reden om te wachten tot na de verkiezingen om die eis bij meneer Mnangagwa neer te leggen. Het maatschappelijk middenveld is momenteel zwak. Dat komt ook omdat wij Europeanen na die regering van nationale eenheid een paar jaar geleden zeiden: "Laat maar, we gaan nu inzetten op de regering". De oppositie is ongelooflijk zwak. Dus we kunnen ervan uitgaan dat er na de verkiezingen in juni of juli een ZANU–PF-parlement zit. Dan is het zaak om je checks and balances anders te organiseren. Dus het is aan ons om nu vragen te stellen over democratisering en nu het maatschappelijk middenveld te helpen.

  Przewodniczący. – Pan Stuger chciał zadać pytanie poprzez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. Mam jednak prośbę: Pan będzie mówcą, a ponieważ mamy opóźnienie, które narosło już w trakcie poprzednich wystąpień, chciałbym prosić, aby ci z Państwa, którzy będą mówcami, nie zadawali pytań w trybie niebieskiej kartki.

  Raymond Finch, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Mr President, I am tentatively optimistic about the prospects for Zimbabwe under this new administration. The former breadbasket of Africa has been ruined by decades of misrule by a despot whose policies were built more on bitterness over old wounds than on optimism for Zimbabwe’s ‘home together’.

Already there are signals coming from the Government for a fair resolution to the farming issue, which I welcome. Zimbabwe is a crucial cornerstone for the prosperity and security of Eastern and Southern Africa. The situation is, however, delicate, and we must be sure not to rush ahead with unfairly high standards pressured onto Zimbabwe, as the EU usually likes to do. If Zimbabwe is to progress it must be allowed to do so at a reasonable pace, led by its own domestic society with region—led support from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union.

It would be a positive move for Zimbabwe to rekindle its relationship with the Commonwealth and build on the latent trade potential which an organisation of such historically and culturally close countries can provide.

  Janice Atkinson (ENF). – Mr President, I would like to agree with all my UK colleagues who have spoken on Zimbabwe, and I have hope for that country too, but I do not want to talk about Zimbabwe, I want to talk about human rights in South Africa. We have spoken about Zimbabwe so many times in this Chamber, but why is South Africa not on the agenda?

South Africa is the rape capital of the world and 109 rapes are recorded every day. In 2016, there were 42 000. They have one of the highest per capita murder rates in the world, with 52 murders every day. In 2017, there were 463 brutal farm attacks and 94 murders. So far in 2018, today, there have been 38 farm attacks, four murders – that is a 27% increase. But human rights is still not on the agenda.

And racial discrimination. We all condemn that in this Parliament, yet do you condemn the Marxist ANC’s black economic-empowerment programme that discriminates against white people because of the colour of their skin? And do you condemn the racially motivated farm attacks and murders from blacks and whites? Why are we not having a discussion on the brutal attacks and the human rights abuses in South Africa?

  Przewodniczący. – Chciałbym tylko prosić Panią Poseł i innych Państwa, abyśmy rozmawiali o Zimbabwe, nie o innych częściach Afryki.

  David McAllister (PPE). – Mr President, back to Zimbabwe. I understand the current development in this country is a sign of hope. As previous speakers have pointed out, the 37 years of Mr Mugabe’s authoritarian regime caused Zimbabwe’s economy to plummet, created social unrest and isolated the country internationally. The rule of law was not only ignored, but police brutality against critics of the regime was commonplace.

Now the path towards democracy seems to be in sight. Mr Mugabe’s decision to step down as President was the right choice and definitely overdue. The Zimbabwean people are now desperately seeking a government that is able to establish the necessary reforms, but first and foremost to listen to what the people are saying.

The upcoming electoral process will be an essential step. We should welcome the commitment of the authorities in Harare to hold the elections in line with the Constitution, and underline the importance that the conditions are in place to allow those elections to be peaceful, inclusive, credible and transparent.

I would like to acknowledge, and also commend, the efforts taken by the High Representative in offering assistance with reform processes in Zimbabwe. The European Parliament, as has been pointed out, is ready to start the preparation of an election observation as soon as we receive an invitation. We ought to stress firmly the responsibility and the accountability that lie in these promised elections. Democratic processes and the rule of law are the foundations of a peaceful society. I sincerely hope the Zimbabwean people will accomplish this through democratic and conflict-free elections.

  Boris Zala (S&D). – Mr President, the ongoing transition of power in Zimbabwe creates a new window of opportunity. The EU must be flexible and ready to deepen relations with Harare and provide economic and political support for positive change.

But we must also set clear conditions. Most important of all is the return of the rule of law and political freedoms and the re-establishment of civilian rule over the military. It must also include a clear path to inclusive and fair elections in 2018, which could also be observed by the European Parliament. Moreover, the EU could – and should – be an important partner in the government’s effort to restore growth and create new jobs for Zimbabweans.

The EU has an important role to play in Zimbabwe’s future, if Member States pursue a common position. We have to show a brighter perspective for Zimbabwe than other players, especially China. We possess potentially strong tools and leverage when it comes to supporting Zimbabwe’s transition. Let’s make sure we use our leverage wisely.

  Ελένη Θεοχάρους (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, θα συμφωνούσα με την Ύπατη Εκπρόσωπο ότι η Ζιμπάμπουε μπήκε σε μια πολιτικά μεταβατική περίοδο. Απλώς ελπίζω ότι οι διάδοχοι του Μουγκάμπε δεν θα είναι τόσο διεφθαρμένοι όσο ήταν το καθεστώς του. Δεν πιστεύω δηλαδή ότι το μόνο πρόβλημα ήταν ο Μουγκάμπε, του οποίου ο βιολογικός κύκλος έφτανε στο τέλος του. Σίγουρα η μεταβατική περίοδος δεν θα λήξει με τις εκλογές, όσο ομαλά και αν διεξαχθούν. Υπάρχει ένα χρόνιο μίσος ανάμεσα στους πολίτες, λόγω της πρακτικής της μεταφοράς φυλών από το ένα μέρος στο άλλο για την επιτέλεση βιαιοπραγιών. Το ίδιο και οι λευκοί, σήμερα, περνούν πάρα πολύ δύσκολες ώρες και δεν έχουν καμιά σχέση με το παρελθόν. Τα οικονομικά προβλήματα είναι τεράστια και δεν μπορεί να τα επιλύσει ούτε μεμονωμένα ο πρόεδρος ούτε η ηγεμονική πολιτική της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Η ζωή είναι ιδιαίτερα σκληρή στην ύπαιθρο, παρόλο που η Ζιμπάμπουε θα μπορούσε να επιλύσει από μόνη της το επισιτιστικό πρόβλημα ολόκληρης της Αφρικής, καθώς είναι μια πάρα πολύ εύφορη χώρα. Ας μην ξεχνάμε, επίσης, ότι οι οροθετικοί ξεπερνούν το 50%. Όταν είχα πρωτοπάει εκεί ήταν στο 75%. Επιπλέον, η υποδομή σε νοσοκομεία και σχολεία είναι ανύπαρκτη, ειδικά στην ύπαιθρο.

  Ignazio Corrao (EFDD). – Mr President, after a very long time of leadership, President Mugabe finally resigned from power, ceding to internal pressures and opening a new and delicate scenario. In a situation where the economy of Zimbabwe is on the brink of collapse, the upcoming electoral process will be critical for the future of the country and for the re-establishment of the rule of law.

The new President, Emmerson Mnangagwa, recently said that a transparent election will be held by July and that he will respect the result if the opposition wins. Fair and free elections are essential in order to stand any chance of reviving the comatose economy and improving the country’s relations with the West.

During previous elections Zimbabweans have suffered serious human rights violations and severe abuses, including killing and torture. We should manifest our support to the country to prevent the recurrence of such violence. As the forthcoming, pre—electoral period is crucial for Zimbabwe, I believe that the European Union should monitor this essential step and provide the support and the assets needed to achieve fair and transparent elections.

  Olaf Stuger (ENF). – Voorzitter, voor de uitbreiding van de EU wordt altijd naar het oosten gekeken, naar corrupte en labiele landen als Albanië en Oekraïne. Maar waarom niet naar het zuiden kijken? Waarom wordt het zuiden gediscrimineerd? Want als we naar het zuiden kijken, dan komen we op een gegeven moment Zimbabwe tegen. En volgens mij is Zimbabwe het ideale nieuwe land om de EU te komen versterken.

Ik zal u uitleggen waarom. Zimbabwe heeft historische banden met Europa en de officiële taal is Engels. Daarnaast is Zimbabwe in staat, zijn de mensen in Zimbabwe in staat om een revolutie te ontketenen, waarbij de president wordt weggestuurd zonder de hulp van de heer van Baalen of de heer Verhofstadt. En als laatste is het een land dat al zoveel hulp heeft gekregen van de EU –honderden miljoenen euro's – dat de toetredingsgelden eigenlijk al betaald zijn. Dus, Voorzitter, via u wil ik mevrouw Mogherini vragen om over haar eigen schaduw heen te stappen en om Zimbabwe het EU—lidmaatschap aan te bieden.

  Frank Engel (PPE). – Mr President, I am aware that the carnival season is starting but I was not that aware that it had already cast its shadow over one or two colleagues!

To return to more serious matters, I welcome every sentence that the High Representative has said about the involvement that the European Union intends to recommence with Zimbabwe, after a long period where our presence was not only not overwhelming but indeed not much welcomed.

I want, however, to draw attention to the fact that such a state of affairs may well be lingering on, at least in part. Nearly four decades of Robert Mugabe’s rule have estranged the European continent from parts of the Zimbabwean population and we need to win back a significant share of trust – trust which has now, very intentionally, been shifted towards China and the general idea of the East.

It is probably a good thing that, precisely at this time when we are reconsidering our strategic partnership with Africa, we should get the chance to prove what we can actually mean in terms of reconstituting a democratic state in the southern part of the African continent and helping it along both democratically and economically. Zimbabwe has tremendous possibilities that it could use in its relationship with Europe. We should seize all these opportunities, and maybe win back trust that was lost.

  Ana Gomes (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, quando Mugabe se demitiu finalmente o povo do Zimbábue e o mundo aplaudiram. Gerou-se uma onda positiva augurando-se um futuro melhor para o Zimbábue. Como se a miséria e a opressão do regime tivessem sido obra de um único homem. Os que afastaram Mugabe do poder, como o atual presidente Emmerson Mnangagwa, foram cúmplices e beneficiários ao longo de décadas.

Não se podem esquecer os tremendos desafios que o país enfrenta. A corrupção prolifera, milhões emigraram, em 2017 houve inundações, surtos de cólera e de febre tifoide. A economia está à beira do colapso.

As anunciadas eleições poderão ser uma oportunidade, mas haverá competição genuína? Será que vão mesmo ser convocadas eleições? A União Europeia ao lado da União Africana tem de estar na linha da frente no apoio às forças da sociedade que querem que o Zimbábue inicie a transição para a democracia. É essencial que haja uma transição limpa e genuína e não meramente cosmética. Para isso a União Europeia tem de envolver-se, tem de exigir, tem que apoiar as reformas estruturais de governação incluindo o setor da justiça, incluindo a organização do processo eleitoral e tudo o que diga respeito à capacitação democrática das forças partidárias, dos media e da sociedade civil que têm que ser incluídas num verdadeiro diálogo para o futuro democrático do país.

  John Stuart Agnew (EFDD). – Mr President, I would like to reinforce everything Ms Atkinson had to say about the South African farm murders. And having lived in Zimbabwe in the 1970s I have witnessed how that country really can work to the benefit of all its citizens. So what needs to be done to get this show back on the road?

First, repeal the law that requires 51% of a business to be owned by local people. This is restricting investment. Second, privatise the coal and steel industries to raise some immediate cash for the Government and allow investment to create jobs and exports. Third, privatise the railways, which have virtually ceased to function. They will be needed to transport this new coal and steel. Fourth, use the revenue raised from privatisation to compensate displaced white farmers in exchange for the return of their title deeds. Fifth, offer the resultant vacant farmland on 99-year assignable leases to competent commercial farmers who can use these leases as security for borrowing. This borrowing will allow them to restart the farm, creating jobs, food and exports.

Ninety-five per cent of the potential workforce are unemployed. What good are nationalised industries doing them? Zimbabwe is the perfect example of how to destroy a country through well-meaning socialist policies.

  Michael Gahler (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Im Jahr 2000 war ich der bisher letzte Leiter einer Wahlbeobachtungsdelegation des Europäischen Parlaments in Simbabwe. Seither wurden wir nicht wieder eingeladen, und deswegen höre ich mit Freude, dass es offenbar geplant ist, uns diesmal mit anderen internationalen Beobachtern einzuladen.

Aber ich möchte auch das unterstreichen, was andere Kollegen bereits gesagt haben: Es geht jetzt auch darum, dass den schönen Worten auch Taten folgen. Das heißt insbesondere, dass im Vorfeld der Wahlen faire Bedingungen für alle Parteien herrschen, dass in Simbabwe zum Beispiel die Wählerliste auf einen neuesten Stand gebracht wird. Und mir ist es auch wichtig, dass es möglich werden müsste, dass die vielen Millionen Simbabwer, die unter anderem nach Südafrika geflohen sind, die Möglichkeit haben, sich wieder rechtzeitig zu registrieren, um an dieser Wahl auch teilnehmen zu können, denn die haben ja am meisten, auch im Ausland dann, unter den schwierigen Bedingungen leiden müssen.

Ich hoffe, dass wir eben nicht eine Situation haben, wo die alte Garde – nur ohne Mugabe – an der Macht festhalten kann. Wenn man genau hinschaut, sind im Kabinett sehr viele Militärs vertreten, die sich über viele Jahre auch bereichert haben, und die alte Führungsschicht ist unangefochten. Deswegen ist es sehr wichtig, dass wir die Prinzipien, die wir überall im Hinblick auf freie und faire Wahlen anwenden, auch einfordern. Und danach muss auch ein Prozess der nationalen Versöhnung in diesem Land stattfinden. Auch da, glaube ich, können wir vielleicht behilflich sein.

  Francisco Assis (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Alta Comissária, a saída do poder do ditador Mugabe foi em si mesmo um acontecimento muito positivo que foi, aliás, devidamente saudado pelo povo do Zimbábue nas ruas e pela generalidade da comunidade internacional. Abriu-se, assim, a possibilidade de se avançar para uma nova fase, para um novo ciclo político no Zimbábue e a União Europeia tem naturalmente responsabilidades por razões as mais diversas, por razões históricas, por razões que têm que ver com aquilo que é a sua própria visão do quadro internacional em acompanhar esta nova situação no Zimbábue.

O Zimbábue atravessa agora uma fase de tensão como é próprio destes momentos de grande mudança política. O novo presidente comprometeu-se já em promover reformas tendo em vista a democratização da sociedade e a promoção de medidas que promovam a prosperidade do país, e já fez muitos anúncios muito positivos nesse sentido. Aliás, o Conselho Europeu já saudou essa postura a 22 de janeiro e manifestou claramente expectativas positivas quanto a uma transição pacífica.

Mas temos de ter consciência que os períodos de transição são, por definição, períodos de incerteza, encerram potencialidades mas também perigos. A União Europeia tem, por isso, de estar vigilante, sobretudo num momento em que se desenha uma tentativa de regresso do ex-presidente Mugabe no quadro do ato eleitoral que terá lugar em breve.

Seria, aliás, incompreensível que não houvesse uma missão de observação eleitoral da União Europeia para acompanhar estas eleições tendo em vista o que sucedeu naquele país até aqui, isto é, temos razões para ter esperança, mas temos a obrigação de permanecer vigilantes.

  Eduard Kukan (PPE). – Mr President, the November 2017 events will go down in the history books as the days when the world’s attention was turned to President Mugabe and his long overdue resignation.

I have been following Mr Mugabe’s political career from the beginning with great interest and I was deeply disappointed by his demise from a progressive leader to an authoritarian dictator in the last four decades. The world also watched the peaceful voices of many Zimbabweans, who clearly stated that their country deserves better. They want their country to get out of diplomatic isolation, they want an economic overhaul of their devastated and crippled economy, and they want functioning democratic institutions. And now, a historical opportunity for Zimbabwe is on the horizon. There is tangible hope on the streets of Harare.

It is now more important than ever to stand by Zimbabwe in the upcoming difficult transition months and to make sure that President Emmerson Mnangagwa keeps his promise to hold free, fair and democratic elections without delay. The elections are crucial in this phase of political development in the country. If conditions are favourable, and if it is acceptable for Zimbabwe, I think it would make sense to send an observation mission to these presidential elections.

  Tunne Kelam (PPE). – Mr President, it is high time for change because Zimbabwe since 2000 has struggled to feed its people. Poverty and unemployment are endemic. The history of Zimbabwe has been a history of mismanaged and misused opportunities. About three million people have fled the country, and politically-motivated violence since 1980 has taken the lives of approximately 200 000 people.

Remember that the change is not a revolution. Yes, people supported the resignation of Mugabe enthusiastically, but now they must be guaranteed that real, lasting democratic change is going to happen. The only way to guarantee the legitimacy of this change is through fair and democratic elections.

The future government has to be open to cooperation with different political forces. As it is now, Mr Mugabe, instead of taking responsibility for numerous crimes, is planning to establish a new political party.

Important in terms of the legitimacy of the latest events is that millions of Zimbabwean citizens abroad, most of them having been forced to leave, should be able to participate freely and easily in the coming elections without having to face excessive bureaucratic obstacles. This should be seen as a litmus test of whether the new leaders are prepared to be leaders of all the nation.

  Joachim Zeller (PPE). – Herr Präsident, Hohe Vertreterin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Nach 37 Jahren Herrschaft mit Methoden einer Diktatur wurde der bisherige Präsident Simbabwes, Mugabe, durch einen Militärputsch seines Amtes enthoben. Beobachter vor Ort sprechen etwas spöttisch von der höflichsten Revolution aller Zeiten – sind es doch diejenigen, die bislang die Herrschaft Mugabes stützten, die nun selbst die Schalthebel der Macht in ihre Hände nahmen, wie der langjährige Geheimdienstchef und enge Vertraute Mugabes – der jetzige Präsident – Mnangagwa. Augenscheinlich ist das einst reiche Land durch Misswirtschaft, Korruption und Willkürherrschaft so heruntergewirtschaftet, dass die Angehörigen der bisherigen Machtelite die Notbremse gezogen und den Präsidenten und einige Regierungsmitglieder ausgetauscht haben. Die bisher ihrer Bürger- und Menschenrechte beraubte Bevölkerung tanzte in der Nacht des Machtwechsels auf den Straßen. Die Zukunft wird zeigen, ob sich in Simbabwe wirklich etwas ändert und die Erwartungen der Bevölkerung erfüllt werden, was die Gewährung bürgerlicher Freiheiten anbelangt.

Der neue Präsident hat baldige Wahlen zugesagt. Es muss sich erst erweisen, ob Pressefreiheit gewährt wird und oppositionelle Kräfte eine Chance erhalten, sich politisch betätigen zu dürfen. Mnangagwa hat baldige Wahlen und internationale Wahlbeobachtung zugesagt. Wir sollten die Entwicklungen in Simbabwe sehr aufmerksam betrachten, die zivilen Kräfte ermutigen und, sollte es wirklich zu einem demokratischen Wandel kommen, diesen auch unterstützen.

  Adam Szejnfeld (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Zimbabwe to przykład tego, do czego mogą doprowadzić rządy autorytarne: korupcja, kryzys gospodarczy, bezrobocie (wynoszące w niektórych środowiskach nawet 90 %, co w Europie jest nie do pomyślenia), a także bieda. Dzisiaj pojawia się szansa na zmianę tej sytuacji, trudnej dla państwa, ale jeszcze trudniejszej przecież dla jego obywateli. Pierwszym krokiem do tego mogą być demokratyczne wybory, dlatego Unia Europejska powinna się włączyć w proces doprowadzający do uczciwych, demokratycznych wyborów. Chcę jednak powiedzieć, że wybory to nie jedyny warunek tego, aby w państwie zapanowała demokracja i praworządność. Muszą nastąpić działania na rzecz odbudowy instytucji państwa demokratycznego, a także upodmiotowienia obywateli, budowy społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. To wszystko jest potrzebne, aby Unia Europejska mogła odnowić dobre stosunki z tym krajem i rozpocząć od nowa wspieranie jego rozwoju. Myślę, że jest na to szansa i że powinniśmy ją wykorzystać.

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  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já jsem velmi pozorně poslouchal celou tu rozpravu a musím říci, že já jsem relativně skeptický k demokratickému vývoji v této zemi. Odchod Mugabeho v listopadu je určitě radostnou zprávou, ale úřadující premiér zatím spíše o reformách hovoří a volby zatím vyhlášeny nebyly.

Vítám tedy to, co říkala paní vysoká komisařka, snaha Evropské unie by měla být maximální. Pomoci svobodným volbám nejenom tím, že vyšleme samotnou pozorovací misi, ale měli bychom se pokusit zasahovat do samotného procesu přípravy na volby. Pomoci zajistit, aby ty volby pokud možno alespoň trochu byly svobodné a demokratické.

Opravdu musím říci, že optimismem zatím nehýřím a pokud se podaří nějaké volby, které budou svobodné, zorganizovat, bude to úžasné, ale pak teprve začíná proces reforem, u kterých bychom také měli stát a také je podporovat.

  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Mr President, some of us here in Parliament attended the last ACP-European Union Joint Parliamentary Assembly in Haiti and there was a special debate on Zimbabwe. This was no surprise because, after 37 years in a row, President Mugabe was compelled to resign, being the second longest serving ruler in Africa, after President Obiang of Equatorial Guinea.

The legacy is repression, isolation and corruption, and there is an expectation of the new transition Government although it is chaired by a former Vice-President of Mugabe, Mr Mnangagwa. So the situation means requires a very clear message from the European Union. In order to lift the current dispensation of arms embargo, freezing of assets and lack of cooperation from the European Union towards Zimbabwe, there has to be European Union involvement and oversight, and the involvement of this Parliament, making sure, by watching over them, that the elections next June are free and fair.

  Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η κατάσταση στη Ζιμπάμπουε, παρά την απομάκρυνση του Μουγκάμπε, παραμένει κρίσιμη. Η νέα ηγεσία προχωρά στην παραπέρα στρατιωτικοποίηση του πολιτικού συστήματος της χώρας. Το πολιτικό σύστημα, αντί να στηρίζεται στους ίδιους τους πολίτες και σε δημοκρατικές δομές, συνεχίζει να στηρίζεται στον στρατό. Στο πεδίο της οικονομίας, η λιτότητα είναι πλέον στην ημερήσια διάταξη. Ο υπουργός Οικονομικών προχωρά σε βίαιη δημοσιονομική προσαρμογή, με απολύσεις τριών χιλιάδων υπαλλήλων. Επίσης, δίνει τη δυνατότητα σε πολυεθνικές στον τομέα της ενέργειας να μην καταβάλουν φόρους για πέντε χρόνια. Είναι δεδομένο ότι απαιτούνται σημαντικές αλλαγές στη Ζιμπάμπουε. Χρειάζεται να ενισχυθούν οι δημοκρατικές δομές. Χρειάζονται δημοκρατικές και ελεύθερες εκλογές, προκειμένου οι ίδιοι οι πολίτες να αποφασίσουν για την ανάπτυξη της χώρας τους και να έχουν οι ίδιοι τη δυνατότητα να αξιοποιήσουν τις πλουτοπαραγωγικές πηγές της πατρίδας τους.

  Τάκης Χατζηγεωργίου (GUE/NGL). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, για πάρα πολλά χρόνια η Ζιμπάμπουε δεν ήταν μια δημοκρατική χώρα και είναι πάρα πολύ δύσκολα τα πράγματα στη μεταβατική περίοδο. Και δεν θα μπορούσε να είναι δημοκρατική μια χώρα όταν επτά εκατομμύρια άνθρωποι, περισσότεροι από τον μισό πληθυσμό της, βρίσκονται ακόμα στα όρια της λιμοκτονίας, όχι απλώς της φτώχειας. Οι πληροφορίες, έστω και αν ανήκουν στο παρελθόν, για βίαια βασανιστήρια με ξυλοδαρμούς, ηλεκτροσόκ και δηλητηριάσεις, επιδείνωσαν δραματικά την εικόνα. Είμαστε όμως τώρα στη μεταβατική περίοδο. Υπάρχει ίσως η μεγάλη ευκαιρία να κινηθεί η νέα ηγεσία της χώρας αποφασιστικά προς τη σωστή κατεύθυνση. Να συγκρουστεί με κάθε μέσο με τη διαφθορά και την κακοδιαχείριση. Προς αυτή την κατεύθυνση θα έχει τη στήριξή μας. Δεν είναι όμως αρκετή. Όλα, ή πολλά, θα εξαρτηθούν από τη βούληση του λαού της χώρας και της ηγεσίας του.

  James Carver (EFDD). – Mr President, Southern Africa has, in the Southern African Development Community (SADC), a structure that can support Zimbabwe’s re-emergence as an important trading partner. I believe that support not just for Zimbabwe but also for the surrounding states, such as Botswana and Zambia, will help Zimbabwe to prosper both economically and politically.

I urge Zimbabwe to rejoin the Commonwealth as soon as possible. Intra-Commonwealth trade, based on historic and cultural ties, can help Zimbabwe to prosper and not to be in thrall to yet another exploitative EU free trade agreement, a fate that has already befallen many African countries to their detriment.

I am optimistic about Zimbabwe’s future, but we must work with them and certainly not dictate to them.

  José Inácio Faria (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Alta Comissária, Senhora Alta Representante, eu gostava de me dirigir à Sra. Atkinson, que já não está aqui, para lhe dizer que a África do Sul e o Zimbábue são países completamente diferentes. Eu vivi na África do Sul e sei o que digo, embora a África do Sul seja ali ao lado.

Caros Colegas, quatro décadas de governo de Mugabe foram marcadas pela repressão, fraude e corrupção e pelo uso abusivo dos meios do Estado que conduziram o Zimbabué ao conflito político e a uma pobreza endémica.

O Presidente Mnangagwa, desde que assumiu o poder, em novembro, tem privilegiado o fortalecimento do papel dos militares nas estruturas do poder e o anúncio de reformas económicas que permitam recuperar o investimento estrangeiro, deixando para trás as reformas legais que garantam a independência do poder judicial, a neutralidade da comissão eleitoral, os direitos de voto da diáspora e o alargamento do espaço de participação da sociedade civil e da oposição política, reformas essas vitais para que as eleições deste ano possam ser livres, transparentes e justas.

Senhora Alta Comissária, Senhora Alta Representante - eu peço desculpa estar sempre a enganar-me - gostaria que a União condicionasse o diálogo político com as autoridades do Zimbabué aos avanços destas reformas e à libertação imediata dos presos políticos atualmente detidos.

  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (EFDD). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sono bastati trentasette anni al potere per trasformare Robert Mugabe da eroe della liberazione da una minoranza bianca e razzista a despota autoritario, simbolo di quella corruzione e di quel nepotismo che oggi caratterizzano molti paesi dell'Africa.

A 93 anni Mugabe è stato costretto a lasciare il posto al suo braccio destro, il vicepresidente Emmerson Mnangagwa, membro del suo stesso partito. Quest'uomo promette elezioni libere e democratiche e sembra pronto ad accogliere gli osservatori internazionali, ma non lasciamoci ingannare dalle apparenze. È infatti lo stesso uomo che fino a qualche anno fa ha eseguito, senza batter ciglio, gli ordini più sporchi del presidente uscente, incluse torture e violenze di ogni tipo. Come non dimenticare la strage del Matabeleland, dove morirono 20 000 persone, o la dura repressione dell'opposizione durante la campagna del 2008?

Se oggi il coccodrillo ha il supporto di cui ha bisogno, il popolo dello Zimbabwe non ha dimenticato il suo passato, e neanche noi dobbiamo dimenticarlo. Nessuno sforzo deve essere risparmiato da parte nostra per garantire elezioni libere e democratiche. Le voci dei cittadini dello Zimbabwe devono essere finalmente ascoltate.

(Koniec zgłoszeń z sali)

  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, I would like to thank all the speakers for having expressed not only their hopes but also their concerns and their support for the work we are doing, together with Commissioner Mimica, at this crucial moment for Zimbabwe.

Let me say that this debate will also be useful for us, as Commissioner Mimica is planning to go to Harare in the coming months, so we will be able to follow up on the many elements that we have discussed here today and that we have shared, because I see a convergence of approach on this. It is quite easy to conclude from this exchange that the country is indeed at a crossroads, after 37 years of the same leadership since independence, and that we see two sides of the coin. We see the opportunity for a different kind of future lying ahead and for the potential of the country to be unleashed, and we also see the risk – as some of you said – that the country could go through a cosmetic operation and that change might not come.

At this crossroads, I believe the key element for us will be the forthcoming elections. Many of you made that point, and this is also why I have insisted on the fact that we are ready – and will continue to be ready – to accompany Zimbabwe, with all our instruments and policies, through this transition and after, and especially with the hope that the new leadership will live up to the high expectations raised with the end of the Mugabe era. We understand very well that this remains to be done, but the expectations are there and we can help move in the right direction.

Lastly, I would like to thank Parliament for your continuing work to promote and defend human rights and democratisation in Zimbabwe. I know that it has been long—standing, constant and consistent work, for which I thank you, and also for keeping the country on our international agenda. I am looking forward to continuing our good cooperation across the institutions in the European Union to make sure that the changes are not cosmetic and that progress is really made.

  Przewodniczący. – Zamykam debatę.