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Tirsdag den 13. marts 2018 - Strasbourg Revideret udgave

17. Situationen i Syrien (forhandling)
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  Preşedinte. – Următorul punct de pe ordinea de zi este dezbaterea privind situația din Siria (2018/2626(RSP)).


  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, this week marks the tragic anniversary of the Syrian war. It has been seven years and the war is not over yet. After some encouraging signs of de-escalation in the second half of last year, we have been warning, as the European Union last month, about the risks of a new escalation, and we have tried to prevent it, mainly with our work in the Security Council of the United Nations that led to the adoption of the Security Council Resolution 2401.

What we see today is a dramatic re-escalation of military activities. Afrin first, then the tragedy of eastern Ghouta. With every new escalation a new level of horror is reached. In eastern Ghouta we have witnessed the intentional bombing of civilians and medical facilities and snipers shooting at those who are trying to flee.

There is only one rational and moral thing we can do. We can only keep working together with the United Nations to achieve what has not been achieved so far: a political solution in Geneva as the foundation of a just and lasting peace.

We believe the most urgent task now is to stop the fighting and bring relief to the civilian population. At the end of February, as I mentioned, the UN Security Council adopted unanimously, thanks also to our work, the work of our Member States in the Security Council, the Resolution 2401, demanding a 30—day cessation of hostilities all around Syria, with the only exception of operations against Daesh and al—Qaeda.

At our meeting of the EU Member States Foreign Affairs Ministers, our Foreign Affairs Council on 26 February, we were united in calling for a full and immediate implementation of the Resolution. And right after we met, the same day, I wrote to the Foreign Ministers of Russia, Iran and Turkey, the three guarantors of the Astana Process, because they have committed to creating four de-escalation zones in Syria – and let me recall that eastern Ghouta is one of these four zones. So they have taken a clear responsibility and we expect them to fulfil it.

In my letter I called on them to contribute to the full and immediate implementation of the Security Council Resolution, and this includes taking all necessary steps to ensure that the fighting stops, that humanitarian access is ensured, and to allow for life—saving deliveries of assistance and medical evacuations. In eastern Ghouta over 1 000 people are now in need of evacuation as doctors, medicines and medical appliances are lacking.

Thanks also to our work, together with the United Nations, on the first days of March a UN aid convoy was finally allowed to enter Duma. It was the first aid convoy since November and it brought some much—needed relief to thousands of people trapped in eastern Ghouta. Our first concern is always saving lives; it is always the humanitarian needs. But the shelling resumed while the operations were still ongoing and the convoy had to leave before the aid could be fully unloaded. This shows that a daily five—hour truce can be a first step, but it is clearly not sufficient. Syria needs a full cessation of hostilities as agreed by the UN Security Council, and it is also unacceptable that the Syrian regime removed critical medical items from the convoy in clear violation of international humanitarian law.

As our diplomatic work for a truce continues every single day, as our humanitarian support to Syrians continues, we must also keep focusing on peace talks, on a political solution in Geneva. I know it is difficult to talk about peace negotiations, and even more to engage in peace negotiations, while thousands are still dying, but let us keep in mind two things. First, that peace is all the more urgent when the fighting gets worse; and second, that peace can only come from a comprehensive political agreement under UN auspices. I believe we should have learned that by now. Limited agreements do open windows of hope, and bring limited improvement, but have always collapsed owing to the lack of broader political agreement on the future of Syria.

The new escalation of violence in eastern Ghouta, but also in Afrin, can push further away the chances for a political solution to the conflict and can easily lead to an even more dramatic escalation, even in these hours. We need to concentrate all our energies in supporting and revitalising the UN—led negotiations in Geneva in a determined and consistent manner, gathering the efforts of all the partners in the region and the international community.

Support in Geneva will be one of the key goals of the second Brussels conference we will host on the future of Syria and the region at the end of April. We will gather the international community, the regional players, around three objectives. First, to renew our humanitarian support to the people of Syria, both inside Syria and in the neighbouring countries. Second, we will work on the recovery of areas where the fighting has ended, particularly the areas liberated from Daesh, bringing back services and normal life to communities, men, women and children, that aspire to a sort of normal life. Reconstruction, as we said several times and very clearly – and we will repeat in Brussels at the end of April – will only begin after a credible and inclusive political agreement has been reached, but the perspective of reconstruction can help the Geneva process. This is why we continue to work also to prepare for peace as the most powerful leverage we have to encourage a positive dynamic and outcome of negotiations.

This is the first objective of the Brussels conference in April: use our convening power, which is quite remarkable, together with the United Nations, to unite a real international and regional consensus, to give a political push to intra—Syria negotiations in Geneva. This is not because we are naive or blind – on the contrary, after seven years we know how difficult it is to end this war, and even those that have tried partial political avenues to gather different formats have realised very clearly the limits of this exercise. It is only through collective UN effort that we can get there.

But we know that it would simply be impossible to bring peace to Syria without everyone’s contribution. This is why we are insisting on strong political commitment to negotiations to be expressed in a united manner at the Brussels conference coming up in a couple of months from now, because we cannot afford to stop working for peace, and it is exactly in the darkest moments that the work for peace is most needed. We, the European Union, are not giving up on the Syrian people and will call on the rest of the world to do the same.


  Cristian Dan Preda, au nom du groupe PPE. – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Haute représentante, nous ne pouvons plus vraiment parler d’une guerre civile en se référant à la Syrie. Il s’agit plutôt d’un massacre. L’horreur des images nous provenant de la Ghouta orientale nous laisse sans voix. Je pense tout particulièrement aux enfants qui subissent un traitement barbare de la part du régime syrien et de ses alliés.

Nous sommes forcés de constater la paralysie totale de la communauté internationale face à ce drame humanitaire. Non seulement les résolutions du Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU sont violées aussitôt votées, mais, pire encore, les bombardements se sont intensifiés depuis le vote de la résolution.

Poutine, au sommet de sa forme, est en train de jouer à son jeu favori de pompier pyromane, en apportant d’un côté un soutien sans faille au régime Assad et, de l’autre, en nous proposant une trêve de cinq heures, qui est à la fois irréaliste et cynique. Aucune aide humanitaire digne de ce nom ne peut être apportée aux civils pris au piège dans la Ghouta en l’espace de cinq heures. Le régime syrien et ses protecteurs russe et iranien ne laissent qu’un seul choix aux populations: partir ou mourir. Mais partir où? Dans une autre région sous les bombes?

Une seule chose est sûre: on ne peut pas massacrer des centaines de milliers de civils et ensuite espérer les réintégrer dans une future société syrienne dirigée par le clan Assad. Il n’y aura aucune reconstruction sans que les bourreaux payent pour leurs crimes.


  Victor Boştinaru, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, all our efforts to implement a ceasefire in eastern Ghouta are failing one after another. Assad’s regime, under the complacent eyes of its allies, Russia and Iran, is continuing with full impunity the bombing of villages, civilians, hospitals and ambulances and continuing to drop chemical weapons. Children now account for a quarter of civilian deaths. The humanitarian situation is only worsening and the humanitarian aid cannot get in. It is unbearable to stand by in front of such a human tragedy and suffering. Russia is continuing to undermine UN credibility and mocking the international community, while every day we are watching the ‘Butcher of Damascus’ exterminating his own people.

There is no peace process without a ceasefire all over Syria, including in Afrin, Ghouta and Idlib. The only result from what is happening in Syria is more and more suffering, war and radicalisation spread all over the region. This is why we should we acknowledge the impressive solidarity demonstrated by the neighbours of Syria towards the refugees. The S&D Group calls on the Member States to step up financial support for host countries and welcomes the fact that the Brussels II conference on Syria will aim to channel more support for the international community to refugee hosting countries. The UN—led process is the only way forward for Syria. In the meantime, we have to make sure that the ceasefire is implemented and all evidence and testimony of human crime in Syria is preserved in order to ensure that international justice will prevail in that country.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue—card question under Rule 162(8))


  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser (ENF), question "carton bleu". – Cher collègue, ma question sera assez brève. Il y a des témoignages de chrétiens qui soulignent que, depuis maintenant très longtemps, des missiles – on parle même de bombes défendues – seraient envoyés à partir de la Ghouta sur le reste de la population syrienne, qui est en fin de compte attaquée, et qu’il ne s’agirait pas de rebelles mais de terroristes. Donc, soutenez-vous des terroristes qui s’attaquent depuis plusieurs années à des civils à partir de la Ghouta?


  Victor Boştinaru (S&D), blue-card answer. – Mr Schaffhauser, let’s be serious. This debate and the resolution to be voted on by the plenary is based on evidence provided by the UN and the UN Security Council, strong evidence which speaks of crimes committed, not allegations. This is why I treat all the victims as just human beings, not belonging to this or that faith or ethnic group. They are all human beings who are being completely destroyed. I am devastated by the violence. So the ceasefire is good for all, and I really hope that you will stop peddling allegations in this House.


  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, there has been no progress in eastern Ghouta since the adoption of UN Security Council resolution 2401. Moreover, even more war crimes have been perpetrated by the forces of Bashar al—Assad, even with the support of Security Council members. Yesterday there was a special area formula meeting of UN Security Council members, with testimony of the Syrian negotiating commission members urging UN Security Council members for a binding resolution with the adoption of Chapter 7 measures and all measures possible to achieve a real cessation of hostilities and bring lasting peace.

I support the draft joint resolution and I would like to stress there should be no future and post—conflict Syria for Bashar al—Assad.


  Marietje Schaake, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, we have seen hospitals – in Aleppo, Idlib, Damascus – being bombed, and bombed again soon after, to target aid workers like the White Helmets. And again, we have seen children choke on sarin and mustard gas. And again, people reduced to red lines crossed. And again we hear how these people were actually terrorists and therefore legitimate targets for Assad, Putin and Iran’s Revolutionary Guards. And again, we hear there is no military solution as bombs create realities on the ground. And again, vetoes for UN Security Council Resolutions. And again, a blank statement from the UN out of words. And again, vital aid convoys blocked and robbed. And again...

High Representative Mogherini and colleagues, are you not also getting sick of this debate again and again and again? The toxic, cynical and bloody cycle that is the war in Syria must stop. It is not too late for us in the EU to play a more effective and meaningful role towards peace, justice and accountability for Syrians.


  Barbara Lochbihler, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Durch die Militäroffensive in Ost-Ghuta sind mehr als 1200 Zivilisten getötet und Tausende verletzt worden. Die syrische Regierung und ihre Verbündeten begehen mit ihren massiven Bombardierungen der belagerten Zivilbevölkerung Kriegsverbrechen. Es muss sofort einen Waffenstillstand geben, und der Zivilbevölkerung muss unverzüglich humanitäre Hilfe zukommen. Auch im Norden Syriens müssen die Waffen schweigen, und die NATO muss die Türkei auffordern, ihren völkerrechtswidrigen Einmarsch in die Region Afrin zu beenden.

Für eine Konfliktlösung wird es nötig sein, alle Parteien an den Verhandlungstisch zurückzuholen. Keinesfalls dürfen aber die erforderlichen Gespräche dazu missbraucht werden, Beziehungen mit Kriegsverbrechern zu normalisieren. Ich verurteile es entschieden, wenn, wie berichtet, der italienische Innenminister den Vertreter des syrischen Geheimdienstes und mutmaßlichen Kriegsverbrecher Ali Mamluk zu einem Treffen in Rom empfängt. Die EU muss sich weiterhin entschieden dafür einsetzen, dass die Kriegsverbrecher zur Rechenschaft gezogen werden. Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten dazu die Strafverfolgung von syrischen Kriegsverbrechern vor ihren nationalen Gerichten verstärken und unterstützen. Die Brüsseler Geberkonferenz zu Syrien im April muss die humanitäre Hilfe in der Region langfristig garantieren. Gleichfalls müssen aber auch Geflüchtete aus Syrien durch großzügige Resettlement-Programme und durch legale Zugangswege in Europa Schutz finden.


  Javier Couso Permuy, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señor presidente, me parece estar viviendo un déjà vu en esta Cámara. Tuvimos el caso Alepo. Todos movilizados porque se estaba derrotando a los terroristas. Hasta un ex secretario general de la OTAN, presunto criminal de guerra en Yugoslavia, tuiteaba: «¡Qué tragedia si cae Alepo!». Pero Alepo no cayó. Fue liberado. Liberado del terror, de la persecución religiosa, de un califato islamofascista. ¿Estuvo alguno en Alepo? Yo sí. Vi a su población retornar. Vi sus iglesias abiertas de nuevo. Vi un Alepo que volvía a renacer.

Hoy se clama por los rebeldes de Guta oriental. ¿¡Rebeldes!? Ni Yaish al-Islam ni Failaq al-Rahmán ni por supuesto la Al-Qaeda renombrada son rebeldes. Son terroristas que usan armas químicas; que usaron en 2015 a quinientas mujeres como escudos humanos en jaulas; que disolvieron a tiros en 2007 manifestaciones civiles; que bombardean con morteros Damasco; que usan la población como rehenes y que impiden los corredores humanitarios.

Esta guerra terrible en la que se ha utilizado la carta terrorista para un cambio de régimen debe terminar, pero no con indignación forzada, no con sanciones, no con la reiteración del error estúpido. Con una salida negociada y realista que lleve a conversaciones con todas las partes no terroristas. Hace dos días conmemorábamos el 14.º aniversario del 11 de marzo. ¿Saben? Ciento noventa y tres personas en mi país asesinadas por Al-Qaeda.

Es un insulto que algunos en este Parlamento le hagan el trabajo sucio a los terroristas que matan sirios, pero también europeos.


  Fabio Massimo Castaldo, a nome del gruppo EFDD. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il 24 febbraio il Consiglio di Sicurezza delle Nazioni Unite approva la risoluzione 2401 chiedendo un immediato cessate il fuoco per permettere la consegna di aiuti umanitari e l'evacuazione di malati e di feriti dalle zone di conflitto.

L'impatto di questa risoluzione sul campo: nullo. L'offensiva di Assad a Goutha Est e Idlib e quella turca ad Afrin non si sono fermate nemmeno per un istante. Le ultime notizie ci parlano di migliaia di civili in fuga dalla regione di Afrin, con le truppe turche pronte ad assediare la città. Una possibile catastrofe nella città di Duma, con l'imminente attacco delle truppe governative ed i bombardamenti su zone residenziali di Idlib, incluso un asilo nido.

Allo stesso tempo, le iniziative politiche arrancano. Il processo di Ginevra è di fatto bloccato, le zone di distensione previste da quello di Astana non sono mai state implementate. Più che altro si stanno affermando delle zone di spartizione vera e propria; non una, ma tante Sirie, tutti alla ricerca della fetta più grande. E pur sperando che la conferenza di Bruxelles del 4 e 5 aprile possa contribuire a sbloccare in qualche modo la situazione, ho paura che si riveli un semplice promemoria dell'incapacità della diplomazia e della comunità internazionale, inefficaci e finora irrilevanti.

La verità è che le varie forze sul campo in Siria stanno giocando una partita a scacchi letale, ognuna perseguendo i propri interessi strategici, accomunate solo dal fatto di nutrire un completo disinteresse verso le vite dei civili. Sotto la falsa premessa della lotta al terrorismo, le alleanze e le realtà mutano vorticosamente. Basti pensare alla paradossale relazione tra Stati Uniti e Turchia, fino a ieri, storici alleati della NATO, di cui sono il primo, il secondo esercito, ora in una contrapposizione geopolitica tale da indurre i generali di un'America sempre meno superpotenza a tuonare ammonimenti verso una possibile avanzata turca, oltre Afrin e verso Manbij.

In Siria, il fine giustifica i mezzi, tuonano i cannoni e tace la ragione in questa situazione tragica e caotica, dove la diplomazia ha finora vistosamente fallito. Con lo spettro di una escalation involontaria sempre incombente, voglio lanciare un appello e un ammonimento: ad Assad ed Erdogan, chiedo di dimostrare un briciolo di responsabilità e anche di umanità; sospendano immediatamente tutte le attività militari e permettono agli aiuti umanitari di raggiungere i bisognosi. E a tutti gli attori che operano sul terreno, incuranti delle tragiche conseguenze umane delle relazioni invece dico: state e stiamo camminando sull'orlo dell'abisso, è un cammino sempre più sdrucciolevole ed una volta che si scivola, quello che ci attende è una lunga, lunga caduta.


  Franz Obermayr, im Namen der ENF-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Syrien ist ein Paradebeispiel der Doppelzüngigkeit internationaler politischer Akteure. Auf der einen Seite kritisiert das Weiße Haus die Opfer an syrischen Zivilisten in der Region Ost-Ghuta, europäische Politiker pochen martialisch auf eine Feuerpause, und auf der anderen Seite schweigen dieselben Protagonisten und sehen tatenlos zu, wenn der NATO-Partner Türkei mit Unterstützung von fundamentalistischen islamischen Freischärlern in Syrien einmarschiert und eindeutig Völkerrecht bricht. Derweil lässt man wieder die Kurden, die auch die christlichen Minderheiten gegen den IS verteidigten, im Stich, überlässt die Region Afrin und seine Zivilbevölkerung ihrem Schicksal, und damit nimmt man auch den Tod von Kindern und Frauen, was in Zukunft durchaus passieren kann, stillschweigend zur Kenntnis.

Wenn Frau Mogherini jüngst am 6. März die gute Zusammenarbeit zwischen der NATO und der EU betont, so ist es für mich eine Verhöhnung der Männer und Frauen von Afrin, die sich gegen die türkische Armee zu verteidigen versuchen. Was für ein Zynismus: Diese Frauen und Männer in Afrin verteidigen sich mit NATO-Waffen gegen einen NATO-Aggressor.


  Ελευθέριος Συναδινός (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η κατάσταση στη Συρία είναι το πλέον χαρακτηριστικό παράδειγμα πολιτικής και ανθρώπινης παράνοιας. Η ανθρώπινη παράνοια έγκειται στο ότι όλες οι εμπλεκόμενες δυνάμεις έχουν επιδοθεί σε έναν άτυπο διαγωνισμό απάνθρωπων επιθέσεων και βομβαρδισμών που παραπέμπουν ευθέως σε εγκλήματα πολέμου. Η πολιτική παράνοια φαίνεται από το γεγονός ότι υπάρχει μια συνεχής ρευστότητα σε στρατηγικές συμμαχίες, όπου σύμμαχοι λόγω συμφερόντων του χθες, σήμερα αλληλοβομβαρδίζονται.

Η Ευρώπη, από την άλλη, καταδικάζει τον Άσαντ, ο οποίος μάχεται ενάντια στη Λεγεώνα αλ-Ραχμάν και την Τζάις αλ-Ισλάμ, οι οποίες υποκινούνται από το Κατάρ και τη Σαουδική Αραβία αντίστοιχα. Αυτές όμως οι οργανώσεις έχουν καταδικαστεί από την ίδια την Ευρώπη, διότι οι μαχητές της έχουν διαπράξει τρομοκρατικές ενέργειες, ενώ παράλληλα δεν ακούγεται καμία φωνή για τη φίλη σας Τουρκία, η οποία έχει εισβάλει παράνομα στη Συρία με θύματα αθώους στο Αφρίν. Δυστυχώς αυτή η πολιτική διπολική διαταραχή μεταφράζεται σε φόρο αίματος αθώων ανθρώπων και η Ευρώπη της ατολμίας έχει καταστεί ηθικός αυτουργός.


  Tunne Kelam (PPE). – Mr President, in today’s Le Monde, Syrian and Lebanese politologists conclude that the international community is resigned to the current, monstrous scenario, which has become a ‘new normal’. Let us be clear, the Assad regime would not have existed today if Russia and Iran had not have forcefully intervened to prop it up.

They intervened and there was a void left by the absence of a clear commitment by the EU and US. We also need to be clear that there are terrorist groups, but also terrorist regimes. All of them have to be assessed on the basis of the criminal deeds and mass murders.

The EU has planned to take strategic approach to this conflict, to use all means to enforce Security Council resolutions. There is one thing we have to be very clear about: there can be no sustainable peace without accountability for the crimes committed. There is no doubt about the main actors responsible. While ISIS has been mainly defeated, there remains the Assad regime, Russia and Syria and now Iran.

Therefore, these main actors cannot be allowed to walk away from the economic and human consequences of their military intervention and indiscriminate use of force. There must be strong international moral and political pressure not only to end the intervention, but to make them contribute fully to the reconstruction of Syria.

Additional targeted sanctions should be imposed on Russia and Iran following their role in the bombardment of the Syrian population in eastern Ghouta.


  Elena Valenciano (S&D). – Señor presidente, en realidad, yo creo que la alta representante ha expresado clarísimamente lo que nosotros podemos hacer. A mí me agota un poco la reiteración de que la Unión Europea no hace nada. Yo creo que sí; el problema es que no sé yo si está en manos de la Unión Europea la solución.

Creo, señora Mogherini, que usted ha hecho un enorme esfuerzo —y lo sabemos todos— por conseguir una posición unánime en el Consejo de Seguridad de la parte de los Estados miembros, lo que no siempre es sencillo; en este asunto, menos. Y creo que es una excelente idea promover una reunión en Bruselas que pueda impulsar el proceso de Ginebra.

Creo que la Unión Europea, en el espacio que la Unión Europea tiene y que la señora Mogherini representa, está haciendo todo lo posible. Eso no significa que Siria sea el gran fracaso de la comunidad internacional de los últimos años. Probablemente, es el caso más sangrante, el más grave de todos. Porque han fracasado todos los intentos de negociación y porque han saltado por los aires todas las reglas del Derecho internacional, del Derecho internacional humanitario y de la humanidad más básica. Porque están muriendo muchísimos civiles, muchísimos niños y niñas.

¿Cuál es nuestro papel? Nuestro papel es justamente impulsar que sea posible una negociación política que detenga este infierno. Y hay responsables a los que habrá que juzgar en su momento, desde luego. Creo que, tal vez, sí podríamos presionar un poco más a Turquía. Turquía está haciendo un doble juego intolerable, y creo que en eso la Unión Europea tiene que ser clara.


  Charles Tannock (ECR). – Mr President, I would say to the High Representative that just hours after UN Security Council Resolution 2401 was passed for a 30—day ceasefire in Syria, on 24 February, the Assad regime’s Air Force was recorded to be bombing across eastern Ghouta again. This was a fateful start to a ceasefire that was declared this week a failure by the US ambassador to the UN, Nikki Haley. I note her warnings that if a solution cannot be imposed by the UN, then the US may be forced to take action independently.

Further comments from Russia suggesting that it would retaliate against the US directly in the event of any attacks against the Assad regime must be a cause for the gravest of alarms. As tensions between the UK and Russia increase following the recent assassination attempt of a former Russian spy on British soil, such high stakes diplomacy come at the worst possible time. The dismissal today of one of the most sensible voices in the US administration by President Trump – that is US Secretary of State, Rex Tillerson – is also of grave concern for what’s going on in the world.

Right now our priority for the EU must be securing a durable ceasefire in Syria and getting the Geneva process of negotiation back on the table.


  Hilde Vautmans (ALDE). – Voorzitter, mevrouw Mogherini, u heeft het zelf gezegd, de situatie in Syrië is dramatisch. Zeven jaar, vierhonderdduizend doden. De laatste drie maanden alleen al zijn meer dan drieduizend kinderen gedood en hebben 13 miljoen mensen humanitaire hulp nodig. Daar komt dan bovenop dat we eindelijk, na lang aandringen, die VN—resolutie hebben aangenomen, maar die wordt dan vervolgens niet ten uitvoer gelegd. Wat erger is, de hulpkonvooien geraken niet tot bij de slachtoffers. Collega Schaake heeft het al gezegd, ziekenhuizen worden gebombardeerd, ambulances worden gebombardeerd. Hoe onmenselijk kan onmenselijkheid eigenlijk nog zijn? Soms heb ik het gevoel dat we eigenlijk een beetje gewend aan het raken zijn aan die beelden. Kinderen met schuim op de lippen, mosterdgas, bombardementen, massale vernielingen op zo'n afschuwelijke schaal. En we kijken ernaar en we praten.

Ik vind het goed dat u heeft gezegd dat we moeten zorgen dat het staakt-het-vuren wordt gerespecteerd. We moeten zorgen dat er een no—flyzone is. We moeten zorgen dat er hulp bij de slachtoffers komt. Dat is nu prioriteit nummer één.

Maar ik heb hier helaas weinig horen zeggen over het feit dat we toch moeten zullen gaan spreken met Iran, met Turkije, met Rusland. Als Europa echt zijn taak ter harte neemt, is dat iets wat ik u vraag te doen. Neem die rol op! U bent een sterke vrouw! U kan dat!

En het tweede punt is: we zullen de daders moeten terechtstellen voor welk tribunaal dan ook.


  Bodil Valero (Verts/ALE). – Herr talman! Under förra sammanträdesperioden i Strasbourg tog jag upp Turkiets attacker mot Afrin – attacker som i stället för att minska har eskalerat. Häromdagen kom ett nödrop från en kurdisk man i min messenger. Han ber oss i parlamentet att fördöma och att agera mot Erdoğans attacker. Han menar att om de turkiska attackerna inte stoppas kan vi stå inför ett nytt Srebrenica.

Nu finns det också starka bevis på att Natolandet Turkiet ända till nyligen har låtit tusentals ton material för tillverkning av sprängmedel nå Daesh. Det är oacceptabelt, och EU-länderna borde omedelbart stoppa all export av sådana varor samt vapen till Turkiet. Vi vet också att en stor del av de vapen som Daesh använder kom från EU-länder. Både från Bulgarien och Rumänien har vapen nått Syrien via USA och Saudiarabien, vilket är i strid med artikel 7 i den gemensamma ståndpunkten.

Jag tycker därför att det är anmärkningsvärt att tre partigrupper har blockerat att alla referenser till Daeshs vapen nämns i resolutionen. Sanningen är att när världen tack vare kurderna lyckats stoppa Daesh, så används Daeshs vapen mot dem vi borde vara ytterst tacksamma mot. Det är skamligt!


  Τάκης Χατζηγεωργίου (GUE/NGL). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, δεν νομίζω ότι θα πω κάτι για το οποίο υπάρχει οποιοσδήποτε εδώ μέσα που διαφωνεί. Εγώ ντρέπομαι που μιλάμε για τη Συρία ξανά και –επαναλαμβάνω– νομίζω ότι εκφράζω όλους. Για ποια Συρία μιλάμε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι; Και ποίων άλλων επιχειρημάτων χρεία έχουμε, για να παραδεχτούμε ότι η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση δεν κατάφερε να πλησιάσει την ειρήνη; Και δεν επιφορτίζω ευθύνες στην κ. Mogherini, αναφέρομαι στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση συνολικά. Να παραδεχτούμε ότι δεν τα καταφέρνουμε. Δεν μας ακούει ούτε ο κ. Πούτιν ούτε ο κ. Άσαντ ούτε ο κ. Τραμπ ούτε ο πρόεδρος της Τουρκίας Ερντογάν.

Υπάρχει σωρεία πληροφοριών για το τι τρέχει στη Γούτα και –πολύ σωστά– μαθαίνουμε τι ακριβώς συμβαίνει εκεί, με τόσες χιλιάδες νεκρούς. Έχει πέσει ένα πέπλο μυστηρίου πάνω από το τι συμβαίνει στο Αφρίν, που το επέβαλε ο πρόεδρος της Τουρκίας. Δεν ξέρουμε τίποτα. Ακροθιγώς μπορούμε να ακούσουμε κάτι. Και εμείς όλοι που υπερασπιζόμασταν τις κουρδικές δυνάμεις όταν πολεμούσαν το ISIS σήμερα σιωπάμε. Ντροπή!


  Raymond Finch (EFDD). – Mr President, recent events in Syria have shown just how drastic a rethink Western policy needs. We have reached a point where a supposed cornerstone ally, Turkey, is conducting military operations against fellow allies in the fight against both ISIS and the Assad regime. Whilst this is nothing new, the audacity of their fight in bringing them on a collision course with American personnel in the region is.

But the issues go much deeper. The Syrian people have suffered for seven long years. For what? To remove Assad when it is now clear such an objective is unachievable without further mass slaughter and further instability? How many lives does your naive power politics take? All your foreign policy has done is destabilise the Middle East. We have seen for decades now the suffering caused by your failures both at home and abroad. What will it take for you to wake up and change direction? Let’s look at how we can speak honestly with every nation and look for solutions without choosing sides for military adventurism. Interference in the internal affairs of sovereign nations is only neo—colonialism and stores trouble.


  Κωνσταντίνος Παπαδάκης (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, Συρία: Εφτά χρόνια, 350.000 νεκροί, 20.000 παιδιά. Μακελειό που προκλήθηκε με τον πόλεμο που κήρυξαν οι Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες, το ΝΑΤΟ και η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση σε ανταγωνισμό με τη Ρωσία και το Ιράν για τον έλεγχο πηγών και περασμάτων ενέργειας. Μεγάλες είναι οι ευθύνες του ευρωατλαντικού μπλοκ, της Σαουδικής Αραβίας και άλλων συμμάχων τους για τη συγκρότηση και εξοπλισμό του ISIS. Με την ήττα του ISIS εντείνεται ο ανταγωνισμός για τη λεία με επίθεση της Τουρκίας, απειλές και επιθετικές ενέργειες του Ισραήλ.

Δεν είναι όμως μόνο η Συρία. Κλιμακώνεται η επιθετικότητα της Τουρκίας στο Αιγαίο, την Κύπρο, το Ιράκ όπως και με τη σύλληψη και κράτηση δύο Ελλήνων στρατιωτικών, την οποία καταγγέλλουμε και ζητούμε την άμεση απελευθέρωσή τους. Οι δυνάμεις, μεταξύ αυτών και η ελληνική κυβέρνηση, που προωθούν την πολιτική της γεωστρατηγικής αναβάθμισης μιλούν για λογαριασμό μεγάλων οικονομικών ομίλων και του ανταγωνισμού τους σε βάρος των λαών. Οι λαοί σήμερα πρέπει να απαντήσουν καταδικάζοντας τους ιμπεριαλιστικούς πολέμους και τις επεμβάσεις. Καμιά αλλαγή συνόρων και συνθηκών που θα την πληρώσουν οι λαοί με το αίμα τους.




  David McAllister (PPE). – Mr President, as we have just heard, the seven—year—long conflict in Syria is a tragedy and having in mind Russia’s, Iran’s and Turkey’s meddling we all know that this became a proxy war years ago. I can only underline what the High Representative / Vice—President stated. The European Union, despite all the difficulties, must continue to push strongly for a political solution of the conflict to end the appalling atrocities. Together with the United States, we have to insist on the implementation of the 2015 UN Security Council Resolution 2254, as well as Resolution 2401, which was adopted just three weeks ago.

Full implementation would ensure the delivery of immediate, safe, unimpeded and sustained humanitarian assistance. Full implementation would ensure the evacuation of the critically sick and wounded, and full implementation would ensure that the suffering of the Syrian people would be brought closer to an end. I welcome the EU—hosted second Brussels conference in April which will aim at supporting the UN-led Geneva process, focusing on humanitarian support to Syrians inside and outside Syria.

Dear Federica Mogherini, we all sincerely hope that you will succeed in keeping the attention and response to the Syrian crisis at the top of the international agenda. Thank you for your work.


  Neena Gill (S&D). – Mr President, eastern Ghouta is fast becoming a hell on earth. Assad continues to drop bombs not on terrorists but on civilians and to loot their health supplies. Four chlorine attacks have been reported since the start of the year. President Putin dismissed these as ‘fake news’ and ‘boring’. The UN Security Council is weaker than ever. The US is right to push for a new resolution closing loopholes that allow attacks on terrorists by Russia and Assad.

The EU is the largest humanitarian donor in this conflict and has leverage. How will we use it? So my questions to you, High Representative are: how are you preparing the ground for a unified EU position that increases pressure on Russia? What is being done to ensure a revision of the UN operating principles so we can stop Assad from dictating the global aid response? One of the most harrowing reports last week was that of women and girls across Syria facing abuse in accessing aid. It is important that the April conference finds effective ways to stop this ...

(The President cut off the speaker)


  Bas Belder (ECR). – Dank u wel, Voorzitter, mevrouw Mogherini, ik wou eigenlijk uw aandacht vragen voor een drietal belangrijke militaire ontwikkelingen op het Syrische slagveld en hoe u daartegen aankijkt.

Ten eerste, de bronnen die ik raadpleeg in de regio zelf, informeerden mij dat de staking van de strijd tegen ISIS momenteel gebeurt, omdat de Syrische Koerden richting Afrin zijn vertrokken, een resultante van de Turkse militaire operatie aldaar. Het is een slechte zaak voor de Europese veiligheid als de strijd tegen ISIS opdroogt, dus op het ogenblik niet gebeurt.

En dan ten tweede, u heeft goede connecties met Teheran, met Iran. Welnu, de opbouw van een volledige militaire infrastructuur in de Syrische Golan is natuurlijk een groot gevaar voor een totale regionale oorlog waarin de buurlanden Libanon, Syrië, Israël en natuurlijk ook Jordanië meegezogen zullen worden. Praat u erover in Teheran? Dat is een groot risico. Onderkent u de ernst?

En dan ten derde, Idlib, daar is op het ogenblik de grootste concentratie van jihadisten. Turkije werkt ermee samen. Hoe kijkt u daar tegenaan? Dat is ook een enorm gevaar voor onze veiligheid in Europa.


  Yannick Jadot (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Haute représentante, sept ans de guerre civile et d’horreur, 400 000 morts dont une majorité de civils. Dans la Ghouta orientale, à Idlib, à Afrin, la communauté internationale est impuissante face aux massacres.

Raser des villes, raser des écoles, raser des hôpitaux, ce n’est pas combattre le terrorisme, c’est du terrorisme. Le message de Poutine, d’Assad, d’Erdoğan et des dirigeants iraniens est clair: vous voulez plus de démocratie, vous aurez la guerre, vous voulez plus de liberté, vous aurez la mort. Ce n’est pas en déroulant, au château de Versailles, le tapis rouge à Poutine qu’on va régler la question des massacres.

Oui à l’aide humanitaire, oui au processus de paix onusien, mais l’Europe a une responsabilité et nous devons sanctionner les responsables de ces horreurs là où cela leur fait mal: leur liberté, leur argent, leur orgueil. Leur liberté, battez-vous pour un tribunal international sur les crimes en Syrie; leur argent, faisons une liste Magnitski élargie, confisquons leurs biens, interdisons leur territoire; et leur orgueil, organisez, poussez le boycott politique de cette coupe du monde...

(Le Président retire la parole à l’orateur)


  Σοφία Σακοράφα (GUE/NGL). – Κυρία Επίτροπε, είπατε ότι η ειρήνη μπορεί να επιτευχθεί με πλήρη πολιτική συμφωνία υπό την αιγίδα του ΟΗΕ. Ή σε άλλο κόσμο ζούμε ή άλλο κόσμο περιγράφουμε. Πριν επτά ημέρες το ισχυρότερο θεσμικό όργανο στον πλανήτη, το Συμβούλιο Ασφαλείας του ΟΗΕ, αποφάσισε ανακωχή στη Συρία για να παραδοθεί επιτέλους ανθρωπιστική βοήθεια. Και μέχρι σήμερα συνεχίζουμε να θρηνούμε εκατόμβες αμάχων. Γιατί; Για τον ίδιο λόγο, κυρία Επίτροπε, που δεν εφαρμόζουν τα κράτη μέλη την κοινή θέση για την απαγόρευση πωλήσεων ευρωπαϊκών όπλων. Οι ευρωπαϊκές πολεμικές βιομηχανίες κάνουν διαρκώς ρεκόρ κερδών. Πού τα πουλάνε, κυρία Επίτροπε; Έχετε κάποια συγκεκριμένη πρωτοβουλία να μας πείτε που μπορεί να αναλάβει η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση εκτός από αναλύσεις και ευχολόγια; Μπορεί η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση να επιβάλει εμπάργκο όπλων προς τα κράτη της περιοχής που βομβαρδίζουν στη Συρία, στην Υεμένη και αλλού; Η Τουρκία έχει εισβάλει στη Συρία και βομβαρδίζει ανηλεώς τους Κούρδους και απειλεί όλους τους γείτονές της. Μπορεί η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση να επιβάλει άμεσα κυρώσεις στην Τουρκία; Εάν δεν μπορείτε –εγώ πιστεύω ότι δεν θέλετε–, η δεύτερη σύνοδος του Απριλίου θα αποδειχθεί μια φάρσα.


  Udo Voigt (NI). – Herr Präsident, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Frau Mogherini, warum erwähnen Sie nicht, dass in dieser Woche der syrische Gesandte bei den Vereinten Nationen klargemacht hat, dass die syrische Verwaltung in den befreiten Gebieten 24 Tonnen Giftgas-Kampfmittel gefunden hat, dass sich Syrien 140 Mal an die Vereinten Nationen gewandt und um Hilfe und Unterstützung gebeten hat, um festzustellen, von wem diese Kampfstoffe kommen? Dass die Syrer hier klar festgestellt haben, dass Kampfmittel aus der Türkei und ebenso aus dem Irak nach Syrien an die Terroristen geliefert werden. Heute ist doch eigentlich eine historische Stunde: Um 13.03 Uhr warnte der russische Generalstab vor einem möglichen Angriff nach einem inszenierten Giftgasangriff, wo offensichtlich alle Komparsen in Stellung gebracht sind, dass in wenigen Tagen möglicherweise die Vereinigten Staaten Damaskus und Syrien mit einem massiven Raketenangriff angreifen wollen. Das ist doch Ihre Stunde, jetzt für Frieden zu sorgen, das öffentlich zum ...

(Der Präsident unterbricht den Redner)


  Jaromír Štětina (PPE). – Dámy a pánové, dnešní nejčerstvější zprávy potvrdily, že turecká armáda obklíčila město Afrín a zahájila jeho obléhání. Zdá se, že se v provincii Afrín bude opakovat situace z východní Ghúty. V Afrínu je stejně jako v Ghútě několik desítek tisíc civilních obyvatel. Jak v Afrínu, tak v Ghútě blokáda brání vjezdu humanitárních konvojů. Jak v Afrínu, tak v Ghútě byly zabity stovky civilních obyvatel. V obou městech je hlad a nedostatek vody.

Rozdíl je v tom, kdo se zločinu na civilních obyvatelích účastní. V Ghútě to jsou letadla Assáda a ruské armády, Afrín bombarduje armáda turecká. A já se ptám: Je turecká armáda, která vraždí civilisty, stále naším spojencem? S každým zemřelým dítětem je trháno mezinárodní humanitární právo na kusy. Za toleranci zla v této nejhorší podobě neseme spoluvinu my všichni. Žádné spojenectví nemůže ospravedlnit zabíjení civilistů.


  Ana Gomes (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, não basta sossegar más consciências com apoio humanitário e promessas de futura reconstrução da Síria. A União Europeia tem de fazer ouvir-se contra a campanha militar que a Turquia prossegue massacrando curdos em Afrin, incluindo cortando-lhes energia, água e comida, através do controlo de uma barragem. E contra a corresponsabilidade pelos ataques químicos assassinos de Assad por parte da Rússia e do Irão.

A União Europeia tem, também, imediatamente, de combater o fornecimento ilegal de armas a terroristas na Síria e para além dela. Um relatório da Conflict Armament Research conclui que 90% das armas utilizadas pelo Daesh e outras forças terroristas são produzidos na Europa de Leste, oriundos de Estados-Membros como a Bulgária, compradas e depois revendidas sem consentimento dos produtores e em violação do Tratado sobre o Comércio de Armas ou a posição comum da União Europeia relativa à exportação de armas. Estas armas de fabrico europeu acabam nas mãos de grupos terroristas.

À medida que o Daesh perde terreno no Iraque e na Síria e investe em atos de terrorismo, o comércio ilegal de armas e a responsabilidade dos Estados Unidos, mas também da União Europeia, da Arábia Saudita e da Turquia, têm de ser travados urgentemente pela União Europeia.

A Europa não…

(O Presidente retira a palavra à oradora)


  Anders Primdahl Vistisen (ECR). – Hr formand! År efter år, måned efter måned ser vi den frygtelige borgerkrig i Syrien fortsætte. Og den simple konklusion er, at vi i Europa og i USA tog fejl, da vi ikke besluttede os for ikke for alvor at intervenere, før situationen endte helt galt. Desværre kan man sige, at vi i Europa i mange, mange år før det havde være meget efter amerikanerne hver gang, de havde forsøgt at intervenere i forhold til humanitære katastrofer, og nu står vi med resultatet: Resultatet, hvor Iran, Tyrkiet og Rusland er blevet lukket ind som centrale aktører i Mellemøsten, resultatet, hvor vi ser en borgerkrig, der bare fortsætter og fortsætter uden nogen realistisk ende i sigte. Derfor er der kun én ting tilbage at håbe, nemlig at den fejlslagne politik, som Obama og som EU har ført over for Syrien, må stoppe, og at vi begynder at indse, at kun hvis vi tager situationen alvorligt, kun hvis vi intervenerer rigtigt, kan situationen i Syrien bringes til en ende og lidelserne for civilbefolkningen stoppe.


  Lorenzo Cesa (PPE). – Grazie Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Alto rappresentante Mogherini, purtroppo, ancora una volta ci troviamo in quest'Aula a parlare di Siria: sette anni di conflitto, come Lei ha detto, non si intravede una soluzione ad una guerra civile che ha messo in ginocchio il popolo siriano, forti tensioni tra i paesi del Medio Oriente, appelli per il cessate il fuoco del Consiglio di sicurezza dell'ONU sistematicamente inascoltati, aiuti umanitari che continuano ad essere impediti o filtrati dal regime e non riescono purtroppo a raggiungere le popolazioni martoriate.

Allora di fronte a questo che fare noi europei? Occorre tornare ad essere centrali cercando di compensare la mancanza di iniziativa degli Stati Uniti. Dobbiamo colmare il progressivo disimpegno di alcuni Stati membri, che solo sulla carta mantengono un incondizionato appoggio all'opposizione siriana, sostenere fortemente l'ONU e soprattutto la prossima conferenza sul futuro della Siria che si terrà ad aprile dovrà rappresentare un punto di svolta fondamentale, diciamo, mettiamocela la tutta, Alto rappresentante Mogherini.

Per arrivare ad uno straccio di pace, occorre dare una forte spinta propulsiva, facciamo valere il nostro impegno europeo, non dico solo il Suo, ma di tutte le cancellerie europee, è una scommessa che possiamo vincere nell'interesse del popolo siriano e nell'interesse dell'Europa.


  Wajid Khan (S&D). – Mr President, two weeks after UN resolution 2401 was passed, the situation has only got worse in eastern Ghouta. Bombs continue to rain down with impunity on homes, schools and hospitals, and the evacuation of the wounded remains impeded. More than two million people, half of them children, are living under siege and have been prevented from receiving a single aid convoy of vital food and medicine.

All these actions are a breach of international humanitarian law. The ceasefire was blatantly ignored. There is a complete disregard for civilian lives. I welcome the UN investigation into these crimes to bring those responsible to justice.

We call on all parties to fully implement the UN resolution urging the Syrian Government to abide by international humanitarian law and immediately allow the safe delivery of humanitarian aid across the country. My hope is that the upcoming conference on the future of Syria will be an opportunity to mobilise international support for a UN-led political solution.

After seven years of raging war, unspeakable suffering and collective failures, it is high time we give Syrians a positive message.


  Sajjad Karim (ECR). – Mr President, it has been seven years now that the Syrians have been asking us: what have we done to deserve this? A matter of days ago, the UNHCR found a four year—old wandering the desert trying to escape, but today he was stunned and silent, no longer even putting that question anymore. What is happening in eastern Ghouta is that Russia and its cohorts are carrying out bombings and causing people to flee. Then, that very same state, Russia, is poisoning the minds of Europeans against those fleeing Syrians when they come here seeking refuge.

What is happening today in Syria is nothing but a stain on the conscience of humanity, and the international community’s inability to face the perpetrators within a UN framework is paid for in the blood of Syrians.

High Representative, you face an impossible situation, and yet today in this very House, we hear voices that are sympathetic to the Russian line. We must be ready to face...

(The President cut off the Speaker).


  Ελένη Θεοχάρους (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κυρία Ύπατη Εκπρόσωπε, αυτό που συμβαίνει στη Συρία είναι αληθινή γενοκτονία. Όσα συμβαίνουν στη Γούτα είναι τραγικά, αλλά όσα συμβαίνουν στο Αφρίν είναι ακόμη τραγικότερα. Οι Κούρδοι υφίστανται μαζικές σφαγές, είναι μόνοι, χωρίς υποστήριξη, και, αφού πολέμησαν γενναία το Ισλαμικό Κράτος, τους έχουμε εγκαταλείψει να υφίστανται την επιδρομή και τις φρικαλεότητες του Ερντογάν και του τουρκικού στρατού, ο οποίος επιτίθεται με ευρωπαϊκά άρματα μάχης και ευρωπαϊκά κανόνια. Ο τουρκικός στρατός δεν πρόκειται να σταματήσει στο Αφρίν και όποιες περιοχές καταλάβει θα τις κρατήσει για πάντα.

Είναι απαραίτητη η εκεχειρία αυτή τη στιγμή σε όλη τη Συρία και η αποχώρηση όλων των ξένων δυνάμεων για τη στήριξη του άμαχου πληθυσμού. Παράλληλα, κυρία Εκπρόσωπε, υπάρχει κίνδυνος σύρραξης ρωσικών και αμερικανικών δυνάμεων σε περίπτωση προβοκατόρικων χτυπημάτων με χημικά όπλα. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση επιβάλλει κυρώσεις στη Ρωσία. Το ερώτημα είναι γιατί η Τουρκία παραμένει ανενόχλητη να εγκληματεί κατά της ανθρωπότητας, να επιτίθεται κατά της Ελλάδας, της Κύπρου, της Συρίας, κάθε γειτονικής της χώρας. Δεν μπορούμε να αθωώνουμε συνεχώς το εγκληματικό βασίλειο του Ερντογάν. Ευχαριστώ, κύριε Πρόεδρε.


  Der Präsident. – Wir kommen jetzt zu den spontanen Wormeldungen. Ich bedaure sehr, sagen zu müssen, dass ich fast viermal so viele Wortmeldungen habe, als wir eigentlich vorgesehen haben. Deshalb habe ich mich dazu entschlossen, so zu verfahren, dass wir von jeder Fraktion einen Redner nehmen, und von den anderen Fraktionen berücksichtigen wir die Nationalitäten, die schon gesprochen haben. Selbst dann passt es noch nicht ganz.

Es tut mir deshalb doppelt Leid, weil ich verschiedenen Leuten das Wort entziehen musste, weil sie zu viel Redezeit gebraucht haben. Es fällt übrigens auf, dass von jenen, denen ich das Wort entzogen habe, weil sie zu lange gesprochen haben, die große Mehrzahl nicht mehr da ist, während diejenigen, die sich an die Redezeit gehalten haben, fast alle noch da sind. Man bemerkt es von hier oben schon, dass einige zu lange sprechen und dann sofort gehen.

Spontane Wortmeldungen


  Teresa Jiménez-Becerril Barrio (PPE). – Señor presidente, llevamos siete años hablando, siete años adoptando resoluciones de las Naciones Unidas, como la 2401, que nadie respeta. Todos los esfuerzos de la comunidad internacional han fracasado, y mientras solo en enero y febrero mil niños murieron o fueron heridos, nada pasa, nada cambia. El 25 % de los cuatrocientos mil muertos son niños.

Desde Europa, tenemos que trabajar para que en Siria quienes están violando los derechos de los niños sean juzgados por crímenes de lesa humanidad. Tienen que cesar los ataques a hospitales y colegios. Tenemos que insistir en los corredores humanitarios en Guta oriental y en Afrín, porque los niños están atrapados. Desde Europa podemos hacer mucho más por visibilizar el sufrimiento de los menores y por exigir al régimen sirio, con Rusia, con Irán, y a Turquía y a quienes no respetan las resoluciones que paren ese baño de sangre de niños inocentes y de civiles.


  Arne Lietz (S&D). – Herr Präsident, Hohe Vertreterin! Ich unterstütze die klare Resolution des Europäischen Parlaments zur Situation in Syrien. Die EU muss jede Ressource nutzen, um sich diplomatisch in den Syrienkrieg einzubringen, der bisher Hunderttausenden von Menschen das Leben gekostet hat und weiteren Millionen von Menschen das Leben zur Hölle auf Erden macht. Diese Resolution soll auch eine klare Botschaft an den Iran und Russland senden, die sich durch Bombardierungen und Militäreinsätze mitschuldig am Töten der Zivilbevölkerung machen. Diese Einsätze gehören vor internationale Gerichte. Beide Länder müssen zur Deeskalation beitragen und die Vereinbarungen zum Waffenstillstand einhalten. Die humanitäre Hilfe der UN muss zudem ins Land gelassen werden.

Zudem fordere ich die Türkei auf, ihren Einmarsch in Afrin in Nordsyrien sofort zu beenden. Als ich vergangene Woche selber an einer Fachtagung in Libyen – unter anderem zu Syrien – teilnahm, besuchte die AfD-Delegation aus Deutschland Syrien selbst. Die AfD traf sich mit syrischen Machthabern und wollte in einer ausgesprochen zynischen Weise darauf hinweisen, dass Syrien ein sicheres Herkunftsland sei. Herr Meuthen, es ist perfide und außenpolitisch gefährlich, wenn Vertreter Ihrer Partei durch so einen Besuch versuchen, die eigene Abschiebungspolitik zu kaschieren.


  Branislav Škripek (ECR). – Mr President, as we speak around 500 000 people are surrounded in Afrin by Turkish—backed jihadists who openly threaten the people of Afrin to convert to their extremism or be beheaded. When will we understand that Turkey is indeed carrying out a jihad with the goal of ethnic cleansing and genocide? Turkey has said so itself. We cannot continue to ignore these facts. We have to understand that the goal of Turkey is to expand its borders and wipe out the people of northern Syria and Iraq. Turkey threatened this week to invade Iraq.

We have to draw the conclusion that we cannot continue with Turkey as we did. If we continue with Turkey the same way, we will have no argument left to judge anyone else based on human rights issues. We need to downsize our relations with Turkey and upgrade our relations with the Federation of Northern Syria and the Kurdistan Regional Government and reassess our relations with the Kurds in Turkey. If we do not, we would be allowing Turkey to kill Kurds anywhere it wants. We cannot allow that.


  Miguel Viegas (GUE/NGL). – Senhor Presidente, esta agressão à Síria, que dura há sete anos, é apoiada pelos Estados Unidos e os seus aliados e está sustentada numa sistemática propaganda de guerra que, objetivamente, branqueia a ação criminosa dos grupos terroristas responsáveis por hediondos crimes.

Esta propaganda fomenta falsidades, escondendo que os grupos terroristas mantêm refém populações, em Ghouta, têm rejeitado as tentativas de negociação de paz, têm boicotado os esforços de auxílio às populações, têm impedido a utilização de corredores humanitários. Quem defenda os direitos do povo sírio e a paz não pode converter grupos terroristas em oposição e não pode ser conivente com agressores nas suas monstruosas criações.

Somos solidários com as vítimas desta guerra e apelamos aos esforços para pôr fim à agressão à Síria e concretizar uma solução negociada no respeito pela soberania do povo sírio.


  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser (ENF). – Monsieur le Président, nous sommes face à plusieurs faits. Premièrement, une intervention extérieure pour déstabiliser un régime démocratiquement élu, contre les lois internationales, comme cela s’est vu en Iraq et en Libye.

Deuxième fait: la Russie empêche cela, change le rapport de force, rétablit le pouvoir légitime qu’on croyait perdu.

Troisième fait: l’Occident, face à cela, n’a plus que les fausses informations: l’observatoire international des droits de l’homme, mené par les Frères musulmans, organisation considérée comme terroriste pour certains, dénonce l’utilisation de gaz interdits, sauf qu’on ne le trouve que parmi les rebelles, qui sont, en fin de compte, des terroristes. C’est un fait de guerre d’utiliser, contre les lois de la guerre, les hôpitaux et les écoles pour se protéger et envoyer des bombes comme le font ces terroristes.

Enfin, l’assassinat d’une personne, un espion russe, me fait penser au cas de David Kelly, que devraient se rappeler les Anglais.

Enfin, je vous dis oui, nous devons faire la paix, mais nous devons la faire d’une manière solidaire, en regardant la vérité.

(L'orateur accepte de repondre a une question "carton bleu" (article 162, paragraphe 8 du reglement))


  Indrek Tarand (Verts/ALE), blue-card question. – Mr Schaffhauser, I want to ask you a question. How would you react to the question that the cornerstone of Middle East peace is an independent Kurdish state which would cut Iraq and Syria into different territories?


  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser (ENF), réponse "carton bleu". – Cher collègue, c’est une affaire complexe et je ne crois pas qu’on puisse traiter la question kurde qui est extrêmement difficile. Je pense que les Kurdes ont fait un bon travail. Est-ce que cela leur donne pour autant le droit d’avoir un État, c’est une autre question, que nous ne pouvons pas traiter si facilement ici et maintenant.


  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, μετά τη στρατιωτική ήττα των δυνάμεων του ISIS στη Συρία πολλοί πίστεψαν ότι η επικράτηση της ειρήνης στην περιοχή ήταν θέμα χρόνου. Δυστυχώς όμως αυτό δεν συνέβη για δύο λόγους: Ο πρώτος ήταν διότι επεδείχθη ανοχή και βοηθήθηκαν να επιτεθούν οι αντικαθεστωτικές δυνάμεις της Συρίας στις δυνάμεις του Άσαντ και παράλληλα η διεθνής κοινή γνώμη επέτρεψε στην Τουρκία να εισβάλει στο Αφρίν. Έτσι επανήρχισαν οι συγκρούσεις, επανελήφθησαν οι απώλειες σε αμάχους και εμπολέμους, οι άμαχοι εξακολούθησαν να βομβαρδίζονται και τελικώς η κατάσταση ξέφυγε από τον έλεγχο και έχει πλέον περιέλθει σε ένα τέλμα.

Για να μπορέσει να βρεθεί λύση σ’ αυτό το πρόβλημα, θα πρέπει να πιεστεί η Τουρκία να αποχωρήσει από τη Συρία, να σταματήσει τις επιχειρήσεις στο Αφρίν και να εκκενωθούν οι άμαχοι από την ανατολική Γούτα, διαφορετικά θα είμαστε απλοί θεατές μιας καταστάσεως την οποία δεν μπορούμε να ελέγξουμε.

(Ο ομιλητής δέχεται να απαντήσει σε ερώτηση με γάλαζια κάρτα (άρθρο 162 παράγραφος 8 του Κανονισμού))


  Arne Gericke (ECR), Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Sie fordern Lösungen für Syrien. Wir reden ja vom gleichen Land. In welcher Weise würden Sie nicht konsequent auch eine neue Lösung für Zypern verlangen?


  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος (NI), απάντηση σε ερώτηση με γαλάζια κάρτα. – Η υποστήριξή μας προς την Κύπρο είναι συνεχής και σταθερή. Βεβαίως, η Τουρκία είναι αυτή η οποία παραβιάζει τις διεθνείς συμβάσεις, το διεθνές δίκαιο, επιτίθεται σε χώρες στις οποίες δεν πρέπει να επιτίθεται και διατηρεί την κατοχή τμήματος της Κύπρου επί τόσα χρόνια. Άρα σαφώς είμαστε εναντίον της Τουρκίας και σαφώς ζητούμε να αποχωρήσουν τα τουρκικά στρατεύματα από την Κύπρο και να σταματήσει γενικώς η Τουρκία να συμπεριφέρεται σαν ένα κράτος-πειρατής.


  Marijana Petir (PPE). – Gospodine predsjedniče, gospođo povjerenice, 353 935 – to je broj ljudi ubijenih u ratu u Siriji, tijekom sedam godina njegova trajanja i čiji identitet je poznat. Sirijski observatorij za ljudska prava procjenjuje da ukupan broj žrtava prelazi i brojku od pola milijuna.

Za točno dva dana zakoračit ćemo u osmu godinu rata u Siriji koji je dvanaest milijuna ljudi ostavio bez krova nad glavom i učinio ih izbjeglicama. U sedam godina u Siriji su se nizali jedan masakr za drugim. Jedan je to od najkrvavijih sukoba ikada, koji je prouzročio najveću humanitarnu krizu koju svijet pamti. Ne zaboravimo ni to da je u jeku rata Daesh u napaćenoj Siriji proveo genocid nad kršćanskim stanovništvom. Siriji treba mir, ne daljnja eskalacija nasilja.

Privremena primirja nisu dala trajno rješenje. Humanitarni koridori ne mogu postati način života sirijskih građana koji su postali izbjeglice unutar i izvan vlastite zemlje.

Zakazali smo jer je rat u Siriji otišao predaleko i vrijeme je da mu dođe kraj.

(Govornik je pristao odgovoriti na pitanje postavljeno podizanjem plave kartice (članak 162. stavak 8. Poslovnika))


  Κώστας Μαυρίδης (S&D), απάντηση σε ερώτηση με γαλάζια κάρτα. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, ευχαριστώ, παρ’ όλο που θα κάνω ένα παράπονο: Ορισμένοι από εμάς ήρθαμε νωρίς εδώ, αλλά η διαχείριση του χρόνου δεν ήταν σωστή. Το ερώτημά μου είναι πολύ απλό: Η Τουρκία, από όλα τα μέρη που εμπλέκονται στη Συρία, παραβιάζει το ομόφωνο ψήφισμα του Συμβουλίου Ασφαλείας. Είναι ηθικά σωστό, όπως το ανέφερε η κ. Mogherini, να παρέχουμε εμείς δισεκατομμύρια ευρώ στην Τουρκία για να διαχειρίζεται τους Σύρους προσφυγές και ταυτοχρόνως να κάνει επίθεση στο Αφρίν, για να έχουμε νέους Σύρους πρόσφυγες; Αυτό είναι ένα ερώτημα που πρέπει να απαντήσουμε όλοι μας.


  Marijana Petir (PPE), odgovor na pitanje postavljeno podizanjem plave kartice. – Osobno smatram da bi uloga Europske unije trebala biti drugačija i proaktivnija i čini mi se da je upravo sve ovo danas čemu svjedočimo u Siriji, ali i općenito na Bliskom istoku, jedan pokazatelj nedovoljne aktivnosti naše vanjske politike u Europskoj uniji. Najlakše je prebaciti odgovornost ili novac nekom drugom da rješava probleme. Mislim da bi bilo puno korisnije i za Siriju i za cijeli Bliski istok da pokažemo drugačiju vrstu odgovornosti.


  José Inácio Faria (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, não pode cortar a palavra aos seus colegas que estão nesta casa, que pediram, há duas horas, a palavra para o procedimento “catch the eye”, e autorizar “cartões azuis” durante o “catch the eye”. Não pode fazer isso, Sr. Presidente, não pode. Não são as regras desta casa. Eu quero falar. Só peço ao Sr. Presidente que cumpra a sua obrigação e me dê o direito de falar.


  Der Präsident. – Vielen Dank, Herr Kollege Faria.

Erstens bemühe ich mich, hier nach Treu und Glauben die Regeln anzuwenden und auszulegen. Da können Sie lange mit dem Finger schütteln, jetzt hören Sie mir zu. Wir haben nach der Tagesordnung eigentlich fünf Minuten für spontane Wortmeldungen vorgesehen. Das bedeutet fünf Redner. Ich habe regelmäßig den Fall, dass ich eine erheblich größere Zahl als fünf Redner habe, und dann muss ich eine Auswahl treffen.

Ich bedaure sehr, Ihnen sagen zu müssen, dass Sie sich weder als erster gemeldet haben, noch zwei Stunden gewartet haben, dass …

(Zwischenrufe von Herrn Faria)

Sie sollten ganz einfach zuhören. Ich sage: Sie haben sich als erster gemeldet, ja. Aber weder sich als erster gemeldet zu haben noch zwei Stunden gewartet zu haben, ist ein Kriterium. Lassen Sie sich von Herrn Marias erklären, dass ich da halt streng sein muss. Und ich habe klar erklärt, dass ich mich in diesem Fall bei der Auswahl auf die Nationen beschränke, die noch nicht zu Wort gekommen sind. Das ist ein Kriterium, das ist fair, und daran müssen auch Sie sich halten, auch wenn Sie zu meiner Fraktion gehören.

(Ende der spontanen Wortmeldungen)


  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, I think we all described the same situation. In your words I found the same frustration, the same horror, the same atrocities, the same counting of victims and years, and I think the analysis is clear and broadly shared. Not unanimously, but broadly.

We also indicated all the same things that need to happen to bring peace: a ceasefire, humanitarian access, accountability not impunity, political negotiations and the preservation of diversity. I could continue with a list that I am sure is reflected in the documents you are going to discuss and vote on and on which the European Union is, and continues to be, the first player.

I have heard different tones and different accents, but I have not heard different proposals on things we should do differently. What are we doing? We are, and will continue to be, the first humanitarian donor. I put this first because I keep insisting on this. It is about saving lives

We are the convening power that for more than a year now has been the one gathering the international community, keeping – as some of you said – Syria on top of the international agenda – there are not many others doing that at this moment – and continuing to work with the United Nations to unite the international community in sustaining, or trying to sustain, intra—Syrian talks.

We are the only ones supporting the united Syrian opposition in Geneva, in Brussels – everywhere – and giving concrete support to their preparation for entering into direct negotiations in Geneva. We are the only ones that talk to all the international and regional players.

Some of you said that it is time that we started talking about this or about that with this actor or with that actor. We are already doing that. What do you think I discuss when I discuss with the Turkish Foreign Minister, the Iranian Foreign Minister, the Russian Foreign Minister, the Saudi Foreign Minister, the Jordanian Foreign Minister or the US Secretary of State? I could continue.

We are doing this every single day and we are the only ones, apart from the United Nations – and this is why we are working so closely together – who are talking to everyone with the same agenda, which is not our agenda. It is the Syrian’s people agenda. We are the only ones that have no hidden agenda other than the end of the war in a way that is possible and inclusive, which means with a transition. Because everybody knows that without a comprehensive political agreement any solution would last for what, one week, one month, six months? And then things would start again.

So it is out of realism and also out of European interest because we share the same region that we are continuing to do this. Let me say that sometimes I feel we have remained – I am not sure if this is proper English, but the interpreters will help me – the only voice of reason in this conflict. I don’t know if you noticed but common sense is not necessarily the natural thing to apply in this world today.

So are we doing enough? We are doing all we can. Is it producing results? Not all the results we would like to see. I think we are doing the right things, the things that are in our capacity to do and there are many of them. I am not saying the European Union role is limited. No, we have a huge role.

If you took away all the things we are doing on the political, diplomatic and humanitarian side, the situation would be so much worse. It is not a justification. It is a tragedy, but it is like this.

Are you asking me if this always works? No, this doesn’t always work. Some of you said this or that leader is not listening to us. I don’t know if you have noticed but we are not living in times in which many people listen to many others. We live in difficult times.

We’re doing our best. I think we are achieving some results. It is frustrating because we have achieved many results, especially on saving lives and on stopping the fighting. We are far from reaching what we want, but we have to insist because we have been left with a big responsibility. Again, our work does not always bring results but this is what we have to continue to do with unity, because this is something I am quite proud of.

Many say that we are divided, not only on this crisis but on most, if not all, the other things we are doing on external action and foreign policy. But not only have proved to be united as Europeans, if you look at the UN Security Council resolutions, we have helped build the unity of the international community.

It is thanks to the European Union Member States and the work we have coordinated in New York that unanimity was reached in the Security Council. Not only were the Europeans united, but we managed to unite the international community, as we will do again in Brussels on 24 and 25 April.

We have to continue playing this role because there is no one else left doing this. Is it enough? I repeat, no it is not enough. But we live in difficult times and we have to insist on doing this for as long as we do not manage to gather a sufficient international consensus and enough international support under the UN umbrella to find a solution to this conflict.


  Der Präsident. – Zum Abschluss der Aussprache wurden gemäß Artikel 123 Absatz 2 der Geschäftsordnung sieben Entschließungsanträge eingereicht.

Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Abstimmung findet am Donnerstag, 15. März 2018, statt.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 162 GO)


  Urmas Paet (ALDE), kirjalikult. – Humanitaarkatastroof Süürias jätkub ning süveneb Süüria ja tema liitlaste Venemaa ja Iraani tegevuse tõttu. Selle tõttu on elu kaotanud juba üle 400 000 inimese; Süürias on 6,1 miljonit sisepagulast ning mujal riikides 5 miljonit Süüria pagulast. Jätkuvad keemiarünnakud ja pommitamised tsiviilelanike, abi- ja meditsiinitöötajate ning tsiviiltaristute vastu peavad koheselt lõppema. Süüria, Venemaa ja Iraan peavad austama ÜRO Julgeolekunõukogu resolutsiooni 2401. Humanitaarabile tuleb tagada turvaline ligipääs konfliktipiirkondadesse. EL peab jätkama sanktsioonide karmistamisega ning tuleb seista selle eest, et nende kohutavate kuritegude toimepanijad saaksid kohaselt kohtu ette toodud ning karistatud.


  Csaba Sógor (PPE), írásban. – A szíriai helyzet kapcsán folyamatosan ugyanazokba a kérdésekbe ütközünk. Valóban érdekében áll-e a feleket támogató erőknek, hogy véget érjen a vérontás, és elkezdődhessen az újjáépítés és a politikai rendezés? Függetlenül attól, hogy éppen melyik oldal állt nyerésre a konfliktusban, ez a kérdés mindig felmerült és megnyugtató válasz sosem érkezett rá. Az európai országok mozgástere nem tűnik túl nagynak, továbbra is csak megfigyelők vagyunk a folyamatban, amelyben a globális hatalmak mellett a térségi regionális hatalmak is alakítói a rendezésnek, miközben a menekültek közül sokan élnek ma közöttünk Európában. Egyesek szerint a harci cselekmények esetében már győztest lehet hirdetni, de egyáltalán nem biztos, hogy a „béke megnyerése” egyszerű lesz. Az biztos, hogy a Szíriában élő millióknak és az onnan elmenekült embereknek is az az érdekük, hogy visszakapják az országukat végre. De ki áll mellettük?

Seneste opdatering: 5. juni 2018Juridisk meddelelse - Databeskyttelsespolitik