Момчил Неков (S&D). – Г-н Председател, Брексит ще донесе промяна в Европейския съюз както за гражданите, така и за бизнеса. За нас българите, както и за всички европейци, е важно в кратки срокове да се постигне споразумение, което да гарантира правата на гражданите, за да могат всички тези стотици хиляди европейци да живеят без притеснения за бъдещето си.
За последното десетилетие стокообменът между Великобритания и България се е удвоил на 1,2 милиарда евро на годишна база. Без споразумение след Брексит българският износ за Обединеното кралство, равняващ се на 500 милиона евро, е застрашен. В наш интерес е тази икономическа връзка да се запази поне на днешните нива.
Сигурен съм, че и другите държави поглеждат с притеснение върху развитието на търговските и политическите отношения с Великобритания. Трябва да се изостави езикът на политическите обвинения и да погледнем прагматично на бъдещите отношения между Европейския съюз и Обединеното кралство.
Jasenko Selimovic (ALDE). – Mr President, with Ms Theresa May making it clear last week that the EU’s access to the single market will be reduced, a hardening of the Irish border becomes inevitable. The risk is that this would be a step backwards in the peace process. The Good Friday Agreement strengthened the relationship between communities in Northern Ireland, between north and south, and across the Irish Sea, between communities that had been torn apart by violence and conflict. The Agreement was made possible because both countries were in the Union. The philosophy of it was that when you strengthen one of the relations, you strengthen all of them. The risk now is that by damaging one we can damage them all.
I therefore plead with the negotiators to be careful negotiating the future of the relations. I understand that every side is out to get as much as possible in the negotiations, but if we lose the peace, then the eventual gains are worth nothing.
Monica Macovei (ECR). – Domnule președinte, eu o să am o altă abordare. Legislația electorală britanică nu permite finanțarea străină și, până când nu avem certitudinea că rezultatele referendumului din iunie 2016 sunt legale, nu putem vorbi despre o viitoare relație Uniunea Europeană - Marea Britanie. De ce spun asta? Senatul american a detaliat modul în care agenții Kremlinului au finanțat campania pentru Brexit cu sute de milioane de dolari proveniți din spălare de bani.
Conform concluziilor Deutsche Bank și Poliției metropolitane, în perioada 2010 - 2014 a existat o infuzie considerabilă de capital rusesc în Marea Britanie. Comisia electorală din Marea Britanie a început investigarea omului de afaceri Arron Banks în legătură cu originea fondurilor care i-au permis să evite falimentul și să finanțeze Brexitul. Ca atare, nu avem certitudinea că acest referendum a fost corect și trebuie dusă până la capăt investigația privind finanțarea rusească.
Petras Auštrevičius (ALDE). – Mr President, I support this resolution as a blueprint for governing the future relations between the European Union and the UK after the UK’s withdrawal takes place. It is important to provide maximum certainty for our citizens and businesses as soon as possible.
Thus, the resolution proposes setting up a well—defined governance framework for a comprehensive association and partnership. It highlights four main pillars for our future relationship, such as economic relations, foreign affairs, security and thematic cooperation. However, if the citizens’ rights issues must be resolved on the basis of mutual respect and reciprocity, the future cooperation in the fields of security and defence should be based – and I hope it will happen – on the realistic assessment of European security needs.
Bogdan Andrzej Zdrojewski (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Przede wszystkim chciałem wyrazić satysfakcję z przyjęcia sugestii zgłoszonych przez Komisję Kultury, którą miałem przyjemność reprezentować. Przypomnę, że naszym postulatem było wyraźne określenie w tych negocjacjach stosunku do programów takich jak między innymi Erasmus+. Wydaje mi się, że odseparowanie dwóch elementów – programów Erasmus+ dedykowanych młodym ludziom, ale także nauczycielom, od programów dedykowanych wprost nauce jest dobrym posunięciem. W związku z tym można było głosować za tymi rozwiązaniami bez żadnych wątpliwości. Jeszcze raz chciałem podziękować za przyjęcie sugestii przygotowanych przez Komisję Kultury.
Tibor Szanyi (S&D). – Szavazatommal támogattam ezt a fontos, az Európai Parlament szinte minden jelentős pártcsoportja által jelzett határozatot, amely azt bizonyítja, hogy az EU érdekei szempontjából a brexit kapcsán mindkét fél oldalán elkerülhetetlen veszteségek korlátozásában változatlanul az EP a leginkább következetes és felelős szereplő. Ezért is támogattam azt a tárgyalási célt, illetve EP-irányelvet, hogy az EU-brit kapcsolatok jövőjét lehetőleg egy korszerű társulási megállapodásban szabályozzuk, mégha a brit fél tárgyalási poziciója ezt nem is teszi lehetővé.
A határozat megítélésem szerint azt is elősegíti, hogy az Európai Parlament a tárgyalási folyamat szoros felügyeletével biztosítsa, hogy a majdani kilépési megállapodásban érvényesüljön a kötelezettségek és jogok egyensúlya, szavatoljuk az egységes belső piac sértetlenségét, és az EU jogi és politikai alakítási döntési autonómiáját.
Jan Zahradil (ECR). – Pane předsedající, hlasujeme tady už poněkolikáté o úpravě vzájemných vztahů Evropské unie a Spojeného království po jeho odchodu z Evropské unie a já při každém tom hlasování mám pocit, že se v každé zprávě objeví několik podhozených požadavků, o kterých všichni víme, že budou pro druhou stranu, pro Spojené království, těžko přijatelné. Kladu si otázku, proč tomu tak je?
Nechci podléhat nějakému stihomamu, ale začínám mít dojem, že Evropský parlament to používá jako součást vyjednávací taktiky nebo že chce vyostřit tu situaci před nějakým případným konečným hlasováním anebo že dokonce, v tom nejhorším možném scénáři, ani o žádnou dohodu nestojí. Já bych si velmi přál, aby tady panovala vzájemná citlivost a abychom každou tuhle zprávu koncipovali a konstruovali natolik vyváženě, aby taková podezření nemohla vznikat.
Deirdre Clune (PPE). – Mr President, we’ve had strong support for the resolution today from Members of this Parliament – the resolution on what the future relationship between the United Kingdom and Europe would be. I very much welcome the fact that the situation in Ireland has been underlined again in this resolution: that there should be no hard border between the north and the south in Ireland, and that the Good Friday Agreement in all its forms would be protected.
We are now approaching the 20th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement: an Agreement that was ratified by an overwhelming majority of people, both the north and south of the island. It was supervised by Mr George Mitchell, US Envoy at the time, and indeed the European Union gave it its strong support and has continued to do that.
I very much welcomed the comments by the President of the Commission, Mr Juncker, yesterday when he said Europe stands with Ireland on this issue, and I think that’s a very important statement, a very strong statement, and that situation needs to be protected as we move forward to the next phase of negotiations.
Ashley Fox (ECR). – Mr President, we welcome the acknowledgment of the importance of our relationship, our common values, our close connections and our historical links. We share the aspiration for a strong and effective partnership covering trade, foreign policy, internal security and areas of thematic cooperation, but we cannot support a resolution which ignores the parameters set out by our Prime Minister. To suggest that the best solution would be membership of the single market and customs union, to pay into the budget and to accept the jurisdiction of the ECJ is to call for EU membership in everything but name. That would mean undertaking all the obligations of EU membership but with no say, which would be neither democratic nor sustainable.
Differences remain and tough talks lie ahead, but I believe there is nothing preventing us from reaching a unique and mutually beneficial agreement, reflecting the new rights and obligations, apart from the political will and a sense of pragmatism. It is overwhelmingly in the interests of both the UK and the EU27 to have a unique deal with the freest possible trade and the closest possible security relationship. Let’s make it happen.
Jiří Payne (EFDD). – Pane předsedající, dosavadní jednání s Velkou Británií vychází z představy, že Velká Británie doplatí na brexit. Ale když se podíváme na statistiky vzájemného obchodu, tak se ukazuje, že kontinent na brexit doplatí daleko více než Velká Británie. Naše podniky na kontinentě potřebují jasné a předvídatelné podnikatelské prostředí. Naléhavě potřebujeme znát informaci, jak to dopadne s volným obchodem. Naléhavě potřebujeme ujištění, že dohoda o volném obchodu s Velkou Británií bude uzavřena. Evropská komise svým vyjednáváním hazarduje s našimi osudy a prohlubuje negativní důsledky brexitu pro všechny.
Zoltán Balczó (NI). – Az Európai Unió büntetni akarja az Egyesült Királyságot, egyben elvéve más országok kedvét egy esetleges kilépéstől. Olyan feltételeket támaszt, amit a brit kormány nem fogadhat el. Megtartaná az Európai Unió Bíróságának joghatóságát a kilépés után is. Az ír–északír határ problémáját Donald Tusk úgy oldaná meg, hogy gyakorlatilag kiszakítaná Észak-Írországot az Egyesült Királyságból.
Az EU elvárja, hogy a britek a kilépés után is betartsák a közös adóügyi jogszabályokat. Az átmeneti idő lejártáig megtiltaná más országokkal való szerződés megkötését. Ha az Európai Unió nem veszi figyelembe a britek méltányos érdekeit, akkor a kilépés szerződés megállapodás nélkül fog megtörténni. Ez pedig mindkét fél számára a legrosszabb lenne.
Daniel Hannan (ECR). – Mr President, thank you as usual on the swift and sure way in which you got us through this lengthy vote. The British problem, or from our perspective the European problem, is very simply stated. Right from the beginning we wanted to be in a common market, not a common government.
Even as late as February 2016, if David Cameron had been able to come back with any significant retrieval of power, it is clear that he would have won the referendum. But faced with the choice, the other 27 or the Commission, or from whatever breakdown, it was clear that people would rather lose the second-largest financial contributor than set the precedent that powers could float back rather than just upwards.
So we find ourselves now having to look for such a deal from the outside. I have to say, there were a lot of voices in this House that before the referendum used to argue for precisely that, particularly among my federalist friends who used to say we need to find associate status for the United Kingdom: in the market but outside everything else. I understand that people are affronted, that the referendum has jangled nerves, but surely that’s still the best outcome for both sides.