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Marţi, 17 aprilie 2018 - Strasbourg Ediţie revizuită

17. Perspectivele menținerii păcii în Peninsula Coreeană în lumina evoluțiilor recente (dezbatere)
Înregistrare video a intervenţiilor

  Die Präsidentin. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärung der Vizepräsidentin der Kommission und Hohen Vertreterin der Union für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik zum Thema Friedensaussichten für die Koreanische Halbinsel angesichts der aktuellen Entwicklungen (2018/2643(RSP)).


  Monika Panayotova, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Madam President, recent developments in the Korean peninsula since the beginning of this year are encouraging. We were glad to hear that the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea have agreed on a date – 27 April – for the inter-Korean Summit meeting on the southern side of the joint security area, and are actively preparing for it.

The planned meeting between US President Trump and DPRK leader Kim Jong Un, is another historic opportunity to launch a process which may lead to denuclearisation and lasting peace on the Peninsula. We are looking forward to the outcomes of this summit and we are following the preparations closely.

We firmly hope that they will foster trust and become building blocks for a process of negotiations leading to stability and development in both countries. Trust is essential. History has taught us that peace-making can be a long and fragile process. Once trust is broken, it takes a long time and serious efforts to rebuild.

Many remain cautious about the prospects for peace on the Peninsula, despite recent encouraging signals. Indeed, North Korea must take concrete action to address international concerns with regard to its nuclear and missile programmes. To begin with, we expect that the DPRK will enter into a negotiation on denuclearisation and refrain from further tests on nuclear weapons or re-launching missiles. A peaceful environment will be crucial to create the necessary conditions towards the negotiated solution.

The recent positive developments would have been impossible without the leadership and courage shown by President Moon and his government in reaching out towards the north. The European Union has always supported the leading role of the Republic of Korea in assuring the engagement of the DPRK in a meaningful dialogue, aimed at a complete verifiable and irreversible denuclearisation.

The Korean Foreign Minister, Ms Kang, took part in the Foreign Affairs Council on March 19 to discuss the state of play and the way forward. This meeting provided an opportunity to pledge the EU’s continuous support to the work of the Republic of Korea. We reiterated our position in favour of a peaceful resolution on the crisis, and we also confirmed that the strict monitoring of DPRK commitment to de-nuclearisation will be necessary.

Our support to furthering the diplomatic process, combined with sustained pressure through sanctions was reaffirmed by the Secretary-General of the European External Action Service at the end of March, on a visit to the Republic of Korea and Japan.

Clearly, through our policy of critical engagement, we have been maximising pressure on the DPRK. The EU has transposed all UN Security Council resolutions in a swift and timely manner. Additionally, the European Union has adopted autonomous measures against DPRK.

We can safely confirm that the EU sanctions regime vis-à-vis DPRK is currently our most restrictive towards any country. We approached a significant number of countries in Africa, in Asia last autumn, and will do so shortly again to encourage them to fully and strictly implement all UN Security Council resolutions. This time we will also include an offer of concrete support for capacity-building on sanctions enforcements where needed.

It is of the utmost importance that the international community remains united and determined in its approach, and calls on the DPRK to completely abandon its nuclear and missile programmes. We would thus maintain the direct and indirect pressure on North Korea until it embarks on a credible path towards complete, verifiable and irreversible denuclearisation.

Talks for the sake of talks are not an option. This has to be a meaningful process towards peace. At the same time, pressure and sanctions are not an end in themselves. They are always an instrument to encourage a political process. The European Union is strongly convinced that lasting peace and denuclearisation of the Korean peninsula must be achieved through peaceful means.

This is why we have welcomed these new high-level initiatives which will give diplomacy a chance. And in parallel to our current strong focus on the critical track, we have always kept communication channels open. We also believe that the multilateral process will be necessary to address the DPRK nuclear issue in its entire complexity and achieve lasting peace and security on the Korean Peninsula.

Once agreed, consistent monitoring and verification of the de-nuclearisation by respective international bodies such as the International Atomic Energy Agency will be needed to ensure that DPRK is be strictly and fully implementing its commitments. The European Union will be ready to support these processes, in close consultations with the key partners.

The European Union has a huge expertise on nuclear non-proliferation, particularly thanks to the talks with Iran. We are now willing to support the Korean peace process in any possible way. Once again, we are on the side of non-proliferation and we are on the side of peace.


  Cristian Dan Preda, au nom du groupe PPE. – Madame la Présidente, nous ne pouvons accueillir qu’avec optimisme les nouvelles positives qui nous proviennent de la péninsule coréenne. Les deux sommets, celui entre les deux Corée et celui entre le président Trump et le leader nord-coréen, sont des pas dans la bonne direction.

Le sommet entre les États-Unis et la Corée du Nord est très attendu et très commenté car il sera inédit, mais il ne s’agit pas là de la première tentative de persuader le régime nord-coréen d’abandonner son programme nucléaire. Je crois que nous devrions moins nous concentrer sur les détails de cette rencontre et davantage nous focaliser sur les points clés qui sont les suivants: que pouvons-nous promettre au leader nord-coréen et, surtout, que va-t-il demander en échange?

Deux éléments me semblent significatifs. Premièrement, la Corée du Nord cherche une reconnaissance internationale de son statut de puissance nucléaire et nous devons absolument éviter de lui accorder cette reconnaissance. C’est pourquoi il faut refuser catégoriquement la levée, même partielle, des sanctions tant que nous n’avons pas de garanties à long terme sur le démantèlement complet, irréversible et vérifiable des installations nucléaires. Ces garanties s’inscrivent par ailleurs dans la droite ligne du respect des obligations du traité de non-prolifération.

Deuxièmement, maintenir la pression sur le régime est une nécessité absolue. Nous ne devrions pas récompenser Kim Jong-un pour son consentement au dialogue. Le temps de la confiance viendra lorsqu’il y aura une véritable ouverture ainsi qu’une amélioration de la situation des droits de l’homme et des conditions de vie des Nord-coréens qui, ne l’oublions pas, souffrent toujours grandement de malnutrition, de torture et d’esclavage.

Alors, soyons optimistes mais demeurons lucides. La Corée du Nord est l’un des régimes les plus autoritaires et les plus brutaux au monde qui a tout misé sur son arsenal nucléaire, et je ne suis pas convaincu que Kim Jong-un donne ici des gages de changement.


  Victor Boştinaru, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, I will start by saying in Bulgarian: Благодаря, госпожа министър Панайотова – thank you very much, Ms Panayotova, for your remarks.

Now, please remember that, when we last discussed the situation in North Korea a few months ago, not many of us would have imagined that today we could discuss such developments, or even the wording ‘prospects of peace’. Let’s be cautiously optimistic: the Winter Olympics have contributed to the softening of tensions, but there is no doubt that we have to be thankful to the international community for being united in condemning North Korea’s ballistic missiles and nuclear programme and exercising strong pressure, and to President Moon Jae-in of South Korea for showing incredible leadership and commitment to peace.

The EU played an important role here. We imposed sanctions that went even beyond those adopted by the UN Security Council, and High Representative Mogherini used all the diplomatic tools at her disposal to mediate the contacts between the two sides. This is indeed a crucial moment. We have to be optimistic but realistic at the same time. It is an opportunity that should not be missed, but it is not all in our hands and we need to keep our guard up.

The visit of Kim Jong-un to Beijing and the upcoming summit between the two Koreas’ leaders and between the North Korean leader and the US President are very encouraging steps towards a negotiated solution. Peace, security and stability in the Korean peninsula are key not only for the region, but for the entire world. I thank once again High Representative Mogherini for her not always visible but still effective work, and I trust the EU diplomatic efforts that will continue at this crucial moment.


  Nirj Deva, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, a unique opportunity now exists to take the first steps towards lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula. President Trump’s decision to accept North Korean leader Kim Jong—un’s invitation to talks without preconditions is an unprecedented act of diplomacy. These talks are a stepping stone to further dialogue and are the beginning of a process, not its end.

We are at a point where a 64-year-old armistice will finally be made into a peace treaty. The North Koreans want this and now so do the South Koreans. President Moon must be congratulated by this House. Having returned from Asia, I come to this Chamber with the perception that the North Koreans are at last willing to discuss denuclearisation, starting with a freeze. I also know that nuclear weapons are existential to the North Koreans. They do not consider nuclear weapons simply a deterrent; the weapons also underpin the very identity of the DPRK and reinforce the authority of Kim Jong-un. The fact that they are willing to discuss denuclearisation is a huge advance in the cause of peace, a peace that can disappear like a puff of smoke if we ask for too much too soon.

There is another legitimate view that a step—by—step dismantling of the nuclear programme may simply be a stalling tactic to remove crippling sanctions and that the DPRK regime has no intention of removing the nuclear weapons. The answer to this must surely be open and authenticated verifiability. If the North is truly sincere, it must agree to a verification system that is acceptable to the international community. The EU has a role to play here. Not only will verifiability confirm a freeze, but it will also lead to a step-by-step dismantling of the weapons according to a staged process, whereby North Korea becomes more engaged in global institutions and has access to the family of nations. Again, the EU has a role to play here.


  Urmas Paet, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, North Korea has long been a country with a very poor human rights record but with great military ambitions. It has for decades been very aggressive and threatening towards its neighbours, South Korea and Japan. The size of the North Korean armed forces is ranked fourth in the world, and now the threat of nuclear weapons has been added.

North Korean actions have been met with an international response in the form of sanctions, and it is good that China has finally also started to follow the sanctions policy. The meeting planned between the US President, Mr Trump, and the North Korean leader has been met with slight but careful optimism in North Korea’s neighbouring countries.

However, it seems unlikely that as a result of just one meeting, both sides will be able to agree on something substantial. It is a fact that North Korea has only caught the attention of President Trump because it now has nuclear capabilities, and it will be very hard for North Korea to give up this privilege so easily.

The United States, the European Union and other nations cannot withdraw sanctions before North Korea has significantly changed its behaviour, so we are probably going to continue in this limbo.

What that the EU can do is make sure that the sanctions are kept in place and that they are followed by the Member States. We also need to make an effort to ensure China also keeps following the sanctions policy until North Korea gives up its nuclear weapons ambitions and stops violating human rights. This is the one thing that influences the behaviour of North Korea.

It is not only the nuclear weapons that is the problem. It is also the grave violations of human rights in North Korea that needs to stop, and the aggressive policy of North Korea towards its neighbours, especially South Korea and Japan.




  Klaus Buchner, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! In Korea drohte vor kurzem noch ein Atomkrieg. Diese Situation hat sich jetzt zum Glück deutlich verbessert. Wir können im Augenblick sogar sehen, dass ein Wille zur Zusammenarbeit zwischen Nordkorea und Südkorea besteht. Das Treffen am 27. April ist ja schon erwähnt worden.

Diese sehr positiven Auswirkungen begrüßen wir natürlich. Aber das ist noch lange kein Grund für Optimismus, denn wir müssen die Situation in der gesamten Gegend sehen. Und hier sehe ich zumindest ein großes Problem mit Japan, dessen Verteidigung noch große Lücken hat und das offensichtlich im Blickpunkt von Russland liegt. Die Aktivitäten der russischen Marine rund um Japan sind bedeutend. Deswegen ist auch die Situation auf der Koreanischen Halbinsel nicht unabhängig zu sehen. Und wir wissen immer noch nicht, was der nordkoreanische Präsident wirklich will. Einerseits hat er erreicht, was er lange erreichen wollte, nämlich eine gewisse internationale Anerkennung. Er hat auch den Druck gemildert, der auf ihn ausgeübt worden ist, speziell von China. Aber ob das alles reicht, um die Situation zu befrieden, ist fraglich. Deswegen meine dringende Bitte an die Hohe Vertreterin, hier noch mal intensiv aktiv zu werden und eine friedliche Lösung zu suchen.


  Stefan Eck, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! In der Mathematik gibt es die Regel: Minus mal Minus gibt Plus. Hoffentlich lässt sich das auch in die Politik übertragen. Ein persönliches Treffen des verrückten und unberechenbaren Führers Nordkoreas mit dem nicht minder verrückten und unberechenbaren Mister „America First“. Vielleicht kommt aber etwas Gutes dabei heraus. Es gibt zumindest schon einen positiven Aspekt: Solange sie miteinander reden, schießen sie nicht aufeinander.

Aber was kann Donald Trump dem nordkoreanischen Führer wirklich für die Verschrottung der Nuklearwaffen anbieten? Die Atomraketen sind doch die beste Lebensversicherung für Kim Jong—un. Andererseits braucht Donald Trump unbedingt einen außenpolitischen Erfolg, um die vielen innenpolitischen Fehlleistungen zu kaschieren. Was die Verhandlungen also betrifft, bleibe ich beim Prinzip Hoffnung des deutschen Philosophen Ernst Bloch. Danach enden die Gespräche friedlich und in einer absoluten Perfektion oder in einem absoluten Desaster.

Hoffen wir, das Mister Trump einen great deal zustande bringt. Heutzutage sind ja die unglaublichsten Sachen möglich, vor allem in der Politik.


  Ignazio Corrao, a nome del gruppo EFDD. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, nei mesi scorsi abbiamo tutti accolto con sollievo i piccoli, timidi segnali di distensione che abbiamo visto apparire all'orizzonte della penisola coreana. Questi messaggi sono sicuramente incoraggianti per riportare un momento di normalità nella penisola, che effettivamente ha vissuto un 2017 intenso, nel quale vi sono stati diversi momenti molto tesi che sono quasi sfociati in uno scontro aperto.

Va segnalato però che, secondo l'ultimo rapporto di Human Right Watch, la situazione dei diritti umani in Nord Corea rimane precaria e fortemente critica. Dobbiamo fare in modo che le seppur legittime ambizioni di stabilità nella penisola non vadano a intaccare gli sforzi e l'attenzione che anche questo Parlamento ha dedicato ai diritti umani, già oggetto di discussione più volte.

Se, da un lato, il bene della pace rimane un elemento cruciale nella penisola di Corea, d'altro canto la tutela dei diritti umani, ancora oggi calpestati nella parte settentrionale della penisola, non può essere ignorata. Non può esserci pace senza giustizia e non ci può essere giustizia senza rispetto dei diritti umani.


  David McAllister (PPE). – Mr President, two weeks ago, following a visit to Japan, I had the honour of leading a Committee on Foreign Affairs delegation to South Korea. Some of our colleagues who were on this trip are present in the plenary. I see that Mr Czarnecki, Mr Brok, Ms Gill and Ms Šuica are here.

During our political talks in Seoul, our delegation underlined that the EU and the European Parliament have been long—standing supporters of respect for international law, universal values and, in particular, of nuclear non—proliferation.

We conveyed three main messages. Firstly, in the light of the latest promising developments on the Korean Peninsula, we supported the opening of a new high-level dialogue with North Korea. Secondly, we recalled that this dialogue should aim at a peaceful resolution and at the denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula. Thirdly, we emphasised that pressure on North Korea must be maintained until the regime in Pyongyang delivers in a concrete manner.

A final remark: regarding the prospects of the ultimate goal of reunification of the two Koreas, the case of my home country, Germany, has taught us that such a process can take a very long time, but it has also shown that all of a sudden things can move very quickly once the process has begun. Therefore, I sincerely wish the Korean people all the best.


  Neena Gill (S&D). – Mr President, as the Chair of the Committee on Foreign Affairs said, I also had the privilege of being on this delegation and actually visiting the border between the two Koreas. Seeing with one’s own eye the most militarised frontier in the world brings home the intensity of tensions and the threat felt by the South Korean people, so I welcome the clear signs of a willingness to engage from both sides, although the main onus is obviously on DPRK, a helpful step that could be taken by South Korea would be not to overly insist – I believe – on reunification, especially given that we sense that the younger generation sees this as less important than peaceful coexistence.

At the same time, I think it’s really important that we are not overly naive. It wouldn’t be the first time that countries open up to DPRK following positive signs, but that funding is quickly diverted to further development of nuclear weapons, as has happened to Japan in the past. The difficulty of monitoring underground networks, equally, makes it extremely difficult to ensure compliance with any future deal. So, talks between the US President Trump and King Yong Un scheduled for May need to be underpinned by a coherent strategy rather than motions or machismo. Involvement of regional actors is key. Both Koreans have talks later this month, but Japan, which has had two missiles over its territory in the past year, does not have a seat.

I would urge that the US strategy is first and foremost informed by the concerns and interests of these countries, rather than the hawkish views held by some of the people who advise the President on the Hill.


  Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Miałem zaszczyt być członkiem tej delegacji, jak moi szanowni przedmówcy. Była to moja piąta wizyta w Korei, a czwarta w ostatnich latach. Korea Południowa wbrew nazwie jest częścią Zachodu i powinna być wspierana przez Unię Europejską, przez nasze państwa. Ten kraj zasługuje na wsparcie, tym bardziej że ma agresywnego komunistycznego sąsiada. Myślę, że losy zjednoczenia są w rękach samych Koreańczyków. To oni o tym powinni decydować, ale my powinniśmy ich oczywiście w tym wspierać.

Dobrze, że sytuacją interesują się Stany Zjednoczone. Mamy nadzieję, że decyzje w tej sprawie będą wspólnymi decyzjami Zachodu. Nie ma natomiast zgody na agresywną politykę władz komunistycznej Korei Północnej, która nie szanuje żadnych standardów. Na to pozwolić nie możemy.


  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (EFDD). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, gli ultimi sviluppi nella penisola coreana hanno nuovamente catalizzato l'attenzione delle principali potenze mondiali. Quanto a importanza e rilevanza, credo che la visita di Kim Jong-un a Pechino e il possibile incontro bilaterale Stati Uniti-Corea del Nord si commentino da sé.

Ancora una volta la questione della stabilità della penisola dimostra quanto questa regione abbia un valore geopolitico che va ben oltre la sua dimensione geografica e demografica: evitare soluzioni militari dalle conseguenze imprevedibili e incentivare il dialogo fra le parti, quindi, è oggi l'unica soluzione possibile. Allontanare le ombre di un possibile conflitto da questa regione deve rimanere una delle nostre massime priorità.

È fondamentale intensificare la cooperazione con la Corea del Sud, nostro partner strategico. Dobbiamo sempre tenere bene a mente – e ricordare ai nostri alleati americani – che qualsiasi tipo di escalation militare avrebbe un impatto devastante soprattutto sulla sua popolazione civile e su quella dei nostri alleati giapponesi, altro partner fondamentale. Anche per questo dobbiamo sostenere e incoraggiare le iniziative di dialogo intra-coreane, adoperandosi affinché le potenze globali e regionali coinvolte contribuiscano positivamente a questo processo.

Quanto alla Corea del Nord, è importante ribadire che l'astensione dalle provocazioni missilistiche e l'arresto del programma nucleare sono condizioni imprescindibili non solo per mantenere il dialogo aperto, ma anche e soprattutto per riaprire, se agli impegni seguiranno fatti concreti e inoppugnabili, possibili prospettive di aiuto umanitario.

In quanto attore terzo, neutrale e privo di ambizioni o secondi fini di cui altri attori possono essere tacciati, possiamo e dobbiamo avere l'ambizione di proporci come autorevole mediatore: mai come in questo momento – e lo vediamo anche in teatri a noi ben più vicini – occorre ribadire l'importanza del dialogo piuttosto che una retorica basata su minacce e prove di forza ed escalation. Questo è e deve rimanere il nostro ruolo. Questi sono i nostri principi e i nostri valori, in un mondo in cui diplomazia e politica troppo spesso vengono erroneamente accantonate o rese impotenti.


  Elmar Brok (PPE). – Herr Präsident, amtierende Ratspräsidentin, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Lassen Sie mich jetzt zwei Beschreibungen voransetzen, die wir nicht vergessen dürfen: Südkorea ist eine Demokratie, und Demokratien gilt es immer zu unterstützen. Nordkorea ist eine grausige Diktatur. Dies ist ein Bild, das man als Voraussetzung sehen muss.

Wir sollten aber dafür sorgen, dass die Gespräche der beiden Koreas gestützt werden. Wir sollten dafür sorgen, dass Atomwaffen beseitigt werden, zur Sicherheit in der Region, aber auch um den Nichtverbreitungsvertrag insgesamt mit mehr Glaubwürdigkeit auszustatten. Deswegen auch die Bitte an unsere amerikanischen Freunde, den Atomdeal mit Iran nicht aufzugeben. Denn wenn man den aufgibt, hat Nordkorea ein Alibi, erst gar keinen abzuschließen. Hier gibt es einen inneren Zusammenhang, den wir sehen müssen.

Ich freue mich darüber, wenn wir unsere Informationen haben, dass sich die Volksrepublik China seit Januar erstmalig voll mit den Sanktionen gegen Nordkorea gewandt hat – erheblichen Restriktionen bei Ölzufuhr und Ähnlichem –, um auf die Art und Weise Nordkorea dazu zu bewegen, sich stärker mit einer friedlichen Lösung zu beschäftigen. Das ist ein ganz wichtiger Schritt, wo man sehen muss – und da muss Amerika aufpassen –, dass China sich immer mehr als Ordnungsmacht in der Region darstellt, was wir auch auf dieser Reise, die Herr McAllister angesprochen hat, in Japan erlebt haben. Aber ich bin der Auffassung, dass versucht werden sollte, die Lösungen dort zu unterstützen, die Einheit zu unterstützen, wenn sie auch schwierig sein sollte, dass aber eines klar ist: Bei diesem ganzen Prozess dürfen wir die Freiheit und den Frieden für Südkorea nicht vergessen.


  Arne Lietz (S&D). – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Ratspräsidentschaft! Ich begrüße die jüngsten Zeichen für einen innerkoreanischen Annäherungsprozess, der in den letzten Wochen verstärkt erfolgt ist. Dieser Dialog muss mit internationaler Unterstützung unbedingt aufrechterhalten werden. Gleichzeitig reicht dies jedoch nicht aus, um einen dauerhaften und stabilen Frieden auf der Koreanischen Halbinsel zu erreichen. Deswegen müssen China und Russland weiterhin ihren Einfluss auf die Führung in Pjöngjang nutzen, um das Regime von weiteren völkerrechtswidrigen Nuklear- und Raketentests abzuhalten.

Ebenso sollte US-Präsident Donald Trump bei dem im Mai anstehenden Treffen mit Kim Jong—un auf Diplomatie und Besonnenheit setzen und das von den Vereinten Nationen und der EU gestützte Sanktionsprogramm gegenüber der nordkoreanischen Führung als Druckmittel nutzen. Langfristig dient das Nuklearabkommen für den Iran als Referenzwerk für einen möglichen Deal mit Nordkorea. Auch deshalb muss Präsident Trump unbedingt Abstand von seinem Vorhaben nehmen, das Iran-Abkommen einseitig aufzukündigen.

Die Europäische Union sollte ihre Vermittlerrolle und ihre diplomatische Stärke einbringen, um die innerkoreanischen Gespräche sowie die internationalen Verhandlungen um eine atomare Abrüstung Nordkoreas voranzubringen.


  Dubravka Šuica (PPE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, najprije treba imati na umu i još jedanput ponoviti da je Sjeverna Koreja jedan od najautoritativnijih i najbrutalnijih režima koji postoje na svijetu.

I ja sam imala priliku i čast, kao i dio mojih kolega koji su prethodno govorili, biti na misiji u Južnoj Koreji prije dva tjedna i uvjeriti se uživo o želji i Sjeverne i Južne Koreje da se nastavi dijalog na visokoj razini. Isto tako pozdravljam posjet sjevernokorejskog vođe Kini, a isto tako očekujemo s nestrpljenjem sastanak između Trumpa i sjevernokorejskog vođe. To je jedan od presedana u svjetskoj politici, ali evo, trebamo vidjeti što se tu namjerava razgovarati.

U svakom slučaju, bez denuklearizacije, bez, dakle, razoružanja poluotoka nema razgovora o dizanju sankcija. Dakle, sankcije treba uzeti kao mjere koje nisu same sebi svrha, ali istovremeno ih treba zadržati sve dotle dokle se ljudska prava ne poprave, dokle se životni standard ne popravi u Sjevernoj Koreji. I to je ono što i Europska unija mora uvijek imati na umu.

U svakom slučaju, podržavam nastavak razgovora, podržavam moguće mirno rješenje, podržavam da nakon 64 godine primirje preraste u trajni mir. I to je ono što trebamo svi mi ovdje podržati, a nadam se da se u tom smjeru ide. Međutim, trebamo uvijek biti na oprezu.


  Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, doamnă ministru, mă bucură că sunteți optimistă. Toată după-amiaza, noi am discutat de politica externă. Am discutat despre Siria, despre Rusia și, acum, despre Peninsula Coreea. Însă cred că trebuie să fim rezervați în optimism, pentru că, iată, în 7 martie, președintele Coreei de Sud spunea că este prea devreme să fim optimiști în privința denuclearizării Peninsulei Coreene.

De asemenea, era îngrijorat și spera la progrese în dialogul Statelor Unite cu Coreea de Nord și, sigur, este importantă în această ecuație și China. Cred foarte mult însă că noi, Comisia Europeană, Consiliul, Uniunea Europeană, trebuie să ne gândim cum putem să sprijinim Coreea de Sud. Este o țară cu democrație, o țară cu o economie în progres, este un exemplu pentru Asia. Am vizitat, ca membră a delegației, de mai multe ori Coreea de Sud și cred că este bine să ne gândim cum putem să susținem sancțiunile, pentru că președintele Coreei de Sud spunea că nu va putea să susțină singur sancțiunile în relația cu Coreea de Nord.

Și mai cred că împreună, împreună nu numai noi, Uniunea Europeană, ci împreună cu celelalte instituții, trebuie să susținem pacea în Peninsulă.


  Paul Rübig (PPE). – Herr Präsident! Ich möchte mich beim Rat bedanken, weil es für uns wichtig ist, diese Debatte hier im Haus zu führen. Nirj Deva, unser Vorsitzender in der Korea—Delegation, hat es ja schon gut auf den Punkt gebracht, dass wir verhandeln müssen. Unsere Ansprechpartner sind natürlich zuerst einmal die Botschafter, und ich möchte hier ausdrücklich und lobend den Botschafter von Südkorea erwähnen, der uns wirklich sehr gut unterstützt, der uns informiert, der uns sachliche Informationen gibt, und ich möchte eigentlich auch glauben, dass der Botschafter oder die Botschafter von Nordkorea in Zukunft im gleichen Ausmaß hier tätig werden.

Europa hat hier eine Brückenfunktion. Ich glaube, wir sind durchaus in der Lage, hier aufeinander zuzugehen und auch zu vermitteln. Wir haben ja damals auch in der Delegation angeregt, die Olympischen Spiele zu besuchen. Die beiden Länder haben das jetzt gemacht. Wir haben ihnen Kulturaustausch vorgeschlagen, und ich glaube, es wäre auch sinnvoll, in Zukunft – wenn Korea mal eine atomwaffenfreie Zone ist – auch Anreize zu setzen.

Ich würde hier die Ziele für eine nachhaltige Entwicklungerwähnen mit Nummer zwei – sichere Lebensmittel, sanitäre Maßnahmen, erneuerbare Energie –, aber zuerst müssen die Verhandlungen ein Erfolg sein, und dann kann Europa liefern. Ich würde auch Frau Mogherini bitten, hier Initiativen zu setzen.


  Francisco Assis (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, a aparente distensão que se está a verificar nas relações entre as duas Coreias e a perspetiva de realização, em maio, de uma cimeira entre o líder norte-coreano e o presidente norte-americano devem ser saudadas, mas devemos fazê-lo com muita prudência, como já aqui também foi dito.

Há aqui um problema de paz, mas também há aqui um problema de direitos humanos. O problema de paz tem que ver com o relacionamento entre as duas Coreias e tem que ver com a necessidade de desnuclearização a prazo da Coreia do Norte e com a resolução desse velho problema, que põe em causa uma sociedade democrática, como é a sociedade sul-coreana.

E depois há um problema sério de direitos humanos na Coreia do Norte. A Coreia do Norte é um dos regimes mais tirânicos e mais fechados das presentes circunstâncias históricas e, por isso, devem continuar a ser exercidas todas as pressões junto da Coreia do Norte para que esse terrível regime político possa dar sinais de abertura no sentido de uma evolução, a prazo, para uma situação completamente diferente daquela que ainda hoje se verifica.

Sejamos otimistas, mas sejamos, sobretudo, muito prudentes em relação à evolução desta situação.


  Adam Szejnfeld (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Oczywiście musimy się cieszyć z tego, że państwa koreańskie nawiązały ponownie dialog, z tego, że prezydent Stanów Zjednoczonych być może spotka się z przywódcą Korei Północnej, ale musimy mieć do tego problemu duży dystans. W większości wypowiedzi słyszę głosy nadziei. Nie chciałbym cytować powiedzenia o nadziei, która jest matką głupich, ale coś jest w tym, że nie możemy żyć nadzieją. Musimy opierać swoje działania na faktach. A fakty są takie, że w Korei Północnej panuje bezwzględny reżim, i jest to reżim oparty wyłącznie na sile i wywoływaniu strachu, reżim, który tak de facto ma jedno tylko oparcie, a tym oparciem są Chiny. W związku z czym wydaje mi się, że kluczem do rozwiązania problemu – oczywiście przy uwzględnieniu siły Stanów Zjednoczonych, Unii Europejskiej, a także Rosji – są jednak Chiny. Chciałbym zapytać Panią Komisarz, jak wygląda kwestia rozmów na ten temat między Unią Europejską a właśnie Chinami. Bez Chin, moim zdaniem, problem ten nie zostanie rozwiązany.


  Julie Ward (S&D). – Mr President, prospects for peace between the two Koreas are unexpectedly encouraging. In our support for the talks, we must focus therefore on young people, who are essential to any lasting peace-building process. Young Koreans, on both sides of the border, have different perspectives from their elders and they should be given a voice in the peace talks. Women also have a crucial role to play when it comes to peace-building, so involving them in the process is a way to ensure that peace is more sustainable and more inclusive.

I am aware that the process in the Korean Peninsula is still fragile. However, I believe that any step forward is good – even a baby step – as it is one step closer to peace and to nuclear de—escalation. In the current global context, it is hugely important for us to support disarmament campaigns.

It is particularly important that the European Parliament supports all efforts at the United Nations level to make the use of nuclear weapons illegal for all states under any circumstances. Total elimination of nuclear weapons should be our objective, and we should put all our efforts towards achieving that goal.

In that respect, I am very proud of the work of my office, working closely through Parliamentarians for Global Action to achieve our historic resolution in October 2016, which gives the High Representative a strong mandate in her dealings with all nuclear-armed states.


Procedura catch-the-eye.


  Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Pane předsedající, i já bych se chtěl připojit ke svým kolegům, pokud volají po správném postupu v rámci tohoto mírového procesu. Myslím si, že role EU by neměla být okrajová, je to správný signál, který bychom chtěli vyslat. Zároveň si myslím, že je důležité i odsoudit brutalitu toho režimu, který je myslím jeden z nejbrutálnějších. To, co provádí za ohavné zločiny vůči svým lidem, by asi nemělo být zapomenuto.

Na druhou stranu zde nyní řešíme otázku odzbrojení, respektive alespoň jakési mírové budoucnosti. A zde je důležité říci, že EU by měla stát na straně našich spojenců. Jednoznačně podporovat tento mírový proces a zejména roli OSN a nepochybně našeho spojence USA. Pokud Kim Čong-un nebude respektovat tento proces, nedotáhne se tento proces do konce. Je důležité skutečně zaměřit sankce tak, aby se režim co nejdříve zhroutil ve svých základech.


  Τάκης Χατζηγεωργίου (GUE/NGL). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κανένας δεν αμφισβητεί ότι η πιθανή συνάντηση ή η συνάντηση που έχει αποφασιστεί μεταξύ των ηγετών των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών και της Βορείου Κορέας είναι θετική εξέλιξη, ανεξάρτητα από τις όποιες απόψεις έχει ο καθένας μας για την προσωπικότητα αυτών των δύο ανδρών. Είναι μια θετική εξέλιξη, την καλωσορίζουμε και ελπίζουμε να σημάνει κάποια στιγμή την μείωση της έντασης στην περιοχή. Το δεύτερο που έχω να πω είναι ότι η πιθανή επανένωση της Βορείου και της Νοτίου Κορέας θα είναι επίσης μια πολύ θετική εξέλιξη, αλλά συμφωνώ με κάτι που ελέχθη προηγουμένως, ότι δηλαδή θα είναι μια βραδεία και πολύ δύσκολη διαδικασία την οποία ελπίζω να καταφέρουν τα δύο κράτη να φέρουν σε πέρας. Το τελευταίο που έχω να πω, και νομίζω ότι είναι και το πιο σημαντικό, είναι ότι πρέπει να έχουμε όλοι κατά νου ότι ο μέγιστος στόχος είναι ο πλήρης αφοπλισμός από τα πυρηνικά, διότι φοβούμαι ότι, από τη στιγμή που ανακαλύψαμε τα πυρηνικά κάποια στιγμή θα χρησιμοποιηθούν, είτε από λάθος, είτε σκόπιμα, και η καταστροφή θα είναι μπροστά μας.


  Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). – Pane předsedající, současný vývoj na Korejském poloostrově nám dává naději na mírové řešení. A jak to tady slyším, všichni vítáme otevřenost Severní Koreje k dalším jednáním. Její ochota komunikovat je první krok k vyjednávání denuklearizace a deeskalace napětí. Od nastávajících jednání máme tedy velká očekávání, zejména od setkání vedení Severní Koreje se Spojenými státy. Pokud je ale severokorejské vedení skutečně zainteresováno v nalezení řešení, pak pevně doufám, že projeví ochotu i k multilaterální diplomacii a jednáním.

Ještě máme v paměti velmi nadějné pohledy na společný pochod pod jednou vlajkou na olympiádě, ale to nesmí zastínit fakt 120 000 politických vězňů, kteří prochází nelidským zacházením v pracovních táborech. Je tedy třeba spojit jednání o míru a o odstranění nukleárních zbraní i s lidskými právy.


  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já navážu na to, co tady říkali kolegové, zvláště na paní kolegyni Šojdrovou. Pokud se bavíme o politickém režimu v Severní Koreji, jedná se o jednu z největších totalit na světě, 120 000 vězňů v nelidských podmínkách, koncentrační tábory. Proč to říkám? Na jedné straně je určitě dobře, pokud my budeme podporovat to, aby se tento režim ještě více neizoloval a aby se s ním vedla nějaká forma konstruktivního dialogu jak ze strany jihokorejského partnera, tak ze strany Spojených států amerických.

Na druhou stranu zde říkám, že jsem relativně skeptický k tomu, že v tuto chvíli se prezidenti Severní a Jižní Koreje obejmou a představitelé režimu v Severní Koreji prozřou a změní pravidla fungování svého státu. Jednejme s nimi, ale prosím mějme na paměti, že je to jeden z nejvíce zločinných režimů na světě a že se jen tak nezmění.


  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η ομολογουμένως καλή διάθεση που επιδεικνύει ο ηγέτης της Βορείου Κορέας σχετικά με τις συνομιλίες για το πυρηνικό πρόγραμμα της χώρας του είναι μεν ενθαρρυντική, πλην όμως επιβεβαιώνεται ότι δεν θα έχουμε σύντομα και εύκολα επιθυμητό αποτέλεσμα. Δεν πρέπει να διαφεύγει της προσοχής μας ότι οι ρυθμοί ανάπτυξης του προγράμματος αυτού έχουν ενταθεί εξαιτίας δύο κυρίως φόβων που αισθάνεται ο ηγέτης της Βορείου Κορέας. Ο ένας είναι για τον εαυτό του και για το καθεστώς του και ο άλλος είναι για την επιβίωση της χώρας του, για την οποία θεωρεί ότι κινδυνεύει πρωτίστως από τις ΗΠΑ και δευτερευόντως από την Κίνα και τους άλλους γείτονες της Κορεατικής Χερσονήσου. Με βάση αυτή την πραγματικότητα, είναι ουτοπία να πιστεύουμε ότι θα έχουμε πλήρη αποπυρηνικοποίηση της Κορεατικής Χερσονήσου. Ο Kim Jong-un δεν θα πειστεί να περιορίσει τις πυρηνικές του δραστηριότητες εάν δεν είναι βέβαιος ότι πλέον ούτε ο ίδιος, ούτε η χώρα του κινδυνεύουν. Με βάση αυτή την πραγματικότητα πρέπει να κινηθούμε για να μπορέσουμε να περιορίσουμε τα προβλήματα που υπάρχουν στη χερσόνησο αυτή.


  Krisztina Morvai (NI). – Elnök Úr! Megrendítő emlékem, amikor iskolás koromban Berlinben laktam egy családnál, és ők a fal egyik oldalán laktak, és a fal másik oldalán laktak családtagjaik, látótávolságon belül. Ez jut eszembe akkor is, amikor a koreai delegáció tagjaként Koreába megyek. Az ottani személyes történetekből is halljuk, és hát tudjuk, hogy egy népről, egy nemzetről van szó, akik két külön világban élnek, egymástól elválasztva. Újraegyesítési minisztérium van mind a két Koreában, tehát ők hosszú távon az újraegyesítésben gondolkodnak. És ami nagyon fontos, hogy a háborút követően csak egy ideiglenes fegyverszüneti egyezmény született közöttük, és még mindig az van hatályban. Tehát a mi célunk a delegációval Deva úr vezetésével folyamatosan az volt, hogy rávegyük őket, hogy legalább egy hosszú távú békeszerződést kössenek, a teljesség igényével.


(Fine della procedura catch-the-eye)


  Monika Panayotova, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, this has been a very useful exchange and I would also like to thank the honourable Members for their interventions.

Based on the intervention by the Chair of the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET), Mr McAllister, I would also like to highlight the importance of Parliament in its role as a diplomatic actor. The EP delegation to Korea was clear evidence, once again, of the relevance of parliamentary diplomacy alongside the traditional one. So you are also playing an important role in the process.

For this debate, I would like to conclude that all we all share a common interest in achieving the goal of the complete, verifiable and irreversible de—nuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula through peaceful means. We will continue to support all diplomatic efforts to this end. We stand ready to work together with our key partners towards a negotiated solution and provide our support if requested, while keeping up the pressure on the DPRK to ensure that the country engages in a credible and meaningful dialogue. We look forward to the outcomes of the announced summit meetings.

May I close by signalling once again my appreciation of Parliament’s role in keeping this important issue on the international agenda.


  Presidente. – La discussione è chiusa.

Ultima actualizare: 30 iulie 2018Aviz juridic - Politica de confidențialitate