Пълен протокол на разискванията

Вторник, 29 май 2018 г. - Страсбург

17. Препоръка до Съвета, Комисията и заместник-председателя на Комисията/върховен представител относно Либия (разискване)

  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über den Bericht von Pier Antonio Panzeri im Namen des Ausschusses für auswärtige Angelegenheiten über die Empfehlung des Europäischen Parlaments an den Rat, die Kommission und die Vizepräsidentin der Kommission und Hohe Vertreterin der Union für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik zu Libyen (2018/2017(INI)) (A8-0159/2018).

  Pier Antonio Panzeri, Rapporteur. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, in queste ore la questione libica è tornata con forza all'ordine del giorno, anche per l'incontro di oggi organizzato dal Presidente francese Macron a Parigi, con una pluralità di soggetti e personalità libiche e di altri paesi, al quale tra l'altro era presente anche la signora Mogherini, l'Alto rappresentante.

La volontà di perseguire l'obiettivo di una stabilizzazione del paese credo possa essere un obiettivo comune, un obiettivo ambizioso, e penso che ciò possa essere maggiormente raggiunto se si lavora in un quadro europeo unitario, l'unico che può assicurare una riuscita positiva al progetto. Perché il buon senso è importante, ma da solo non basta a risolvere i problemi che abbiamo dinanzi.

La situazione in Libia è caratterizzata purtroppo ancora da fattori di forte instabilità, anche perché la continua influenza dei gruppi armati sulla politica e sull'economia è pericolosa, e se adesso non si oppone un po' di resistenza, rischia di aumentare.

Del resto dovrebbe essere evidente a tutti che, senza una stabilizzazione politica e istituzionale, molti dei problemi che vorremmo affrontare non troveranno soluzione, a partire da quelli migratori.

Per questo non ho dubbi, anche se so esserci un dibattito aperto sul tema elettorale, se prima bisogna avere una base costituzionale o se invece si può votare prima della base costituzionale. Io penso che una delle tappe fondamentali del progetto, del piano d'azione, sia l'organizzazione delle prossime consultazioni elettorali, che possano garantire la piena e condivisa partecipazione di tutte le componenti libiche. È scaturita, questa ipotesi, dal vertice di Parigi del 10 dicembre. Questo appuntamento costituisce un passaggio indispensabile per superare la fase di stallo e per giungere a condizioni minime di governabilità e sicurezza del paese, ponendo le basi per una successiva graduale stabilità.

La raccomandazione che proponiamo ha questi obiettivi. È frutto di una approfondita discussione, non semplice, non solo perché la Libia richiama su di sé un interesse molto alto, ma anche perché ci sono opinioni alquanto diverse sulle strategie da adottare per fornire un contributo alla stabilizzazione e alla democratizzazione del paese.

Nel redigere la raccomandazione abbiamo seguito alcuni criteri politici. Innanzitutto quello di fornire una coerenza con la politica estera europea interpretata dall'Alto rappresentante. Il secondo, sostenere l'azione dell'ONU, rappresentata da Salamé, che appare oggi, seppur tra mille difficoltà, l'unica strada percorribile per la Libia. La terza, garantire un sostegno a tutte quelle forze libiche interessate a trovare una soluzione politica per la Libia, con un'operazione di vera e propria conciliazione nazionale. Il quarto principio, ascoltare le richieste e le esortazioni che provengono dagli Stati membri che si affacciano sul Mediterraneo – in particolar modo l'Italia – che soffrono le conseguenze di una mancata stabilità del paese. E, infine, affrontare con realistica determinazione la questione dei migranti, inquadrandola in una strategia di più ampio respiro, che sia capace di coinvolgere più soggetti e che permetta di rispondere a temi per noi importantissimi, riguardanti i diritti delle persone e i diritti umani.

Ecco, l'obbiettivo della raccomandazione sembra dunque abbastanza chiaro: mettere in campo tutte le iniziative necessarie perché attorno all'azione delle Nazioni Unite si realizzi il consenso più largo per assicurare un futuro di stabilità alla Libia nei suoi assetti politici, istituzionali e costituzionali.

  Federica Mogherini, vicepresidente della Commissione/alto rappresentante dell'Unione per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli deputati, vorrei iniziare con un ringraziamento a Pier Antonio Panzeri, al vicepresidente Castaldo, alla presidente della delegazione per il Maghreb Ayala Sender e al presidente della commissione LIBE Claude Moraes per aver condotto questa importante visita a Tunisi e a Tripoli la scorsa settimana.

Per la prima volta da più di sei anni, il Parlamento europeo è tornato in Libia, e questo è un segno importantissimo dell'unità, di cui parlava l'onorevole Panzeri, dell'unità degli europei e delle istituzioni europee, innanzitutto nell'attenzione che prestiamo a ciò che succede in Libia e alla volontà di farlo, questo lavoro di sostegno e di attenzione alla Libia, innanzitutto con un ascolto a ciò che i nostri interlocutori libici stanno facendo e ci stanno dicendo e con una volontà di unire gli sforzi europei e dare un quadro unitario coerente dell'azione dell'Unione europea, dei propri Stati membri, delle proprie istituzioni a sostegno di un processo di transizione in Libia.

C'è questa determinazione forte e io vengo proprio in questo momento da Parigi, dove ho partecipato alla conferenza internazionale ospitata dal Presidente Macron e dove ho potuto portare questo impegno, questa determinazione europea di tutti gli europei e di tutte le istituzioni europee ad accompagnare questo momento particolarmente importante per un paese così vicino a noi come la Libia.

I believe both the recommendations and your visit are inspired by this attitude towards Libya, recognising that Libya is first of all, an important, vital, crucial country, not only for Africa and not only for the Mediterranean, but for Europe as well, and also that Libya is a rich country that would not need any help if it had not been transitioning for so long.

It is a rich country not only in terms of national resources, but, first and foremost, of human capital. It is home to millions of smart, diverse people who have had enough of the current instability and of this endless transition.

So we cannot make – and I am happy to say that we are not making – the mistake of looking at Libya and focusing on one issue only, be it migration or even security. Because the first duty we have – the first responsibility and even the first interest we have as Europeans – is to support Libya with Libyans and for the Libyans. Because there would be no other way to have a successful end to this instability in the country.

Libya needs reconciliation, it needs a clear, legitimate framework and it needs inclusive dialogue. It also needs economic investments, nationwide, strong legitimate institutions and job opportunities for the people. This is the spirit of the work you are currently doing, looking at the broad spectrum of issues that are on the table, dealing with the country. And this has always been our approach to Libya.

This was also the spirit of our meeting in Paris this morning. Hosted by President Macron, as I said, together with all the major Libyan players, for the first time gathered together we pledged, and they committed, to support a constitutional process leading to elections ideally during this year – you mentioned the date we agreed today of mid—December – and to unite Libya’s security forces, another aspect that is not at all irrelevant.

So we need to contribute now, in a united manner – Europeans, Arabs, Africans and neighbouring countries, under the umbrella of the United Nations – to this process, helping Libya to come out of this long transition. This is what the Libyans want, it is what they are asking for and what they deserve. I would add that it is also the responsibility of the Libyan leaders to respond and to deliver on this demand from the Libyan people.

The security situation in the country is improving slightly. The number of those killed in political violence has decreased sharply. There is a precarious, but real, calm in most of the country including Tripoli, even if in recent hours we have seen worrying events in Derna.

Terrorism has not been defeated yet. Last week, a car bomb killed seven people and injured 20 in Benghazi and at the beginning of the month terrorists struck the High National Elections Commission in Tripoli, killing 13 people, and it was an attack against all the Libyans committed to the democratic process. We have to make sure that this does not become an attack on the democratic process itself. And here international European support is essential because we have been working with the Libyan authorities to prepare and to accompany this democratic process.

We have been working with the Libyan authorities to help, first and foremost, to ensure that their security forces unite under civilian control and that they fully respect human rights. We have a long way to go, but I see the commitment there and I see some movement happening. Some militias will have to be integrated in the security forces through a proper vetting process. Others will have to lay down their weapons and Special Representative Salamé will soon present a strategy to this end to the UN Security Council.

We, as the European Union, can and must continue to support the United Nations in this respect, including through our civilian border assistance mission – EUBAM – that is now permanently established in Tripoli so is best placed to work with the Libyans on law enforcement, criminal justice and border management. I heard today from our Libyan interlocutors – all of them – words of gratitude and praise for the work the European Union is doing in this sector and others.

Uniting the security apparatus is not enough. Bolder action is also needed to enforce the UN arms and oil embargo and, as you know, Operation Sofia also plays an important role in this sector. The mandate of the operation is currently under review. By the end of this year we hope to reach a Council decision to extend and strengthen this mandate, where necessary.

But security is only one part of the picture, and our cooperation with the Libyans goes beyond that. The political process is probably priority number one and is also what we discussed in more depth this morning in Paris. As the European Union, we are currently working with the High National Elections Commission to prepare the electoral process.

It is thanks to the EU—UN partnership that the steps of preparing this process have been put in place so far and we intend to continue in this way. Technical preparations are ongoing. Voter registration has been completed with 2.5 million registered voters out of four, if I am not wrong, so it is a very encouraging starting point.

Libyans want – and deserve – to exercise their fundamental rights and choose their country’s future, but there are two points I also raised very clearly today in Paris with our Libyan interlocutors, all of them. First of all, the Libyans have to know what they are voting for. The powers of all institutions will have to be clarified in time. A president elected in a legal vacuum could be dangerous, and also because it is the first time the Libyans will elect a president. So its powers and its relations with the other branches of the power, including and first of all, the executive branch, have to be defined. This is why adopting the Constitution before the elections is essential to give clarity to the electoral process.

I know that in your visit to Tripoli you conveyed these messages to both the High Council of State and the House of Representatives and I know that you received assurances about the strong commitment. I have today heard encouraging voices in this respect.

The other thing that I made very clear today – and I know this is also a reflection of your work – is that elections need to take place in an environment that ensures and guarantees that the day after the election all those involved recognise the result. Elections that might be contested or disputed the day after might be counterproductive or, in any case and the best case, not let the country to move forward. This is why today – this morning in Paris – I asked all four Libyan leaders present to commit and engage in an electoral process, but also taking the responsibility of accepting the electoral results the day afterwards. I believe that this is the basis for a transparent, open and credible electoral process.

Libyans want an end to the transition. They made this very clear. They had more than 40 town hall meetings all over the country. We supported the organisation of these meetings. This is part of the work towards a national conference that should meet after the end of Ramadan. The initiative has come from the United Nations, the process is led on the ground by some NGOs, and the European Union is supporting – including financially – this process.

For the first time since the revolution, Libyans from all walks of life, all backgrounds and all different parts of the country have the opportunity to discuss their aspirations and the future of their country. We also support mediation activities between the tribes at community level, for example to ease the return home. I know that your delegation met, for instance, with the Mayor of Tawergha, who expressed his gratitude to the European Union.

As these processes move on, the economy is also slowing picking up, this was also confirmed by our Libyan interlocutors today. But conditions for ordinary people in Libya remain dire. Public services such as health care have been badly affected, and we have to make sure that the benefits of an economy that might restart, starting from the oil production, gets to the Libyan people on the ground.

So, in parallel to the work on security and for reconciliation, we are also engaged on the ground to revive local economies and create good jobs. We are working with the World Bank in particular to improve public finance management and with Expertise France to create new business opportunities. We are also supporting 22 municipalities across the country – I believe municipalities are key in this process – to help them rebuild their infrastructure and deliver better services. A new and ambitious project with EUR 50 million dedicated to it is under preparation in coordination with the Italian Cooperation.

We care about Libya, as you said, because we care about the people of Libya, but also because we know that caring about Libya is also the best investment in our own security and stability. I know that I taken too long, so I will probably stop here and leave other comments for the other parts of our debates. I thank you very much, but, first and foremost, thank you for the excellent work you have been doing together with other colleagues.

Puhetta johti HEIDI HAUTALA
varapuhemies

  Jaromír Štětina, za skupinu PPE. – Paní předsedající, Libye je výzva. Je testem pro maximální koordinaci různých nástrojů evropské politiky. Ta zahrnuje rozvoj, bezpečnost, migrační politiku, humanitární pomoc či boj proti terorismu.

Evropská unie je největším donorem v oblasti. Finančně se například podílí na všech projektech, které UNHCR na území provádí. Reálný vliv i povědomí o našem úsilí je však malé jak u obyčejných Libyjců, tak u našich občanů. Je třeba tuto situaci změnit. Jedním z kroků, které by tomu napomohly, je ve zprávě doporučované přesunutí delegace Evropské unie směrem do samotné Libye.

Evropská unie by měla nadále podporovat úsilí zvláštního zástupce Organizace spojených národů Ghassana Salamého v jeho úsilí stabilizovat zemi a proces národního usmíření. Je však třeba brát daleko více v potaz reálnou dynamiku v zemi. Pro stabilitu Libye je nutné pokračovat v podpoře misí a operací společné zahraniční a bezpečnostní politiky. Ty napomáhají nejen v boji proti převaděčství, obchodování s lidmi, v monitoringu zbrojního embarga Organizace spojených národů. Mise spolupracují s libyjskou stranou při vytváření komplexní strategie řízení hranic, těch mořských i jižních.

Pro provádění vyjmenovaných politik musí Evropská unie vyčlenit dostatečné zdroje, a to včetně příštího víceletého finančního rámce.

  Knut Fleckenstein, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die EU muss sich weiterhin bemühen, die Stabilität, die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung und die Sicherheit in Libyen für die Menschen vor Ort spürbar zu verbessern – beziehungsweise unseren Beitrag dazu zu leisten. Wir brauchen in Libyen vor allem politische Stabilität. Sie ist die Grundvoraussetzung für wirtschaftliche Entwicklung und bessere Lebensumstände für die Menschen vor Ort. Politische Stabilität kann aber nur erreicht werden, wenn ein inklusiver Aussöhnungsprozess in Gang gebracht wird. Daher ist es für uns wichtig, den UN-Aktionsplan für Libyen ohne Einschränkung zu unterstützen und unsere diplomatischen Bemühungen weiter zu vertiefen.

Wir kennen alle – und auch das gehört dazu – die Bilder von den Flüchtlingslagern in Libyen, die Bilder von Gewalt und Armut und Zerstörung. Wir verurteilen diese schlimme Menschenrechtsverletzungen zutiefst und wollen diese Bilder nicht mehr hinnehmen. Die weitreichenden Bemühungen der Hohen Vertreterin zusammen mit den Vereinten Nationen und der Afrikanischen Union haben es bereits ermöglicht, einige Flüchtlingslager in Libyen aufzulösen und über 15 000 Migranten aus Libyen in ihre Heimat zurückkehren zu lassen. Diese positive Entwicklung wollen wir auch mit Hilfe der libyschen Autoritäten fortsetzen.

  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, Madam High Representative, as we speak today, rival factions in Libya and their supporters are meeting in Paris for renewed talks at finding a road map for peace. One year on since President Macron also launched similar talks, we do hope on this occasion that there will be a more positive outcome.

The Panzeri report underlines that jointly, the Libya Political Agreement and the UN action plan remain the only credible solution to this crisis. Elections by the end of this year lie at the heart of those plans, and I welcome that this will be the key point under discussion in Paris. Ensuring that these elections are accepted by all in advance will be vital to preventing a repeat of the 2012 elections, which resulted bizarrely in rival competing administrations.

We need now to reach a point whereby an internationally recognised government reflects the situation on the ground, and not merely western aspirations. In this regard, we must take account of voter registration, which remains sadly at around only 50%, a figure that in my mind is insufficient to deliver a true legitimacy and credibility to any elected government. Providing a lateral support and assistance, therefore, is a practical EU measure that could be taken to ensure that the provisions are in place for any political solution that is eventually reached.

Secondly, I also note that Saif al-Islam Gaddafi has made a stated intention now to run in any elections. Given the ICC’s renewed calls this month for his arrest, such a presidential bid could pose genuine problems for ending impunity for war crimes committed by his family.

  Javier Nart, en nombre del Grupo ALDE. – Señora presidenta, yo creo que Libia es el perfecto paradigma de la irrelevancia del Parlamento y de la Unión Europea.

Nos hemos pasado años trabajando sobre la idealidad metafísica, el Gobierno de Fayez al-Sarrach, al que desconocen y no reconoce nadie en Libia, excepto en Nueva York y en Bruselas, y desconociendo la realidad sobre el terreno.

Yo recomendaría a cualquier diputado de este Parlamento que intentara caminar desde la sede de presidencia de Fayez al-Sarrach, por ejemplo, a la calle al-Baladia, en Trípoli: seguramente tendrá la ocasión de ser secuestrado diez veces cada cien metros por cualquiera de las milicias.

También le recomendaría, por ejemplo, que viajara de noche, sin guarda, sin protección, entre Tobruk y Bengasi, y se encontrará que no hay ningún problema, porque puede hacerlo. Yo lo hice sin problemas, sin dificultad.

¿Qué es lo que hemos hecho en el Parlamento Europeo? Hemos reconocido a quien desconocen en Libia —que es Fayez al-Sarrach— y lo hemos convertido en nuestro único actor. Y, claro, cuando uno trata de resolver un problema serio —porque se trata de muertos— simplemente pensando que la legalidad y la metafísica es lo que importa, la realidad es mucho más importante que nuestras propias ideas.

Hay una frase en español que dice: «Si la realidad contradice nuestras ideas, tanto peor para la realidad». El problema es que la realidad son muertos.

Y cuando yo escucho que existe un Gobierno en Libia, digo: y qué pasó con el acuerdo de Tauerga, adonde los africanos libios que allí vivían no pudieron volver, a pesar del acuerdo del Gobierno de Fayez al-Sarrach con sus propias milicias, que dicen que le obedecen y, en realidad, no le obedecen —las milicias de Misrata—, y que no se puede hacer.

¿Y qué nos cuentan de la batalla de Sebha entre las tribus aulad Suleimán, apoyadas por batallones de las milicias de Misrata, contra los tubús hace nada, hace unas pocas semanas?

El Gobierno de Fayez al-Sarrach es una ficción y el Parlamento Europeo ha trabajado con ficciones y la Comisión Europea ha trabajado con ficciones y la Guardia Costera no son más que los gánsteres locales reconvertidos en guardia costera, porque son las mismas personas que antes se dedicaban al tráfico de los propios inmigrantes.

Trabajemos con la realidad y dejemos de hacer metapolítica.

  Barbara Lochbihler, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Sie, Frau Hohe Vertreterin Mogherini, haben uns jetzt gerade von der Konferenz in Paris berichtet. Es soll eine gemeinsame Armee aufgebaut werden, es soll ein Verfassungsreferendum geben und man bereitet sich auf gemeinsame Wahlen – wahrscheinlich schon im Herbst – vor. Selbstverständlich begrüße ich diese jüngsten Entwicklungen. Doch aufgrund der instabilen Lage in Libyen ist es sehr schwierig, dass man hier zu schnellen Veränderungen oder Verbesserungen kommen kann. Ich denke da nur an diese mafiösen Milizen in Tripolis, die sich auch den Zugang verschafft haben durch die vielen schwachen staatlichen Institutionen. Werden sie wohl bereit sein, das leicht wieder aufzugeben? Ich hoffe es, aber ich habe meine Zweifel, dass es schnell gehen wird.

Klar ist auch, dass die Umsetzung der Pariser Vorschläge nur mit Hilfe der UNO gelingen kann. So ist auch in unserer Entschießung die UNO für den libyschen Friedensprozess ganz zentral, und wir heben das hervor. Wir fordern aber auch weiterhin eine aktive Rolle der EU, insbesondere in der Demokratieförderung und der Stärkung der Zivilgesellschaft. Allerdings enthält der Entschließungstext auch Positionen zur EU—Kooperation in Migrations- und Flüchtlingsfragen, denen wir als Grüne nicht zustimmen. So soll die Zusammenarbeit mit der libyschen Küstenwache verstärkt werden. Wir dürfen ja nicht vergessen, dass von der Küstenwache nach Libyen zurückgebrachte Menschen in Camps landen, wo sie nachweislich misshandelt und gefoltert werden. Derzeit ist sogar eine Klage gegen Italien am Europäischen Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte anhängig wegen der Verletzung der Pflicht zum Schutz vor Folter durch die Zusammenarbeit mit der libyschen Küstenwache.

  Javier Couso Permuy, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señora presidenta, esta Recomendación acerca de la situación en Libia recoge cuestiones que compartimos, como el hecho de que no hay una solución militar o que la estabilización vendrá de un acuerdo inclusivo nacional y regional.

Pero uno de los problemas es la no asunción del pecado original, el no entender que la crisis en Libia no es un fenómeno natural, sino que es fruto de una gestión nefasta tras una intervención criminal de la OTAN. El resultado: un Estado fallido donde reina el caos. De un país donante en África a un país cuya población necesita ayuda humanitaria; de un país seguro a un laberinto donde se asientan los grupos terroristas que se expanden por todo el Sahel.

Nos oponemos totalmente a la misión EUBAM, que supone armar a una pandilla de piratas y criminales para impedir la llegada de refugiados a Europa. El enfoque securitario no solucionará nada mientras no abordemos los problemas políticos, sociales y regionales que propició la intervención occidental que destruyó al Estado libio.

  Fabio Massimo Castaldo, a nome del gruppo EFDD. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Alto rappresentante, parlare di Libia è nel contempo complicato e necessario. Necessario perché nel nostro vicinato esiste un paese che dal 2011 è completamente destabilizzato, e cioè foriero di minacce che ci toccano direttamente. Complicato non solo per il quadro istituzionale disfunzionale e i numerosi attori interni ed esterni presenti, ma anche perché il contesto è in continuo divenire.

Per questo voglio esprimere le mie perplessità sia sulla forma che sui contenuti del vertice di Parigi, voluto dal Presidente Macron, replica rinforzata dei quello tenutosi, con scarsi risultati, nel luglio 2017. Credo fermamente che nessun paese, nemmeno tra i più influenti geopoliticamente, possa avere la presunzione e arrogarsi il diritto di imporre una soluzione per una crisi attraverso iniziative unilaterali.

Piuttosto che nuovi piani e proposte, credo che sia necessaria più che mai una posizione bilanciata e negoziata, una posizione soprattutto europea, che dia impulso a una road map che esiste già, ovvero quella delle Nazioni Unite. E questo messaggio, io e i miei colleghi lo abbiamo dato quando ci siamo recati a Tripoli. Fughe in avanti di singoli paesi rischiano solamente di complicare ulteriormente la situazione, fragilizzando i già precari equilibri esistenti.

Reintegrare, per quanto possibile, i singoli miliziani e non le milizie in un esercito unico e unificare gli esecutivi è la priorità, ma sull'opportunità di nuove elezioni entro il 2018, concordo con quanto detto dall'ambasciatore italiano in Libia e soprattutto ripetuto anche da tante ONG: prima di qualsiasi consultazione è fondamentale che vi sia l'approvazione di una nuova legge elettorale e di una Costituzione condivisa, oltre che condizioni di sicurezza migliori e certezza giuridica, se non vogliamo che tali elezioni moltiplichino le tensioni più che aiutare il paese.

La posta in gioco è altissima: solo nell'ultimo mese ci sono stati due attentati, uno a Tripoli e uno a Bengasi. E mentre parliamo sta emergendo una nuova minaccia, quella del gruppo radicale salafita dei madkhalisti, sempre più potente e trasversalmente radicato sul territorio.

Dobbiamo agire, ma dobbiamo farlo assieme e senza i soliti sotterfugi. Quello che è la Libia oggi e quanto successo nel 2011 dovrebbero essere un chiaro monito a non ripetere gli errori del passato.

  Marie-Christine Arnautu, au nom du groupe ENF. – Madame la Présidente, l’intervention criminelle en Libye, lancée à l’initiative de Nicolas Sarkozy, a eu une triple conséquence: la chute du régime Kadhafi, garant de l’unité libyenne, l’émergence de groupes proches de Daech, d’Al-Qaida ou des Frères musulmans, et l’invasion migratoire de l’Europe, accompagnée de ses morts en Méditerranée. Triste bilan pour une action menée au nom des droits de l’homme!

Les chancelleries occidentales ont entretenu ce chaos en jouant la carte du gouvernement d’entente nationale, soutenu par des milices mafieuses, contre le maréchal Haftar, pourtant reconnu par le parlement élu de Tobrouk.

À l’issue des pourparlers qui viennent de se tenir à Paris, plutôt que de formuler des vœux pieux, les autorités européennes devraient intensifier la lutte contre l’immigration clandestine sans se soucier des états d’âme de l’ONU et des activistes pro-migrants, avec un objectif clair: immigration zéro. Elles devraient coopérer avec les gardes-côtes libyens, sanctionner sévèrement les ONG complices des passeurs et, enfin, lever l’embargo sur les armes afin de donner à l’Armée nationale libyenne les moyens de sécuriser ce pays, condition préalable à la tenue des élections.

  David McAllister (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin, sehr verehrte Frau Hohe Vertreterin, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren! Viele der Vorrednerinnen und Vorredner haben bereits auf die katastrophale Lage in Libyen hingewiesen. Dem ist nichts hinzuzufügen. Aber es geht heute um die Frage, was wir als Europäische Union tun können. Dabei sind mir zwei Punkte wichtig. Ich möchte auch das aufgreifen, was die Hohe Vertreterin gesagt hat.

Erstens: Wir sollten als Europäische Union die Friedensbemühungen der Vereinten Nationen weiterhin vollumfänglich unterstützen. Es ist vor allen Dingen der Aktionsplan, der den Weg weist zu einer politischen nationalen Aussöhnung unter Einbeziehung aller wichtigen Akteure im Land. Und zweitens: Wir sollten als Europäische Union auch weiterhin unseren humanitären Verpflichtungen nachkommen. Im Februar dieses Jahres haben wir als Europäische Union drei neue Programme verabschiedet, um die Lage der Migranten vor allem in Libyen zu verbessern. Sie sind mit 150 Millionen Euro ausgestattet. Das ist ein wichtiger Schritt, wenn auch nur ein kleiner Schritt von vielen, um das Leben der Menschen in Libyen zu verbessern und das Land zu stabilisieren.

Liebe Federica Mogherini, ich glaube, wir alle, die hier anwesend sind, freuen uns über die Ergebnisse der Tagung heute in Paris, darüber, dass sich die einflussreichen politischen Kräfte im Land auf erste notwendige Reformschritte verständigt haben, und vor allen Dingen auf die Parlamentswahlen, die nach meinen Informationrn am 10. Dezember stattfinden sollen. Die Kollegin Lochbihler sprach vom September, ich denke, es ist der 10. Dezember – wie auch immer. Wenn diesen Worten nun auch Taten folgen, könnte die heutige Einigung ein entscheidender Schritt zur Versöhnung der Konfliktparteien sein.

Abschließend im Namen des gesamten Ausschusses ein herzliches Dankeschön an unseren Berichterstatter Herrn Panzeri für diesen umfassenden und aus meiner Sicht gut gelungenen Bericht.

  Claude Moraes (S&D). – Madam President, I would like to thank Ms Mogherini for her comments on the visits of myself, Ms Ayala Sender and Mr Castaldo to Libya. What this visit very much underlined is the central focus of my colleague Mr Panzeri’s report, which was, as we saw for ourselves, that the international community and the EU in particular must step up its efforts to support stabilisation in Libya. This is the central focus: it was what you said, it’s what Mr Panzeri is saying in his report. And this process is about peaceful elections and good governance. We heard repeatedly in our visit that people must accept the eventual outcome of those elections, and it really focuses on what everyone is saying and our colleagues from the Committee on Foreign Affairs have been working on – this holistic approach. Of course, the dominant media images and suffering that we saw in the Tariq al-Sika detention camps were very disturbing, but it is very, very obvious that there is a holistic approach required to solving many of these problems, and I wish everyone involved in this the very best.

I want to say from my committee very quickly that the question of arbitrary detention and human rights abuses are very obvious and detention must end. The whole question of the Libyan coast guard was one that we investigated very thoroughly: the question of the ‘do not harm’ principles; the question of access to services for migrant women and children; the question of Libyan authorities facilitating the regularisation of migrants living and working in Libya. This dominant issue is not going away. Yes, security is improving – I agree with what the High Commissioner has said. But this is a long-term battle and this element must be absolutely central.

I will say this finally: Libyans are suffering too and are leaving too, and this was a very sobering visit. Thank you all for the help, and I hope Mr Panzeri’s report is read most widely.

  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga (ECR). – Madam President, I wish Libya all the best, although taking into account the complexity of its problems, I am not very optimistic. I would like to raise one issue: Libya is also a rich country in terms of its sovereign wealth, which was frozen in 2011. The obligation of the international community is to reinvest the interest and dividends in a proper way, enabling us to return them in proper shape when time allows.

  Marie-Christine Vergiat (GUE/NGL). – Madame la Présidente, je partage en grande partie l'analyse du rapport Panzeri. Seule une approche inclusive associant tous les acteurs, sans oublier les acteurs locaux, peut aboutir à une solution en Libye. Il serait bien que les gouvernements européens, certains gouvernements européens, cessent leurs initiatives intempestives pouvant saper le travail de l'ONU. Mais le soutien au seul gouvernement d’entente nationale ne peut aboutir à une solution. Quelle partie du territoire contrôle-t-il? Qui représente-t-il, tout comme les quatre principaux acteurs du conflit libyen réunis à Paris?

Toute mesure passant par les quelques gardes-côtes de ce gouvernement, qui ne sont que ceux de Tripoli, est vouée à l'échec et risque de déboucher sur de nouvelles violations des droits de l'homme. On l'a vu le 6 novembre 2017, lors d'une opération de sauvetage menée par Sea Watch. Vingt personnes seraient mortes à la suite de leur intervention et les survivants, à leur retour en Libye, auraient été placés en détention, torturés et vendus. La Cour européenne des droits de l’homme a été saisie de cette affaire.

Il faut donc geler les financements européens dans ce domaine tant qu’aucune évaluation sérieuse n'aura pas été effectuée, geler le projet SAR et refuser tout refoulement vers la Libye, y compris, Madame la haute représentante, depuis le Niger, comme cela vient d'être fait pour 145 Darfouriens. J'ai déposé des amendements en ce sens et je remercie mes collègues de bien vouloir les soutenir.

  Jörg Meuthen (EFDD). – Frau Präsidentin, verehrte Kollegen! Libyen ist das Paradebeispiel für die gescheiterte europäische Außen- und Migrationspolitik. Seit der militärischen Intervention 2011 ist Libyen im Chaos versunken und wurde afrikanisches Tor in die EU. Dieses Tor müssen wir schließen. Wir brauchen die Festung Europa. Wir müssen erstens unsere Zugbrücke hochziehen, wir müssen zweitens die Migranten nach Libyen zurückbringen, welche die EU von dort aus erreichen.

An beiden Aufgaben ist die Europäische Union gescheitert. Italien hat selbst ein Abkommen mit Libyen geschlossen. Beitrag der EU: null. So auch bei Rückführungen nach Libyen – die finden faktisch nicht statt. Und das größte Versagen: Die EU schützt ihre Grenzen immer noch nicht selbst. Der Grenzschutz ist an Libyen und nordafrikanische Staaten ausgelagert. Noch immer – nach Jahren der Krise – gilt: Wer es aus dem Mittelmeer schafft, hat einen Freifahrtschein in die Mitgliedstaaten der EU und deren Sozialsysteme. Das ist schier unglaublich!

  Андрей Ковачев (PPE). – Г-жо Председател, г-жо Върховен представител, установяването на мирна и стабилна ситуация в Либия е въпрос от изключителна важност както за самата Либия, така и за нашата собствена сигурност. Ето защо е крайно необходимо да продължим да подпомагаме стабилизирането на страната чрез предоставяне както на икономическа, така и на институционална помощ, и, разбира се, да подкрепяме плана за действие на ООН за Либия. Нужно е помирение между различните враждуващи страни в държавата. Днес е един ден на надежда за Либия. Основата за провеждането на тези парламентарни и президентски избори, които според договорките от днес трябва да са на десети декември, трябва да бъде един конституционен референдум и избирателен закон, но най-важното е да се спазват договорките между враждуващите страни.

За нас е важно, разбира се, и южната граница на нашия Европейски съюз да бъде добре охранявана. Тероризмът няма граници, така и борбата с тероризма не може да има също граници. Най-добрите инструменти срещу тероризма, срещу насилието, срещу екстремизма, това са помирението и икономическият просперитет за младите хора, особено в Африка и особено в Либия. Трябва да се надяваме, че това, което се постигна днес в Париж, ще бъде не само оставено на хартия, но ще се случи и в действителност. Европейският съюз, и аз съм убеден, Вие ще продължите да работите в тази насока. Желая ви успех, желая успех държавността в Либия да бъде отново възстановена и разбира се, сигурността за европейските граждани.

  Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). – Señora presidenta, señora Mogherini, gracias también por la información que nos acaba de dar, y felicito al señor Panzeri por su informe.

Libia es un país muy importante envuelto en una gravísima crisis política y de seguridad que, además, afecta a la región mediterránea, al Sahel —vecino del sur— y a la propia Unión Europea. Son numerosos los diversos tráficos ilícitos que transcurren por ese enorme territorio, en el que son tan escasas las estructuras estatales eficientes, y esos tráficos luego se proyectan más allá de Libia.

La Unión Europea tiene que contribuir lo más posible a encontrar soluciones. Tenemos que seguir apoyando los esfuerzos del representante especial del secretario general, el señor Salamé. Es necesaria una solución política, no parece haber solución militar.

Pero hay que ser realistas, contar con las realidades existentes sobre el terreno, conducir un proceso político inclusivo y poner en pie las estructuras del Estado.

Ya sé que hay un proceso de diálogo político funcionando desde la base en distintos lugares de la geografía del país en el marco de la llamada Conferencia Nacional. También hay algunas elecciones locales exitosas como en Zauiya, la cuarta ciudad del país, que serán seguidas por consultas en otros municipios.

Pero cuando leí el briefing que el pasado 21 de mayo el representante especial, el señor Salamé, hizo al Consejo de Seguridad sobre la situación en Libia, me quedó claro que junto a algunas luces subsisten todavía demasiadas sombras, muchos problemas sin resolver.

Vuelve usted de París, señora Mogherini, de la Conferencia allí con cierto optimismo. Es cierto que los acuerdos de la reunión, en especial lo que nos ha contado sobre el compromiso de elecciones presidenciales y legislativas en diciembre —tres meses antes, creo, habrá una ley electoral—, permiten abrigar una cierta esperanza.

Lo cierto es que todos tenemos que contribuir a buscar una solución para este país, incluidos también los otros países árabes involucrados en esta crisis.

  Željana Zovko (PPE). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, Libija i njezina geostrateška pozicija ključna je za stabilnost cijele sjeverne Afrike i Mediterana. Nisu problem samo njezine granice prema Mediteranu nego i granice prema zemljama s institucijama u raspadu koje su izvor migrantskih valova. U tom pogledu, s ciljem rješavanja krize, tražimo jači angažman Europske unije uz učinkovitiju mobilizaciju sredstava za vanjsko financiranje u pomoći obnovi institucija, infrastrukture i civilnog društva te rješavanje ključnih uzroka migracija koji preko te zemlje stižu u Europu.

Europa mora osigurati bezrezervnu potporu u provedbi Akcijskog plana UN-a za Libiju s ciljem postizanja nacionalnog pomirenja. Prioritet je uspostava funkcionalne vlade s policijom i vojskom kako bi zaštitili svoje granice. Europa se ne čuva samo na granicama Schengena nego i na granicama Libije. Moramo jačati borbu protiv krijumčarskih skupina i trgovaca robljem kao ključna rješenja za smanjenje migrantskih pritiska na Europu.

Otklanjanje uzroka iregularnih migracija i budućih nestabilnosti u Europi počinju u stabilnoj Libiji, kao i na stabilnom Balkanu preko kojeg se, vidimo ovih dana, otvara nova migrantska ruta prema Europi.

Mi smo najveći kontributor razvojne pomoći, kako u svijetu tako u Libiji i Siriji. Moramo biti ambiciozniji protagonist u donošenju rješenja za stabilnost ovih zemalja, iz kojih se izvozi nestabilnost prema Europi. Vrijeme je za jasnije artikuliranje i zauzimanje stava po ovom pitanju na međunarodnoj sceni kako bi i našim građanima bilo jasnije što se čini u njihovo ime.

  Емил Радев (PPE). – Г-жо Председател, уважаема г-жо Върховен представител, близо осем години след започване на революцията в Либия страната все още е разделена и нейните граждани дават ежедневни жертви заради нападенията на враждуващите фракции. Време е Европейският съюз да има ясна, последователна и най-вече проактивна политика спрямо Либия, като окаже безрезервна подкрепа на признатото от ООН правителство на Файез ал-Сараж с цел възстановяване на държавността в страната.

На правителството трябва да бъде оказана продължителна техническа и финансова помощ в борбата срещу Ислямска държава, както и срещу трафикантите на хора. За целта Европейският съюз и държавите членки следва да увеличат действията си за гарантиране на сигурността на либийските граници, особено морските такива, чрез предоставяне на необходимата техника и чрез обучителни програми за либийските гранични служители.

Изключително е важно мандатът на европейската мисия EUBAM в Либия да бъде продължен и след 31 декември 2018 г., и при първа възможност мисията да бъде преместена обратно в Либия, за да бъде по-ефективна. Дами и господа, нужно е впрягане на всички ресурси, с които разполага Европейският съюз, за да помогне на официалното правителство да върне Либия сред мирните държави.

Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot

  Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). – Paní předsedající, já bych chtěla především poděkovat panu Panzerimu, našemu kolegovi, za jeho zprávu, která je skutečně komplexní a velmi dobře popisuje současný stav i vývoj v Libyi.

Paní vysoká představitelko, chci vám také poděkovat za aktuální zprávu z jednání z Paříže. Samozřejmě potřebujeme, aby Libye byla stabilním partnerem a měla demokratickou vládu. Libye je klíčová pro zadržení migrantů. Je důležité, aby se s uprchlíky v této zemi zacházelo lidsky a aby nevznikali noví uprchlíci, aby se zde bojovalo proti překupníkům lidí.

V nepřehledné situaci je tedy důležité podpořit akční plán Organizace spojených národů pro Libyi z roku 2017. Jak jste sama řekla, Libye je bohatá země, a proto je potřeba zapojit mladé lidi do obnovy této společnosti, bránit tomu, aby byli manipulováni, aby byli zapojeni do trestné činnosti a terorismu. Je v zájmu všech podpořit znovuobnovení této země a demokratické volby.

  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Paní předsedající, já jsem velmi pozorně poslouchal celou debatu a vystoupení paní Mogheriniové. Děkuji za tu zprávu, kterou jsme dnes dostali o aktuálním vývoji v Paříži. Nicméně je třeba tady říci, že zatím se situace v Libyi příliš dobře nevyvíjí. Příslib předčasných voleb je skvělý, ale k samotným volbám je velmi daleko, bude třeba podpořit aktéry, aby proces přípravy voleb proběhl objektivně, aby volby proběhly nezávisle a hlavně, jak už jste řekla sama, paní Mogheriniová, aby jednotliví aktéři volební výsledek uznali.

Tedy to dnešní jednání je dobrým příslibem, ale prosím, buďme nyní velmi aktivní v rámci celého procesu k svobodným volbám v Libyi a neponechejme to pouze na jednotlivých aktérech občanské války v Libyi.

Musím říci, jak vnímám atmosféru v České republice, mnoho občanů České republiky, Evropanů, má pocit, že Evropská unie v situaci v Libyi může být aktivnější a mohli jsme udělat už více pro to, aby se atmosféra a situace v této zemi vyřešila.

  Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η στρατιωτική επέμβαση της Δύσης το 2011 στη Λιβύη διέλυσε κυριολεκτικά τη χώρα αυτή. Επικρατεί πλέον εμφύλιος πόλεμος, δρουν δουλέμποροι, έχουμε μια περιοχή από όπου ξεκινούν τεράστιες μεταναστευτικές ροές, παραβίαση ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων, δουλεμπόριο, διάλυση κάθε ειρηνικής διαδικασίας. Θεωρώ σημαντικές τις πρωτοβουλίες και του ΟΗΕ και της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και, βεβαίως, τη Διάσκεψη των Παρισίων για τη διαμόρφωση μιας λύσης στα θέματα της Λιβύης. Να υπάρξει εθνική συμφιλίωση, να υπάρξει ένα μήνυμα ότι οι πλουτοπαραγωγικές πηγές της χώρας θα αξιοποιηθούν από τους ίδιους τους κατοίκους της χώρας, ότι θα υπάρξει διάλογος χωρίς αποκλεισμούς, επενδύσεις, δουλειές για τη νέα γενιά και, φυσικά, αποκατάσταση των θεσμών, κοινοβούλιο, κεντρική τράπεζα και όλοι οι αναγκαίοι θεσμοί για τη λειτουργία ενός δημοκρατικού καθεστώτος και, φυσικά, ελεύθερες εκλογές.

  Patricia Lalonde (ALDE). – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Haute représentante, chers collègues, le rapport de M. Panzeri arrive à point nommé, au moment même où le président français réunit aujourd’hui les deux hommes forts du pays, Fayez Al-Sarraj et le maréchal Khalifa Haftar, les principales forces politiques du pays et, bien évidemment, les Nations unies.

Cette initiative est bienvenue, car il est temps de trouver une sortie de crise en Libye pour mettre fin au chaos qui règne depuis 2011 et l’Europe doit en être le moteur. Une feuille de route engageant les parties en Libye sur l’organisation d’élections générales, libres et crédibles, devrait être signée. Des signes encourageants existent concernant, notamment, le processus d’enregistrement sur les listes électorales, malgré les derniers attentats. Il ne faut pas contraindre le calendrier des élections pour la fin de l’année, car la priorité est de faire en sorte que celles-ci se déroulent dans de bonnes conditions de sécurité, qu’elles soient transparentes et que tout le monde accepte leur résultat. Il faut que la participation soit élevée, qu’une commission électorale en fixe les règles, et surtout qu’une constitution soit adoptée par référendum, afin qu’elle puisse être en place au moins pour les élections présidentielles.

Il faut faire vite et il faut faire bien, car la population libyenne s’appauvrit et toute la Libye est en proie à une multiplication de milices ou de groupes œuvrant pour la criminalité internationale.

  Ana Gomes (S&D). – Senhora Presidente, a catástrofe na Líbia não tem fim à vista enquanto a União Europeia insistir numa política mistificadora, financiando supostas guardas costeiras líbias, que mais não são do que milícias armadas, as mesmas que traficam e torturam migrantes e oprimem a população. Não existem guardas costeiras, nem forças de segurança sob controlo de um governo que não governa ou de um criminoso como Haftar.

A segurança e a defesa europeias e o alívio do sofrimento do povo líbio passam por investirmos no que até aqui negligenciámos: a reforma do sector de segurança que implica desmobilização e desarmamento das milícias. Sem isto, não haverá governação, nem estratégia de transição que leve a eleições na Líbia, nem travaremos terroristas do Daesh e da Al-Qaeda ou os salafistas Madkhali cada vez mais entrincheirados na Líbia.

É indispensável abrir canais de migração controlados, seguros, legais, para não continuarmos a alimentar o negócio das máfias traficantes. É preciso que ONU, ACNUR e AOM reforcem a sua intervenção na Líbia, com o apoio de forças militares que têm que integrar contribuições europeias e africanas.

  Τάκης Χατζηγεωργίου (GUE/NGL). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, θέλω και εγώ να ευχαριστήσω τον κύριο Panzeri για την πολλή και σημαντική δουλειά του. Αγαπητή κυρία Mogherini, δεν ξέρω τι άλλο μπορεί να προσθέσει κανείς στις γνώσεις σας. Νομίζω ότι, δυστυχώς, ξέρετε πολύ περισσότερα και έχετε δει πολύ περισσότερα για τη Λιβύη από όσα όλοι μαζί εδώ μέσα. Όμως, θέλω να προσθέσω μια δυο ιδέες που ίσως σε κάποιο βαθμό ακούστηκαν. Αν θέλει και αν μπορεί να βοηθήσει η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση είναι με την παρουσία της εκεί. Όχι μόνο με τις επισκέψεις. Επίμονη παρουσία προς την κατεύθυνση της παιδείας, προς την κατεύθυνση του να έρθουν κοντά αντιμαχόμενες φατρίες, πολιτικές και στρατιωτικές, προς την κατεύθυνση των επενδύσεων. Αν δεν επαναδραστηριοποιηθεί η οικονομία, αν δεν έρθουν κοντά έντονα διαφορετικές απόψεις μέσα στη χώρα, νομίζω, και το ξέρετε και η ίδια, αυτό θα πάρει ακόμα πάρα πολλά χρόνια. Επιμονή στο θέμα της συμφιλίωσης μέσα στη χώρα, στις επενδύσεις, στην παιδεία.

  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος (NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, ο εσφαλμένος τρόπος με τον οποίον επενέβη στρατιωτικά αρχικά η γαλλική η κυβέρνηση του Προέδρου Σαρκοζί στη Λιβύη και στη συνέχεια και άλλες χώρες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ενώσεως, όπως η Αγγλία, η Γερμανία αλλά και οι ΗΠΑ, αποτέλεσαν τη βασική αιτία για την οποία υπάρχει αυτή η χαώδης κατάσταση αυτή τη στιγμή στη χώρα. Η Λιβύη ήταν και εξακολουθεί να είναι μία πλούσια χώρα, η οποία προσπαθούσε να έρθει σε διαπραγματεύσεις με την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Όμως, αυτή τη στιγμή έχει εξελιχθεί στην κύρια είσοδο λαθρομεταναστών από την αφρικανική ήπειρο στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Παράλληλα, η αδυναμία να συνεργαστούν μεταξύ τους οι πολλές ένοπλες ομάδες που υπάρχουν, οι διαμάχες μεταξύ των φυλών, η αδυναμία να καταπολεμηθεί η τρομοκρατία, και η κατάσταση η οποία επικρατεί αυτή τη στιγμή δεν αφήνουν περιθώρια για να βελτιωθούν τα πράγματα. Είναι ουτοπία να πιστεύουμε ότι θα μπορέσουμε να επιλύσουμε το πρόβλημα της Λιβύης. Είναι καλή η παρέμβαση του ΟΗΕ και της Ευρωπαϊκής Ενώσεως και ας συνεχιστεί τουλάχιστον για να μη χειροτερεύσει η κατάσταση.

(Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot päättyvät)

  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Madam President, I think that for once Mr Panzeri has performed a sort of miracle in uniting the chamber around not only his report, but also the common work with Libya, for Libya.

I will touch upon a few specific points that were raised either in comments or questions, and specify, maybe in a better way than I’ve done previously, the sequencing and the meaning of the Paris meeting in relation to the overall work we are doing in the international community.

First of all, the specific points that were raised: transfer of the EU delegation to Tripoli. We have been working on that constantly over the last months and I would hope and expect, to be able to give you good news in the coming weeks. In the meantime, some of you asked for EUBAM to be present in Libya. As I said in my opening remarks, EUBAM is present in Libya, and has been operating now from Tripoli for several weeks. This is a major asset we have, because day-to-day work, especially with the border management agency and the criminal justice sector, is much more effective on the ground than from Tunis.

Second, some of you referred to the role of the militias. As I said, but I want to underline this, it is clear to all that some of the members of the militias will need to be disarmed. This is an effort that is always complicated at the end of a transition of a conflict. It is also an aspect in which the European Union and the Member States have relevant know-how and competence. We have been working on this with several different conflict areas and crisis areas in the world. Tomorrow this chamber will be listening to President Santos, and he might tell us something interesting about how a disarmament process can be conducted, and we have also supported and helped there, so there is a way of doing this.

It is not easy. It is never easy. On top of that, we are talking about Libya, which I hope everybody understands is different to talking about Norway. It is a different kind of country. Some of the militia members will need to be integrated in one security force under civilian responsibility. This is also what has been discussed in Paris and this is mainly what the UN Special Representative is working on with our active accompanying role and support because, as I said, we have a specific competence and know-how in this.

The third point that was mentioned and that I intentionally didn’t touch upon in my opening remarks is the issue of migration. I didn’t touch upon this because we have discussed several times the situation of migrants inside Libya, and I believe that for once Libya deserved a discussion on Libya and Libyans, and not purely focused on the situation of migrants in the country. Even if we know very well that solving the Libyan crisis would also be the best possible way to fight the traffickers’ networks, to save lives, and to guarantee a sustainable, manageable, humane approach to this.

But as many of you said, we have now established, for the first time ever, a good pattern of work. Thanks to the task force we – the European Union, the African Union and, the United Nations – established last November, the three of us have managed in a few months, working on the ground, to help save 26 000 people from the detention centres. They have been able to return to their home countries voluntarily in an accompanied manner through the IOM, with European Union support.

And another 1 600 people who were in the detention centres and who have been assessed as in need of international protection, with the status of refugees, through the UNHCR, have been evacuated with a view to their resettlement. And as you know, we have also been providing resettlement opportunities inside the European Union and helping the UNHCR to find other resettlement opportunities around the world.

It is the first time ever that work like this has accomplished, and this has been possible over the last few months thanks to an unprecedented partnership between the European Union, the United Nations and the African Union. And just last week in Brussels, when we had the college-to-college meeting between the European Commission and the African Union Commission, we decided to extend the work of this task force, so we will continue working together on the ground in Libya. And this is something we also discussed today with our Libyan interlocutors in Paris.

Last but not least, two points, one on the elections. It is clear, first of all, as Mr Castaldo mentioned, that elections need to take place in the context of a constitution and constitutional clarity under electoral law. I made it very clear not only in Paris, but also in my opening remarks here. And the EU is now already providing supporting for the elections. It is the European Union that is supporting the UN’s work on the ground to prepare this road.

As you know better than anyone else, we have a certain experience in accompanying countries in difficult situations to build up their way to credible elections. We have also committed to increasing our support for the organisation of the elections and, eventually, if the conditions are in place, we will contribute by sending an electoral observation mission to Libya.

The last point but not the least, the most important one. Some of you referred to a Paris agenda: let me be very clear on this. The reason for the meeting this morning in Paris – very clearly specified and laid down by President Macron – is to support the UN work and to support the UN road map. There is no competition between agendas here.

It’s a matter of uniting forces for a coherent, regional and international accompanying work to the UN, because we realised that if the regional organisations, the neighbouring countries, starting from the European Union, the African Union, the Arab League, all the neighbouring countries in Africa but also in Europe, do not join forces to accompany every single step of the work done by the UN and by the Libyans, the entire agenda of the UN road map risks slowing down. And Libyan partners risk referring to one interlocutor or the other to take a slightly different path. So the unity of the international forces and the unity of the regional actors – starting from the European Union, the Arab League and the African Union – is essential to support the work of Salamé of and of the United Nations.

This is the sense of the meeting that I had this morning and this road map leading to elections hopefully – inshallah as we would say – on 10 December, can work only if there is: commitment and responsibility by the Libyans and their country’s various institutions and leaders; unity of international and regional actors to accompany and support this work; and all of this converging under the UN umbrella and leadership. If we have these three conditions in place, I believe that commitments can turn into concrete steps that would help lift the country out of the crisis.

In all of this, the role of the European Parliament will continue to be essential, so the praise for the excellent report and recommendations of Mr Panzeri should turn into a plea to continue the work actively supporting this process, especially as Libya heads, hopefully, towards elections. The role of the European Parliament in accompanying this process will continue to be key, it will actually become even more essential, so we count on you.

  Pier Antonio Panzeri, Relatore. –Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ringrazio l'Alto rappresentante Federica Mogherini e sono completamente d'accordo con le sue conclusioni.

Mi fermo solo brevemente su tre considerazioni. Confesso che trovo sempre suggestive le narrazioni dell'on. Nart e questo suo richiamare alla realtà sul campo lo considero sempre importante e da condividere, ma credo che sia d'accordo con me che proprio questa realtà ci impone di accelerare il processo di riconciliazione e di predisporre rapidamente una road map in grado di favorire una stabilizzazione del paese, ed è quello che indichiamo in qualche modo in questa raccomandazione.

Seconda considerazione sulle elezioni, lo dico a Castaldo, non perdiamoci attorno al fatto se è nato prima l'uovo o la gallina. Sono d'accordo che è necessaria assolutamente una legge elettorale senza la quale è difficile avere una base, ma sulla Costituzione possiamo anche lavorare per avere solo una prima lettura generale e poi avere una conferma dopo. Il voto e il riconoscimento dell'esito è, per quanto mi riguarda, essenziale per assicurare minime condizioni di governabilità alla Libia.

Infine, la questione migratoria è un problema molto serio che è stato anche accertato dalla visita della delegazione del Parlamento europeo, e so che c'è questa discussione intorno alla Guardia costiera e alla missione dell'Unione europea, tra l'altro vi è un impegno di revisione strategica entro l'anno della missione EUBAM e Sophia, e lì discuteremo effettivamente su cosa va aggiornato e cambiato.

Alcuni emendamenti sono stati accolti sul tema dell'immigrazione, anche se, e lo dico con molta serietà, non possiamo caricare sulla Libia e sui paesi mediterranei, in particolar modo l'Italia, l'assenza di una politica comune europea sull'immigrazione, che mi auguro il prossimo Consiglio del 28 e 29 affronti adeguatamente.

In definitiva, sono convinto che abbiamo tutte le condizioni, come diceva l'Alto rappresentante, con questa raccomandazione per portare il nostro contributo, il contributo del Parlamento europeo al processo di stabilizzazione della Libia.

  Puhemies. – Keskustelu on päättynyt.

Äänestys toimitetaan keskiviikkona 30.5.2018.

Kirjalliset lausumat (työjärjestyksen 162 artikla)

  Andrea Bocskor (PPE), írásban. – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony/Úr! Líbia kapcsán támogatom az ENSZ-vezette rendezési folyamatot, Salamé különmegbízott tevékenységét és terveit. Egyetértek, hogy segítséget kell nyújtani a líbiai kormánynak a politikai egyetértés megteremtésére és a biztonság garantálására. Fontosnak tartom, hogy a jelentés hangsúlyozza a regionális szereplőkkel és a szomszédos országokkal kapcsolatos diplomáciai erőfeszítések fokozását annak biztosítására, hogy ezek hozzájáruljanak a líbiai válság pozitív rendezéséhez. Egyetértek a líbiai válság tágabb, regionális és pánafrikai összefüggésben történő vizsgálatával is, szem előtt tartva Líbia kulcsfontosságú szerepét Észak-Afrika, a Száhel-övezet és a Földközi-tenger térségének stabilitása szempontjából.

Magyarország bizakodó Líbia politikai rendezésének kérdésében, ezt mi sem mutatja jobban, mint hogy a múlt évben mi újranyitottuk tripoli nagykövetségünket is! Az EU-tagállamok többségének nagykövetsége évek óta nem tért vissza a térségbe. Emellett Magyarország szerint Líbia déli határainak a védelmére komoly figyelmet kell fordítani. Azonban a migrációt illetően sarkalatos pontnak tartom, hogy a jelentés abban látja a Líbián keresztüli és Líbiából induló irreguláris migráció hosszú távú megoldását, hogy a Tanács, a Bizottság és Mogherini Asszony határozza meg a közvetlen áttelepítéseken alapuló nemzetközi migrációs folyamatok jogalapját. Véleményem szerint a jövőben a menedékkérők Unión kívülről történő áttelepítése továbbra is csak önkéntes alapon történhet. Többek közt ezért nem találom elfogadhatónak a jelentést.

  Jarosław Wałęsa (PPE), na piśmie. – Sytuacja polityczna i społeczno-gospodarcza w Libii jest bardzo trudna oraz skomplikowana. Dlatego Parlament Europejski zgodnie z omawianym zaleceniem zamierza udzielić Europejskiej Służbie Działań Zewnętrznych, Komisji Europejskiej i Radzie Europejskiej wskazówek dotyczących sposobu postępowania w zakresie omawianego tematu.

Unia Europejska pomaga w politycznej transformacji Libii w kierunku utworzenia stabilnego i dobrze działającego państwa oraz zapewnia pomoc w celu przywrócenia skutecznego zarządzania państwem oraz poprawy warunków społeczno-gospodarczych. Dzięki partnerom działającym w ramach wyżej wymienionego obszaru, takim jak Międzynarodowa Organizacja ds. Migracji (IOM) i Wysoki Komisarz Narodów Zjednoczonych ds. Uchodźców (UNHCR), UE regularnie zwiększa pomoc humanitarną, aby sprostać także wyzwaniom migracyjnym w Libii.

W związku z powyższym na marginesie szczytu Unii Europejskiej i Unii Afrykańskiej w listopadzie 2017 r. UE wraz z UA i Organizacją Narodów Zjednoczonych utworzyły wspólną grupę zadaniową, aby przyspieszyć zarówno program Międzynarodowej Organizacji ds. Migracji (IOM) w zakresie wspomaganych dobrowolnych powrotów, jak i mechanizm awaryjnego tranzytu Wysokiego Komisarza ONZ ds. Uchodźców (UNHCR). UE przeznaczyła z budżetu 182 mln EUR na projekty związane z migracją, 162 mln EUR w ramach unijnego funduszu powierniczego dla Afryki (EUTF) oraz 20 mln EUR w ramach pomocy dwustronnej.