Celotno besedilo 
Dobesedni zapisi razprav
Torek, 12. junij 2018 - Strasbourg Pregledana izdaja

15. Zasedena gruzijska ozemlja deset let po ruski invaziji (razprava)
Video posnetki govorov

  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärung der Vizepräsidentin der Kommission und Hohen Vertreterin der Union für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik zum Thema „Besetzte Gebiete in Georgien zehn Jahre nach der Invasion durch Russland“ (2018/2741(RSP)).


  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, ten years after the war in 2008 in Georgia, we, as the European Union, have not stopped working for peace and for a true solution to the conflict. I thank this Parliament for having this debate today.

At the height of the war, the mediation of the European Union (you might remember that) prevented further escalation and ultimately resulted in a cessation of hostilities. Since then, the European Union has been a central actor in the process to manage the consequences of the conflict, to improve the lives of all people in the region and to find a lasting solution.

We have, as the European Union, a very special role to play, particularly because of our European Union monitoring mission to Georgia. To date, we are the only international monitoring presence in the field. The mission has fulfilled an indispensable function of stabilisation, to the benefit of all the communities afflicted by the conflict. The mission can currently count on over 200 civilian experts in areas adjacent to Georgia’s breakaway regions. Its mandate is not only to monitor the stabilisation and normalisation processes but also to actively build confidence, reduce tensions and prevent new escalations.

As we work on the ground with the mission, we continue, also, to have a strong non-recognition policy. We continue to condemn Russia’s recognition of Georgia’s breakaway regions, and very recently the Syrian Arab Republic also announced that it would establish diplomatic relations with Abkhazia and South Ossetia, and we immediately condemned this move, together with the entire international community. It is a violation of international law and it will only make the resolution of the conflict more difficult to achieve.

We are also denouncing the steps taken by Moscow to consolidate what it calls new realities on the ground. Among other things, we do not accept Russia’s military build-up in the breakaway entities and its construction of physical barriers on the dividing lines.

All our actions aim at improving the life of all people in the region. Together with the OSCE and with the United Nations, we continue to steer the Geneva international discussions to address the consequences of the conflict. The European Union special representative for the South Caucasus and the crisis in Georgia co-chairs these talks, with a focus on ensuring security and stability on the ground, as well as tackling humanitarian issues that impact on the life of the local population.

Progress in these discussions is limited, as you might know, in particular when they address improved modalities for security and stability, but also issues related to internally-displaced persons and refugees. In spite of this, the discussions have helped make the security situation on the ground relatively manageable. Above all, the discussions are an opportunity for us to remind participants – starting with the Russian authorities – that the situation is unsustainable and unacceptable. It is not only unacceptable for the violation of international law, but first and foremost for the impact it has on all the people in the two entities, elsewhere in Georgia and in the entire region.

Of course, our engagement with Georgia goes well beyond our monitoring mission and also well beyond the Geneva discussions. It is a true partnership – I would say friendship – a strong one, based on political association and development cooperation, on economic exchanges as well as on a strong friendship between our people. Our approach is to include the breakaway regions in our programmes in Georgia whenever this is possible. This is what we are doing, for instance, with our programmes on agriculture, on rural development and vocational training.

We are also assisting civil society initiatives in the entities. We support all initiatives that can help re-establish confidence between the sides, such as people-to-people contacts, dialogue processes and academic exchanges. All our actions within the two regions are fully coordinated – I would like to underline this, because I think it’s a very important point – are fully coordinated and approved by the government of Georgia and in full line with the Georgian engagement policy.

In light of the recent peace initiative of the Georgian State Ministry of Reconciliation, we are now looking at the possibility of providing further support. For instance, there is a clear interest from the breakaway regions to increase trade with the rest of Georgia, but also with the rest of the region, and this would represent a major improvement for the life of local communities, and for all people in the wider region. We are also considering a mobility scheme for academics from the breakaway regions, and this could also be facilitated by the peace initiative I just mentioned.

Our policy is one of non-recognition but also of engagement with Abkhazia and South Ossetia, exactly in line with the approach of the Georgian Government. The conflict has impacted first and foremost on the people of these two regions. They’re not free to explore the full economic potential of their lands; jobs and opportunities are lost, and beyond Abkhazia and South Ossetia, an entire region suffers from the consequences of the conflict.

So, ten years after the war, we do not and will not stop working: first of all for achieving a true solution, and secondly for all local communities, for their development and for their dignity.


  Cristian Dan Preda, au nom du groupe PPE. – Monsieur le Président, je suis très satisfait de la tenue de ce débat, qui vise à marquer les 10 ans de l’invasion russe du territoire géorgien.

Je suis aussi content que mon groupe, avec l’aide de quelques autres collègues, ait pu stopper les initiatives qui venaient de l’extrême-gauche et, il est vrai, de certains socialistes aussi, qui voulaient parler plutôt d’une guerre entre la Géorgie et la Russie, reprenant ainsi la rhétorique du Kremlin. Ce qui s’est passé en 2008 est bel et bien une invasion par la Russie du territoire d’un pays indépendant voisin, il faut le rappeler.

De plus, 10 ans après ces événements – il faut aussi le dire –, les Russes font tout sur le terrain pour annexer de facto l’Abkhazie et l’Ossétie du Sud, en violation de tous les principes du droit international. C’est bien sûr inacceptable et il faut se rappeler aussi le fait que, juste avant cette invasion, malheureusement, l’OTAN n’a pas pu prendre la décision d’inclure la Géorgie. La situation actuelle est un effet de ce manque de solidarité et d’intelligence politique.

Il faut aussi rappeler que la Russie de Poutine cherche à contrôler par la force militaire les pays qui l’entourent, comme à l’époque de l’Union soviétique. C’est pour cela qu’on a de vrais trous noirs dans la carte de l’Europe: en Transnistrie, territoire moldave, dans l’est de l’Ukraine et en Géorgie.


  Victor Boştinaru, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, the occupation of the Georgian regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia by Russia was the result of Georgia’s NATO ambitions at the Bucharest Summit ten years ago. Georgia paid a high price for its aspiration but, in these ten difficult years, Georgia has managed to make incredible progress along its European integration path and, in particular, to visa liberalisation and the Association Agreement. This is the best sign that Russia did not manage to take Georgia and the Georgian people away from their dreams and will not manage to succeed with Ukraine. Ten years after, Georgia is a much stronger and more developed country, a model for the East European partners of our Union, and an example also in the way it deals with the occupied territories – especially with the initiative aimed at peace and reconciliation by the Georgian Government.

The S&D fully back the European path for Georgia and condemns all actions undertaken by Russia in undermining any prospect for peace, including the de facto integration of Abkhazia and South Ossetia into the Russian customs system, the referendum and the name change of South Ossetia and the military deals with the two regions. We also condemn Russian disinformation and hybrid war and we call on the EU to help our Georgian friends to face all these challenges and to take the lead towards a permanent solution guaranteeing Georgia’s territorial integrity and sovereignty.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))


  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος (NI), ερώτηση "γαλάζια κάρτα". – Ευχαριστώ, κύριε συνάδελφε, που αποδέχεστε την ερώτησή μου. Είναι αλήθεια ότι καταδικάζουμε την επέμβαση της Ρωσίας στη Γεωργία. Καταδικάζετε επίσης και την επέμβαση και την εισβολή της Τουρκίας στην Κύπρο και την παράνομη κατοχή επί 44 χρόνια ενός τμήματος του νησιού;


  Victor Boştinaru (S&D), blue-card answer. – Any violation of international law, any illegal occupation of a territory belonging to a sovereign state, should be condemned. This is why, definitely, we condemn the occupation of the northern part of Cyprus as well as we condemn any occupation, be it the two provinces of Georgia or Crimea, by Russia.


  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, during the Bucharest NATO summit, the future membership of Georgia was agreed. Five months later, Russia questioned this decision by the use of force and the occupation of territories of Georgia. Thanks to the rapid trip of CEE leaders, led by the late president of Poland, Lech Kaczynski, further Russian gains in Georgia were prevented.

Now we stand by Georgia. We support the country’s European and transatlantic vocation, peace initiatives and the request for a sanctions list condemning and punishing the targeted killings of Russian citizens, in particular Otkhozoria and Tatunashvili. We also praise the EUMM role in Georgia. During two SEDE missions to Georgia we were also able to monitor territories adjacent to South Ossetia and Abkhazia, and we are very much concerned about the situation of people living there.


  Javier Nart, en nombre del Grupo ALDE. – Señor presidente, Georgia es el país más prometedor del Cáucaso. Es un país que camina firmemente en el camino de la democracia, sin duda. Y naturalmente que apoyo y respeto la integridad territorial de Georgia, como apoyo y respeto a la integridad territorial de Ucrania y también de Azerbaiyán.

Y este es el gran problema: todos estamos de acuerdo en respetar la integridad territorial, sin duda ninguna. Pero, ¿qué hemos hecho con el conflicto de Nagorno Karabaj? Hemos ido desde la declaración primera, que significa el respeto a la integridad territorial, a la última del mismo acuerdo de Madrid de Minsk, que habla del derecho a la autodeterminación.

Quiero recordar que las Asambleas autónomas, tanto de Osetia como de Nagorno Karabaj, aprobaron el no integrarse ni en Georgia ni en Azerbaiyán, y hemos creado un peligrosísimo dominó admitiendo en Nagorno Karabaj la deriva hacia la autodeterminación. Porque la pregunta resulta inevitable: si admitimos el derecho a la autodeterminación en Nagorno Karabaj, ¿qué ocurrirá posteriormente en Osetia o incluso en Crimea?

Todos estamos de acuerdo en declaraciones magníficas; estamos todos de acuerdo en que hubo una invasión; estamos todos de acuerdo en que hubo una agresión. Pero la realidad es que nuestra falta de concreción y de ser homogéneos en nuestras resoluciones ponen en peligro seriamente aquello que después apoyamos con declaraciones retóricas, como la misma declaración de la integración en la OTAN. En España decimos que hay amores que matan.


  Heidi Hautala, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, certainly when we look back to 08.08.08 we can see that it was a turning point in the international order and it was a day when we should have realised that Russia was going to continue even more to violate countries which used to belong to the Soviet Union. We could see that in 2014 when the Crimea was illegally occupied and Russia started to support the war in the east of Ukraine. So I think we should have understood even better that 08.08.08 was a turning point and it should have been a wake—up call.

I believe that a very useful way of looking at these kinds of occupied regions in our Eastern neighbourhood is to take the human rights lens. What you see is that people living in these ‘breakaway’ or ‘occupied’ regions are denied their basic human rights. They have no chance to express their will and their wishes freely and they have no right to education in their native language. I think we have to praise the peace initiative that Georgia has undertaken, which is a step to a better future whereby they invite the people living in these occupied areas to enjoy certain human rights like health, education and so on.


  Helmut Scholz, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Frau Hohe Vertreterin! Ich will ganz klar sein: Wer in diesem Haus den Krieg Georgiens vom Sommer 2008 negiert oder in eine russische Invasion umdeuten will, der betreibt bewusst Geschichtsrevisionismus – Kollegin Fotyga und Kollege Dan Preda –, denn er bräuchte nur in den Bericht Tagliavini zu schauen.

Bleiben wir bei den Fakten: Gleich seinem ultranationalistischen Vorgänger Gamsachurdia hatte Saakaschwili einen Waffengang gegen die Abchasen und Südosseten mit dem Ziel angezettelt, sie der Zentralgewalt zu unterwerfen und zugleich ihrer historischen Identität zu berauben – in der Tradition des Zaren und auch der russischen Realität unter Stalin. In einer Region, wo die auf engstem Raum lebenden Völker noch heute die Form eines gemeinsamen Zusammenlebens nicht finden, ein abenteuerliches Unterfangen.

Ich lege Ihnen ans Herz: Gehen Sie entspannt mit der heutigen Fragestellung um, denn die politische Lage vor Ort ist positiver als hier dargestellt. Die in Tiflis, Tchinwali, aber auch in Moskau und Suchumi regierenden Eliten arbeiten daran, den Modus operandi von vor der Rosenrevolution wieder herzustellen, Handel und wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit zu entwickeln, die schwierigen Lebensbedingungen der Menschen zu verbessern. Obwohl die Grundfrage, in welcher Form die hier lebenden Völker in ihrer nationalen Identität zusammen leben können, ungelöst bleibt, geht es in kleinen Schritten – durchaus nicht frei von Widersprüchen – um eine Entspannung in den Beziehungen. Darüber sollten wir debattieren, und die besten Ressourcen von EAD und Europäischem Parlament einsetzen für die Beantwortung dieser Frage, damit die EU hierbei eine friedensstiftende Rolle spielen kann, einschließlich der Forderung an Moskau, endlich dem ICC beizutreten.


  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser, au nom du groupe ENF. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, l’histoire de l’Ossétie du Sud est tragique. Rappelons le génocide perpétré par le pouvoir géorgien en 1920, rappelons la suppression unilatérale de l’autonomie de l’Ossétie et de l’Abkhazie par le pouvoir géorgien en 1991, la guerre et le cessez-le-feu.

La volonté américaine, celle des présidents Clinton ou Obama, de couper l’Europe de la Russie a entraîné la Géorgie dans une agression militaire contre l’Ossétie du Nord avec une déroute de son armée. Ceci est un fait, nos témoins et nos renseignements en témoignent.

Chers collègues, Madame Mogherini, la politique de la Russie en Géorgie, c’est notre politique en Serbie avec le Kosovo avec moins de justice (le Kosovo fait partie historiquement de la Serbie), avec moins de violence (les Russes n’ont pas détruit la Géorgie comme nous avons détruit la Serbie).

Sommes-nous donc hypocrites au point de ne pas voir ces faits.


  Λάμπρος Φουντούλης (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, ακόμη και ο τίτλος της σημερινής συζήτησης είναι εντυπωσιακός, καθώς επιτυγχάνει να χωρέσει μέσα σε μια μικρή πρόταση τόσες πολλές ανακρίβειες. Μια μικρή ιστορική αναδρομή θα βοηθήσει ώστε να αποκαλυφθεί η αλήθεια: οι Δημοκρατίες της Νότιας Οσετίας και της Αμπχαζίας δημιουργήθηκαν κατά τη διάρκεια της πτώσης της Σοβιετικής Ενώσεως. Θεωρώ πως το δικαίωμα στην αυτοδιάθεση των λαών είναι αδιαμφισβήτητο. Όμως τότε η Κυβέρνηση της Γεωργίας επιτέθηκε εναντίον τους. Στη συνέχεια επιτεύχθηκε ανακωχή που διατηρούσε την ειρήνη υπό την επίβλεψη των ρωσικών στρατευμάτων. Όμως το 2003 οι χρηματοδοτούμενες από την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση ΜΚΟ οργάνωσαν πραξικόπημα με το οποίο ανέτρεψαν τη νόμιμη κυβέρνηση και στη θέση της τοποθετήθηκε ο καταδικασμένος πλέον στη Γεωργία και την Ουκρανία Saakashvili και ήταν αυτός που εισέβαλε το 2008 στη Νότια Οσετία.

Η πραγματικότητα λοιπόν είναι τελείως διαφορετική από αυτή που θέλετε να παρουσιάζετε. Στην πραγματικότητα καμία κατοχή δεν υπάρχει στην Αμπχαζία και στη Νότια Οσετία. Αντιθέτως πιστεύω πως έφτασε ο καιρός να υποδεχτεί η διεθνής κοινότητα αυτούς τους λαούς που τόσο άδικα έχει αποκλείσει.

Αντίθετα υπάρχει πραγματική συνεχιζόμενη κατοχή στην Κύπρο, αλλά βέβαια εκεί η Ένωση ακολουθεί διαφορετική τακτική, καθώς η Τουρκία είναι φίλος και σύμμαχος πολλών κυβερνήσεων της Ευρώπης, οπότε εκεί μπορείτε εύκολα να παραβλέψετε τα εγκλήματα πολέμου.


  Sandra Kalniete (PPE). – Mr President, during the war of August 2008, I was in Georgia. Tbilisi’s schools were turned into refuges for 200 000 people. I talked to the refugees and I visited the wounded. I met the human rights groups who documented the Russian war crimes. I went to Gori. In the almost deserted city, I stood next to a bombarded house and listened to an old man’s painful story about his neighbours who had been killed. At the ruins of the cadet school, an old woman asked me if I felt the smell of corpses. Yes, I felt it.

Today South Ossetia and Abkhazia are still occupied territories and refugees have no place to return. The August 2008 war was a warning for Europe which was not heard at the time. Thus, we have to do everything to help Georgia to cope with the consequences of the aggression. Aggression in Ukraine and the hybrid war against the west are now a reality. I hope we have learned from our mistakes.


  Clare Moody (S&D). – Mr President, 10 years have passed since the August 2008 war between Russia and Georgia. Yet the Russian Federation continues its illegal occupation of the Georgian regions of Abkhazia and Tskhinvali, South Ossetia. The regime continues to deny access to the vital and constructive EU monitoring mission, and human rights monitors from the UN, the OSCE and the Council of Europe, in the occupied regions.

Russia has intensified its military build-up in both areas including the stationing of fully operational military bases. Illegal detentions and kidnappings continue to take place, undermining international law and violating human rights. Crossing points over the so-called occupation line have been closed, aggravating the humanitarian situation and further isolating the regions.

The S&D Group strongly supports the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Georgia, while the resolution of this conflict is crucial to enhancing security and stability across Europe. We must demonstrate our solidarity with the citizens of the occupied regions and support our Georgian colleagues’ peace initiative, ‘A Step to a Better Future’.

I hope that despite 10 years of occupation, we can help to achieve better relations between those kept apart by the fences of the occupied regions and the rest of Georgia.


  Charles Tannock (ECR). – Mr President, ten years on since the end of the war between Georgia and Russia, which left a frozen conflict over Russian occupation of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, it’s clear that the two countries have taken a very distinctly different path – one a democratic one, one an authoritarian one.

As a long-standing friend of Georgia, I stand with the EU in commending the country’s transition away from its Soviet past and towards a free, democratic one with Euro-Atlantic aspirations and an open state and an open society. I especially praise Georgia’s dedication to modernising its defence capabilities and its close cooperation with international partners in seeking a peaceful resolution to the conflict.

Russia, by contrast, continues to undermine the international rules-based system through its actions in Georgia and, I might also add, in Crimea and in eastern Ukraine. Its breach of the 2008 EU-mediated ceasefire agreement by engaging in ethnic cleansing, placing physical borders between Georgia and the occupied territories, engaging in borderisation and more, is to be condemned in the strongest terms.

I reaffirm my Group’s support for the territorial integrity of Georgia and truly hope for a peaceful resolution to this conflict. This, however, must first begin with Russia fully acknowledging and acting on its international law and human rights obligations.


  Petras Auštrevičius (ALDE). – Mr President, 10 years ago, when Russia launched its invasion of Georgia, many in the free world were tempted to see it as an isolated incident. Far too many were tempted to continue business as usual with the Kremlin. The much larger invasion of Ukraine just a few years later showed the colossal price of such wishful thinking. Had we woken up in 2008, a lot of trouble could have been avoided.

Today, as we express solidarity with Georgia, I call on this House to support the Georgian Parliament’s decision to sanction Russian officials directly responsible for grave human rights abuses in the occupied territories, including the recent murders of Georgian citizens – the Otkhozoria and Tatunashvili list.

Finally, Georgia too must stick to its political obligations. I therefore appeal to Tbilisi to respect fully the decision of last November of the European Court of Human Rights on the former Prime Minister, Vano Merabishvili.


  Rebecca Harms (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident! Zuerst möchte ich hier festhalten, dass meiner Meinung nach der Wunsch nach Mitgliedschaft in der NATO oder der Wunsch nach Mitgliedschaft in der Europäischen Union keineswegs eine Rechtfertigung sein darf – nicht sein durfte, nicht sein darf, auch in Zukunft nicht sein darf –, um gegen ein Land kriegerisch vorzugehen. Die Invasion, die Georgien im Jahr 2008 erlebt hat, bleibt bis heute ein großes Trauma für die georgische Gesellschaft, das einem immer wieder begegnet.

Die Folterung und Ermordung von Archil Tatunaschwili zu Beginn dieses Jahres war ein Moment, in dem man wieder sehen konnte, wie dieses Trauma immer wieder aktiviert wird, und dass Russland, das für die Besetzung der Regionen in Georgien verantwortlich ist, bisher keinen verantwortungsvollen Umgang mit diesen Regionen gefunden hat. Georgien hat heute keine Möglichkeit, eine militärische Lösung dieser Situation zu suchen. Gut ist: Georgien will das auch gar nicht. Aber da ein Drittel des Territoriums Georgiens heute besetzt ist, wäre jeder Kompromiss mit Russland zum Völkerrecht meiner Meinung nach eine Katastrophe für Georgien. Deshalb ist es gut, dass wir heute diese Entschließung so eindeutig auf dem Tisch haben. Es ist auch ein Zeichen gegen den Versuch Russlands mit Wladimir Putin an der Spitze, die Dekolonisierung der Sowjetunion und des großen sowjetischen Reiches rückgängig zu machen und in Frage zu stellen.


  David McAllister (PPE). – Mr President, as we have already heard this afternoon, following the war in 2008, Russia has made deeply concerning steps towards the de facto annexation of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, thereby undermining international law and violating the EU-mediated ceasefire agreement.

As one of the initiators of this resolution, let me point out that the European Parliament should seize the opportunity to fully support Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognised borders. In my view, three actions by Russia are required in order for the conflict to be solved. Firstly, Moscow should unconditionally fulfil all the provisions of the ceasefire agreement, especially the commitment to withdraw its military forces and guarantee the EU Monitoring Mission access to the occupied territories. Secondly, Moscow should cease the borderisation of the administrative boundary line and refrain from advancing further into Georgian territory. Thirdly, the expulsion of Georgian citizens, human rights abuses and discrimination on ethnic grounds must end. This is a frozen conflict, but it shouldn’t be a forgotten conflict.


  Andrejs Mamikins (S&D). – Mr President, I am deeply concerned about the situation in Abkhazia and South Ossetia and I am deeply concerned about the coercive EU measures inflicted upon these regions. The sanctions are having a direct negative impact. They lead to isolation and can lead the people of Abkhazia and South Ossetia to poverty, hopelessness and despair.

In the meantime, the EU continues to issue resolutions. For 10 years already the EU has been issuing resolutions. We politicised the issue because we couldn’t resolve it, nor about negotiations nor by legal means. I suggest that we finally start seeing people on the ground, see the degradation and demographic collapse of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. Why don’t we come up with a project aimed at regional development and cooperation? We could provide assistance to schools, we could equip hospitals and we could help the infrastructures.

As the standing rapporteur on Georgia in the Committee on Foreign Affairs, I have nothing against resolutions, but let’s act.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))


  Petras Auštrevičius (ALDE), blue-card question. – Mr Mamikins, would you agree with me that, for 50 years, the Western countries, which stood so strongly for the Baltic countries’ independence and never recognised our occupation – did they make a mistake then, not recognising us and standing firm and demanding from the former USSR release and giving us independence? Would you agree that those countries were right and now we are wrong, speaking about the Georgian occupied territories?


  Andrejs Mamikins (S&D), atbilde uz zilās kartītes jautājumu. – Augsti godātais Auštrevičius kungs! Es atbildēšu Latvijas brīvvalsts valsts valodā. Jūs laikam sajaucāt tematu, par kuru mēs debatējam. Šobrīd debates ir par Gruziju un par Gruzijā okupētajām teritorijām, nevis par jūsu fantāziju un par to, kas notika vēsturē.


  Sajjad Karim (ECR). – Mr President, Madam High Representative, you speak about the realities on the ground and you say we recognise and react accordingly. The realities on the ground today mean that a body can be returned without the organs inside. The realities mean that the actions of others should dictate our thoughts, and our thoughts should become our words, and our words our actions.

I have put my name to this resolution today, as chair of the respective committee from this Parliament, because we as a parliament are absolutely clear: this is an occupation. High Representative, your words were lacking today, yet again in this regard. Follow the lead of this House, you are a sister institution. This is an occupation in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. Our sister institutions must recognise that. If you cannot do that today when you once again address this Parliament, please make sure that at least your institution starts to back up the true feelings of the ...

(The President cut off the speaker)


  Ivo Vajgl (ALDE). – Spoštovana visoka predstavnica, spoštovani kolegi. V regiji, ki je vse od razpada Sovjetske zveze obremenjena s problemi postsovjetskega ekspanzionizma in etničnih napetosti ter lokalnih vojn, predstavlja Gruzija primer uspešne tranzicije države, ki uveljavlja pravila demokracije in vladavine prava.

Vse to drži kljub težki hipoteki, ker Rusija ne priznava njene suverenosti nad velikim delom države in s podporo separatistom v Abhaziji in Južni Osetiji pripravlja dokončno aneksijo odcepljenih delov gruzinske države.

S celovitim asociacijskim sporazumom iz leta 2016 in ukinitvijo viz lani je Evropska unija dala razvoju Gruzije, kot stebra stabilnosti v regiji, odločilno podporo. Pomembno je, da podpiramo ozemeljsko celovitost države in da povsod v svetu, kjer so podobne situacije, denimo v Gorskem Karabahu, v Palestini, Zahodni Sahari ali Ukrajini, vztrajamo pri spoštovanju mednarodnega prava, človekovih in manjšinskih pravic in s tem prispevamo k reševanju problemov in zagotavljanju miru.


  Bronis Ropė (Verts/ALE). – Lietuvoje mes turime patarlę – „nieko nėra pastovesnio už laikina“. Ji puikiai tinka iliustruoti padėtį Gruzijos valdžios nekontroliuojamose šalies teritorijose – Abchazijoje ir Pietų Osetijoje. Prieš dešimt metų Europos Sąjungos valstybių diplomatinėmis priemonėmis pavyko sustabdyti Rusijos agresiją. Deja, ta pati diplomatija, kuri padėjo sustabdyti agresiją, kartu ir įšaldė padėtį, kai geras trečdalis šalies lieka per marionetines valstybes valdomas Rusijos. Nenoriu būti blogu pranašu, tačiau, labai panašu, kad ir Rusijos faktiškai kontroliuojamose rytinėse Ukrainos teritorijose formuojasi kažkas panašaus. Esu įsitikinęs, kad jei norime rimto ir ilgalaikio sprendimo užtikrinančio taiką Europos rytuose, ateities santykių su Rusija sąlyga turime kelti marionetinių režimų Gruzijos, Moldovos ir Ukrainos teritorijose likvidavimą. Tai ne tik parodys mūsų ištikimybę vertybėms, bet ir padės pačiai Rusijai atsikratyti sovietinio imperializmo likučių.


  Jaromír Štětina (PPE). – Pane předsedající, před 10 lety uloupila ruská armáda vyslaná do oblasti Vladimirem Putinem velký kus gruzínského území. Okupovaná Abcházie a Jižní Osetie tvoří dohromady pětinu gruzínského státu.

Jsem přesvědčen o tom, že pokud by nebylo vlažné reakce mezinárodního společenství na agresi ruské armády v Čečně v 90. letech, nebylo by útoku na Gruzii. Pokud bychom se jasně a sebevědomě v roce 2008 postavili na stranu Gruzie, možná bychom se ani nedočkali anexe Krymu. Gruzínský konflikt není zamrzlý. V roce 2018, 10 let po okupaci Jižní Osetie, Ruská federace podniká de facto kroky k anexi Abcházie a Jižní Osetie a připojení k Ruské federaci.

Reagovat na agresi, křivdu a bezpráví vlažně, tak jak to zde dělá Komise, se v dlouhodobém horizontu nevyplácí nikdy. Rusko je bezpečnostní riziko pro EU, paní vysoká představitelko.


  Ana Gomes (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, a União Europeia tem de atender o pedido que nos chega de Tbilissi, do Governo e da oposição singularmente unidos, e aplicar a (palavras ininteligíveis) inspirada no “Magnitsky Act”.

Com sanções direcionadas sobre os esbirros que raptam, prendem e torturam cidadãos da Geórgia na Ossétia do Sul e na Abcásia, zonas ilegalmente controladas por Moscovo, poderemos ajudar a fazer justiça às vítimas da estratégia imperialista de Putin. As sanções devem incluir proibições de entrada na União Europeia e congelamento de ativos que estes criminosos detenham em Estados-Membros, em resultado de esquemas corruptos e de branqueamento de capitais, como os expostos no caso Skripal no Reino Unido. Temos que passar a ter um “Magnitsky Act” europeu.

Passam dez anos da ocupação russa na Geórgia. Temos de passar, nós, das palavras aos atos, não só para apoiar eficazmente a integridade territorial na Geórgia, mas para combatermos estrategicamente o regime de Moscovo que, tal como interfere na Geórgia e na Ucrânia, interfere na União Europeia, fomentando e financiando forças xenófobas racistas e populistas para destruir a nossa União.


  Kosma Złotowski (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Rosyjska inwazja na Gruzję była przede wszystkim testem dla nas, dla naszych górnolotnych deklaracji, dla gotowości do reagowania na konflikty i dla wiarygodności wobec partnerów. Niestety podobnie jak fiasko szczytu NATO w kwietniu 2008 r. także ta agresja pokazała, jak niewiele tak naprawdę Europa chce i może zrobić, by bronić pokoju i bezpieczeństwa w starciu z Rosją.

W sierpniu 2008 r. niewielu przywódców miało odwagę mówić o tym głośno. Tylko prezydent Rzeczypospolitej Lech Kaczyński rozumiał, że brak zdecydowanej reakcji na obecność rosyjskich wojsk w Gruzji zachęci prezydenta Putina do stosowania identycznych metod w przyszłości. I prezydent Putin zastosował je. Wojna na Ukrainie, aneksja Krymu, rosyjska obecność w Syrii czy trwająca nieustannie wojna informacyjna to dzisiejsze skutki bierności Unii Europejskiej w tamtym momencie, 10 lat temu. Pan poseł Javier Nart powiedział, że miłość czasem zabija. U nas się mówi: „wśród serdecznych przyjaciół psy zająca zjadły”.


  Michael Gahler (PPE). – Herr Präsident! Wenn man einen völkerrechtswidrigen Ist-Zustand nicht von heute auf morgen ändern kann, muss man wie folgt vorgehen: Man muss zunächst mal klarmachen, dass man rechtlich, völkerrechtlich diesen Zustand nicht anerkennt. Das ist der erste Schritt. Und im zweiten Schritt muss man dem Opfer einer solchen Aggression Hilfe leisten. Das tun wir in Sachen Georgien. Es ist richtig, dass wir die Politik, die wir mit dem Assoziationsabkommen und auch mit der Visumfreiheit eingeleitet haben, fortführen. In diesem Zusammenhang sollten wir auch alles unterstützen, was im Rahmen der Vereinten Nationen in Genf möglich ist.

Auch wenn es nur kleine Schritte sind, sollten die doch Russland davon überzeugen, dass es künftig seine Politik und seine Interessen besser dadurch verwirklicht, dass es versucht, mit seinen Nachbarn in Frieden und auf eine freundliche Art zu leben. Die Art, wie es bisher agiert, bewirkt nur, dass Russland sich isoliert.


  Andi Cristea (S&D). – Mr President, it is now 10 years since the Russian military aggression against Georgia, and the Russian Federation still continues the illegal occupation of the Georgian regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, undermining basic international law. Today we reaffirm our strong support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Georgia within its internationally-recognised borders, and we reiterate our solidarity with the people of occupied Georgia. The EU has not forgotten what took place in 2008.

The 2008 invasion was a major Russian open attack against the European order and was followed by the annexation of Crimea and the war in Eastern Ukraine. It is time for the Russian Federation to unconditionally fulfil all the provisions of the cease-fire agreement and to withdraw all its military forces from the territory of Georgia.

The EU must continue pressure against the Russian Federation and support even further the association-agreement countries of Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine on their European path.


  Othmar Karas (PPE). – Herr Präsident, Frau Vizepräsidentin! Die Probleme, die wir auf der Krim, die wir in der Ukraine, die wir in Georgien haben, haben alle eine gemeinsame Ursache: Russland hält internationale Verträge nicht ein, Russland interveniert militärisch und besetzt und Russland achtet die Souveränität der Nachbarstaaten nicht.

Wir müssen uns aber, wenn wir über die zehn Jahre sprechen, heute auch sagen: Wir haben bei Georgien weniger stark, weniger geschlossen, weniger entschlossen reagiert, als wir bei der Ukraine und nach der Kriminvasion reagiert haben. Vielleicht hätten wir in der Ukraine und auf der Krim einiges verhindern können, hätten wir bei Georgien so entschlossen und geschlossen agiert.

Daher ist die Lage eindeutig: Russland muss sich an die internationalen Verpflichtungen halten und seine Streitkräfte aus dem Territorium abziehen. Die Beobachtungsmission in den Gebieten Südossetien und Abchasien ist zuzulassen. Und das Stabilisierungsabkommen zwischen der EU und Georgien, in dem wir auch weiterhin erfolgreich zusammenarbeiten, muss ausgebaut und vertieft werden.


  Elmar Brok (PPE). – Herr Präsident, Frau Vizepräsidentin, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Als ich gerade den Kollegen Karas hörte, erinnerte ich mich daran, dass wir beide vor zehn Jahren, in Tagen des Kriegs, in Georgien unterwegs waren, auch hinter den russischen Linien waren, in Gori. Und wenn ich mir die Grenze dort heute anschaue, dann ist sie gewachsen, ist sie an Lebensadern Georgiens herangewachsen, was die Pipeline angeht, was die Hauptmagistrale dort angeht. Und wenn ich das mal weiter anschaue, dann geht heute die Grenze durch Dörfer. Die Menschen können ihre Friedhöfe nicht besuchen, weil dort Stacheldraht gezogen ist. Wir sollten sehen, dass dies gegenüber den Menschen unerträglich ist. Das erinnert mich ein bisschen an das geteilte Deutschland, wie da die Grenzziehungen ablaufen und wie das durch die Dörfer geht.

Zweitens muss man feststellen: Es ist russische Strategie – in Nagorny Karabach ein bisschen anders –, Georgien, Transnistrien, Krieg in der Ostukraine. In all diesen Ländern werden Konflikte geschürt, wird das aufrechterhalten, um die Länder handlungsunfähig zu machen in ihrem Entwicklungsprozess. Dies ist im gesamten Raum russische Strategie, die nicht akzeptabel ist und die völkerrechtswidrig ist.


  Eduard Kukan (PPE). – Mr President, military ventures into neighbours’ territory should have been a thing of the past. However, the actions in August 2008 clearly show that violations of the rule-based international system remains continue in the post-Soviet era. Georgia’s territory has been compromised. Russia further continues to illegally occupy Abkhazia and South Ossetia, thus breaking the ceasefire for almost a decade.

In these difficult times we have to show our commitment to Georgia and its Euro-Atlantic aspirations. The EU has a variety of instruments which support the peaceful resolution of the conflict, including the EUSR and the EU Monitoring Mission (EUMM). The EUMM remains the only international force in the country monitoring the administrative borderline. Russia continuously violates this line. Our instruments must be coupled with clear determination against military incursions and a firm stance on subsequent undermining of Georgia’s territorial integrity.


  Tunne Kelam (PPE). – Mr President, today I think it is time to draw lessons from the half—hearted reaction by the EU to the Russian invasion of Georgia 10 years ago. It is crucially important that the EU unconditionally continues to stand up in support of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Georgia. We have a clear and firm resolution on it, but it was alarming that attempts were made yesterday to define Abkhazia and South Ossetia just as self—styled breakaway territories.

The fact is that aggression is progressing. Encroachment into the Georgian territory continues from one week to another, metre by metre. Russia is reinforcing its military presence in Georgia’s occupied territories. The Russian Government, as the occupying power, is directly responsible for the abnormal situation in Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

We need to show strong solidarity with the Georgian people and it is vitally important that only a consistent and firm stance against Russian aggression can assure a peaceful solution to the conflict.


  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE). – Mr President, almost 10 years have passed since Russian military forces invaded Georgia. Today, Russian troops still occupy Abkhazia and South Ossetia and threaten Georgia, including key transit links, railways, and pipelines connecting the region and Europe.

Although there is a ceasefire agreement in place, Russia still refuses to implement it. Instead, since 2011, Russia has implemented a policy of illegal fence and barrier constructions to move the borders forward, to separate communities and divide the Georgian population.

People also disappear in the occupied territory, and they are held in detention. The destiny of many is unknown until their dead bodies are returned to their families. Colleagues, we should never forget that Georgia is the victim of the Russian aggression, not the other way around. Georgia, which has more than 20% of its internationally—recognised territory occupied, was, is, and will remain a reliable partner of the EU and NATO.


  Gunnar Hökmark (PPE). – Mr President, it was a military invasion of a free and independent country, and it is a military occupation of a free and independent country. If we can’t stand up for the freedom and sovereignty of Georgia, we can’t stand up for the freedom and sovereignty of other European nations and of the European Union.

It is one example of far too many of how Russia is implementing aggressive policies versus its neighbours. Military forces, warfare, support to separatist groups, disinformation, propaganda, economic blockades: Russia is responsible for all that is happening under the occupation in South Ossetia and Abkhazia regarding human rights, and all we can do is to call on Russia to withdraw its military troops and respect international law.


  Асим Адемов (PPE). – Статистиката от руската инвазия през 2008 г. посочва стотици загинали, хиляди ранени и пострадали, десетки останали без домове и изселени от родните си места, които в собствената си страна се превърнаха в бежанци. Така започна дълго планираната инвазия, имаща за цел да свали правителството на Грузия и да засили контрола на Москва върху този регион. Но противно на някакви очаквания, Грузия се възроди. Демократичните институции се развиват, чуждите инвеститори се връщат и светът трябва да признае, че поведението на Русия не е приемливо.

Този развой е заплаха за всички свободни страни, които вярват, че международните граници не бива да се променят със сила. Наблюдателите бяха изгонени от тези територии, медиите биват заглушавани, а на грузинските граждани е забранено да се връщат по домовете си. В същото време Русия строи военни бази и продължава пълзящата окупация на грузински територии. Ето защо трябва да призовем другите страни да настояват за териториалната цялост на Грузия и да не признават окупираните територии.


Spontane Wortmeldungen


  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já se zde přihlásím k tomu, co říkají moji kolegové z PPE. Ten názor na situaci v Gruzii je jednoznačný. Jedná se o okupaci gruzínského území ze strany Ruské federace.

My k tomu nesmíme být lhostejní, zvláště my poslanci, kteří jsme z bývalých komunistických, socialistických států, víme, co je Rusko zač a bohužel Rusko dále prosazuje politickou doktrínu blízkého sousedství. V této situaci si myslím, paní vysoká představitelko, že by Evropská komise měla být mnohem aktivnější ve vztahu ke Gruzii a měli bychom nabídnout více programů a větší ekonomickou podporu této zemi.

Gruzie je klíčovým partnerem pro EU v tomto regionu. Je to země, kde se relativně rozvíjí demokracie, buduje se tam relativní právní stát a my bychom tuto zemi měli mnohem více podporovat.


  Julie Ward (S&D). – Mr President, Russia’s disregard for international law increases every day as it continues to impose its own unilateral and outdated agenda and to protect its own cynical interests, regardless of international condemnation. Georgia and Ukraine have been victims of this aggressive foreign policy, amongst many others. And when it comes to domestic policies, Russia also repeatedly violates international human rights law, cracking down on freedom of expression and assembly, causing its own citizens to live in fear of state-sponsored and extra-judicial reprisals.

In a global context, where the leading role cannot be played by the US anymore, it is crucial that we in the EU continue to push for international relations guided by the rule of law. It is our responsibility to uphold international law, and multilateralism is the only way forward.


  Csaba Sógor (PPE). – Elnök Úr! Amikor a Kaukázus országainak biztonságpolitikai helyzetét elemezzük, nem hagyhatjuk figyelmen kívül Oroszország lépéseit és mozgását. A grúziai eseményekről már sok szó esett, ennek kapcsán fel szeretném hívni a figyelmet egy másik országra, amely nemzetközileg elismert, és területén jelen van az orosz hadsereg. Ez a Moldovai Köztársaság, amelynek történelme során gyakran kellett megküzdenie a környező nagyhatalmak bekebelezési szándékaival.

Moldova speciális kapcsolatot ápol Romániával, a lakosság nagyobbik része román anyanyelvű, és politikai elitjének jelentős része az európai integráció híve. Mégis, nem hagyható figyelmen kívül itt sem, hogy a Dnyeszter-menti Köztársaság területén állomásozik az orosz 14. hadtest, és Oroszország több alkalommal is jelét adta, hogy figyelemmel követik ennek a területnek a sorsát. Ennek a realitásnak a figyelembevételével szükséges megtervezni azokat a lépéseket, amelyek az EU keleti partnerségi politikáját alkotják Moldova vonatkozásában.


  Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). – Pane předsedající, my si připomínáme 10 let od vpádu Ruska do Gruzie, Abcházie a Jižní Osetie. Tato okupace i dále pokračuje. Bohužel, v té době jsme nezaregistrovali žádnou větší odmítavou a důraznou reakci Západu. Možná i proto bylo Rusko povzbuzeno k další expanzi, protože pak jsme zažili okupaci Krymu a také části Ukrajiny. Nevyplácí se tedy mlčky přihlížet.

Jsem proto ráda za vyjádření paní představitelky Mogheriniové, za to, že EU podporuje Gruzii a také zabraná území, kde vytváří určité programy proto, aby tato území byla dále integrována ke Gruzii a k demokratické Evropě.

My si připomínáme také 50 let od okupace Československa a chci připomenout panu kolegovi Scholzovi, že tehdy se také tomuto říkalo bratrská pomoc, ale byla to okupace a v Gruzii je to okupace.


  José Inácio Faria (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Alta Representante, em Agosto de 2008, Moscovo rasgou o manual de segurança da Europa pós-guerra fria ao atacar a soberania e integridade territorial da Geórgia. Uma década depois, milhares de tropas russas continuam a ocupar a Abcásia e a Ossétia do Sul e os sobreviventes daquela guerra continuam a viver em condições precárias, a sofrer discriminações por motivos étnicos no seu dia-a-dia e a ser vítimas de rapto e detenções junto às linhas de demarcação, enquanto os responsáveis pelos crimes de guerra continuam impunes.

Senhora Alta Representante, o acordo de associação, o regime de liberalização de vistos e os apoios no quadro da assistência macrofinanceira espelham o reconhecimento da Geórgia como parceira estratégica da União Europeia na região e reiteram o nosso apoio à sua soberania e integridade territorial, pelo que devemos continuar a apoiar todo os esforços de guerra que permitam encontrar uma solução pacífica ao conflito, lembrando, ao mesmo tempo, que imperialismos expansionistas não têm lugar no século XXI. E termino dizendo que no final da década de setenta os Fischer-Z lançavam a música “Another warning, another warning. Remember Russia." Let’s not today forget the real threat, remember Russia.


(Ende der spontanten Wortmeldungen)


  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, first of all, let me thank everyone for their support for the work we are doing together with the authorities in Georgia, to, first of all, make sure that this conflict is not forgotten. Those of you who mentioned this are perfectly right. There is that risk, because of the proliferation of crises and conflicts around us. Making sure that this is not forgotten and doesn’t slip into the shadows is our priority, together with the authorities in Georgia.

Thank you for this report on the policies that we have put in place over the years and that we are determined to continue, first of all the search for a solution through our diplomatic action, through our work on the Geneva talks, the focus on people and citizens which, at the end of the day, are the reason for our work and, in particular, through our work in the monitoring mission, that I have heard many of you support, and in all the different fields of work we have in our partnership with Georgia. I would like to stress here that it is a partnership that is deep. It is a friendship that also goes beyond this work we are doing on Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

Mr President, if you allow me, I would like to take the opportunity, as I have the floor and before we start the next debate, to share with you one positive feeling that today we are lucky enough to have.

Just a few moments ago, respectively in Skopje and in Athens, Prime Minister Zoran Zaev and Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras announced that they had found a bilateral agreement, under UN auspices, on the name issue. I think they deserve all our support and our congratulations for an historic moment ...


... that will be important not only for the two countries, but also for the entire region, for Europe and for the world, showing – as we have mentioned several times today – that through dialogue, perseverance, leadership, courage and diplomacy, solutions are possible, including to the most difficult issues. I will be honoured to join them for the signature of this agreement in the coming days.

Thank you also for the signal of support that you showed a moment ago. I think this is very important for both of them and for the entire region.




  President. – Colleagues, just not for now, please don’t heckle. I think Ms Mogherini has finished her intervention.

The debate is closed.

The vote will take place on Thursday, 14 June 2018.

Written statements (Rule 162)


  Monica Macovei (ECR), în scris. – La 10 ani de la începutul așa-numitei operațiuni de menținere a păcii a Federației Ruse în Georgia, peste 20 % din teritoriul oficial recunoscut al Georgiei încă se află sub ocupație rusească. Agenții Kremlinului continuă să avanseze în teritoriul georgian, mutând în repetate rânduri linia de demarcație. Oamenii s-au culcat azi în Georgia, iar a doua zi s-au trezit de cealaltă parte a gardului, sub ocupația Rusiei. Operațiunea din Georgia a dat tonul implementării politicii imperialiste a regimului Putin. Aici Moscova și-a testat tehnicile de anexare, folosite mai apoi în Crimeea.

Dacă noi rămânem spectatori, ne vom trezi sub dictatură. Unii uită că democrația trebuie apărată în fiecare zi. Moscova trebuie să abandoneze politica de anexare și să respecte integritatea teritorială a vecinilor săi.


  Urmas Paet (ALDE), kirjalikult. – Sel aastal 100ndat sünnipäeva tähistaval Gruusial täitub augustis ka kümme aastat päevast, mil Venemaa okupeeris Abhaasia ja Lõuna-Osseetia alad.

Kahetsusväärselt ei ole Venemaa pidanud kinni 2008. aastal sõlmitud relvarahukokkuleppest. Järjepidevalt nihutab Venemaa administratiivpiiri aina sügavamale Gruusia territooriumile, keeldub andmast ELi vaatlusmissioonile ligipääsu kokku lepitud piirkondadele, jätkuvad inimõiguste rikkumised okupeeritud territooriumidel. EL ja rahvusvaheline kogukond peavad Venemaa okupatsiooni osas võtma järjepideva, kooskõlastatud ja ühise seisukoha. Jätkuvalt tuleb toetada Gruusia suveräänsust ja territoriaalset terviklikkust ning töötada konflikti rahumeelse lahenduse suunas.

Samas peab Rahvusvaheline Kriminaalkohus jätkama konflikti käigus toime pandud sõjakuritegude ja inimsusvastaste kuritegude uurimist. Mõistagi on kõige olulisem, et Venemaa lõpetaks Gruusia okupeerimise. Gruusia konflikti lahendamine on oluline kogu Euroopa julgeoleku ja stabiilsuse suurendamiseks.


  Indrek Tarand (Verts/ALE), kirjalikult. – Kümme aastat tagasi, kui Venemaa ründas olümpiamängude rahuperioodi ajal oma tillukest naabrit Gruusiat, tegin koos Priit Heinsaluga ajalehes Eesti Ekspress üleskutse, et vabatahtlikud Eesti reservohvitseride seast läheksid Gruusiasse agressiooniga võitlema. Suuremat sõda sellest algatusest ei sündinud, kuid ootamatult reageeris Euroopa Parlament, mille toonane liige, Saksa kommunist Sahra Wagenknecht, esitas kirjaliku arupärimise. Et miks eestlased tahavad kogu Euroopa ja NATO sõtta kiskuda mingi tühise intsidendi pärast. Ta sai vastuse ka. Meenutan seda intsidenti ja Wagenknechti vaid seepärast, et osutada, kuivõrd ohtlik on kommunistlik naivism, "putinversteherlus" ja arvamine, et Kremlil on õigus kõiki oma naabreid jõuga terroriseerida.

Zadnja posodobitev: 18. september 2018Pravno obvestilo - Varstvo osebnih podatkov