Teljes szöveg 
2018. szeptember 11., Kedd - Strasbourg Lektorált változat

18. A líbiai és földközi-tengeri vészhelyzet (vita)
A felszólalásokról készült videofelvételek

  Presidente. – L'ordine del giorno reca la discussione sulla dichiarazione del Vicepresidente della Commissione/Alto rappresentante dell'Unione per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza sulla situazione di emergenza in Libia e nel Mediterraneo (2018/2846(RSP)).

Questa discussione è stata aggiunta all'ultima riunione della Conferenza dei presidenti visto il peggioramento continuo della situazione in Libia. Nelle scorse settimane, gli scontri tra milizie a Tripoli hanno fatto centinaia di morti, anche tra i civili, e ieri c'è stato un altro attentato contro una compagnia nazionale petrolifera. Quindi, senza un governo stabile, in grado di controllare il territorio, i flussi migratori sono destinati ad aumentare, così come il traffico di armi e di droga che alimenta il terrorismo.

Quindi, è fondamentale sostenere la transizione verso un ordinamento stabile e funzionante nel quadro della risoluzione delle Nazioni Unite, ma l'Europa deve svolgere un ruolo diverso, un ruolo più forte. Noi sosteniamo l'azione dell'Alto rappresentante, ma chiediamo anche agli Stati membri di agire nel quadro delle iniziative dell'Unione europea perché capita, ahimè troppo spesso, che gli Stati membri agiscono ognuno per proprio conto finendo per non tutelare l'interesse complessivo dell'Unione europea.

Ecco perché teniamo questa discussione. Ringraziamo la Vicepresidente Mogherini e le concedo immediatamente la parola.


  Federica Mogherini, Vicepresidente della Commissione/Alto rappresentante dell'Unione per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza. – Grazie Presidente, vorrei ringraziarla personalmente per l'iniziativa del Parlamento di avere questo punto in agenda questa sera, in un momento, come ha giustamente ricordato, in cui la Libia ha bisogno davvero del sostegno e del supporto dell'Unione europea, in quanto Unione europea, e di tutte le istituzioni dell'Unione europea, in questo momento drammatico, non soltanto nell'interesse della Libia e dei libici, ma anche nell'interesse dell'Unione.

Spero quindi che la discussione di questa sera – che purtroppo, come vedo, non coinvolge moltissimi colleghi parlamentari, ma spero sia di qualità – rifletta questo bisogno forte che c'è di unità e di senso di urgenza sull'affrontare uniti come istituzioni europee una situazione che è davvero per noi prioritaria. Per noi come Unione europea e per la nostra amicizia con la Libia, anche perché, come ha ricordato, nelle recenti settimane, ancora ieri, abbiamo visto una nuova escalation di violenza a Tripoli e attorno a Tripoli, con differenti milizie che competono per le risorse e per il potere, e abbiamo visto civili, inclusi migranti, essere di nuovo vittime di scambi di colpi di arma da fuoco, e abbiamo visto ancora una volta importanti infrastrutture essere distrutte.

Questo ci dice che la violenza in Libia, nonostante alcuni passi che sono stati fatti, ma sta ancora bloccando, sta ancora bloccando un intero paese che avrebbe un immenso potenziale sia per lo sviluppo umano sia per lo sviluppo economico.

The attack on the National Oil Corporation yesterday that you mentioned, like the attack on the electoral commission on 2 May 2018, was both a symptom and a cause of the instability in Libya, and these attacks undermine the ability of the state to serve the Libyan people. The ceasefire is fragile but it is holding and – let me stress today, because we have heard statements and declarations in the past couple of hours – it needs to continue to be respected. It is important to send that strong message from this Chamber tonight, with our united voices, because various protagonists inside Libya need to refrain from stoking tensions, not just by their actions but also by their words. Libya needs serenity at this moment, not inflammatory statements.

When the latest escalation started, I was first of all in contact immediately with UN Special Representative Salamé, supporting his work which has been essential in brokering a ceasefire. We also responded immediately with humanitarian assistance, sending doctors, paramedics and essential equipment. However, I want to stress that, beyond these latest steps, our engagements, as the European institutions, has been intense and constant throughout the years and, in particular, in recent months.

The European Union’s delegation has now returned to Tripoli. The last time we discussed Libya it was May and your parliamentary delegation had just returned from a visit to Tripoli, after a long time without visits, for clear reasons. You, Mr President, also visited afterwards and I was there in July, honoured to be able to visit and to open the EU offices in Tripoli, and to be able to tell the Libyan authorities and the Libyan people: we are back, we have always been here with our projects, our support and our work, but we are also back physically, which is important. I reported to the Foreign Affairs Council right after I returned to Brussels from that visit.

Days ago, I spoke again to Fayez al-Sarraj, Chairman of the Presidential Council of Libya and Prime Minister of the Government of National Accord (GNA), and we agreed to meet at the UN General Assembly in New York in a couple of weeks from now. Libya will be very high on the agenda there, including at the European Union Foreign Ministers’ meeting that I will convene as High Representative of the European Union.

But let me focus now on four issues that have been and are central to our engagement.

The first is the political transition. Two-and-a-half million Libyans have registered to vote, showing their desire to turn the page. Tens of townhall meetings have been organised all around the country, in difficult conditions and with our support. The Libyan people have the right to choose their representatives safely and freely through the ballot box and we are helping the electoral commission in this: we were already helping it before it was attacked in May, and since then we have increased our assistance.

As I’ve said before, the Libyans have to know exactly what they are voting for. A solid constitutional framework has to be agreed before the elections. It would be imprudent to elect a president in a legal vacuum. This has always been our common European position and I know that Parliament’s delegation conveyed these messages to both the High Council of State and the House of Representatives during their visit in May.

My second point concerns the security situation. The Council is reviewing the mandates of both our civilian and our military operations and missions, working with the Libyan authorities, the EU Border Assistance Mission (EUBAM) and Operation Sofia.

EUBAM plays an important role first of all in border management and we all know how crucial this issue is, first and foremost for the territorial borders of Libya and for migration management but also for all sorts of trafficking and for counterterrorism reasons. However, EUBAM is also working on law enforcement and criminal justice: it has facilitated training for the judicial police and the criminal investigations department, and it works with Libyan officials on border management.

Operation Sofia is training the Libyan coastguards and enforcing the UN Security Council resolutions on the arms and oil embargo. So it is carrying out a responsibility and a duty that also comes from the UN system. Its strategic review is currently under way, and all the EU Member States – I discussed this with both the Defence and the Foreign Ministers a couple of weeks ago in Vienna – have confirmed that they want to preserve Operation Sofia. Its work is perceived by all the Member States, and by our Libyan counterparts, as essential for Libya and for Europe. So I cannot overemphasise how crucial it is that we confirm our commitment to Libya’s security with both EUBAM and Operation Sofia, working at sea and on land.

The third issue is the economic situation. We discussed this at length with the Foreign Ministers in July, when we had Libya on our agenda, and it is another essential aspect in helping to stabilise the country and meet the aspirations of the Libyan people. Together with the rest of the international community, we managed to contain the July oil crisis, but the underlying issues remain and could flare up again at any moment.

The UN Security Council will renew the mandate of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) on Thursday this week, and the Special Representative has asked the mission to act on economic reforms: on wealth distribution and on uniting the financial institutions. This issue has been placed at the heart of the work by the UN Special Representative, and rightly so. It is also an issue that the Libyan authorities are identifying as a key element in handling and managing the current situation in Libya, and I fully support this view. I think that handling the economic situation, in particular with economic reforms, wealth distribution and the uniting of the country’s financial institutions, is going to be a key part of our work. So we fully support this agenda and, accordingly, we have joined the economic dialogue together with the USA, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Our goal is to help Libya implement reforms to ensure that the revenues deriving from oil can be distributed in a transparent manner and benefit the people of Libya.

My fourth and last point concerns migration. In our work with the African Union and the United Nations that we started after the EU-African Union summit in Abidjan last November, and together with the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) and the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees(UNHCR) and in close partnership with the African Union, we have freed thousands of people from detention centres in Libya – changing the approach to some extent and addressing the issues from the point of view of partnership and cooperation with the international organisations. However, the lives and rights of thousands of migrants continue to be threatened, even more so as the result of a spiral of violence in the country. We know very well that migrants can become, and most often do become, the first targets and the first victims when violence inflates.

All parties should ensure unhindered access for the UNHCR and the UN, both inside and outside detention centres, and all obstacles to their ability to operate fully should be removed, while we continue to work towards emptying the detention centres, providing those who want to go back home with an opportunity to do so, and opening a safe path to Europe for those who have the right to international protection.

Let me say that emptying detention centres remains one of our key objectives and we are working towards it with, as I said, good results so far, but obviously the security situation also has an impact on that work. On this point, in relation to the international protection of those migrants who are entitled to international protection, let me say that EU Member States have a special responsibility. I call on them to accelerate the pace of evacuations from Libya through Niger because, just as we are working well with the IOM on voluntary returns by migrants who were trapped in Libya and want to go back, and we support that, we also have the responsibility and the duty to give international protection to those who are in need of and entitled to it. It’s a matter of credibility and it’s also a matter of efficiency.

That goes too for our collective investment in the field of migration. Let me say here that the European Union has done its part. The Commission is investing more resources in the European Union Trust Fund for Africa. It is now up to Member States to do their part, in line with the commitments they made at the June European Council, and invest more money in Africa.

The Member States need to do their part here because the European Union, the Commission and the institutions have increased enormously the amount of money we invest in Africa, not only in the traditional fields of development aid, humanitarian aid, peace and security, but also in economic issues, in trade, in good governance and rule of law, in human rights, in women’s and youth participation, and in many other issues, including climate change which is extremely important in relation to migration. However, we need Member States not only to say that we need to invest more in Africa but also to invest more in Africa themselves, with a partnership approach.

Having said that, it is also true that the number of migrants who crossed the Mediterranean in this first part of this year – and now it’s already the ninth month – was down by 80% compared to the same period last year, and this is a result of the joint partnership that we have established not only with Libya but also, and mainly, with the UN and its agencies, UNHCR and IOM and with the African Union. It is also the result of the work we have initiated, together with our African partners, in the past couple of years following the Valetta summit. However, again, we need the Member States to put in more money and more resources.

We have always been close to the Libyan people. I mentioned migration as the last point because I think that our main message today to Libya and Libyans has to be that our work with them, and for them, has them at the centre. We care about Libya not just because it is a crossing point for migrants but for the sake of Libya itself, and this is the centre of our work with them. We’ve always been close to the Libyan people, all the Libyan people, investing in their healthcare, in basic services, in security and in local governance, and it is even more important to do that now.

It is important for Libyans. It is important for us Europeans because there is no European security and no European stability if there is no security and stability in Libya.

Today it is our collective responsibility to remain a united and strong partner for Libya and a united and strong partner for the United Nations, as we are the first and most relevant supporter of their crucial work. So I trust, once again, that the positions expressed by Parliament will reflect this strong need for the European Union to pay attention to Libya, first of all as a matter of priority and, secondly, with full unity.



  Jaromír Štětina, za skupinu PPE. – Pane předsedající, vážená paní Mogheriniová, dámy a pánové, všichni s velkými obavami sledujeme vyhrocenou situaci v Libyi. Libyjci si zaslouží žít v míru a stabilitě. Tato vize se jim vzdaluje a my v EU musíme co nejefektivněji využít všechny dostupné nástroje, abychom napomohli tuto situaci změnit.

I při velkém respektu k odvedené práci OSN při stabilizaci země jsem osobně přesvědčen, že v současnosti, nyní, nelze trvat na prosincovém termínu voleb. Dnes ještě chybí politická, ústavní a organizační infrastruktura, zejména však bezpečnostní podmínky. Obávám se, že volby za této situace by vedly jen k další eskalaci násilí. Zároveň je nutné, aby Libye dostala nový impuls k řešení krize stability a politické transformace, realistický plán. Libyjci potřebují pokračování naší podpory jak politické, tak humanitární. A ještě bych chtěl vysoce ocenit, paní Mogheriniová, že EU otevřela svoje zastupitelství přímo v Tripolisu, nikoliv ve vzdáleném Tunisku.


  Elena Valenciano, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor presidente, yo comparto absolutamente el enfoque que ha dado aquí la alta representante y, además, quiero, como siempre, reconocer el esfuerzo que ella y su equipo hacen en la tarea hacia Libia. En realidad, nosotros no queríamos hablar de Libia como tal hoy. Este título es el producto de una muy compleja negociación con los grupos políticos.

Queríamos preparar la cumbre informal de Salzburgo para hablar de migración, para hablar de nosotros, no para hablar de ellos como si lo de Libia y el Mediterráneo no tuviera nada que ver con nosotros. Nosotros decimos que hay una grave crisis en el Mediterráneo y en Libia, «humanitaria», «humana», y decimos que hay una grave crisis política en Europa. Nos gusta siempre mucho más hablar de las crisis de los otros que de la nuestra propia.

Pero vamos a Salzburgo, y este Parlamento no se ha podido pronunciar realmente sobre lo que pensamos que se debe debatir en Salzburgo. Y esa es la crisis de Europa. La crisis de Europa es no quererse mirar a sí misma y preferir siempre mirar hacia afuera.

Es cierto que el Mediterráneo está produciendo menos migrantes, pero también se están produciendo, sin embargo, más muertes. Es decir, la ruta del Mediterráneo central sigue siendo mortífera, y de eso deberíamos estar hablando en este Parlamento. De nuestra responsabilidad sobre esa realidad.


  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, Madam High Representative, I welcome the UN efforts that have brought about a ceasefire to the recent outbreak of fighting in Tripoli. Yesterday’s attack on the National Oil Corporation’s headquarters appears not to be a sign of that ceasefire breaking down, with most reports attributing responsibility to Isis – sadly, still present on the territory – rather than any of the rival militias. We cannot underestimate, however, the continuing sense of a kind of paralysis of a failed state that dominates the tragic situation in Libya. Elections before the close of this year looked increasingly unlikely, particularly as we now see Italy taking a more proactive role in the process. Prime Minister Conte has said getting the elections is right and is more important than their actual timing, and I agree. This seems also to mark a shift from the French position championed by President Macron at the Libya summit in May and a move now towards an Italian-led solution. Obviously, Italy’s historical links to Libya are extremely strong, but the EU’s southern neighbour’s stabilisation is, of course, in the interests of all the Member States, and we need unity on this if we are to prevent a greater migratory flux in future and the creation of a base for international terrorism, drug dealing and an arms trade.


  Javier Nart, en nombre del Grupo ALDE. – Señor presidente, señora Mogherini, yo creo que no comprendemos el desprecio y el rencor que tienen en Libia hacia nosotros, hacia Occidente, por haberle impuesto un gobierno marioneta, una persona inexistente —Fayez al-Sarrach— con todas las instituciones, hasta el Consejo de Estado.

Cuando oigo hablar de elecciones, proceso electoral, comisión electoral independiente... ¿de qué estamos hablando, si la realidad nos ha reventado en la cara? Yo llevo años diciendo que, mientras hacíamos política ficción, había una realidad en Libia terrible, y esa realidad ha sido la lucha entre las milicias, los gangsters pagados por el Ministerio de Defensa y el Ministerio del Interior. Esa es la realidad: la gente que controla el territorio. Y la realidad en Libia se llama el Consejo Tubu en el sur, el Consejo Tuareg en el sur; se llama la milicia de Misrata, se llama los gangsters de Trípoli, se llama fundamentalmente el Ejército Nacional de Jalifa Haftar, que ha sido perfectamente olvidado porque la legalidad nos imponía que teníamos que tratar con Fayez al-Sarrach. Pero la legalidad es una cosa y la realidad es otra.

Así que, por Dios, salgamos de la política ficción, de comisiones electorales, de procesos electorales y tratemos con los actores verdaderos respetándoles. Porque, señora Mogherini, en Libia nos tienen un profundo respeto y no olvidarán jamás el daño que hacemos imponiéndoles, como occidentales, soluciones que no son las suyas; son gente que se merece un respeto, como nosotros lo tendríamos hacia nosotros mismos, y no permiten estar tutelados por esa cosa difusa, profusa y confusa que se llama «la legalidad internacional», «la comunidad internacional», que no tiene nada que ver con la realidad del territorio libio. A ver si despertamos.


  Barbara Lochbihler, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Die Situation von Flüchtlingen und Migranten in Libyen ist desaströs. Wegen der Kämpfe sind die Wachen der Internierungslager geflohen. Wir haben Berichte über Verhungerte und Verschleppte. UNHCR-Mitarbeiter berichten von schwersten Misshandlungen. Die libysche Küstenwache in Tripolis hat sich aufgelöst. Nur aus der Stadt Chums brechen noch Patrouillenschiffe auf. Ärzte ohne Grenzen berichten von hundert Ertrunkenen allein am 2. September. Der UNHCR warnt davor, Migranten nach Libyen zurückzuschicken, und sieht die Einrichtung von Aufnahmezentren in Libyen sehr kritisch.

Die Internationale Organisation für Migration bittet um viertausend Evakuierungsplätze in der EU. Und darum frage ich Sie ganz konkret, Frau Mogherini: Haben Sie Zusagen von Mitgliedstaaten, Evakuierte aufzunehmen? Wird die Zusammenarbeit mit den Resten der libyschen Küstenwache abgebrochen, um zu verhindern, dass Fliehende nach Libyen zurückgebracht werden? Und letztlich: Welche Maßnahmen ergreifen Sie oder ergreift die EU, damit es zu einer zivilen Seenotrettung kommt?


  Marie-Christine Vergiat, au nom du groupe GUE/NGL. – Monsieur le Président, les débats sur la Libye sont toujours un peu surréalistes.

On fait comme si la Libye était un État normal. Or, il n’y a pas d’État en Libye. Les événements récents à Tripoli viennent encore de nous le montrer. Les milices à la solde de telle ou telle faction gouvernementale se battent entre elles pour prendre le contrôle de la capitale. On peut même se demander s’il y a encore un gouvernement et, plus que jamais, ce qu’il contrôle. Tous les Libyens payent le prix fort de cette absence d’État, mais les migrants subsahariens en sont particulièrement victimes. Ils seraient environ 8 000 à Tripoli, abandonnés de tous, affamés, objets des pires sévices et des trafics les plus monstrueux, enfermés, trimballés d’un centre de rétention à l’autre au gré des combats. On se demande où va l’aide humanitaire. La route du Niger, Madame la Commissaire, leur est coupée. Les États européens n’ont pas rempli leurs engagements en matière de réinstallation. Le Niger ne veut plus aucun réfugié tant que les États européens n’auront pas rempli leurs engagements. C’est pourquoi nous sommes un certain nombre de députés de plusieurs groupes politiques à demander l’évacuation de ces migrants de Tripoli, l’ouverture de couloirs humanitaires et l’arrêt du soutien aux fameux garde-côtes libyens. Ces derniers ramènent les migrants sur les côtes, où ils sont – paraît-il – enregistrés, mais nul ne sait ce qu’ils deviennent après.

Nous ne pouvons pas fermer les yeux sur ces horreurs, ne pas entendre les témoignages des survivants. Il ne peut pas y avoir d’élections miraculeuses dans un tel contexte. C’est un profond mépris pour le peuple libyen et Madame la Commissaire, vous savez bien que si le nombre de traversées diminue, ce n’est pas le cas du nombre de morts. Il y a un mort pour 18 traversées aujourd’hui, alors qu’il y en avait un pour 42 l’année dernière, c’est-à-dire même pas au plus fort des traversées. Il faut sauver des vies humaines, c’est votre responsabilité et vous savez très bien que vous ne pouvez rien attendre des États membres en la matière.


  Nathan Gill, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Mr President, I think that we all agree that Libya is a nation in crisis. But there’s been no mention here that it was EU Member States bombing Libya in March 2011 that led directly to this state of affairs by backing regime change which resulted in extreme violence and chaos, with roving militia and jihadis. And as a direct result of that, economic migrants from all over Africa have been enticed to go there and to stay there illegally, and they have been abused by their Libyan hosts. We’re setting up processing centres – surely embassies and consulates are processing centres. By setting up these facilities, the message to the entire world is actually: come. All you have to do is make your way to the centre, pay your life savings to criminal people traffickers – who, by the way, fund terrorism – cross the continent of Africa or even further afield (passing countless safe havens on the way), get yourself to a processing centre, and you’re going to get into the EU. Until the message is made abundantly clear that illegal economic migrants will not be processed and that boats will be turned back, thousands and thousands more sad and desperate lives will be lost in vain, all for the sake of your feelings of virtue. You’re not really helping people.


  Mario Borghezio, a nome del gruppo ENF. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la signora Mogherini ci dice che la Libia dovrà vedere nell'Unione europea un partner forte per questo paese. Grossa difficoltà, direi, nel momento in cui dalla stessa relazione svolta oggi in quest'Aula appare il disegno di un'Unione europea che sembra più una ONG. Non mi sembra di vedere una visione geopolitica, non mi sembra di aver colto delle indicazioni precise e concrete per quello che bisogna fare subito.

Pensiamo solo al fatto, come è stato ricordato, che le coste della Libia, data la dissoluzione della guardia costiera, sono non più presidiate e la Libia è esattamente di fronte all'Italia, sulla quale io avrei gradito sentire anche parole di apprezzamento del ruolo fortemente stabilizzatore che, con tutti i suoi limiti, il nostro paese ha svolto e sta svolgendo, e anche invece di richiamo delle responsabilità di un altro Stato membro, la Francia di Macron, che invece ha svolto un'azione esattamente contraria per interessi che tutti ben conosciamo.

Io credo che si debba invece riporre un grande appoggio e una grande speranza nella vicina conferenza, che deve però coinvolgere tutti gli Stati interessati, compresa la Russia, compresi gli Stati Uniti, naturalmente, cominciando dal grande vicino Egitto che ha tutto l'interesse di bloccare l'eventualità molto pericolosa del contagio dell'Isis e dei gruppi armati filoterroristici.

La Libia è un coacervo di forze molto pericolose e l'Unione europea sta a guardare. Non si occupi solo, giustamente, delle condizioni umanitarie dei rifugiati, si occupi anche di politica, perché siamo qui per questo. Lei sarebbe qui per questo.


  Ελευθέριος Συναδινός (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η κατάσταση στη Μεσόγειο συνεχίζει να είναι ανθρωπιστικά μη βιώσιμη. Όμως μία τραγωδία δεν επιλύεται με άδικα και μη διαχειρίσιμα βάρη στην πλάτη των Ευρωπαίων πολιτών, διαιωνίζοντας και μεταφέροντας αυτούσια τη διαχείριση του προβλήματος εντός της ευρωπαϊκής επικράτειας, εις βάρος των θεμελιωδών δικαιωμάτων και εναντίον των δικών μας αναγκών στους τομείς της δημόσιας υγείας, της δημόσιας τάξης και της εθνικής ασφάλειας. Οι δυνατότητες της Λυβικής ακτοφυλακής πρέπει να ενισχυθούν. Το έργο που επιτελούν είναι σοβαρό και απαραίτητο. Απόδειξη η περισυλλογή ναυαγών και η διάσωση αριθμού ατόμων που προσπαθούσαν να διασχίσουν τη Μεσόγειο με προορισμό τα παράλια της Ευρώπης. Η επαναφορά της τάξεως και της νομιμότητος απαιτεί πρωτίστως την υιοθέτηση αποτρεπτικών μέτρων κατά της έλευσης των λαθρομεταναστών. Μόνο έτσι θα περιοριστούν οι ανθρώπινες απώλειες. Αντιθέτως, τα ανοιχτά λιμάνια, η ανεξέλεγκτη και αμφίβολης νομιμότητος δράση πλοιαρίων των ΜΚΟ και η αποδοχή λαθρομεταναστών αποτελούν κίνητρο διέλευσης της Μεσογείου παρά αποτρεπτική και αποτελεσματική μέθοδο αντιμετώπισης.




  Santiago Fisas Ayxelà (PPE). – Señora presidenta, qué duda cabe que hay que felicitarse por el alto el fuego acordado entre las diferentes fuerzas bajo el auspicio del representante especial de las Naciones Unidas. Debería ser un paso para la disminución de la escalada de violencia y para contribuir a la estabilidad de la región. Mi preocupación es que solo el alto el fuego no sea suficiente. Se necesitarán nuevos acuerdos en materia de seguridad. Para conseguirlo se han de retomar las negociaciones políticas, que llevan bloqueadas muchos meses. Hay que dar a las partes un marco negociador donde los actores militares tengan una representación; si esto no sucede, corremos el riesgo de que los combates se inicien de nuevo muy pronto.

El objetivo debería ser encontrar una solución que limitase el control que ejercen las milicias sobre las instituciones. La dificultad es conseguirlos y poder contar con fuerzas regulares y neutras. Se podría plantear que, en vez de restablecer zonas de control exclusivo de una milicia u otra, se hiciese de forma conjunta para que ninguna tuviese el control exclusivo de las instituciones. Sería una solución temporal, bajo el auspicio de Naciones Unidas, que debería ir unida a una hoja de ruta que buscase la integración progresiva de las diferentes fuerzas en unidades unificadas. El pueblo libio merece vivir en paz , y hay que seguir trabajando para alcanzar una solución duradera a la crisis política en Libia, que también afecta a toda la región.


  Pier Antonio Panzeri (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'escalation della tensione che abbiamo registrato la scorsa settimana, e che probabilmente continuerà attorno a Tripoli, è segno della grande instabilità presente nel paese tra le diverse milizie presenti a Tripoli e fuori dalla capitale e delle difficoltà concrete nelle quali si trova al-Sarraj.

Penso di poter dire che l'accordo di Skhirat appare ormai sempre più lontano. Ora, non è in discussione l'impegno dell'Unione europea mostrato in questi anni, ma penso che il compito principale che oggi noi abbiamo sia quello di contribuire a definire una nuova roadmap per la Libia, che veda coinvolti tutti gli attori interni ed esterni, comprese le milizie che nell'accordo di Skhirat non erano state chiamate.

L'azione dell'Unione europea da questo punto di vista è decisiva anche verso gli Stati membri. Al governo italiano va dato un chiaro messaggio: esca da questa ossessione migratoria e si concentri molto di più sull'esigenza di giocare un ruolo politico nel quadro appunto geopolitico libico, a partire dalla conferenza di novembre. E al governo francese è bene rammentare che non otterrà l'avvio di un processo di stabilizzazione se vorrà giocare la partita libica in modo solitario.

In conclusione, penso che il Parlamento europeo – adesso è andato via il Presidente – dovrebbe farsi promotore di un'iniziativa a Bruxelles. Noi dobbiamo avere come orizzonte temporale la prossima primavera, entro la quale realizzare i percorsi istituzionali.


  Arne Gericke (ECR). – Frau Präsidentin! Vielen Dank, Frau Kommissarin, dass Sie dieses Thema aufgebracht haben und uns dadurch natürlich immer wieder zwingen, uns über unseren Rahmen Europas immer wieder neue Gedanken zu machen. Europa hat durch die globale Lage historisch, wirtschaftlich, witterungsmäßig und auf vielfältige andere Weise einen großen Vorteil. Aber Libyen als ein verlässlicher Partner, wird sich mancher fragen? Wir müssen als Europäische Union gemeinsam auftreten und Sie, Frau Kommissarin Mogherini, vielleicht als wertvolle Vermittlerin auftreten. Zusammenarbeit der Mitgliedstaaten ist hier ganz wichtig. Wir müssen gemeinsam Verantwortung tragen – Verantwortung, nachdem wir als Europa umfangreich profitiert haben. Rohstoffe sind nur ein ganz kleiner Teil davon. Wenn wir jetzt von einer Notsituation sprechen, könnte ein Teil unser Notfallzentrum sein. Heute ist es Libyen. Der eigentliche Bedarf ist wahrscheinlich noch viel größer.

Ein Plan, ein Zukunftsplan: Aus der Verantwortung entsteht ein ganz neues Partnerschaftsverhältnis. Wie kann Libyen uns Europäer als Partner erfahren, frei von strategisch-militärischen Zielen, frei von Ausbeutung, frei von Forderungen, die Libyen nie wieder eine selbständige Sicherheit finden lassen? Libyen als erster Schritt gegen die große Not der Welt.


  Barbara Spinelli (GUE/NGL). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, domani il Presidente Juncker proporrà di federalizzare le frontiere dell'UE, non per mettere fine ai morti in mare con una politica di salvataggi e reinsediamenti, ma per facilitare i rimpatri.

Mi rivolgo dunque alla Commissione: vorrei sapere quanti morti sono necessari perché vi accorgiate che ne siete corresponsabili, avendo estromesso le ONG, senza diminuire le fughe. Il "push factor" è più forte dei "pull factor".

Vorrei che ricordiate i rapporti ONU: da due anni dicono che la Libia non è un paese sicuro. Lo dite a volte anche voi. Allora perché finanziare carcerieri travestiti da guardie di frontiera, perché appoggiare una politica italiana di respingimenti iniziati ben prima di Salvini e già condannata sei anni fa dalla Corte di Strasburgo? L'unica cosa che non potrete dire è: non sapevamo il prezzo mortifero degli arrivi diminuiti.


  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (EFDD). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, gentile Alto rappresentante, è giunta l'ora di calare la maschera dell'ipocrisia. È penosamente evidente come in Libia, a distanza di anni, non sia mai cominciato l'imprescindibile processo di smantellamento e inglobamento delle singole milizie in un esercito unico. Milizie che a tutt'oggi sono padrone del territorio, dettano i passi alla politica e contribuiscono a sostenere una lucrosa situazione di anarchia organizzata.

La perversa spirale è sin troppo chiara: finché sapranno che abbiamo bisogno di loro per liberarci del problema dei migranti, nascondendolo, avranno una potentissima arma di ricatto per ottenere appoggio politico e soldi. Pecunia non olet. I finanziatori non mancano da entrambi i lati, e finché riceveranno supporto da parte di potenze regionali, e anche dai paesi europei, nutriranno la costante illusione di poter, se non vincere militarmente, quantomeno mantenere una posizione di privilegio. Questo smantellamento e unificazione sarà una chimera, un gioco scellerato e disgregante da parte di attori che egoisticamente cercano di favorire un gruppo a discapito di un altro, solo per poter aumentare la propria influenza. Ed è ora che anche a Parigi ci dicano qualcosa a riguardo, come sulla folle idea di tenere elezioni senza sicurezza e senza un quadro legale. Certi studenti non apprendono proprio nulla dalla storia.

A ciò si aggiungano altri fattori di instabilità: un rigurgito di sostenitori pro-Gheddafi, la crescente influenza del gruppo radicale salafita dei madkhalisti e la gravissima situazione nel Fezzan, dove alle milizie endogene si affiancano gruppi ribelli dei paesi limitrofi, nonché la presenza consolidata di Al Qaeda e dei miliziani dell'Isis.

Dobbiamo rafforzare la cooperazione regionale allargata con il G5 del Sahel, certo, ma questi compiti che abbiamo all'estero dobbiamo innanzitutto cominciare a farli a casa nostra. Senza un sistema di ridistribuzione obbligatorio preventivo e permanente, senza un sistema d'asilo davvero comune e di vie legali d'accesso, continueremo ad alimentare il circolo vizioso libico.

Abbiamo bisogno di una reale unità d'intenti, di una posizione europea scevra da interessi particolari, che speriamo arrivi finalmente alla conferenza di Roma. Solo in questo modo, evitando le solite pericolose partite in solitaria, saremo in grado di fare non ciò che è facile, ma finalmente di fare ciò che è giusto.


  Gilles Lebreton (ENF). – Madame la Présidente, la Libye est dans une situation très grave: son gouvernement d’union nationale, reconnu par la communauté internationale, ne parvient pas à maintenir l’ordre.

Tripoli vient d’être ravagée par des combats entre deux groupes armés qui sont théoriquement placés sous son autorité. Partout, le territoire libyen est occupé par des milices, dont beaucoup sont salafistes. La Libye est devenue à la fois un repère de terroristes islamistes, une base de passeurs de migrants et un État dangereux, qui cherche à déstabiliser ses voisins, notamment l’Algérie.

Dans un tel contexte, imaginer qu’on pourrait y organiser des élections en décembre est une illusion. Il faut revenir à la réalité et faire pression sur la Libye pour l’amener à rétablir un minimum d’ordre sur son territoire, au besoin en exigeant en contrepartie de notre aide financière la mise en œuvre d’un véritable plan de redressement.


  Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). – Señora presidenta, yo celebro mucho que tenga lugar este debate. Ya sé que las Presidencias búlgara y austriaca conceden especial relevancia a los Balcanes, pero el Mediterráneo es prioritario también. Se trata de nuestros vecinos del sur, que han vivido acontecimientos muy importantes en la última década. La presencia, la ayuda de la Unión Europea son muy requeridas. Lo he visto hace poco en Túnez, a donde viajé con la Comisión de Asuntos Exteriores.

Libia atraviesa una gravísima crisis desde hace años. La solución política se hace esperar por los enfrentamientos y las divisiones internas y también por los intereses enfrentados de otros países árabes. La Unión Europea tiene que seguir acompañando los esfuerzos de Naciones Unidas y del representante especial para una solución política.

Desgraciadamente, el alto el fuego conseguido en Trípoli hace pocos días es muy precario, muy frágil: parece estar saltando por los aires. Pero también hay emergencias en otros sitios, señora Mogherini; por ejemplo en Siria, pero ya sé que la Unión Europea ahí ha dejado de ser un actor relevante. Se reúnen otros.

Y termino con una nota positiva: resaltar la importancia de nuestras relaciones con Marruecos, un país reformista y profundamente proeuropeo.


  Claude Moraes (S&D). – Madam President, Madam High Representative, I welcome the progress that you and your team are making in very difficult circumstances, particularly on trying to empty the detention centres, which we saw as a Parliament delegation recently. Of course, what we saw was that the vast majority of people currently in those detention centres have actually been intercepted at sea and returned to Libya. So here is the paradox, because this is who we are dealing with. They are now trapped and arbitrarily held in these closed centres throughout the detention matrix.

We are in a very difficult position in our discussions with the IOM and UNHCR. Last week we had a very difficult discussion, because on the one hand, we’re discussing disembarkation platforms for the future, and now the UNHCR has issued an updated position saying migrants rescued or intercepted at sea should not be returned to Libya.

Really, what I want to ask you is: what do we do now? How are we criminalising NGOs, what do we do about the Libyan coastguard? I only have one minute, but I really have to ask you to go into more depth on these very difficult questions for the immediate future, because without doing this, we stay in this very difficult situation. No one is saying that you are not making progress on the tough questions, but we really need the answers on these more difficult immediate questions.


  Miguel Urbán Crespo (GUE/NGL). – Señora presidenta, hoy han muerto cien personas más frente a las costas libias. Cien personas más, se dice rápido. Sería escalofriante saber cuántas personas han muerto desde que en esta Eurocámara hablamos de Libia. ¿Cuántas personas han muerto, sin que nuestras políticas no solo no hagan nada para evitarlo, sino que, normalmente, hagan todo lo contrario, justamente favorezcan esas muertes?

Este verano se debatía en el Consejo la posibilidad de dar más dinero a las bandas armadas libias para que hagan de guardacostas —5 000 millones para que hagan de policía de fronteras— y la creación de centros de internamiento pagados con el dinero europeo que son verdaderos campos de concentración. Cuando se debatía eso, yo estaba en el mar en un barco de esas ONG que criminaliza Europa, con esas personas rescatadas que, si se las pudiera mirar a la cara, señorías, si las pudieran mirar a la cara y escuchar sus historias de terror en Libia, no podrían apretar el botón para seguir apoyando estas políticas criminales que están convirtiendo el Mediterráneo en la mayor fosa común del mundo. Nuestras políticas nos están manchando las manos de sangre. Ténganlo en cuenta señorías, ténganlo en cuenta cuando voten.


  Inés Ayala Sender (S&D). – Señora presidenta, le agradezco mucho además que usted se ocupe precisamente también, y mucho, de los problemas de la inmigración; pero en este momento querría dirigirme a la alta representante y agradecerle el no cejar en el trabajo y el apoyo a los libios, porque se lo merecen tanto como las personas que se ven obligadas a pasar por Libia, quienes sufren con los libios. Yo creo que eso es lo que cada vez que hacemos un discurso en esta Cámara, y mientras el señor Urbán estaba en el mar con las ONG —que además hemos propuesto precisamente para el Premio Sájarov— nosotros entrábamos en Trípoli precisamente para manifestar no solamente que los centros había que cerrarlos, que había que apoyar a la OIM y al ACNUR para ayudar a salir a los inmigrantes voluntariamente, que estaba el acuerdo firmado con Níger pero que los Estados miembros no están cumpliendo con sus obligaciones a la hora de sacar a aquellos que no pueden ni siquiera pedir volver a sus lugares de origen.

Y, por lo tanto, creo que es importante que también en este discurso se escuche la voz de los libios, porque nosotros vimos que los pequeños pasos, la política de pequeños pasos que puede parecerles a algunos criminal, es lo contrario: es decir, no se puede cambiar todo, pero el hecho de que los guardacostas estén encuadrados mediante la formación permanente, hace posible que las ONG puedan recibir, desembarcar y darles un kit y registrar a las personas que vuelven. Es decir, es posible ese planteamiento.

Hemos podido también visitar los centros y verificar y apoyar a aquellas personas que debían (y podían) retornar. Y, además, los libios, aquellos que pueden y que nos hablan y con los que tuvimos la ocasión de hablar, también nos dijeron que necesitaban que la Unión Europea pudiera tener un planteamiento más fuerte; no solamente de observación, que sabemos que es ahora mismo nuestro papel, sino dar un paso más allá y tener un papel de mediación. Nos lo están pidiendo. Yo creo que el acuerdo de cese el fuego es muy frágil, se ha vuelto a romper estos días; pero aun así las palabras que se recogen, los centros neurálgicos y las obligaciones que se les imponen a los grupos armados, que son quienes ahora señorean —entre otras cosas también porque están viendo de cara al futuro cuál será su ubicación—, todos ellos piden más política europea, esa política europea que, como decía la señora Valenciano, necesitamos que se acuerde definitivamente en Salzburgo.


  President. – Mr Urbán Crespo, I saw that you showed a blue card and I know that you have very good knowledge in the field. I let everybody speak a little bit longer so, if you don’t mind, I will not open this procedure because we are running late. Do you agree to this? It is the same as in the previous debate with no catch—the—eye and no blue cards. Thank you very much for your understanding.


  Elly Schlein (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, in queste ore è arrivata conferma di un altro terribile naufragio al largo della Libia, con oltre 100 dispersi, tra cui venti bambini e due gemellini. Già 1 540 morti quest'anno. Secondo l'UNHCR muore una persona su 18.

La mortalità è aumentata per effetto delle vergognose politiche di porti chiusi, criminalizzazione delle ONG ed esternalizzazione delle nostre responsabilità alla Libia, criticate ieri anche dall'Alta commissaria ONU per i diritti umani. Invece servono vie legali e sicure per l'accesso a tutti i paesi UE e una missione europea di ricerca e soccorso. Siete impegnati a svuotare le prigioni libiche ma, per effetto di queste politiche, da marzo a luglio sono più che raddoppiati i migranti detenuti.

La Libia non è un paese sicuro e non è un porto sicuro. Gli accordi con la Libia, come abbiamo sempre denunciato, hanno foraggiato quelle milizie che oggi infiammano Tripoli creando ulteriore instabilità. Si interrompano subito i fondi e l'addestramento alla guardia costiera libica, che non salva vite in mare e viola diritti umani.

Signora Alto rappresentante, La prego di fare ogni sforzo per dare all'UE una voce sola e forte sulla Libia, che superi gli interessi nazionali contrapposti per smettere di complicare la crisi e lavorare con la comunità internazionale a una soluzione pacifica e duratura.


  Alfred Sant (S&D). – Madam President, the interests of Libya and of its people and those of the European Union are convergent if not identical. The country needs to go back as soon as possible to a strong and stable governance that will maintain national coherence to the Libyan borders while taking into account the expectations of the different forces present – this by bringing as many of them as possible to participate in running the country. The coming elections should be a crucial step in approaching this state of affairs, which is why it is important to ensure not necessarily that elections are held as soon as possible but that they are run transparently, with the widest possible agreement with Libya as to their relevance. As recent events in Tripoli confirm, there are still huge security problems that have to be overcome. Unless this has been done, the elections will be undermined. First things first: the interests of the Libyan people before other interests. The European Union should, without pre-judgment therefore, maintain dialogue with all non-terrorist organisations in Libya and support elections that will, realistically and as fairly as possible, provide the platform for the establishment of a governance that could bring back to Libya stability, peace and prosperity.


  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Madam President, I started this debate by saying I hope, I trust that this debate tonight will give not only Europeans but also the Libyans the picture of a united European Union.

Can I start by saying you’re 22 in this Hemicycle tonight discussing Libya, and I think you expressed at least 15 different positions. You’re asking me to represent a strong, united European position.

If I had to represent your views (and it’s not my job), it would be a difficult task. This is to make you understand that the effort we are trying to do is to represent a united, strong – not only political – position, but action: action, with Libyans, putting the interest of the Libyans first, not the interests of one group, or one militia or one militia against the other, but the Libyan citizens. Because you are perfectly right: reality on the ground is different from the theory of the negotiations. But those thousands of Libyans that have been registering to vote in the last months are asking for normality in their lives and are knowing very well that the state doesn’t exist, has never existed in Libya. But they want it. They want the oil revenues to benefit a normal organisation of services. They want the richness of their country and their natural resources to benefit normal people. They’re asking for a normal life, and this is our first thought; this is what guides our action: trying to create the unity that maybe you cannot find in this Hemicycle – I hope yes – but among our Member States.

And let me be very clear on elections, because I have heard your voices and I know very well what is the current debate, especially among commentators and in the media about that, but we do have a clear, common European Union position that I have been expressing in these months, including to our Libyan interlocutors and on which we have been working with the UN special representative in these months on a daily basis, which is that elections will need to take place first of all in a sustainable security environment. Secondly, with a clear constitutional and legal framework: Libyans need to know for what they are asked to vote.

And we need to have the reasonable certainty that all different stakeholders will accept the result of the elections the day after the elections. Then it’s not for anybody else to define the date; that is why we have an electoral committee that we are supporting, because we want the Libyans to run the process, to decide the process, but they need our help, they need our support, from the basic financial need to have computers in the offices to the even more basic need to have offices, because with the attack they had in May, they couldn’t even use the offices anymore. So we are doing this work, we’re trying to empower the Libyans to decide for themselves and to try to help the United Nations to run this difficult political process in a way that gives an answer to the demand of the Libyan people to have institutions that function, which is, I think, a natural expectation of anybody in the world. And I will continue discussing this and working on this, not only with the UN special representative Salamé in New York in a couple of weeks’ time, but also with our Libyan interlocutors and with the main regional players, because what is essential is that we coordinate this work not only with the UN, not only among ourselves in the European Union, but also that we coordinate with the neighbouring countries, with the African Union and with the Arab League. And believe me, it’s quite something.

But I think that, on the support of the process of political transition, compared to a few years ago, we have a better international and regional understanding of the needs that need to be addressed.

On migration: for me personally it’s quite painful, after all the fights and all the work I have personally tried to make in these years, swimming against the, how do you say, nuotando controcorrente (I ask the help of the translators). And you know very well that the mainstream in the European Union Member States and even in this Parliament is not to put focus and priority on saving lives. This has been my priority, and this is why today we have Sophia at sea that is fighting the traffickers, trying to train the Libyan coastguards, together with the NGOs and with the UN humanitarian agencies that are doing the training.

We cannot be selective on when we like the UN agencies or the NGOs and when we don’t, or when we ignore that they’re working with us. We cannot can pick and choose. The work we’re trying to do is exactly because we know there’s a problem. You can forget it and complain and do nothing, or you can try to engage and you can try to have a different kind of picture. Is it perfect? Far from it. Is it better than before? Starting to get better and may be at risk of getting worse now again, because the fight against militias is creating a different kind of dynamic. But this is the reason why we have added to the mandate of Operation Sophia the training of the Libyan coast guards, including on human rights standards and including with the UN agencies and with the NGOs, because we want that to start to be part of the DNA of the extremely limited institutional work that is done there. Because we cannot say we need to empower the Libyans without interfering and then say it’s useless, they cannot run either the country nor the territorial waters. It’s a contradiction in terms.

So what we need to do is to work with them on the international standards and try to upgrade the levels not only of efficiency but also of respect of human rights. This is the same kind of work we have been doing and we are continuing to do in extremely difficult conditions on the detention centres, where we finally managed – together with the African Union, which I want to thank, and together with the IOM and UNHCR, which I’d like to thank, because when we started this work, they were not even present in the country, and we are there together.

When we started this work a couple of years ago, I remember perfectly well the first meetings we had with the UNCHR and the IOM, and they were telling us: ‘no way we’re going back to Libya, we’re not there, we’re not operating there, we only have a few local staff.’ And we have been working together in these years to bring them back, to be ourselves back (and finally we are), and to work with our African partners.

I fully share with you – and I said it at the beginning – most of our Member States are not doing their part, especially when it comes to giving international protection to those in need. The issue of the refugees that are entitled to protection that are in Niger needs to be addressed by Member States. There’s an engagement, there’s a commitment that needs to be respected. That’s clear. And I appreciate you raising your voice on this as well as – I have heard that much tonight from you on this, but I trust we agree on that – on the resources we allocate for our partnership with countries of origin and transit, because they need our support in this. So priority number one is to diminish the number of people dying inside Libya, at sea, and in the desert before they enter Libya.

Second is also reducing the number of migrants arriving, because we are working in destroying the system of business of the traffickers.

These are the objectives we have. Is it easy? Is it accomplished? No, it’s not easy and it’s not accomplished yet. But the trend compared to when we had nothing – no European Union policy or presence on this fight (and that was just four years ago, I would like to remind you all: you were here) – there was no policy at all. No European Union presence at sea at all, at land at all, no work on this file. It was left to single Member States. But by the way: change in government, change policies.

So I think that we need to keep working very hard on this, keeping in mind first and foremost the facts some of you have mentioned. We cannot talk about Libya only because we are worried about the migrants. I agree with you: there is some frustration. My experience is this: the biggest frustration of the Libyans is when we remember that Libya exists only in relation to the number of migrants arriving in Europe, whereas they’ve been suffering for years, for different reasons: first because of a dictatorship and then because of a state of conflict, and they deserve to have a normal country and a normal life.



  Elnök asszony. – A vitát lezárom.

Írásbeli nyilatkozatok (162. cikk)


  Csaba Sógor (PPE), írásban. – A líbiai rendkívül bizonytalan és ingatag helyzet kapcsán folyamatosan abba a problémába ütközik az Európai Unió, hogy a líbiai hatóságok nem képesek gyakorolni az állami főhatalmat, ezáltal minden stabilizációs kísérlet hatása kérdéses. Az Európai Uniónak az az érdeke, hogy stabil kormány álljon fel Líbiában, amely képes talpra állítani az országot és kezelni tudja a bevándorló-hullámokat is. A földközi-tengeri helyzet szorosan összefügg a líbiai hatóságok reagálási képességével, ezért Európának arra kell törekednie, hogy a tripoli kormány ellenőrzése alatt tartsa a helyzetet és megálljt parancsoljon az embercsempészek tevékenységének. El kell ismernünk, hogy a probléma közvetlenül Olaszországban csapódik le, de a bevándorlók másodlagos mozgása miatt egész Európa számára kihívást jelent. Líbia – és tágabb értelemben az észak-afrikai államok – stabilizációja az európai országok elemi érdeke, ennek megfelelő súlyt kell kapjon a kérdés a Bizottság külügyi tevékenységében is.

Utolsó frissítés: 2018. december 6.Jogi nyilatkozat - Adatvédelmi szabályzat