Compte rendu in extenso des débats

Mardi 2 octobre 2018 - Strasbourg

17. Montée des violences néofascistes en Europe (débat)

  Președintele. – Următorul punct de pe ordinea de zi este dezbaterea privind Declarații ale Comisiei și Consiliului referitoare la ascensiunea violenței cu caracter neofascist în Europa (2018/2869(RSP)).

  Juliane Bogner-Strauss, President—in—Office of the Council. – Mr President, you have invited the Presidency to speak on behalf of the Council on a topic of common concern, namely how the EU can respond to politically motivated violence. I am grateful to have this opportunity.

First, I would like to express my sympathy to Ms Forenza, who was attacked in Bari a week ago, and who informed us on Monday at the opening session. Such attacks, especially against a Member of the European Parliament and her staff, have no place in Europe. It is our joint responsibility to safeguard the values on which the Union is founded. EU values are the backbone of the Union and encompass pluralism, tolerance, justice and fundamental rights. Among the fundamental rights, the Charter of Fundamental Rights includes freedom of expression and freedom of peaceful assembly. Any politically motivated attack on a peaceful demonstration is an attack on our common values.

The use of violence for political reasons to forbid others to express their ideas is unjustifiable in our open democratic societies. We are appalled by the most recent violent incidents in several Member States. Evidence from different sources, such as the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights and the Council of Europe, confirms an alarming increase in intolerance and hatred in Europe.

Whatever the source might be, let me be clear that there is no justification for this. At EU level, the Council attaches great importance to ensuring the effective transposition and implementation of the Framework Decision on Combating Racism and Xenophobia and other relevant hate crime laws at national level. The Council constantly calls upon Member States to develop effective methods to report and ensure proper recording of hate crimes. At national level, it is for law enforcement authorities and the national courts to protect fundamental rights when these are attacked by political extremists.

Let me also underline the important role of education and youth work. In my capacity as a Youth Minister, I want to stress the need to develop democratic resilience, media literacy, tolerance, critical thinking and conflict resolution skills in learning processes. I would like to conclude by stressing how important it is to prevent our societies from becoming dominated by hatred. We are therefore obliged to take all incidents of this kind seriously and never ignore them.

  Věra Jourová, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, we have all seen shocking cases of neo—fascist violence in Europe in recent months, including the shooting of six people of immigrant background in Macerata, Italy, the violent far-right protests that followed, and a fatal stabbing which sparked racial tensions in the German city of Chemnitz. According to the latest data we have, there are roughly four anti-Semitic incidents per day in France, the United Kingdom and Germany.

We expect Member States to act forcefully against crimes committed by neo—Nazi groups – whether in the streets, in football arenas or in the targeting of places of worship or asylum shelters. However, we also have to look at where this violence comes from. Societal polarisation has increased, not least in the social media. We read and talk to the like-minded, and this increases the polarisation of our societies. As a society, we need to step up action against racism, intolerance and the toxic narratives which are shrinking the space for well-informed and democratic discussion in the public sphere and are polarising our societies.

We have our Charter of Fundamental Rights and we have to make clear that its basic principles really matter: that they are not negotiable. But we have to ensure that people in Europe can also relate to them. These principles should become an anchor in the fast-changing and sometimes confusing world. Simply, they should be the bedrock of our society. For me, I understand the key principles as follows: equality before the law; no tolerance for discrimination; freedom of speech, but with limits to exclude, for instance, speech calling for violence; freedom of religion within the limits of the legal order; and access to justice for all, not only the privileged or the rich. And finally, among the main principles, I want to mention the right of feeling secure, of feeling safe, but not at the expense of the safety of others. These principles can only work if they are applied and visible in people’s everyday lives.

The Commission is leading the work on countering the increasingly worrying phenomenon of illegal online hate speech. We are working intensively with Member States to step up the implementation of EU law to combat racism and xenophobia and to ensure that prompt investigation, prosecution and proportionate sanctioning become a reality in the EU Member States. The intent is to be practical, and we are striving to make a difference on the ground.

Our work with Member States includes the compilation of promising practices and guiding principles on key issues such as hate-crime training and hate-crime victim support. We will also present a comprehensive guidance document on the practical application of the Framework Decision on Combating Racism. I consider these issues very important because they also send strong signals that hate crime and illegal hate speech are not tolerated and will be penalised.

We too, as individual politicians, have a role to play in avoiding divisive attitudes and in sticking to the norms. This is the moment to stand up for the principles of our Charter. And the independent media also have their role to play here: it is their responsibility to counter discourse that sows division, spreads disinformation and encourages exclusion. The media are also instrumental in holding politicians to account and in defining the limits of what is acceptable and what is unacceptable in society.

The Commission is also tackling the worrying rise of far-right violent extremism under its radicalisation policies. The Radicalisation Awareness Network has dedicated, and will continue to dedicate, its efforts, inter alia, to training frontline practitioners – police officers and prison staff – on how to address far-right extremism and all manifestations of polarisation.

Overall, I can assure you, honourable Members, that this is a priority issue for the Commission and that we are working with all the relevant actors, including in law enforcement, civil society and industry, especially the digital industry, to tackle all these problems not only through the law but also in our work to foster a more tolerant, safer and law-abiding society.

  Róża Gräfin von Thun und Hohenstein, w imieniu grupy PPE. – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Ja przypomnę słowo, które wszyscy znamy, słowo świętego Jana: „Na początku było słowo”. I wiemy wszyscy, że sprawy wielkie zaczynają się od słowa, ale rzeczy straszne i podłe też mogą mieć swój początek w słowie, i wszyscy wiemy, że słowo potrafi zmieniać się w czyny.

Niestety dziś jesteśmy świadkami agresji słownej w wielu miejscach w naszej Unii, dzielenia społeczeństwa na lepszy i na gorszy sort, na patriotów i na zdrajców. Przyzwolenie na hejt w mediach audiowizualnych, pisanych i w sieci. Opowieści o uchodźcach przynoszących pasożyty i choroby. To przypomina najohydniejszą propagandę z najczarniejszych momentów w historii Europy. A za tymi słowami idzie często przyzwolenie na marsze faszystowskie nawołujące do przemocy, do rasizmu, do homofobii. Dochodzi już do takich ekscesów jak spalenie kukły Żyda czy symboliczne wieszanie portretów polityków, którzy wyraźnie artykułują potrzebę ochrony słabszych, mniejszości i nawołują do przestrzegania wartości europejskich. Mamy przykłady tego w Czechach, w Polsce, na Węgrzech, na Malcie. W niektórych krajach media publiczne sieją nienawiść do przeciwników politycznych rządu, w innych rząd robi to osobiście.

A słowa zaczynają przechodzić w czyny, czego przykładem jest to, co widzieliśmy ostatnio we Włoszech. Wspomnę też nieszczęsne ekscesy w Chemnitz. I nie możemy udawać, że nic się nie dzieje lub że to są problemy wewnętrzne kilku krajów, bo ta straszna zaraza się rozlewa. Walka z tą zarazą to jest przede wszystkim obowiązek państw członkowskich, a Komisja – dziękuję tu Pani Komisarz – musi z nimi bardzo blisko pracować, ciągle opracowywać plan działania oraz konsekwentnie go egzekwować.

I na koniec, Panie Przewodniczący, Auschwitz jest w moim okręgu wyborczym. Przy wejściu do bloku czwartego jest tablica, na której wyryte jest zdanie filozofa Santayany „Kto nie pamięta historii, skazany jest na ponowne jej przeżycie”. Proszę Państwa, wyciągajmy wnioski!

  Cécile Kashetu Kyenge, a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, un nuovo spettro si aggira per l'Europa, lo spettro del neofascismo. Troppo a lungo i parlamenti nazionali e l'Unione europea hanno ignorato il sorgere di una nuova e violenta ondata di nazionalismo. Diciamolo apertamente: le molteplici crisi economiche e istituzionali hanno portato al riaffiorare della macchia più nera della nostra storia.

Noi, come membri di un’istituzione democratica non possiamo accettare l'intolleranza. Per il bene e la libertà di tutti, dobbiamo opporci alla violenza nazionalista portando avanti i principi fondamentali sanciti dai trattati costitutivi dell'Unione europea.

Se non saremo in grado di farlo, troveremo nei parlamenti nazionali e anche qui, in questo europarlamento, i detrattori dei diritti umani che spalancheranno le porte, le nostre porte, sfaldando l'Unione.

Vediamo ogni giorno, nella nostra società, le ripercussioni dell'intolleranza e dell'odio: insulti, aggressioni, spedizioni punitive, raid contro le minoranze e blitz razzisti. Sono questi episodi quotidiani, alimentati dal vortice di odio esacerbato e dagli slogan propagandistici, in un clima di campagna elettorale senza fine.

Una propaganda contro i migranti, contro i rom, contro gli afro-discendenti, appunto la afrofobia, contro ebrei o musulmani, contro le minoranze. Le forze politiche populiste accusano dei loro fallimenti i più deboli, senza mai guardare al bene pubblico e mentendo spudoratamente.

I nuovi nazionalisti europei hanno scelto terminologie alquanto strane per nominarsi: Alba Dorata, Casa Pound, Forza Nuova, Front National, Jobbik, per citarne solo alcuni. Questi ed anche gli altri partiti che si fingono più moderati, non fanno altro che perpetuare la loro violenza. Sono addirittura disposti a stringere patti incoerenti pur di vendere un po' della loro propaganda disfattista. Ma le uniche cose che i partiti populisti e nazionalisti condividono sono il sentimento anti-europeo, la xenofobia e il razzismo.

Le forze democratiche devono quindi reagire, unite e forti. Dobbiamo difendere i nostri Stati e la nostra Unione per salvare la libertà, l'uguaglianza, i diritti umani, lo Stato di diritto, il pluralismo e la solidarietà.

  Jussi Halla-aho, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, if you listen to the left or the mainstream media you easily get the impression that fascism and fascist violence are the top threats to public security in Europe. Of course, any kind of violence should be condemned, but it seems to me that Islamic and left—wing radicalism are much more relevant problems in today’s Europe, including when we talk about anti—Jewish violence.

It is very unfortunate that whenever ordinary people express their concern over immigrant or Islamic violence, they are immediately labelled fascists, racists and Nazis. One very good example are the recent events in Chemnitz, Germany. Many nationalist politicians and parties are systematically terrorised by the extreme left in many European countries. I find it worrying how little attention and condemnation this phenomenon gets in the public debate.

  Linnéa Engström, för Verts/ALE-gruppen. – Herr talman! Herr kommissionär! Det är inte stöveltrampet på våra gator som skrämmer mig. Det är inte heller gaphalsarna som vrålar ut slagord från förr som gör mig orolig. Mitt fokus är helt och hållet inställt på de människor som manipulerar och understödjer dessa människor.

Vår demokrati är inget stabilt system. Det måste försvaras. Våra förutsättningar är konstant under attack. Vetenskapliga rön förväxlas med åsikter. Erkända experter benämns som elitistiska besserwissrar som borde hålla käften. I dessa grumliga vatten gror faktaresistensen, rasismen och fascismen. Åsikter och ideologier som vi trodde hade försvunnit är nu på väg tillbaka och är här. Det som tidigare var osägbart får nu luftas fritt. Hatet och hoten mot journalister och politiker ökar. Antirasister och feminister är särskilt utsatta. Efter hat och hot följer våld, och våld föder mer våld.

Vi måste kämpa för demokratin i både små och stora gärningar. Vi får inte ge upp och lägga oss platta. Vi måste våga fortsätta måla upp den bild av det samhälle som vi vill se och kämpa för det varje dag. Där står människans okränkbara rättigheter i fokus.

  Eleonora Forenza, a nome del gruppo GUE/NGL. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il mio intervento si potrebbe riassumere in due parole: Bella ciao. Due parole che dovrebbero invitare l'Unione europea e quest'Aula a svegliarsi perché i fascisti sono tornati a colpire. A colpire in Grecia, in Germania e in Italia e a colpire in tutta Europa, legittimati da culture razziste e xenofobe che spesso sono ormai culture di governo.

Due parole che ci ricordano che l'Europa è nata dalla sconfitta del nazifascismo e che oggi può rinascere soltanto raccogliendo il testimone dei partigiani e delle partigiane. Io vengo da uno Stato membro la cui Costituzione è antifascista e in cui, però, il ministro degli Interni si diverte ad andare a cena con gli esponenti di Casa Pound e a festeggiare per l'arresto di Mimmo Lucano. Di Casa Pound sono gli squadristi che hanno aggredito e minacciato me e altri militanti antirazzisti, venerdì 21 settembre a Bari, e tuttora sulla mia pagina Facebook ritrovo minacce di gente che esorta 7 negri a stuprarmi perché il razzismo e il sessismo sono la matrice del fascismo.

Ricordo, infine, che dobbiamo chiedere che l'Unione europea sia antifascista, che l'antifascismo sia un valore fondativo dell'Unione e dobbiamo chiedere la chiusura di tutte le sedi fasciste e dedico questo mio intervento a Begni, Auro, Dax, Renato e a tutti i compagni e le compagne vittime della violenza neofascista.

  David Coburn, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Mr President, it is not just the rise in neofascism and neofascist violence that’s the problem, it is political violence from both sides, including far left groups, such as Antifa, who are known for violent disturbances. Britain’s own Labour Party has been accused of anti-Semitism, and, may I say, the SNP (Scottish National Party) has tried to close down many businesses in Scotland undemocratically because they didn’t agree with them. So that wasn’t particularly democratic.

The rise of extremist politics in the EU has been caused by the EU itself. The EU has ignored so-called populist parties like UKIP, the Five Star Movement and the Swedish Democrats, and has left the doors open to unlimited number of people competing for jobs with ordinary working people. What do you expect if the EU tries to replace the nationalistic working class with a homogeneous bunch of people from abroad who will support the EU? They believe a vote for them. Chancellor Merkel opens the doors to everyone. What do you expect?

People will defend their jobs and their homes, and they don’t want their religions or anything else changed. They want their homes and their freedoms; you can’t stop them defending that.

(The President cut off the speaker)

  Mario Borghezio, a nome del gruppo ENF. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, è veramente grottesco sentir parlare di pericolo fascista a 75, 73, 74 anni dalla fine della guerra e delle guerre civili e quindi anche del fascismo storico.

Ce l'avete proprio sempre in mente, dev’essere un fenomeno freudiano e grottesco, perché il fascismo non c'è più. Questo dibattito mi ricorda una frase illuminante di un grande intellettuale italiano sicuramente antifascista, Pier Paolo Pasolini, che mise in guardia contro quelli che sventolano il pericolo fascista, dice, non è forse “un'arma di distrazione di massa” per ignorare quello che è il vero fascismo, il fascismo finanziario contro cui quelli che si sbracciano contro quattro ragazzotti in camicia nera, magari violenti - in qualche caso che condanniamo, in questo specifico - e non si danno da fare per niente per combattere il fascismo finanziario, come invece fanno i populisti, facciamo noi populisti che non ci siamo dimenticati dei 5 milioni di poveri, ai quali i governi precedenti non davano niente, noi populisti, nazionalisti, cosiddetti fascisti ci abbiamo pensato. E voi non avete mai fatto un cazzo!

  Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Pane předsedající, podhoubím pro nárůst neofašistického násilí v Evropě je jednak úspěch krajně pravicových stran ve volbách, jednak samozřejmě různé formy šíření neonacismu a neofašismu. Příkladem je rozmach vzpomínkových akcí v Chorvatsku vzývajících ustašovce jako hrdiny, na které poukázala a před kterými rovněž varovala nedávná zpráva Rady Evropy. Krajně pravicové násilí v německém Chemnitzu myslím, že máme ještě všichni dostatečně v paměti. Navzdory těmto incidentům není síla krajně pravicových stran v tuto chvíli podle mého názoru taková, aby mohla podkopat demokratické základy, na nichž stojí Evropský unie. Pokud ovšem demokratické strany nenajdou způsob, jak proti nim účinně bojovat v politické soutěži, může se tato situace snadno skutečně změnit k horšímu. Chci v této souvislosti upozornit také na to, že nebezpečí evropské demokracii hrozí nejenom z krajní pravice, ale také z krajní levice. Levicový extremismus považuji za neméně zhoubný jako ten pravicový. A v Evropě stále existuje množství komunistických stran, které jsou pravověrnými vyznavačkami marxismu-leninismu, tedy ideologie, která má na svědomí srovnatelný počet lidských životů. Každá demokracie je z povahy věci křehká a zranitelná, proto musíme o tu naši evropskou náležitě pečovat, aby se nestalo, že nám proteče mezi prsty. V praxi to znamená zvolit vhodnou kombinaci preventivních a represivních opatření proti všem druhům extremismu: jak toho pravicového, tak toho levicového. Jestli jste zaznamenali správně, jsem i pro represivní opatření. Útok na evropskou demokracii totiž může přijít z obou stran.

  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señor presidente, comisaria, es verdad que hay un fantasma que recorre Europa: el fantasma del nacionalismo, que es la negación de Europa; el fantasma del populismo, que ofrece la respuesta simplona a quienes se sienten golpeados por la desigualdad y el empobrecimiento de señalarles un chivo expiatorio como si fueran enemigos del pueblo.

Pero es el fantasma de la extrema derecha, que excita el discurso del odio. El fascismo hizo un daño incalculable en el siglo XX, pero no se extinguió en el siglo XX. No solamente llega al siglo XXI, sino que está representado también en el Parlamento Europeo. Ese fascismo que propone el miedo y la explotación del miedo y del odio al diferente.

Pero para vencerle es imprescindible que la Unión Europea ofrezca algo más que un buen diagnóstico e incluso que un buen discurso. Tiene que ofrecer esperanza a quienes la han perdido. La esperanza de la integración en la diversidad, del respeto al diferente, de la capacidad de vencer los desafíos y los cambios sin oponer la respuesta reaccionaria de la estimulación del odio y del desprecio al diferente.

(El orador acepta responder a una pregunta formulada con arreglo al procedimiento de la «tarjeta azul» (artículo 162, apartado 8, del Reglamento interno))

  David Coburn (EFDD), blue-card question. – What you said is very interesting, but would you perhaps not agree with me that it doesn’t matter from which side violence comes, whether it be the left or the right, bearing in mind that the National Socialists in Germany in the 1930s were socialists? They came from socialism, as did Stalin’s mob. So, quite frankly, in all this thing about fascism – they are always waving this word about – what about just making sure we don’t have violence on any side and settle everything democratically? Wouldn’t you agree with me that left—wing authoritarianism is just as bad as right wing authoritarianism? At the moment the Labour Party in Britain are having tremendous troubles.

  President. – Stalin, as far as I remember, was a communist.

(Interjection from Mr Coburn: ‘... then so was Hitler and so was Mussolini!’)

I know.

  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D), blue-card answer. – I too listened carefully to what you said, but let me tell you that it is simply grotesque to maintain in the present day that there is a relationship between National Socialism and whatever socialism stands for throughout the history of Europe. Socialism is, first of all, democracy and respect for human rights, and National Socialism is pure fascism, which is the denial of democracy, human rights and the European ideal, the denial of civilisation and the instigation of hatred in a pure state of negative mind. So being a socialist in the 20th and 21st centuries means standing up against any form of fascism, whatever you call it. National Socialism is fascism, whatever you call it.

(Interjection from Mr Coburn: ‘Tell that to Honecker’)

  President. – I wonder where he is.

  Marek Jurek (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie i Panowie Posłowie! Hans-Georg Maassen, prezes Federalnego Urzędu Ochrony Konstytucji, został odwołany ze stanowiska po deklaracji, że polowanie na ludzi w Chemnitz to był poprawny politycznie fake news, tak samo jak film publikowany w internecie, który miał tę tezę popierać. Do tej pory właściwie nie wiemy, co się stało w Chemnitz. Ja się dziwię, że tak mało pytań w tej sprawie pada. Ale jedno jest pewne – Niemcy mają kłopot z prawami podstawowymi, a władze Unii Europejskiej zachowują dziwne dyskretne milczenie. Bo albo ze społeczeństwem niemieckim jest źle, albo na ulicach poluje się na ludzi, albo władze Republiki Federalnej wprowadzają w błąd swoje społeczeństwo, ukrywają prawdę i uprawiają manipulację opinią publiczną po prostu po to, żeby sprawować skutecznie władzę. Out, out, tertium non datur. Niemcy mają problem, a władze Unii Europejskiej twierdzące, że bronią praw podstawowych, właściwie w ogóle się tym nie interesują. Pora najwyższa, żebyśmy się tym zainteresowali, bo jedno jest pewne. Zachowujemy się tak, jakby Niemcy stały ponad prawem.

  Cécile Kashetu Kyenge (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, non è una domanda proprio diretta all'onorevole Jurek, perché l'uso di alcune parole in quest'Aula è inammissibile. Io ho visto che non c'è stata nessuna reazione. Invito la Presidenza a riascoltare l'ultimo passaggio delle parole di Borghezio e a giudicare proprio quelle parole lì, perché ho aspettato tanto, ma non ho visto nessuna reazione e vi invito a poterle risentire per decidere sul caso.

  President. – This should not require us to ask Mr Borghezio to repeat the phrase, but in any case I would appeal to you to mind your language and not to use bad language, if that was the case.

  Romeo Franz (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident! Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Alleine in Deutschland sind seit 1990 169 Menschen durch rechtsradikale und neofaschistische Gewalt ums Leben gekommen. Der Grund dafür sind rechte Parolen. Menschenverachtende Worte dürfen nicht verharmlost werden, so wie es heute schon passiert. Erst verändert sich die Sprache, und dann fallen die Hemmschwellen. Wir dürfen nicht weiter Neofaschismus relativieren oder sogar ignorieren, denn damit beleidigen wir die Opfer und die Hinterbliebenen dieser abscheulichen Gewalt.

Auch hier in diesem Haus sitzen Brandstifter, die mit dafür verantwortlich sind, dass Asylbewerberheime brennen und Menschen sterben. Und hinter Zahlen stehen Menschen und persönliche Schicksale. Das dürfen wir nicht vergessen. Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, wer von uns einen Funken Anstand besitzt, stellt sich gegen diesen aufkeimenden Neofaschismus.

  Martin Schirdewan (GUE/NGL). – Herr Präsident! Faschismus ist keine Meinung, sondern ein Verbrechen. Erst gestern wurde in Deutschland eine Gruppe mutmaßlicher rechtsextremer Terroristen dingfest gemacht. Seit der letzten Woche wissen wir durch Recherchen renommierter Medien, dass in Deutschland seit 1990 mindestens 169 Menschen durch Neonazis ermordet worden sind. Vor ungefähr einem Monat fand in Chemnitz eine Demonstration von Neonazis gemeinsam mit AfD-Politikern statt, aus der heraus es zu Angriffen auf Migranten und Journalisten kam. Nur zur Erinnerung: Der Vorsitzende dieser Partei sitzt auch hier im Parlament.

Wir, die Linke, werden Europa nicht den Rechten und ihrer mörderischen Ideologie überlassen. Wir sind Teil einer starken Bewegung der Solidarität, der Demokratie und des Antirassismus. In Deutschland haben Hunderttausende in vielen Städten für grundlegende Menschenrechte demonstriert. In Berlin erwarten wir am 13. Oktober zu der „unteilbar“- Demonstration Hunderttausende, die sich unter dem Motto „Für eine freie und offene Gesellschaft, Solidarität statt Ausgrenzung“ der rechten Hetze widersetzen werden. No pasarán!

  Julie Ward (S&D). – Mr President, during Ramadan, I attended a wonderful interfaith community event at Didsbury mosque in my constituency. Taste Ramadan was on example of the We Stand Together movement that has grown up in response to the attacks on our multicultural 21st century society. On 20 October, activists from Stand Up to Racism and Unite Against Fascism will stand in solidarity with the mosque community against an intimidating protest planned by the fascist English Defence League.

But this is not an isolated incident. We have seen similar neo—fascists targeting communities across Europe because of their religion, race, ethnicity or sexuality. We mustn’t forget that the results of fascism in Europe are tragic. In 2016, a week before the UK referendum, a Nazi—inspired terrorist murdered the pro—EU Labour MP, Jo Cox, while shouting ‘Britain first’. Jo was the mother of two young children and an inspiration to many. I was privileged last week to attend the naming of a square in Brussels in honour of her memory. So let’s remember Jo’s message as we continue her work: we have more in common.

(The speaker declined to take blue-card questions from Mr Coburn and Mr Sośnierz under Rule 162(8))

  Ελένη Θεοχάρους (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, ο νεοφασισμός δεν είναι μόνο συμπεριφορές σύγχρονων κινημάτων παρεμφερών προς το κόμμα του Μουσολίνι. Αυτή η εμμονή προκαλεί λειτουργική τύφλωση απέναντι στον φασισμό της καθημερινότητας που βιώνουμε ως πολίτες σε κράτη ως επί το πλείστον ή κατ’ επίφαση δημοκρατικά.

Σε μια Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση αρχών και αξιών, σε κοινωνίες που μάχονται κατά του ολοκληρωτισμού, ο νεοφασισμός εκφράζεται και μέσα στη ρητορική μίσους, η οποία μετατρέπεται όλο και πιο συστηματικά και επικίνδυνα σε καθημερινή συστηματική βία κατά των πολιτών. Εκφράζεται όμως και με ανήθικες και ψευδείς ειδήσεις και επιθέσεις ανωνυμογράφων κατά πολιτικών μέσω των Μέσων Μαζικής Επικοινωνίας και του Διαδικτύου με στόχο την ηθική εξόντωση εντίμων πολιτικών. Φασισμός είναι η φίμωση κάθε αντίθετης φωνής.

Αυτός ο φασισμός είναι επικίνδυνος και ύπουλος και στρέφεται βάναυσα και εξευτελιστικά εναντίον αδυνάτων, ξένων, μεταναστών, ομοφυλοφίλων, φτωχών, αλλοθρήσκων· τραυματίζει βαρύτατα τη Δημοκρατία και το κράτος δικαίου. Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση σημαίνει ευθύνη και όσοι κατανοούμε αυτή την ευθύνη παλεύουμε κατά του φασισμού.

  Στέλιος Κούλογλου (GUE/NGL). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, είναι ντροπή αυτό που γίνεται σήμερα εδώ με ορισμένους συναδέλφους. Μιλάμε για την αύξηση της νεοναζιστικής βίας στην Ευρώπη και αυτοί αναφέρονται στον κομμουνισμό και τον σοσιαλισμό. Στην πραγματικότητα με αυτό που κάνετε αθωώνετε τον φασισμό.

Η Χρυσή Αυγή, το νεοναζιστικό κόμμα που έχουμε στην Ελλάδα, θα χαίρεται που σας ακούει, θα τρίβει τα χέρια της που σας ακούει. Αυτοί στη χώρα μου σκότωσαν· σκότωσαν ένα τραγουδιστή, σκότωσαν ένα μετανάστη, χωρίς λόγο, εν ψυχρώ και εξακολουθούν και επιτίθενται στους πρόσφυγες στα νησιά, προχτές σ’ έναν βουλευτή του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ, του κυβερνώντος κόμματος. Αυτοί είναι οι πραγματικοί φασίστες και σ’ αυτούς κλείνετε τα μάτια και, όταν κλείνετε τα μάτια, είστε στην πραγματικότητα συνένοχοι.

Intervenții la cerere

  Elly Schlein (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, c'è un pericoloso rigurgito nazionalista e fascista in tanti, troppi dei nostri paesi.

Lo stiamo vedendo in Italia, come ricordava Eleonora, oltre 100 aggressioni fasciste negli ultimi cinque anni. Oggi poi c'è una novità: c'è chi si riempie la bocca di sicurezza, ma con la sua propaganda di odio quotidiana sta legittimando la violenza e rendendo di fatto le nostre città meno sicure. L'abbiamo visto anche a Bari. Esprimo di nuovo la solidarietà e un sincero abbraccio ad Eleonora, Claudio, Antonio e Giacomo.

Caro Presidente, cara Commissaria questo succede oggi in Italia, le organizzazioni fasciste girano indisturbate con le mazze pronte e con il tirapugni in tasca e la copertura politica di qualche ministro che invece, secondo la Costituzione, dovrebbe scioglierle quelle organizzazioni, ma preferisce andarci a cena.

Ecco, nella nostra Unione basata sui valori della democrazia e del rispetto dei diritti fondamentali queste violenze e intimidazioni non possono essere tollerate. Resistenza!

  Ana Miranda (Verts/ALE). – Senhora Comissária, eu venho de um país que sabe muito bem o que é o fascismo. Ainda temos uma fundação com o nome do ditador Franco, ainda temos a residência de verão, o Pazo de Meirás. Como esta camiseta, como esta t-shirt que eu visto que representa 19 pessoas que estiveram pacificamente na residência do ditador Franco e que agora estão na justiça, uma justiça que consente.

A Fundação faz a apologia do fascismo e deveria ser ilegalizada, repito, ilegalizada. Assim defendemos o grupo da memória histórica no Parlamento Europeu e também o Vale dos Caídos.

Senhora Comissária, como tantas perguntas que já fizemos, contra o fascismo: tolerância zero. Infelizmente há um bom número de fascistas que estão representados neste Parlamento.

  João Pimenta Lopes (GUE/NGL). – Senhor Presidente, não ignoramos as causas e o caldo em que se alimentam as forças de extrema direita e fascistas. A União Europeia, que invoca cinicamente a preocupação ante esse avanço, é a mesma que apoiou e continua a apoiar o golpe fascista na Ucrânia, que imprime uma natureza exploradora e xenófoba na sua política migratória, a mesma que promove e aprofunda as políticas que atacam direitos sociais, laborais e a soberania dos Estados, a mesma que impõe ameaças, chantagens e sanções contra os seus povos.

As políticas de direita da União Europeia, implementadas pela direita e social—democracia, não se distinguem nos objetivos do que defendem as forças reacionárias: aumentar a opressão, a exploração e a concentração da riqueza, garantir a manutenção de uma ordem social iníqua, a do capitalismo. O fascismo, criação do capitalismo, tem hoje uma inquietante expressão institucional em parlamentos e governos na União Europeia. O firme combate às forças de extrema-direita e fascizantes exige que não se branqueiem as políticas que lhes abrem caminho.

  Σωτήριος Ζαριανόπουλος (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κάποιοι εδώ μέσα βρήκαν την ευκαιρία της συζήτησης για τη φασιστική βία για να θυμηθούν τον κομμουνισμό. Με τη σειρά μας όμως θα τους θυμίσουμε ότι, αν δεν είχε καρφωθεί η κόκκινη σημαία στο Reichstag και αν δεν υπήρχαν οι 20 εκατομμύρια Σοβιετικοί νεκροί στον Δεύτερο Παγκόσμιο Πόλεμο, σήμερα ούτε εδώ θα ήταν, ούτε καν θα μιλούσαν.

Οι προσχεδιασμένες δολοφονικές επιθέσεις της ναζιστικής Χρυσής Αυγής στην Ελλάδα και αντίστοιχων ταγμάτων εφόδου σε όλη την Ευρώπη τεκμηριώνουν τον ναζιστικό, άρα εγκληματικό, χαρακτήρα τους, με χυδαίο αντικομμουνισμό, μίσος για τους εργάτες και τους κομμουνιστές· αποτελούν δύναμη κρούσης του κεφαλαίου.

Πέντε χρόνια μετά τη δολοφονία του αντιφασίστα Φύσσα και τα άλλα εγκλήματά τους, η δίκη της Χρυσής Αυγής ακόμα δεν ολοκληρώθηκε και οι φασίστες κυκλοφορούν ελεύθεροι. Αποθρασύνονται από την αντικομμουνιστική ιδεολογία της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, εκτρέφονται από την αντιλαϊκή πολιτική της, εκμεταλλευόμενοι τη δίκαιη λαϊκή αγανάκτηση, ενθαρρύνονται από τμήματα του κεφαλαίου και του κρατικού μηχανισμού. Απάντηση μοναδική είναι η απομόνωσή τους από τον λαό, η πάλη για την ανατροπή του συστήματος που τους τρέφει.

  Ángela Vallina (GUE/NGL). – Señor presidente, en Asturias, mi región, hemos vivido en las últimas semanas una campaña de acoso a nuestros cargos públicos, agudizada y amplificada tras el asesinato de nuestro concejal en uno de nuestros municipios.

Quisiera expresar mi dolor ante este crimen salvaje: como no pudieron con los golpes en la cabeza, acabaron estrangulándolo. Ahora, otros cargos de mi partido en otro municipio, también de Asturias, han tenido que soportar amenazas a los tres días de este asesinato, también ha habido amenazas de muerte contra nuestra alcaldesa y, tres días después, a otro concejal nuestro le destrozaron el coche y le pintaron el acrónimo de «Descanse en paz».

Yo misma, durante mi etapa de alcaldesa, recibí anónimos y sufrí amenazas, e incluso me mataron al perro de un tiro dentro de mi casa. Nunca se descubrieron los culpables. Nunca se puso el empeño en ello. Por eso, ante esta situación que tantos y tantas compañeras sufrimos de mi partido —y también, hay que decir, de otras fuerzas políticas—, debemos tomar conciencia de que lo que está en juego es la misma democracia. Y hacer política no es posible bajo la amenaza, el chantaje o las coacciones.

  Dobromir Sośnierz (NI). – Panie Przewodniczący! To charakterystyczne: pani Ward nie przyjęła od nas niebieskiej karty, zasłaniając się demokracją, a uciszając demokratyczną debatę. Po co chcieliście tej debaty? Po co chcieliście całej tej debaty? Jedyny element debaty, jaki tutaj jest, czyli możliwość zadawania pytań, odrzucacie. Po co to w ogóle było? Chcecie słuchać tylko własnego głosu odbitego od ściany. Jesteście fanatykami i nie chcecie rozmawiać o tym. Tytuł tej debaty jest skandaliczny, mówi tylko o neofaszystowskiej przemocy. A o Antifie nie chcecie porozmawiać? Libertarianie boją się zorganizować spotkanie z prezesem mojej partii, który nie ma nic wspólnego z faszyzmem. Więcej ma z faszyzmem wspólnego lewica, bo to byli narodowi socjaliści. A oni boją się zorganizować spotkanie, ponieważ boją się, że Antifa...

(Przewodniczący przerwał mówcy)

  President. – Mr Sośnierz, please mind your speech. We should not launch accusations or anything like that. If you want to say something, say something about the subject, but do not say that the other side was not, because otherwise we will transform this important debate into an exchange between various different positions. We don’t like that.

  Marek Jurek (ECR). – (początek wystąpienia poza mikrofonem)… Pan za każdym razem, kiedy na tej sali wykorzystuje się tę debatę do usprawiedliwiania komunizmu. Pan poseł Zarianopoulos czy pani poseł Forenza mogą nadawać partiom, w których działają, dowolne nazwy. Ale przez pamięć ofiar nazizmu proszę tego nie robić. Panie Pośle! W tym dniu, kiedy wieszano tę czerwoną flagę, o której Pan mówił, to ministrowie polskiego rządu, którzy całą wojnę walczyli z Niemcami, gnili w bolszewickim więzieniu na Łubiance. I Pan powinien szanować pamięć tych ofiar komunizmu.

  President. – Mr Jurek, I understand the positions of everybody here, but we have to address the topic at issue here. I would conclude with the reflection of a Soviet scientist, who said that history is very difficult to predict. So let’s not get into that.

(End of catch—the—eye procedure)

  Věra Jourová, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, I will do my best! I would like to thank you for the debate, which was emotional and included very strong declarations, which is needed because we have to have debates about this very serious problem, not only in the parliaments but in the many other fora where people are still able to speak to each other. This is one of our problems, that people are more and more divided into bubbles, and this is also due to the digital development in our communication.

I will try to bring a little bit of peace into that because before, at the beginning, I spoke about law enforcement reaction, about sanctioning and about the need to penalise these symptoms and aggressivity and violence.

I would like to pause a little while and consider the reasons why we are witnessing and living through increased violence and aggression in our society. We should speak more about the breeding ground, which is fear, which is poverty, which is uncertainty, which is confusion. People in Europe went through the financial crisis. Some Member States and some societies were more affected, some less. People are still stressed by the migration crisis of 2015 and 2016, which was unprecedented. We were not ready for that. We are stressed by terrorist attacks, we have a lot of uncertainty in our society due to something which sounds positive but which can have negative consequences on many people and that is the technological revolution. People have stopped understanding the world and they ask for more security and more certainty. My question is, why we as democrats, we who say clearly that aggression and violence is intolerable, that collective guilt is unacceptable, why are we not able to reach out to these people and to offer them more security and more certainty? Why do these people come and more and more believe the populist parties and the people who provide them with easy solutions, which might lead to another tragedy in Europe? I think that we should not only deal with the consequences – and this was the debate about the consequences here in Parliament – but we should speak more about the sources, about the breeding ground.

So I will do this, at least in my work, because I am in very frequent contact with normal citizens, with these people which have senior age. They have said to me: we fear, we are uncertain and we want our sons and our grandsons to have a peaceful life in Europe. We have to offer this to the people and we have to take lessons from history and consider seriously what the new elements are. I already touched upon this, it is the digital revolution. Just imagine if the totalitarian regimes of the past, and I will not name them because I don’t want to get into the passionate debate again, but what if they had this digital highway for propaganda? It would be much more efficient, much more easy to capture societies and to come with very dangerous proposals which, as we know, were realised.

This digital world enables us to reach for very good things and bad things at the same time. Here, I would say, we should be able to alert society because the passive majority, if it remains passive, will enable the evil again to rule the EU. I think that this is our task: to alert people. You know that we have the Code of Conduct against hate crime and hate speech. We are doing a lot against disinformation and sometimes when I see the statistical figures showing the increase of aggressivity and violence, I ask myself, is it really true that evil is so automatic and so strong and the good must be organised? I think that we should ask ourselves these questions and ask ourselves what are the most efficient instruments, how to address the majority of people, the honest people who need to have the option for their electoral preferences, to vote for the people who offer something other than aggression and violence.

Ladies and gentlemen, thank you very much once again for this debate. I’m sure we will probably, unfortunately, have to debate these worrying phenomena and developments in the future, again.

  President. – I was just wondering whether, if you do not communicate in the normal way, but only through gadgets, where you can be very loose with language, and you then meet the real people, is there not an extension of everything you allowed yourself to say to them in that space, which could be translated into physical violence? So there might be this too, but you have a point in that sense.

  Juliane Bogner-Strauss, President—in—Office of the Council. – Mr President, the emotionality of this discussion and all the loudness clearly showed us how important this issue is.

There are many factors, as mentioned by the Commissioner before, that might be sources of political violence. However, in my opinion – and I think it is the opinion of most of us – there is no excuse for any kind of violence and the Presidency, and the Council as a whole, rejects any form of politically motivated violence and intolerance, no matter where it comes from.

We have a legal framework in place that needs to be effectively implemented in practice. We need to support it with targeted measures such as education, public debate and counter—narratives to prevent and tackle intolerance.

The Council will continue to follow this debate closely. I can assure Members that I have paid particular attention to the views expressed here today during this debate. In my opinion – and I think in the opinion of most of us – there has to be zero tolerance for any kind of political violence.

  President. – The debate is closed.

The vote will take place during the next part—session in October in Strasbourg.

Written statements (Rule 162)

  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. – Perante o aprofundamento da crise estrutural do capitalismo, os sectores mais reacionários e agressivos da classe dominante apostam crescentemente no fascismo e na guerra para salvar o sistema, para manter a todo o custo a ordem social iníqua que o caracteriza.

A luta contra o fascismo será inconsequente se não identificar o caldo de cultura que o alimenta: as injustiças e desigualdades geradas pelo capitalismo, a polarização da riqueza sem precedentes, o desemprego, a precariedade e o trabalho sem direitos generalizados, os salários estagnados ou tendo retrocedido para níveis anteriores a 2007/2008. O seu crescimento seria impossível sem um tratamento mediático esquizofrénico que tanto esconde como exagera graves manifestações de natureza reacionária e fascizante, num comportamento ideológico que tende a banalizar o fenómeno em lugar de o combater.

As dificuldades e as contradições do sistema de representação liberal burguês favorecem a demagogia e uma radicalização de extrema-direita apresentada como «antissistema», e em que – como na União Europeia - as ingerências e imposições que espezinham as soberanias nacionais são exploradas para fomentar o nacionalismo, alimento fundamental do racismo e do fascismo.

O fascismo não é uma fatalidade. Mas é um perigo real que é necessário combater com a maior energia. Um combate em que estaremos na primeira linha. Como sempre.

  Soraya Post (S&D), in writing. – Nazis are allowed to march on our streets and spread their hate. These groups attack everyone that does not fit into their fascist view of society: ethnic and religious minorities, refugees, LGBTI-people, feminists, human rights activists and political opponents.

They attack our democracy and freedom.

Why and what are we as a society waiting for?

We have already seen in Europe what fascism can do.

When are we going to learn from the past?

We have to ban Nazi and fascist organisations in Europe. We have to stand together against hate and violence.

It is our duty to stop this growing neo-fascist violence and hate.

It is our duty to protect and revive our democracy before it is too late.

  Ελισσάβετ Βόζεμπεργκ-Βρυωνίδη (PPE), γραπτώς. – Ο Ζαν Πωλ Σαρτρ έλεγε ότι ο φασισμός δεν ορίζεται από τον αριθμό των θυμάτων του, αλλά από τον τρόπο που τα σκοτώνει. Η έξαρση της νεοφασιστικής βίας ακολουθεί τη γενικότερη άνοδο ακροδεξιών κινημάτων, που αποδίδεται κυρίως στην οικονομική και τη μεταναστευτική κρίση. Στα κράτη μέλη που επλήγησαν περισσότερο από την οικονομική κρίση, η ανεργία, η λιτότητα, η κατάρρευση του κοινωνικού συμβολαίου και η περιθωριοποίηση σημαντικού τμήματος του πληθυσμού, το κατέστησαν επιρρεπές στον πολιτικό λόγο των άκρων. Ένα λόγο διχαστικό και λαϊκιστικό με προπαγανδιστική ρητορική, που στοχεύει στο θυμικό του αποδέκτη, παρακάμπτοντας κάθε λογική διεργασία. Σε ένα περιβάλλον ανασφάλειας και αβεβαιότητας, ακραίοι αντιευρωπαϊστές κατάφεραν να ενσταλάξουν ένα νέο είδος κυνισμού στην πολιτική, έμπλεο ξενοφοβίας, μισαλλοδοξίας και εθνολαϊκισμού, καταφεύγοντας στην εργαλειοθήκη του φασισμού, που έμενε σφραγισμένη για 70 χρόνια. Το κλίμα εχθρότητας και η «νομιμοποίηση» της βίας ακολούθησαν ως συνέπειες, έχοντας οδηγήσει στην άνοδο της νεοφασιστικής και της ρατσιστικής βίας ακόμη και σε χώρες που δεν είχαν πληγεί ιδιαίτερα από την οικονομική ή την προσφυγική κρίση. Απάντησή μας σε κάθε ακραία φωνή και στους εθνολαϊκιστές: ένα νέο κοινό ευρωπαϊκό όραμα, στηριγμένο απόλυτα στις αρχές της αλληλεγγύης και της συνεργασίας. Η ευρωπαϊκή κυριαρχία πηγάζει από την εθνική κυριαρχία και δεν την αντικαθιστά.