Vollständiger Text 
Dienstag, 26. März 2019 - Straßburg Überprüfte Ausgabe

22. Fünf Jahre rechtswidrige Besetzung der Krim durch die Russische Föderation (Aussprache)
Video der Beiträge

  Presidente. – L'ordine del giorno reca la discussione sulla dichiarazione del Vicepresidente della Commissione/Alto rappresentante dell'Unione per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza sul quinquennio di occupazione illegittima della Crimea da parte della Federazione russa (2019/2671(RSP))


  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, five years ago the Russian Federation illegally annexed the autonomous Republic of Crimea and the City of Sevastopol. Five years on, the European Union remains steadfast in its support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. We do not, and we will not, recognise this violation of international law. We are unwavering in our non-recognition policy.

The deterioration of the security situation in the Black Sea region is a constant source of concern, with an increasing militarisation of the Crimean Peninsula. The unjustified use of force by Russia in the Kerch Strait last November, in itself another consequence of the illegal annexation, is a reminder of its negative impact on regional stability.

The Union expects Russia to release unconditionally and without further delay the Ukrainian crew members and vessels that were captured on that day. Russia should ensure respect of their right to legal representation and access by consular authorities. We also expect Russia to provide them with appropriate medical treatment.

This unacceptable situation also stems from the construction of the Kerch Bridge without Ukraine’s consent. Some time ago, Russia started to apply an inspection regime that limits the navigation through the Kerch Strait to, and from, Ukraine ports and leads to significant delays. Hundreds of vessels flying Ukraine’s flag and international flags, including those of EU Member States, have suffered from controls which can last several days. We expect Russia to ensure unhindered and free passage of all ships through the Kerch Strait, to and from the Azov Sea, in accordance with international law.

We welcome Ukraine’s approach to seeking justice, such as the ongoing case under UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. In addition to the negative consequences of the illegal annexation and the security situation in the region, we deplore systematic restrictions of fundamental freedoms and violations of human rights in the peninsula, notably the rights of the Crimean Tatars, which have been seriously violated. Their media outlets have also been shut down; the activities of the Mejlis, their self-governing body, have been banned; and the leaders and members of their community have been persecuted.

We will continue to call for the immediate and unconditional release of Oleh Sentsov, who received the Sakharov Prize last year and whose picture outside the European Parliament reminds the people who walk by every day about his dedication.

We also call for the release of many others, such as Edem Bekirov, Oleksandr Kolchenko, Mykola Semena, Volodymyr Balukh and Emir—Usein Kuku, who have been detained and sentenced by Russia in breach of international law. We call for all human rights violations to be investigated and for international human rights actors to have unfettered access to the Crimean Peninsula.

In addition to cases related to the Crimean Peninsula, we unfortunately continue to see examples of illegally-detained Ukrainian citizens being convicted in Russia. Most recently, Pavlo Hryb was sentenced to six years imprisonment, and we also expect him to be released. We will also take every opportunity to raise individual cases publicly and bilaterally with our Russian interlocutors.

Faced with Russia’s violations of international law, Ukraine is not alone. We have stood by our associated partner and continue to do so. We condemned the construction of the Kerch Bridge and pointed to the deterioration of the security situation in the Black Sea and the Azov Sea, including in this forum last October.

Our position on the illegal annexation of Crimea and Sevastopol has been reiterated on many occasions, most recently in the High Representative’s declaration on behalf of the European Union on 17 March. She also publicly addressed this issue during the last Foreign Affairs Council. We also have to take measures to show Russia that its actions have a cost.

Lastly, on 15 March, we added to our list of restrictive measures eight Russian individuals who were involved in the use of force at the Kerch Strait in November. The publication of this decision was made in parallel with similar announcements made by our transatlantic partners in a demonstration of our continued unity.

We have also identified possible areas for further EU support for the Ukrainian regions severely affected by the Russian inspection regime in the Azov Sea. We are particularly looking into developing railway and road connections in the area, training centres in some Ukrainian cities around the Azov Sea, and support for small- and medium-sized enterprises aiming to diversify the business sector and the industrial structure of this region, for the time being heavily depending on steel production.

These violations of international law are happening on our very continent and we, as the European Union, have no doubt about where we stand. We stand on the side of international law. We stand on the side of the basic principle that borders must not be changed by force, and most importantly we stand on the side of the people of Ukraine. In these years we have invested in Ukraine more than in any other country in the world, and Ukraine knows that our support is here to stay.


  Elmar Brok, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich bedanke mich für den Beitrag Herrn Hahns in dieser Frage und die Klarheit. Wir haben in Helsinki als Europäer zwei Prinzipien aufgestellt: die Souveränität eines Landes, frei zu entscheiden, mit wem man Koalitionen eingeht, Verträge abschließt, und der zweite Punkt ist die Unverletzlichkeit der Grenzen, die niemals einseitig verändert werden können.

Und beide Prinzipien hat Russland verletzt. Es hat einen Teil eines anderen Landes okkupiert, führt mit einem anderen Teil Krieg. Und im Asowschen Meer – Herr Hahn, wie Sie dargestellt haben – wird ja auch noch versucht, die Dinge völkerrechtlich zu verändern, was nicht hinnehmbar ist. Und ich glaube, hier müssen wir klar sein! Dies ist die erste Verletzung im Völkerrecht in diesen Bereichen seit 1945 gewesen! Das muss deutlich festgehalten werden. Und es darf nicht zur Praxis des Europas des 21. Jahrhunderts werden, dass solche Verletzungen des Völkerrechts akzeptiert werden. Aus diesem Grunde muss, glaube ich, deutlich sein, dass wir bei den Sanktionen bleiben, dass wir aber offen sind für Russland, wieder in ein gutes Gespräch zu kommen, aus beiderseitigem Interesse, insbesondere aus russischem Interesse, wenn das Völkerrecht wiederhergestellt wird.

Ich glaube, dass wir hier fünf Jahre danach sehen müssen, dass die Bevölkerung der Ukraine sich in einem Referendum in den neunziger Jahren mit großer Mehrheit für eine einheitliche Ukraine ausgesprochen hat, dass sich die Bevölkerung der Ukraine in allen Wahlen – in allen freien Wahlen, die in der Ukraine stattgefunden haben – mehrheitlich für eine europäische Lösung, einen Weg nach Europa ausgesprochen hat und dass es deswegen auch von der Bevölkerung her keine Legitimation für Russland gibt, daraus Ansprüche zu erheben, alte historische oder aus dem Grunde, dass man meint, dass Bevölkerung unterdrückt worden ist. Die Einzigen, die unterdrückt worden sind, sind diejenigen, die auch bei Stalin unterdrückt worden sind, die Krimtataren. Und dies muss man, glaube ich, festhalten. Das muss man im Bewusstsein europäischen Öffentlichkeit haben, um auf diese Art und Weise sicherzustellen, dass das Völkerrecht in Europa sein Stellenwert behält.


  Ana Gomes, em nome do Grupo S&D. – Senhor Presidente, a ocupação ilegal e pela força da Crimeia pela Federação Russa viola flagrantemente o Tratado Internacional de Desnuclearização da Ucrânia de 1994. Viola os direitos do povo ucraniano, viola, em particular, os direitos do povo autóctone Tatar.

Putin montou uma Rússia que desrespeita o direito internacional, nem sequer a Carta das Nações Unidas respeita, e usa a Crimeia numa campanha expansionista de dissuasão da democracia nos países vizinhos e com parcerias estratégicas com a União Europeia, como acontece com a Geórgia, que tem também territórios ilegalmente ocupados pela Rússia.

Não perde ocasião para alimentar a guerra no Donbass, fazer escalar as tensões no Mar Negro, como se viu no Mar de Azov e no estreito de Kerch, fazer incursões clandestinas pelos países bálticos e de enfraquecer e destruir a própria União Europeia, temos que o encarar!

Não bastam, portanto, declarações políticas, nem sequer bastam sanções. Temos que perceber, para estarmos firmemente ao lado da Ucrânia, só estando militarmente capacitados é que também na União Europeia podemos estar à altura das responsabilidades de defesa estratégica da Europa, dos cidadãos, de todos os nossos Estados-Membros, porque o conflito armado é real, pode alastrar e até pode descambar numa catástrofe nuclear.


  Marek Jurek, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Pięć lat, które minęły od aneksji Krymu, to pięć lat kompromitacji naszej polityki. Bezpieczeństwo Rosji od tamtej pory nie ucierpiało w najmniejszym stopniu. Europy nie było nawet stać na wstrzymanie budowy Nord Stream 2. A pamiętajmy, że o ile pierwsza nitka Nord Stream miała izolować państwa bałtyckie i Polskę, o tyle Nord Stream 2 jest bezpośrednio nastawiony na izolację energetyczną Ukrainy. Jedynie symboliczne personalne sankcje miały być manifestacją naszej dezaprobaty, ale równowaga strategiczna w żaden sposób nie została przywrócona. Cała ta sytuacja pokazuje bezpodstawność aspiracji Unii Europejskiej do budowy jakiejś wspólnej polityki bezpieczeństwa i obrony. Tak, instytucje trzeba dobudowywać do polityki, a niestety polityki solidarności w tym zakresie nie prowadzimy. Pozostają jedynie puste gesty.


  Jasenko Selimovic, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, Commissioner, it has been five years since the illegal occupation of Crimea, and during those five years our response has not been loud enough. Why? I don’t know – because of our need for Russian gas? Because of our fear of Russia? I don’t know why, but I do know that it poses a real question here. How would we react if it happened in the EU? Can my distinguished colleagues from the Baltic states be 100% assured that we will protect them if they are attacked? This is exactly where the Kremlin wants us to be – in this position of starting to doubt our possibility to defend ourselves – provoking us, playing games with us, trying to split us and weaken our response.

So let me spell out the facts. Since many years ago, we have seen an increasingly aggressive Russia. Georgia, eastern Ukraine and Crimea are showing us without any uncertainty that the Russian Federation is having no second thoughts about changing the borders in Europe by other means than peaceful if they can. And that leaves us with the just one possibility: we must act together and with firmness, because all other answers – negotiation appeasement, some kind of compromise – will be perceived in the Kremlin as a weakness.

So it is time to send a loud and clear message: enough is enough. This has gone too far already, and we have to start working on putting pressure on Russia to leave the occupied territories, both in Georgia in eastern Ukraine and in Crimea.


  Heidi Hautala, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, I’m thankful that the Commission and the High Representative have expressed such a clear condemnation of the illegal occupation of Crimea. It’s very important that, five years after this illegal annexation, we speak about the situation openly, because many people have had their rights suppressed and many people feel abandoned and left alone. So we have to recognise the systematic repression and persecution of political, civil and human rights which have taken place since the illegal occupation and annexation.

We have a special duty to remember Oleg Sentsov, because he is our Sakharov laureate. We have to join the Commission and the High Representative in the demand for the unconditional release of the political prisoners. We have to condemn also the extremism laws which have taken place since the annexation, which have brought very serious restrictions to freedom of expression in Crimea.


  Javier Couso Permuy, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señor presidente, hoy se debaten aquí los cinco años de lo que ustedes llaman ocupación de Crimea, una definición que cuestionan desde hace años juristas como el profesor Reinhard Merkel, miembro del Consejo de Ética de Alemania.

Para ustedes, el relato comienza con Crimea; para quienes tenemos memoria, arranca con el Maidán y las injerencias de algunos partidos de esta Cámara en aquel proceso. Pero la verdad es que comienza mucho más atrás. Es una lástima que no se hable aquí esta semana de los veinte años de agresión de la OTAN a Yugoslavia. De cómo se quebrantó entonces el Derecho internacional; exactamente lo mismo de lo que algunos acusan hoy a Rusia.

Se han cometido muchos errores durante y después de aquello: la política de sanciones contra Rusia y la lógica respuesta, que ha causado la pérdida de miles de puestos de trabajo en España o Italia. También los intentos de amordazar la prensa de Europa, apelando a la lucha contra la propaganda rusa, o la normalización de grupos neonazis y el revisionismo histórico de colaboracionistas antisemitas, como Stepán Bandera o Román Shujévich.


  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser, au nom du groupe ENF. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, ce que vous refusez aux Criméens, vous l’accordez aux Kosovars.

Vous dénoncez l’occupation illégale de la Crimée mais vous cautionnez l’occupation illégale du Kosovo.

Vous dénoncez les Russes mais vous approuvez la guerre illégale de l’OTAN contre la Yougoslavie dont nous commémorons aujourd’hui le triste vingtième anniversaire.

Vous dénoncez le référendum en Crimée mais vous soutenez la déclaration illégale d’indépendance du Kosovo, entité mafieuse, en 2008, qui a violé la résolution 1244 du Conseil de sécurité.

Vous prêchez l’état de droit mais vous soutenez le pouvoir putschiste à Kiev, issu d’un coup d’État violent – le Maïdan – téléguidé par les États-Unis. À la différence du Kosovo et du Maïdan, pas un seul coup de feu n’a été tiré en Crimée.

Ce que vous détestez chez les Criméens, c’est leur volonté patriotique de réintégrer leur patrie historique, la Russie. En leur refusant ce droit, vous faites comme le dictateur soviétique Khrouchtchev qui, d’un trait de plume illégal, lui aussi, a donné la Crimée à la République soviétique d’Ukraine.

Votre politique apatride est celle des bolchéviques de 1954!

(L’orateur accepte de répondre à une question «carton bleu» (article 162, paragraphe 8, du règlement))


  Stanislav Polčák (PPE), otázka položená zvednutím modré karty. – Pane kolego, já jsem čekal, s čím vystoupíte, zejména v souvislosti s tím, že máme kancelář poblíž sebe a neustále někdo z Vaší kanceláře vystupuje a mluví rusky do telefonu.

Ale chtěl jsem se zeptat: Vnímáte svoje vystoupení skutečně za objektivní za situace, kdy na kampaň Marie Le Penové, Vaší předsedkyně, přispěla první česko-ruská banka půjčkou 10 milionů EUR? Jste skutečně objektivní a vnímáte porušení budapešťského memoranda z roku 1994 jako porušení mezinárodního práva?


  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser (ENF), réponse «carton bleu». – Cher collègue, je ne répondrai pas à ces basses polémiques. Il y a eu des enquêtes, tout ceci s’est donc fait de manière absolument régulière, à des taux d’intérêt qui, d’ailleurs, sont de 6 %, nettement au-dessus des taux d’intérêt qu’accorderait une banque européenne.

Ce qui est scandaleux, c’est qu’en Europe, un parti, le premier parti d’opposition, ne trouve aucune banque pour le financer. Ça, c’est scandaleux, et ça, ce sont des méthodes bolchéviques!

(L’orateur accepte de répondre à une question «carton bleu» (article 162, paragraphe 8, du règlement).


  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE), question «carton bleu». – Monsieur Schaffhauser, j’ai une interrogation parce qu’on vous voit ici depuis cinq ans soutenir vraiment avec passion toutes les positions du Kremlin.

Y a-t-il eu, ces cinq dernières années, une position de M. Poutine et de son régime que vous n’avez pas soutenue? Êtes-vous en désaccord? Dites-nous quelque chose, donnez-nous un petit détail, ou êtes-vous vraiment à 120 % avec M. Poutine et avec le Kremlin? Dites-nous la vérité.


  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser (ENF), réponse «carton bleu». – Cher collègue, la politique que je soutiens est la politique de la France. Je suis désolé, regardez la position de la France au cours de son histoire! Regardez comment le général de Gaulle est le premier à rendre visite à la Russie de Staline! Regardez comment tous nos chefs d’État ont eu des relations privilégiées avec la Russie! Regardez même ce que fait le président Macron, malgré quelquefois un difficile positionnement! La politique de la France a toujours été une politique d’équilibre, d’indépendance et de souveraineté. Et j’espère qu’elle le restera!


  Tunne Kelam (PPE). – Mr President, the annexation of Crimea by force five years, blatantly violating the international order, can only be compared to the Anschluss of Austria by Hitler 81 years ago. National Anschluss paved the way for further aggression, culminating in the Second World War.

Yes, the Russian aggression has been condemned and sanctions established, but hesitations and differences of opinion have weakened their credibility and impact. The reaction by the EU to new Russian aggression in the Azov Sea last November happened only four months later and targeted eight persons, one for every three Ukrainian seamen arrested by Russians. Ukraine is not an isolated case. The European Parliament resolution on Russia two weeks ago stresses that Russia’s deliberate breaking of international rules poses an imminent threat to Russia’s neighbours in all parts of Europe. There can be no return to business as usual until the Kremlin fully and unconditionally restores the territorial integrity of Europe.



  Francisco Assis (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, cinco anos depois da ocupação ilegal da Crimeia por parte da Rússia não podemos deixar aqui neste Parlamento de, mais uma vez, manifestar o nosso profundo protesto e de condenar esta atitude ilegítima por parte da Rússia. Bem como não podemos deixar de chamar a atenção para os comportamentos absolutamente belicistas que têm sido levados a cabo por este país no estreito de Kerch e no Mar d’Azov, bem como a militarização crescente no Mar Negro que prejudica toda aquela região. Sobre isso não pode subsistir a mais pequena dúvida.

Há, porém, uma questão que devemos também aqui colocar de forma muito clara: a Rússia atual não é a União Soviética. Eu fui profundamente, e sou profundamente, antissoviético. Há que distinguir a Rússia da União Soviética. A nossa posição não se alicerça numa atitude antirrussa por natureza, a nossa posição é apenas uma posição crítica em relação a um regime autocrático que põe em causa princípios e direitos fundamentais que são princípios e direitos fundamentais que esta União Europeia tem a obrigação de defender.


  Mark Demesmaeker (ECR). – Voorzitter, Commissaris, dank voor uw sterke verklaring. De Krim is een gestolen schiereiland. In maart 2014 viel voor de eerste keer sinds de Tweede Wereldoorlog een Europees land een ander land binnen en annexeerde er grondgebied. De groene mannetjes droegen geen insignes en tekens, maar het waren wel Russische soldaten.

De Krim is Oekraïne ontstolen na een zorgvuldig geplande militaire operatie. Meneer Schaffhauser, Rusland schond daarmee 47 multilaterale en bilaterale overeenkomsten, zoals het Handvest van de VN uit 1945, de Slotakte van Helsinki uit 1975, het Memorandum van Boedapest uit 1994. Met de annexatie begon ook de repressie, vooral tegen Krim-Tataren. Het gestolen schiereiland, ooit een toeristische trekpleister, is één grote militaire basis. De nieuwe Kertsj-brug, de agressie in de zee van Azov: de Russische provocaties houden niet op.

Respect voor internationaal recht is het fundament van onze veiligheidsstructuur. De dag dat wij ophouden te veroordelen, de dag dat wij onze sancties versoepelen, stellen we dat recht zelf in vraag en zetten we onze eigen veiligheid op het spel. Dat laten we, hoop ik, nooit gebeuren.


  Neena Gill (S&D). – Mr President, Russian illegal occupation of Crimea is jeopardising international peace. We’ve already heard. It is a major flashpoint that could lead to conflict and just as easily escalate into an international one.

What particularly concerns me is that, under the Russian occupation, the people of Crimea have become increasingly isolated and human rights and economic concerns have deteriorated rapidly. Whilst this House has repeatedly called for the territorial integrity of Ukraine to be restored, Russia has blatantly flouted these calls by building bridges and attacking Ukrainian ships in the Sea of Azov.

It is not enough for us to merely award the Sakharov Prize to those who, like Oleg Sentsov, have been fighting this repression. No, it is important that we instead send a strong message to Russia that ignoring international law has consequences, whilst also providing more help to Ukraine for their security.

My question to the Commissioner is this: how do we increase this pressure on Russia? Do you believe you can get Member States to sing from the same hymn sheet and support you in what you said earlier, Commissioner Hahn?


  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga (ECR). – Mr President, for five years already the Russian Federation has been occupying Crimea, and the indigenous people of this peninsula – the Crimean Tatars – perishing most. This is the third wave of violations against this community. The first happened in 1783, with the massive deportation of Crimean Tatars by the Tsarist regime. Then in 1945, Josef Stalin once more deported the indigenous people of Crimea en masse. Now they are a minority in the peninsula, perishing in huge waves of violations, with disappearing children, with political prisoners, with arrests and suffering, and with violations of human rights.

Now this year, Crimean Tatars – together with the whole of Ukraine and hopefully the whole international community – commemorate the 75th anniversary of the last deportation. I am grateful for your statement, Commissioner. I echo your appeals to free political prisoners and to give the territory to Ukraine.


  Julie Ward (S&D). – Mr President, five years after the illegal annexation of the Crimean Peninsula to the Russian Federation, I join my voice with those who condemn this blatant violation of international law. The continuing occupation of the peninsula seriously undermines the pre—eminence of the rule of law in international relations. I have already denounced in this House the appalling consequences this situation has had on cultural heritage in Crimea, which continues to be destroyed on the ground with the loss of significant historical sites. Meanwhile, human rights defenders, political opponents, artists and minorities continue to be persecuted in Russia and in the occupied territories.

Because the EU has been firm and consistent in refusing to recognise the illegal annexation of Crimea, Russian agents have been trying to hijack European politics through financing far-right parties and influencing elections and referendums. We must not give way but must continue to stand by international law – including human rights law – in our relations with Russia and with every other country.


Procedura "catch the eye"


  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já jsem velmi rád, že ta debata jasně ukázala, že zde máme dominantně většinový a jasný názor na to, že okupace Krymu je nezákonný akt, že porušuje mezinárodní právo, že Rusko dále pokračuje ve svých protizákonných aktivitách svými vojenskými provokacemi, zvláště v Azovském moři.

Jsem také velmi rád, že někteří z nás připomněli velmi těžkou situaci různých menšin na samotném Krymu. Ta situace je tam velmi neutěšená, jedná se o okupované území a už to tady několikrát padlo, zvláště Krymští Tataři jsou velmi výrazně diskriminováni. Je tam vedena tvrdá represe vůči politickým oponentům, vůči bojovníkům za lidská práva, vůči nezávislým novinářům. To znamená, to je také aspekt, který je třeba zmiňovat, nejen porušování mezinárodního práva, ale samotné chování Ruska vůči obyvatelům Krymu, kteří si zachovali určitou loajalitu vůči Ukrajině anebo chtějí žít si autonomním životem nezávisle na ruském modelu. Je tedy dobře, že dneska si to výročí připomínáme, a je jasné, že sankce vůči Rusku nemohou být zrušeny.


  José Inácio Faria (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, cinco anos após a anexação ilegal da Crimeia continuam as purgas nos serviços públicos, as detenções arbitrárias e as violações dos direitos humanos, sobretudo contra os tártaros e, mau grado as condenações internacionais e as sanções, o Kremlin continua a impulsionar os seus projetos para acelerar a integração da península reforçando, inclusive, a sua presença militar.

A pergunta que se coloca é: quantos mais aniversários da tristemente designada Primavera da Crimeia teremos que aqui evocar até que a soberania e a integridade territorial da Ucrânia sejam repostas e os acordos de Minsk respeitados?

A União deve não só renovar as sanções económicas em vigor até ao final do próximo mês de julho, mas ser capaz, também, de pôr cobro à escandalosa lavagem de dinheiro russo, incluindo por parte de bancos estatais europeus, no sistema bancário europeu. Isto passa pela coragem de, ignorando pressões externas, incluir a Rússia na lista negra de lavagem de dinheiro e instaurar processos por infração contra os Estados que ainda não transpuseram a quarta Diretiva relativa ao branqueamento de capitais.

A União não pode impor um regime sancionatório contra o expansionismo russo e, ao mesmo tempo, permitir que os bancos europeus lhe proporcionem o oxigénio financeiro para prosseguir.


  Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já chci především poděkovat panu komisaři Hahnovi za jeho jasný přístup. Jasná slova proti protiprávnímu stavu na Krymu. V Rusku se slavilo páté výročí anexe Krymu, ale my si to připomínáme jako trvající nespravedlnost a okupaci a nesmíme polevit v našem postoji.

Krym podle mezinárodního práva patří Ukrajině, a to podle mezinárodní smlouvy, kterou podepsala samotná Ruská federace. Dnes je to na den přesně 5 let, co Valné shromáždění OSN zneplatnilo ruské referendum na Krymu a potvrdilo příslušnost poloostrova Ukrajině. Nejde ale jen o mezinárodní právo, ale také o to, jak se ruský režim na Krymu chová, jak pošlapává lidská práva Ukrajinců, Tatarů, dochází k neoprávněnému zadržování, k případům mučení.

Rusko se snaží vyvolat dojem, že osud Krymu je zpečetěn, ale my prostě nesmíme polevit, nesmíme sami sebe oslabovat, protože osud Krymu jasně ukazuje smysl Evropské unie. Stále ukazuje, jak je pro nás důležitý, abychom mohli žít svobodně.


  Jaromír Štětina (PPE). – Pane předsedající, v červnu 2014 Evropská unie přijala sankce zaměřené na zdroje ruské energie, obranu a finanční sektor. Hospodářské sankce stojí Rusko miliardy eur ročně. Už v březnu 2014 byly uvaleny na řadu ruských občanů vízové restrikce. Tyto osobní sankce sice neovlivní hospodářství Ruska a změny cen plynu a ropy tak jako sankce hospodářské, mohly by však ovlivnit rozhodující procesy na ruské politické scéně. Kreml využil ruský parlament ke svým cílům. Před invazí na Ukrajinu si dal horní komorou ruského parlamentu odhlasovat vstup ruské armády na území Ukrajiny. Členové horní komory Vladimíru Putinovi okupaci Ukrajiny potvrdili. Jednohlasně. Doporučuju paní vysoké představitelce zesílit i sankce osobní, až po úplný zákaz vstupu členů horní komory ruského parlamentu na území Evropské unie.


  Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Pane předsedo, pane komisaři, pět let okupace Krymu je pět let bezprecedentního porušování mezinárodního práva. Nejde pouze o otázku neporušitelnosti hranic, lidská práva jsou masivně porušována na Krymu. Jsou tam různé kategorie občanů, a například Krymští Tataři jsou vlastně bezprávní občané, kteří nemají žádná práva.

Ukrajina potřebuje naši pomoc. Já plně podporuji Ukrajinu a dlouhodobě se stavím za její práva a chtěl bych se zároveň ukrajinskému lidu omluvit za činy, které dělá český prezident Miloš Zeman, který využije každou příležitost k tomu, aby poškodil česko-ukrajinské vztahy. Chtěl bych se skutečně za to, jak se chová český prezident k ukrajinským občanům, omluvit. Aby se Ukrajina nestala naše černé svědomí, my musíme zachovat sankce, trvat na plném navrácení Krymu do ukrajinských rukou.


(Fine della procedura "catch the eye")


  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, following the overwhelming majority of interventions, I can conclude that we all need to continue keeping the non-recognition of the illegal annexation of the Crimean peninsula high on our agenda, continuing to closely monitor developments in the Azov Sea and reflecting on how we can further support Ukraine in this regard.

I also believe that we can agree that we should use all opportunities in our bilateral and multilateral contacts to reiterate our principle position on the illegal annexation and to state that Crimea is Ukraine. Ms Gill, on this we can really rely on the unambiguous position of all EU Member States. Full stop.


  Presidente. – La discussione è chiusa.

Dichiarazioni scritte (articolo 162)


  Indrek Tarand (Verts/ALE), in writing. – I visited Crimea in 2001. At that time, this beautiful peninsula was a symbol of peaceful reconciliation after the sorrowful years of the Cold War. During the past five years, the tides in the Azov and Black Sea have turned and the peninsula that lies in between now serves a strategic goal for Russia. The Russian authorities have bought off the people by artificially pumped—up salaries, and dissidents have been either silenced or tortured and imprisoned. Russia uses whatever pretext to secure the gateway to the Eurasian heartland and yearns to be the pivot of the Black Sea. I praise the Crimean Estonians, who boycotted the referendum of 2014, which they rightly thought was illegal. Despite the fact that Crimea was occupied by the commands bellowed by Putin and thanks to the collaboration of the Ukrainian Government of that time, we can all take the blame for this tragedy, as our responsive and responsible foreign policy tends to be lethargic at critical moments. Crimea is a costly project for the Kremlin – we still have the chance to make it fail by ending the NordStream2 Programme, which helps Russia to pay their ‘occupation bills’.

Letzte Aktualisierung: 26. Juni 2019Rechtlicher Hinweis - Datenschutzbestimmungen