Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärungen des Rates und der Kommission zum Thema Humanitäre Hilfe im Mittelmeer (2019/2718(RSP)).
Tytti Tuppurainen,President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, I will continue on from what the Prime Minister mentioned in his speech this morning. We need a long-term, comprehensive and humane solution to manage migration.
Even though the generally known problems remain, as the debate today will certainly show, we should also note that, in broad terms, the situation of migration flows in the Mediterranean Sea has improved in recent years. According to Frontex data for 2018, approximately 137 000 irregular migrants were registered, having crossed the Mediterranean via one of the three main routes. This year, so far, we are at 36 000 arrivals. Should this trend continue, we would see the number of detected arrivals reduced by approximately 50% in 2019.
Equally important, while of course it is still too high, the number of deaths at sea has decreased. On the central Mediterranean route alone, the decrease is by more than 50%. In 2019, 343 persons are known to have lost their lives while attempting to cross the sea via this route. Any death at sea is one too many, but there is progress. UNHCR estimates that in 2018, the Libyan coast guard rescued or intercepted nearly 15 000 migrants at sea. Even with the deteriorating security situation in Libya this year, the coast guard has continued functioning, rescuing nearly 3 000 persons. These numbers also reflect the important contribution of the EU’s action to reduce fatalities at sea. In particular, in Libya, assistance has been of paramount importance. EUR 91.3 million were granted to support both the Libyan coast guard and the development of Libya’s own maritime rescue coordination centre. Further, Operation Sophia has provided training for a total of 355 coast guard personnel so far and the European Asylum Support Office (EASO) has provided training on access to the asylum procedure. These are very concrete steps forward.
There is no denying that the humanitarian situation surrounding the search—and—rescue events on the central Mediterranean route is still not satisfactory. Also, stand-offs between Member States continue as a result of NGO vessels picking up migrants at sea. Let me point out that against the overall background, the number of migrants involved in these incidents is quite modest. In 2019, less than 10% of migrants who arrived in Italy had been rescued by NGOs active on the central Mediterranean route. The vast majority of migrants arrived directly in Lampedusa and Sicily or they were rescued by vessels of the Italian authorities. However, in recent weeks, there have been more incidents due to the peak in departures at this time of the year. One example is the Sea-Watch 3. In its case, solutions have been found after one or two weeks or on an ad hoc basis.
The Romanian Presidency has worked on temporary arrangements which would make it possible to manage this type of situation in a more structured manner. In 2019, it presented a report with a series of non-binding elements on temporary arrangements for this embarkation. Our Presidency will continue work on temporary arrangements. An informal meeting of ministers of the interior will take place on Thursday and the situation in the Mediterranean will be highlighted there. Our Minister of the Interior has also invited all her ministerial colleagues to an informal dinner ahead of this meeting to discuss this immediate situation in the Mediterranean. They are temporary in nature until a permanent agreement is found as part of a comprehensive and humane asylum—policy reform. They are open to participation by all Member States on a voluntary basis and provide for a coordination role for the Commission, with support from relevant agencies. This moves towards more balanced responsibility. Solidarity between the Member States is key. The Finnish Presidency will follow up on this work.
The Finnish Presidency will work towards crisis—resilient arrangements. While these arrangements provide some guidance on how to deal with migrants rescued at sea, they do not pronounce on the location where there is embarkment.
Human rights—based asylum and migration policies are rooted in international treaties and conventions, cooperation between public authorities and effective control of the EU’s external borders, as well as appropriate and swift asylum procedures that are of a high standard in terms of legal protection. This is by and large a decision for national authorities in application of the relevant provisions under international law. International law obliges all coastal states – in our case, all coastal states around the Mediterranean Sea – to establish search—and—rescue services around their coast. The EU provides support to Member States in the management of their external borders, notably through Frontex operations. Search—and—rescue is not as such the core mandate of these operations, but it is the task they perform in accordance with international law.
The Finnish Presidency will certainly look into ways to unlock the situation. Nobody benefits from this prolonged uncertainty. We need a balanced, comprehensive and humane approach here. Firstly, we need to help the front-liners but, at the same time, we need to understand the challenge as a whole in the secondary movement and integration of migrants, as well as in return policy.
The European Union, with its wide range of tools and strong international role, is clearly better equipped to address migration than a single Member State.
Christos Stylianides,Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, I am here on behalf of Commissioner Dimitris Avramopoulos. There is no doubt that what is happening in the Mediterranean is a cause for high concern. But at the same time, official figures show that flows to the EU have further diminished compared to last year. My dear colleague, the Finnish Minister, has already shown some of these figures. But there is no doubt that we still face a critical situation where too many people embark on dangerous journeys across the sea, risking their lives, in the hope of reaching the EU for protection or better life prospects.
This is why the Commission has repeatedly recalled that the EU and its Member States are bound by the duty to render assistance to persons or vessels in distress at sea, which is an obligation under international law – and, may I also add, our moral duty.
For their part, NGOs active in the Mediterranean have played an important role in saving lives at sea. In serving this common objective of saving lives, all players should follow the instructions received from the national authority coordinating search and rescue operations.
Allow me to say that our four EU operations at sea have helped save nearly 730 000 people at sea since 2015, though we regret that the agreement found by Member States for the continuation of Operation Sophia is far from optimal. When it comes to the question of criminalisation of migrant smuggling, we need to be able to distinguish. Because one thing is actual migrant smuggling, a deliberate profit-making criminal act, and another is providing assistance to people in need. The bottom line here – and I want to underline this – is that no form of genuine assistance to migrants should be criminalised under EU law. However, the essence is that a system whereby people must resort to smugglers cannot be part of a sustainable approach to migration or asylum. The European Union and its Member States must remain resolute to keep on fighting against migrant smugglers and traffickers and not to play into their deadly business model.
The most recent atrocious killing of migrants at the Tajoura Detention Centre is a strong reminder of the need to continue to pursue the EU’s efforts to protect the most vulnerable and to put an end to the Libyan arbitrary detention system.
The European Union stands ready to support the Libyan authorities to find safe and dignified alternatives for all refugees and other migrants in detention centres close to the conflict area. And let us not forget our overall assistance to Libya, which goes beyond EUR 365 million this year. Thanks to our funding and partnership with IOM and UNHCR, since 2017 more than 40 000 migrants stranded in Libya have been assisted to voluntarily return to their countries of origin while 4 000 refugees have been already evacuated from Libya to Niger or directly to Europe in view of their resettlement.
In early July, a further EUR 13 million was granted to UNHCR to reinforce evacuation operations. For these evacuations towards Niger to continue, Member States must speed up resettlements and pledge more resettlement places for persons in Libya or for evacuees in Niger. Despite all these efforts to intervene upstream on the migratory route, we cannot avoid that under certain circumstances, disembarkations take place in Europe. We must be ready to address this situations and, as my dear colleague the Finnish Minister already said, the most fundamental thing is solidarity.
While search and rescue remains a national competence, exercised on the basis of international law, the Commission has played a coordinating role to ensure that, when disembarkation takes place in Europe, solidarity is implemented. However, ad hoc solutions cannot be sustainable. We need to put in place predictable temporary arrangements following disembarkation based on a practical and voluntary approach, supported by the EU operationally and financially.
They will serve as a bridge until the swift completion of the legislative reform of the Common European Asylum System, which remains a priority for all of us. I welcome the fact that on Monday, Ministers of Foreign Affairs discussed the situation in the Mediterranean. This discussion will be taken forward by the Ministers of External Affairs later today, as my dear colleague Finnish Minister already emphasised. Commissioner Avramopoulos is on his way to Helsinki to discuss with them the way forward to put in place temporary arrangements following disembarkation, built on shared responsibility as part of a broader discussion on the future of the EU asylum and migration policy.
The Commission stands ready to continue to provide all the political, technical and financial support that Member States need to address the situation in the Mediterranean. And let us not forget the overarching need to deal with the root causes of migration in parallel with our efforts to help save lives. Africa is a huge challenge – not only for Europe, but also the world.
The Juncker Commission has done a lot in this direction. First, through the EU Trust Fund. Second, with the External Investment Plan that has leveraged EUR 37 billion of investments. And third, with the EU-Africa Alliance, through which we aim to create 10 million jobs in Africa in the next five years. Of course, we have to continue. This is the only way to deal with the root causes. We have to create new jobs in Africa, but at the same time, we have to continue our moral duty to save lives.
Jeroen Lenaers, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, this feels a little bit like Groundhog Day. We’re debating the same issue, in the same way, just on a different day. We discussed it in June last year after the Aquarius, we discussed it in January of this year after Sea—Watch and Sea—Eye, and today we are discussing it again. On both previous occasions we were told, as we are today, no more ad hoc solutions. And cynically, in the case of Sea—Watch, the Member States kept their word. There was no ad hoc solution – there was no solution at all. And that is a sad reality for an EU that is based on fundamental values and the principle of solidarity.
I agree with the Commissioner: saving lives is not only a legal obligation but a moral one, too. But at the same time we have to realise that the current way in which we are working in the Mediterranean, despite all good intentions, is not only helping to save lives but, at the same time, it unfortunately helps the smugglers who put those lives at risk in the first place. This is something we can no longer allow. There is no silver bullet or single solution to all this. We need a holistic approach – an approach that focuses on better protecting our external borders, that focuses on returning migrants who came illegally to Europe and have no right to stay and an approach that focuses on making agreements with third countries of transit and of origin to help us fight those smuggling networks and to help us prevent migrants from entering in overstuffed and unseaworthy vehicles. Such an approach is the only approach in the long term that can actually save lives.
Miriam Dalli, f’isem il-grupp S&D. – Sur President, fil-fatt ilna nitkellmu dwar din l-istess sfida għal snin twal mingħajr mal-Unjoni Ewropea kollha flimkien irnexxielha ssib it-triq 'il quddiem u dak li qegħdin niddiskutu llum huwa r-riżultat ta' nuqqas ta' pożizzjoni komuni. Is-soluzzjonijiet li ġew ippreżentati s'issa mhumiex jaħdmu, u llum m'għadniex nitkellmu dwar sfida għaliex din hija emerġenza: emerġenza umanitarja.
Illum aktar minn qatt qabel, dan huwa ż-żmien li fih iridu jittieħdu deċiżjonijiet politiċi li jindirizzaw din l-emerġenza li qed twassal biex jintilfu aktar ħajjiet fil-Mediterran, u li qed tkompli titfa' aktar piż fuq il-pajjiżi l-aktar esposti. U nitlob hawnhekk lill-Presidenza Finlandiża, imma anki lill-Kummissjoni Ewropea, biex tagħtu prijorità lil din is-sitwazzjoni. Prijorità assoluta bbażata fuq erba' prijoritajiet ewlenin: l-ewwel, li ma nħallux aktar ħajjiet jintilfu u naraw li jkunu sostnuti, iva, operazzjonijiet ta' salvataġġ; it-tieni, iżda, li verament ikun miġġieled it-traffikar tal-persuni; it-tielet, li tingħata soluzzjoni konkreta għall-pressjoni żejda li qed tintefa' fuq dawk il-pajjiżi l-aktar esposti, partikolarment fil-Mediterran; u r-raba', li jkollna rotot siguri u legali għal min għandu bżonn protezzjoni internazzjonali.
Issa kemm-il darba smajna li l-Istati Membri jgħidu li jaqblu li s-sistema ta' asil komuni għandha tkun riformata, imma, fir-realtà, dan id-diskors qatt ma rajnieh jiġi konkretizzat. U minflok rajna li l-pajjiżi li mhumiex esposti għal dawn il-pressjonijiet jostakolaw kwalunkwe progress. Aħna mhux ser naċċettaw li din l-isfida ma tiġix indirizzata mill-Unjoni Ewropea kollha kemm hi. Irridu riforma vera, inkluż riflessjoni dwar tibdil f'sistemi fejn il-pajjiż li jidħlu immigranti għall-ewwel darba fih, mhux biss qed ikollhom jidħlu r-responsabbiltà li jirċievu lil min għandu dritt għall-asil, imma huma responsabbli wkoll li jirritornaw lil dawk li m'għandhomx dritt għall-protezzjoni internazzjonali. Wara kollox, fejnha s-solidarjetà li l-Unjoni Ewropea tant titkellem fuqha?
Mis-sajf tas-sena li għaddiet, rajna sistema ta' rilokazzjoni ad hoc, li intom irriferejtu għaliha, ta' grupp żgħir ta' Stati Membri li waslu fi ftehim dwar soluzzjonijiet prattiċi. L-ironija hi li l-maġġoranza tal-pajjiżi li pparteċipaw huma l-pajjiżi li jħossu l-akbar pressjoni, u dan mhuwiex biżżejjed. Bħala negozjatur tal-liġi li se tirregola fond ta' aktar minn EUR 10 biljun fil-qasam tal-immigrazzjoni, ser inkompli ninsisti dwar is-solidarjetà, sistemi ta' rilokazzjoni u ridistribuzzjoni, għaliex din hija...(Il-President irtira l-kelma lill-kelliema)
Sophia in 't Veld, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Mr President, I would like to thank the Council and the Commission for their very clear commitment to finding sustainable solutions because sometimes I feel a little bit like I am in the twilight zone. There used to be a time where it was considered the morally right thing to do to save people from drowning and to provide shelter to the vulnerable and to refugees. That’s even a Christian duty. I’m not Christian, but I was taught that this is the right thing to do.
But now we are actually talking about criminalising saving people. I actually think it’s a criminal act to let somebody drown. Those who are in favour of criminalising it say, ‘these NGOs who are saving people in the Mediterranean are creating a pull factor’. Well, sorry, what they want is a deterrent. They think that if those boats cannot come here, that’s a deterrent. Well, if 35 000 dead bodies on the bottom of the Mediterranean is not a deterrent, then what is? We are talking about small vessels bringing in 40-50 people. I think the Union can handle that.
I think that this is not a responsibility that we should put on the shoulders of NGOs or commercial vessels, which are also burdened with this. This is a public responsibility. It is also a collective responsibility for all the EU Member States. It is unacceptable that our Member States still to this day refuse to take their share of the responsibility. We need a sustainable arrangement, not a temporary arrangement.
We also call on the Council to finally adopt the asylum package and then, finally, we also need to get real and stop fighting symptoms. We need migration. Migration exists, it has existed since the beginning of time, we should manage it, we should control it, and we should create legal and safe pathways for legal labour migration to Europe.
(Applause)
Erik Marquardt, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Es ist Glück, das darüber entscheidet, wo man auf diesem Planeten geboren wird, und es ist Glück, das darüber entscheidet, ob man in Frieden und Wohlstand aufwachsen darf, oder ob man in Elend aufwachsen muss.
Ich war selbst als Seenotretter auf dem Mittelmeer, und ich habe das Leid dort gesehen. Und ich kann mir aber trotzdem nicht vorstellen, wie es sich anfühlt, auf einem kleinen Schlauchboot zu sitzen und nicht zu wissen, ob man den nächsten Tag überlebt. Ich kann mir nicht vorstellen, wie es sich anfühlt, wenn man nicht schwimmen kann. Und alles was man will ist Luft, und man findet sie nicht, weil überall Wasser ist. Und man sucht irgendwas, um sich daran festzuhalten und findet es nicht, weil dort nur Wasser ist. Und dann ertrinkt man – leise, qualvoll – im Mittelmeer.
Ich möchte stolz sein auf unser Handeln als Europäer, aber ich kann mich nur dafür schämen, wenn im Mittelmeer nicht nur Tausende Menschen ertrinken, die wir retten könnten, sondern wenn mit ihnen auch die europäischen Werte im Mittelmeer ertrinken. Dabei kann das Sterben so einfach verhindert werden. Es gibt allein in Deutschland über 70 Kommunen, die sich bereit erklärt haben, Menschen aufzunehmen. Lasst es uns ihnen erlauben! Und wenn es Gesetze gibt, die das Lebenretten stärker bestrafen als das Sterbenlassen, dann lasst uns diese Gesetze ändern. Und wenn es Boote gibt, die retten können, dann lasst uns doch diese Boote verdammt nochmal schicken. Es wäre ein Zeichen der Stärke zu sagen: Die Würde des Menschen ist unantastbar, auch auf dem Mittelmeer.
(Beifall)
Harald Vilimsky, im Namen der ID-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren! Ich bin nunmehr das zweite Mal Mitglied dieses Hauses und erlebe, wie seit dem Jahr 2015, als die Migrationswelle ihren Beginn genommen hat, hier weder eine Lösung präsentiert werden kann, dieses Problem zu bewältigen, noch wir uns irgendwie einem besseren Zustand nähern. Im Gegenteil, Sie setzen in Permanenz die falschen Signale und erfüllen damit auch das Geschäft der Schlepper. Und bitte reden Sie nicht von Seenotrettung. Wenn eine Person wie Frau Carola Rackete – wie immer ihr Name genau ausgesprochen sein mag – 20 Kilometer von der libyschen Küste entfernt Menschen aufnimmt, Hunderte Kilometer weit nach Italien bringt, dort ein Gesetz nach dem anderen verletzt, rechtswidrig in italienische Hoheitsgewässer eindringt, das Leben von italienischen Beamten gefährdet, indem sie deren Schiff abdrängt, dann ist das keine Seenotrettung, sondern eine politische Aktion mit einer Reihe von Rechtsvergehen, die entsprechend hier auch so bewertet werden müssen. Das ist keine Ikone, das ist keine Heilige, das ist eine Rechtsbrecherin. Das muss hier einmal in aller Deutlichkeit gesagt werden.
(Beifall)
Nicola Procaccini, a nome del gruppo ECR. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, io vi pongo subito una domanda: qual è il confine tra il salvataggio in mare di vite umane che sono davvero a rischio ed il comportamento di chi invece trasporta persone da una sponda all'altra del Mediterraneo, facendosi beffe del diritto?
Ve lo dico io. Il primo è un atto lecito, generoso, ovviamente estemporaneo e inoffensivo. Il secondo è invece un atto pianificato politicamente, volutamente reiterato, che mette a rischio la sicurezza dei migranti e quindi è anche un atto illecito penalmente. Non lo sostengo io, non lo sostiene l’ECR o Fratelli d'Italia, lo sostiene il diritto, il diritto internazionale, quello a cui spesso vi appellate in modo spesso opportunistico.
Ora stiamo lasciando che capitani di ventura senza alcun mandato popolare si arroghino il diritto di speronare sia fisicamente che metaforicamente la dignità delle nostre nazioni, la pace delle nostre nazioni. Stiamo abbandonando in mare lo Stato di diritto, proprio quello di cui si parlava qui ieri. Quindi armiamoci di coraggio, ma anche di mezzi per fermare le partenze clandestine, smantelliamo le navi che fanno da taxi e salveremo più vite nel Mar Mediterraneo.
Miguel Urbán Crespo, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señor presidente, lo decimos una vez más: la Unión Europea y los Estados miembros tienen que elegir entre proteger la vida o seguir siendo cómplices de la muerte; seguir siendo cómplices de convertir el Mediterráneo en una gran fosa común.
Romper con esta política migratoria europea de muerte significa dejar de criminalizar a todas aquellas personas y organizaciones que salvan vidas. Salvar vidas nunca puede ser un delito. Romper con el juego macabro de Salvini, que utiliza la muerte para ganar votos, significa también poner en marcha de forma urgente —de forma urgente— un salvamento marítimo público de la Unión Europea para que no haya ni una sola muerte más en el Mediterráneo. Significa apoyar todas las iniciativas de la sociedad civil que luchan para cambiar la política migratoria y que lo están haciendo ahora mismo con la iniciativa Caravana Abriendo...
(El presidente retira la palabra al orador)
(Silbidos del Grupo ID)
Laura Ferrara (NI). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, i flussi migratori nel Mediterraneo sono diminuiti, ma di fatto si continua a partire e a morire.
Nel fronteggiare il fenomeno migratorio, abbiamo atteso a lungo una forte e coesa risposta europea e internazionale. Una risposta che ancora non è arrivata. Sono prevalse purtroppo egoistiche politiche nazionali, che hanno lasciato soli alcuni degli Stati membri a gestire i flussi migratori, con una soluzione di emergenza, caso per caso e con un mercato di propaganda che divide persone e paesi e che crea mostri ed eroi.
È recente la presentazione di un piano del ministro Moavero per una soluzione europea. Si tratta di salvare vite e di individuare i luoghi di sbarco, di stabilire ricollocamenti automatici e obbligatori per i migranti, di contrastare il business del traffico di esseri umani nel Mediterraneo, di prevedere vie legali per chi ha diritto alla protezione internazionale, di cooperare nelle aree di origine dei flussi interessati da conflitti, da miseria, da sfruttamento di risorse, di stipulare accordi di riammissione per i rimpatri.
Ecco, sono questioni di cui non possono farsi carico solo i paesi di primo approdo come l'Italia, Malta, Spagna o Grecia, ma deve farsene carico l'intera Unione europea. La mancanza di una posizione comune tra tutti gli Stati membri sull'equa ripartizione delle responsabilità nelle politiche europee di asilo e di immigrazione, oltre a mortificare i principi contenuti nei trattati, fa perdere credibilità al progetto europeo ed è per questo che mi auguro che, con la ripartenza di questa legislatura, si riprenda il lavoro fatto da questo Parlamento per la riforma del sistema comune europeo di asilo.
Λευτέρης Χριστοφόρου (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, εδώ στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο, είθισται ο λόγος μας να είναι καταγγελτικός και επικριτικός προς τους πάντες. Εγώ θα αξιοποιήσω αυτόν τον χρόνο μου για να απονείμω τα εύσημα στον Επίτροπο ανθρωπιστικής βοήθειας και διαχείρισης κρίσεων που βρίσκεται ενώπιόν μας και ο οποίος πραγματικά βρέθηκε ως εκπρόσωπος της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης σε κάθε γωνιά του πλανήτη, εκεί όπου υπήρχε ανθρώπινος πόνος, παρέχοντας ανθρωπιστική βοήθεια και στήριξη. Έδινε με αυτόν τον τρόπο υπόσταση και αναβάθμιση στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση κάνοντας μας εμάς όλους πολλές φορές περήφανους, γιατί η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση μέσω του ιδίου δεν ήταν ποτέ απούσα από οποιεσδήποτε ανθρωπιστικές κρίσεις. Βρισκόταν πάντα παρών και έδινε πραγματικά χείρα βοηθείας, αναδεικνύοντας τον ανθρωπιστικό και κοινωνικό ρόλο της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης.
Θα ήθελα μάλιστα να ρωτήσω: Οι άλλες μεγάλες δυνάμεις –γιατί συνήθως στρέφουμε τα πυρά στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση– τι έκαναν για τη Μεσόγειο, τι έκαναν για την ανθρωπιστική κρίση, πόσα χρήματα έδωσαν ή τι ενέργειες και πρωτοβουλίες ανέλαβαν; Σίγουρα στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση απαιτείται και επιβάλλεται η ενότητα και η αλληλεγγύη, και, όταν λέμε ενότητα και αλληλεγγύη, δεν πρέπει να αφήνουμε αυτά τα ζητήματα να τα αντιμετωπίζει κάθε χώρα μόνη της, αλλά να τα αντιμετωπίζουμε όλοι μαζί.
(Ο Πρόεδρος διακόπτει τον ομιλητή).
Claude Moraes (S&D). – Mr President, someone mentioned international law just now. It is not against international law to seek asylum or indeed to seek a better life. What is happening in the Mediterranean, despite what we have heard from the Council about the numbers who are dying reducing, is an assault against human dignity in the Mediterranean and a challenge to our European values. I think we can all agree with this, so let’s not discuss exactly how international law applies. What is applying now is a real confusion and an ammunition given to some on the question of the criminalisation of humanitarian assistance. And let’s be clear: the human instinct, the European instinct, the global instinct to aid people who may be dying, as we have just heard, is one that we need to clarify and we need to accept as one of our values. One year ago exactly I drafted a resolution, as the Commissioner will know, asking exactly what guidelines we would have to prevent humanitarian assistance from being criminalised. Of course, we were told then that there were not many cases. Now we see the cases. With regard to Sea—Watch 3, we see many cases now of criminalisation of humanitarian assistance. So exactly when are these guidelines going to be issued? When are we going to see them?
Over the last year we have seen the odyssey, not just of Sea—Watch, but just ordinary individuals, these are not criminals these are just the people we know – doctors, lifeguards, firefighters – all the people who are European citizens trying to save lives.
And finally, colleagues, for the Council. What I would say to the Council is this: of course we need to have the guidelines, of course we need to deal with the humanitarian situation in the Mediterranean, so we can look in the eyes people in the coming years and say we did something about this disgrace that is going on in the Mediterranean and the fuel that we are giving to some politicians to use this issue. Also for the Council, how on earth are we going to get the Dublin process and solidarity sorted out if we don’t have majority voting and qualified majority voting (QMV) and the things that I have to ask the Finnish Presidency to make some progress on? We need Dublin. We need the common asylum policy. We need ...
(The President cut off the speaker)
Dragoş Tudorache (Renew). – Mr President, as another colleague said earlier, we’ve been in this debate for four years. I know that as a union we’ve done a lot under challenging circumstances. The Commission has made great efforts and put forward bold solutions, and on this side, this House has played its part in a spirit of institutional loyalty and competence. But all this said, here we are four years later still holding our breath every time there is a boat in the Mediterranean waters, and then the game of ad hoc, half-baked measures is starting. Will they go to Italy? Will they go to Malta? Will they go to Spain? And whose responsibility is it?
We simply cannot afford politically to continue this way. We simply cannot afford to let our European citizens be haunted by a moral dilemma between protecting lives and good management of migration flows. The two are possible together, the two can go hand in hand. Solidarity and responsibility can and must co-exist.
We need structured solutions – and I took good note of the promise of the commitment made yesterday by the new Commission President to a migration pact. That is good, but until that pact is going to happen, we need the Council to support the scale—up of Frontex without delay because Frontex has to be back in the Mediterranean waters as quickly as possible and at full strength.
(Applause)
Tineke Strik (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, at sea every minute counts and that is why the Law of the Sea obliges every actor to immediately assist people in distress and to disembark them at the first safe haven. However, our Member States ignore these obligations and on top of that, they also work against NGOs which do save lives. And instead of ensuring safety and protection they organise unlawful pull-backs to Libya, where migrants are exposed to violence, inhuman treatment in detention centres and to the risk of refoulement.
We need to stop these shameful violations of international law close to our borders. We need to act united and in solidarity and that means more capacity for search-and-rescue actions at EU level and equally shared responsibility for rescued persons who ask for asylum, not ad hoc but on a sustainable basis.
It also means that we need to ensure that refugees have access to safe routes and durable protection and we welcome the announcement from Ms von der Leyen on human corridors.
But finally, acknowledging our responsibility for the drownings in the Mediterranean also requires that we ensure that the human rights of migrants and refugees are not affected as a consequence of our cooperation with Libya. So it means that we need to scrutinise the EU budget that we invest in cooperation with Libya to check it does not affect their human rights. After all, out of sight does not mean out of rights.
Annalisa Tardino (ID). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ieri in quest'Aula alla dichiarazione che “in mare c'è l'obbligo di salvare le vite”, oggi ribadita, è seguito un enorme applauso dalla quasi totalità del Parlamento. Quell'applauso – ribadisco – va solo all'Italia, che ha salvato migliaia di vite nel Mediterraneo. L'Italia che ha accolto, l'Italia che, di contro, è stata lasciata sola dall'Europa e da chi oggi, con grande ipocrisia, si permette di criticare la politica del governo di lotta all'immigrazione clandestina.
Ci chiediamo cosa avete fatto in questi anni, cosa ha fatto la Francia, ad esempio? Oggi ha annunciato di voler premiare Carola Rackete, ma si è ben guardata dal rispondere al suo SOS in mare. Quindi i porti francesi chiusi, ma medaglie aperte… ancora una volta una grande ipocrisia che trovo imbarazzante! La verità è che solo il nostro governo e solo il ministro Salvini con grande coraggio e contro ogni tipo di insulto, sta cercando di fermare il business degli schiavisti e dell'immigrazione clandestina, salvando vite.
La politica dei porti chiusi ha consentito meno sbarchi, quelli che voi citavate, meno morti nel Mediterraneo, e non lo dice la Lega, ma lo dicono i dati dell'ONU. E ancora, piuttosto di giudicare da tuttologi estranei, venite in Italia, venite in Sicilia, a Lampedusa, vedrete in quali disperate condizioni si cerca di arginare un fenomeno epocale che convoglia in sé numerosi e diversi problemi.
È responsabilità di questo Parlamento e del Consiglio aiutare chi ne ha diritto, ma in via legale e sicura, al di là dei proclami, quelli che abbiamo ascoltato e continuiamo ascoltare. Ci aspettiamo interventi reali e immediati. I nostri cittadini sono stanchi di...
(Il Presidente ritira la parola all'oratrice)
Jorge Buxadé Villalba (ECR). – Señor presidente, como diputado español, le puedo asegurar que la manera más eficaz de poner freno a la posible muerte de personas en el Mediterráneo es la lucha implacable contra la inmigración ilegal y contra todos aquellos que colaboran y cooperan en ese tráfico de seres humanos. Solo la posibilidad de crear un marco europeo de prevención y lucha contra el tráfico ilegal de seres humanos puede realmente salvar vidas.
El efecto llamada es una realidad y es una inaceptable irresponsabilidad de aquellos Gobiernos y grupos políticos que siguen animando a miles de personas que están en África a lanzarse a un viaje mortal en el Mediterráneo, con la colaboración de esas mafias de tráfico ilegal de seres humanos y de sus cooperadores necesarios.
Las fronteras de la Unión deben ser una puerta infranqueable para todos aquellos que quieran entrar en el territorio de la Unión incumpliendo las leyes comunitarias o las leyes nacionales. Y, por eso, nosotros no podemos admitir que, desde las instituciones comunitarias, se anime la actuación de aquellos capitanes que quieren seguir trayendo de forma ilegal seres humanos con incumplimiento de nuestra normativa nacional y comunitaria.
Sira Rego (GUE/NGL). – Señor presidente, en el año 2018 murieron más de 2 200 personas en el mar Mediterráneo. No son accidentes: son consecuencia directa de las políticas de la Europa fortaleza. Hace unos días, nos acompañaban aquí los abogados que han llevado a la Unión Europea ante la Fiscalía de la Corte Penal Internacional, precisamente por estas políticas migratorias responsables de más de 14 000 muertes.
Esto no puede quedar impune. Hay una cadena de responsabilidad política, administrativa y de aplicación. En ese sentido, desde la Izquierda Unitaria Europea proponemos soluciones concretas. Ante la dejación de funciones de los Gobiernos, este Parlamento debe comprometerse a crear una misión civil de salvamento y rescate en el mar. Y, por supuesto, debe romper con la criminalización de las labores de defensa de la vida que están llevando a cabo las ONG, en muchos casos frente a Gobiernos reaccionarios y neofascistas.
Salvar vidas no es un delito. Hagamos que cerrar puertos y multar a quienes las salvan sí que lo sea.
Κωνσταντίνος Παπαδάκης (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και οι κυβερνήσεις της, οι σύμμαχοί τους και η πολιτική τους ευθύνονται για τους ιμπεριαλιστικούς πολέμους και τα κύματα προσφύγων και μεταναστών. Η άθλια σημερινή κατάσταση σε βάρος τους είναι αποφασισμένη ομόφωνα απ’ όλες τις κυβερνήσεις στα Ευρωπαϊκά Συμβούλια. Οι δε εξαγγελίες της Προέδρου von der Leyen για αύξηση της ευρωσυνοριοφυλακής σε 10.000 σηματοδοτεί ένταση της καταστολής ενάντια στους πρόσφυγες και περισσότερους θανάτους προσφύγων στη Μεσόγειο.
Στην Ελλάδα, η κυβέρνηση της Νέας Δημοκρατίας συνεχίζει την προώθηση της απάνθρωπης πολιτικής της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης ενάντια σε πρόσφυγες και μετανάστες, που συνδιαμορφώθηκε και προωθήθηκε από την κυβέρνηση του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ απαρέγκλιτα με συμφωνίες τύπου Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης-Τουρκίας, ενίσχυση της καταστολής στα σύνορα, με απελάσεις και εγκληματικές αρνήσεις διάσωσης προσφύγων στη θάλασσα, από κυβερνήσεις κρατών μελών. Ο εγκλωβισμός σε κολαστήρια τύπου Μόριας, με σφραγίδα του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ, επαινείται τώρα από την κυβέρνηση της Νέας Δημοκρατίας, η οποία και πλειοδοτεί σε νέα αντιδραστικά μέτρα, όπως η μεταφορά αρμοδιοτήτων στο Υπουργείο Προστασίας του Πολίτη και η ανάλγητη ανάκληση και αυτής της ήδη περιορισμένης πρόσβασης προσφύγων και αιτούντων άσυλο στην ιατροφαρμακευτική περίθαλψη.
Παλεύουμε ενάντια στη συμφωνία Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης-Τουρκίας, για να κλείσουν άμεσα όλα τα άθλια hot spot, για τη μεταφορά προσφύγων και μεταναστών στις χώρες τελικού προορισμού τους, ενάντια σε Σένγκεν και Δουβλίνο, ενάντια σε όλους αυτούς τους αντιλαϊκούς νόμους, ενάντια στο σύστημα της εκμετάλλευσης και των ιμπεριαλιστικών πολέμων.
Karoline Edtstadler (PPE). – Herr Präsident! Die aktuellen Vorfälle zeigen, dass diese Debatte notwendig ist, aber wir müssen sie endlich ehrlich führen. Als ehemalige Strafrichterin und Menschenrechtlerin sage ich Ihnen: Natürlich müssen wir die Menschen vor dem sicheren Tod im Mittelmeer retten, aber wir müssen noch viel mehr als das tun, wir müssen die Fluchtanreize endlich beseitigen.
Wir müssen verhindern, dass die Menschen auf die Boote steigen. Durch Aktionen, die medial große Aufmerksamkeit bekommen, passiert im Moment das Gegenteil. Hoffnungen werden geschürt, die Menschen werden dazu verleitet, auf die Boote zu steigen. Nur um dann kurz nach der Ankunft zu erfahren, dass kein Asylgrund besteht. Die Rettung, oft nur wenige Kilometer vor der afrikanischen Küste, kann nicht das Ticket nach Europa bedeuten. Wir müssen diese Sache als Europäer endlich selbst in die Hand nehmen und hier wirklich schonungslos darüber diskutieren, Lösungen suchen und hier eine nachhaltige Reform des Asylverfahrens einleiten.
Wenn uns die Stabilität und der Fortbestand Europas am Herzen liegen, dann ist es unsere Pflicht, nun Lösungen auf den Weg zu bringen.
Birgit Sippel (S&D). – Herr Präsident! Humanität im Mittelmeer. Schon viel zu lange blockiert der Rat eine Reform des gemeinsamen Asylsystems einschließlich der Dublin-Verordnung. Die Seenotrettung im Mittelmeer wurde eingestellt und damit ein verächtliches Spiel mit Schutzsuchenden betrieben, Politikunfähigkeit auf dem Rücken von Menschen ausgetragen. Geflüchtete werden nach Libyen zurückgedrängt, zu Menschenhandel, Folter und Zwangsarbeit. Und um dieses perfide Spiel durchzusetzen, kriminalisieren Mitgliedstaaten diejenigen, die Menschenleben retten und das tun, was eigentlich Aufgabe der Mitgliedstaaten ist – aller Mitgliedstaaten. Die Europäische Union – eine Wertegemeinschaft?
Auch die Kommission bleibt Klarstellungen schuldig, etwa eine Überarbeitung der Richtlinie zur Beihilfe, um Helfern rechtliche Sicherheit zu geben. Menschenleben retten ist kein Verbrechen, Seenotrettung ist kein Menschenhandel! Auch die Kommission muss handeln.
Frau von der Leyen hat gestern mit blumigen Worten von einem Neustart des Asylsystems gesprochen. Neustart? Wir brauchen jetzt schnellstmöglich einen Gesetzesvorschlag zu humanitären Visa und Beiträge zu verbindlichen Vorgaben für das resettlement. Auch das wären Beiträge zu einer geordneten Migrations- und Flüchtlingspolitik.
Und zudem hat dieses Haus bereits eine breite Mehrheit für gemeinsame Verantwortung einschließlich der Verteilung von Flüchtlingen gefunden. Das Europäische Parlament hat seine Arbeit gemacht, wir haben mehrheitliche Beschlüsse für Antworten auf die Herausforderungen gefasst. Das muss jetzt endlich umgesetzt werden!
Fabienne Keller (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Ministre, Madame Tytti Tuppurainen, merci pour votre engagement, merci à vous aussi, Monsieur le Commissaire, Monsieur Christos Stylianides.
Mme Ursula von der Leyen l’a affirmé, hier matin: aucune personne ne doit mourir en mer Méditerranée. Vous, comme moi, nous partageons cet objectif. Les ONG sont actuellement les principaux acteurs de cette aide humanitaire et ce sont naturellement des partenaires. Mais, comme mon collègue Dragoş Tudorache l’a dit tout à l’heure, nous devons, l’Europe doit prendre également les choses en main.
Nous le savons bien, cela a déjà été dit, la question qui se pose est celle de la nécessaire solidarité entre les pays de l’Union pour assurer le sauvetage en mer des personnes qui s’engagent sur les routes migratoires, parfois au péril de leur vie. Nous le savons, ce sont actuellement quelques États qui reçoivent la majorité des migrants et qui doivent, de fait, assurer leur prise en charge.
Nous devons réformer notre politique d’asile. L’urgence est aujourd’hui de prévoir un mécanisme temporaire pour assurer cette aide humanitaire.
Alors, voici mes questions, Madame la Ministre, Monsieur le Commissaire: premièrement, comment l’Union européenne peut-elle agir pour atteindre cet objectif humanitaire rapidement?
Deuxième question: l’agence Frontex assure le sauvetage en mer de plusieurs dizaines de milliers de personnes par an, vous l’avez rappelé. Comment envisagez-vous de renforcer son rôle, avec quels moyens?
Magid Magid (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, the future of Europe will be defined by courage or cowardice, by compassion or callousness, by hope or fear. Carola Rackete, Captain of the Sea-Watch 3, courageously sailed into the depths of the Mediterranean cemetery to snatch her fellow humans from the jaws of death. In this, she is a living embodiment of a fairer, kinder Europe, and our fellow brothers and sisters crossing the Mediterranean deserve more than just a statement. They deserve the openness of our arms, the safety of our welcomes, and the warmth of our European embraces.
In contrast, Matteo Salvini is a coward. A coward because what kind of grown man watches a child drowning, gasping for breath and turns his back?
(Jeers from the ID Group)
A coward who boasts about detaining and arresting a lifesaver. A coward who decides to make an enemy of the victims of war and those who have been dispossessed. To Salvini and all his supporters who I can see here: you are all going to lose, I promise you that, because at the end of the day those who have courage in their hearts and want to succeed – we are going to win.
(Applause)
Der Präsident. – Vielen Dank, Herr Kollege Magid! Abgesehen davon, dass es bei uns üblich ist, dass man aufsteht, wenn man spricht, was Sie getan haben – vielleicht bin ich etwas altmodisch –, wäre ich Ihnen sehr verbunden, wenn Sie es in Erwägung ziehen würden, die Kopfbedeckung abzunehmen, wenn Sie sprechen.
(Unruhe im Saal und Beifall)
Marco Campomenosi (ID). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, io non ero un parlamentare europeo, lavoravo già qui per la Lega e noto che di dibattiti di questo tipo se ne sono fatti tanti e non credo che stasera avremo risolto il problema.
Noto però che i deputati della Lega erano 6, adesso sono 28, il nostro gruppo era di 37 deputati, ora siamo 73. Forse qualcuno di voi non ha capito qual è la soluzione, ma io non mi rivolgo alla sinistra, mi rivolgo agli amici del PPE che credo siano molto confusi, che credo che vogliano governare questa Europa insieme a gente che dice queste cose, insieme a gente che continua a portare avanti un discorso che non è giusto o sbagliato, è totalmente irrealistico e irreale.
Se oggi non ci sono morti, o meglio, ci sono meno morti rispetto a quelli di qualche anno fa, lo dobbiamo all'attività di Matteo Salvini, all'attività della Guardia Costiera, della Marina militare e della Guardia di Finanza. Assistiamo, invece, all'ipocrisia, all'ipocrisia di chi, come il governo francese attuale – noi abbiamo tanti amici in Francia che la pensano come noi – ma il governo francese impedisce alla signora Rackete di approdare a Marsiglia, arresta chi porta immigrati dall'Italia alla Francia, però poi a Parigi premia la signora Rackete o cerca di destabilizzare l'Italia storicamente da quando hanno deciso e insistito, ancora ai tempi di Sarkozy, per l'intervento militare in Libia.
E allora di cosa stiamo parlando? Stiamo parlando di migranti economici, l'unica soluzione è quella dei rimpatri. Il commissario Avramopoulos aveva provato e voi avete affossato quella direttiva, bisogna lavorare su questo, altrimenti avremo ...
(Il Presidente ritira la parola all'oratore)
Ruža Tomašić (ECR). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, nezakonite migracije u Sredozemlju izazov su s kojim se pojedine članice svakodnevno nose, često i bez naročite pomoći Unije koja ostaje paralizirana partikularnim interesima, svjetonazorskim prepirkama i birokratskim zavrzlamama.
Spašavanje migranata na moru naša je moralna obveza, oko toga ne smije biti spora, ali činjenica jest da ono u određenoj mjeri ohrabruje migrante na pokušaj nezakonitog ulaska u Europu i potiče neodgovorno ponašanje koje ugrožava živote.
Rješenje te situacije nije odustajanje od spašavanja migranata jer bi takvo što bilo nečovječno i protivno svemu što Unija predstavlja, nego bolja suradnja s vlastima afričkih zemalja.
Moramo osigurati da se spašene migrante vrati na afričko tlo, ali tu ne prestaje naša briga. Moraju biti vraćeni u sigurno okruženje u kojemu će se poštovati njihova ljudska prava. Tako ćemo obeshrabriti ilegalne migracije, osigurati poštovanje međunarodnog prava i poretka, ali ujedno i zaštititi život, zdravlje i dostojanstvo ljudi.
Cornelia Ernst (GUE/NGL). – Herr Präsident, meine Damen und Herren! Ich stehe hier, um mich vor den toten Migrantinnen und Migranten im Mittelmeer und an den EU-Außengrenzen zu verneigen. Vor ihren Familien, vor ihren Freunden, vor ihren Eltern, vor Kindern, vor Alten, vor Jungen.
Wir reden über 40 000 Menschen, die – erfasst von NGOs – vermutlich umgekommen sind. 40 000 Menschen. Es gibt noch nicht mal eine offizielle Statistik der EU über die Toten, die wir im Mittelmeer oder sonstwo an den EU-Außengrenzen haben. Die gibt es nicht, und ich sage Ihnen, ich finde, zur Menschenwürde gehört doch als Mindestes, als Wenigstes, dass man als Toter erfasst wird. Das sind wir doch diesen Menschen schuldig, meine Damen und Herren.
Und ich bin hier, um denen zu danken, die trotz Salvini, trotz Seehofer und Konsorten und wie sie alle heißen, Menschenleben retten. Wie der Mannschaft von Sea-Watch, Mission Lifeline, Jugend Rettet, Sea-Eye, das sind für mich Helden, das will ich sagen. Und warum? Weil sie das Recht auf Leben verteidigen, und ich sage Ihnen auch, kein Mensch ... (Der Präsident entzieht der Rednerin das Wort)
Αθανάσιος Κωνσταντίνου (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κυρίες και κύριοι, εκτιμάμε ότι το πρόβλημα της άρτιας παροχής ανθρωπιστικής βοήθειας θα πρέπει να αντιμετωπιστεί με έναν ενιαίο συγκεκριμένο πάγιο μηχανισμό, αποδεκτό καθολικά απ’ όλες τις χώρες μέλη της Ένωσης. Η Μεσόγειος είναι ένα πεδίο δραστηριότητας για τους ανθρώπους που ζητούν να καταφύγουν στην Ευρώπη, στην Ευρώπη νοητή ως σύνολο και όχι ειδικά σε κάποια χώρα της. Συνεπώς, η λύση στο ανθρωπιστικό ζήτημα του μεταναστευτικού πρέπει να σχηματοποιηθεί σε ευρωπαϊκό πλαίσιο.
Η επανάληψη των ευρωπαϊκών ναυτικών επιχειρήσεων στη Μεσόγειο Θάλασσα, κατά την πρόταση του ΟΗΕ, από το 2014 και ένθεν, η κατανομή των προσφύγων στις χώρες μέλη με σαφή αντικειμενικά κριτήρια, η δραστική χρησιμοποίηση ευρωπαϊκών γραφείων εκτός της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, όπου θα υποβάλλονται τα αιτήματα παροχής ασύλου από τις χώρες μέλη και η αεροπορική μεταφορά των δικαιούχων ασύλου στην Ευρώπη αποτελούν δυνητικούς ουσιώδεις πυλώνες πραγματικής ανθρωπιστικής υποστήριξης. Με ένα ενεργό σύστημα αυτού του τύπου, όπου θα συμμετέχουν επαρκώς οι ευρωπαϊκές χώρες, οι δυστυχείς ανθρώπινες υπάρξεις θα διασώζονται από τους εγκληματίες διακινητές καθώς και από τους θαλάσσιους κινδύνους.
Paulo Rangel (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Ministra, Senhor Comissário, quero que seja muito claro e inequívoco que o direito à vida está sempre à frente de qualquer uma das nossas conceções sobre asilo, refugiados, fluxos migratórios ou controlo de fronteiras. A vida está à frente dessas conceções e eu compreendo Estados como Chipre, Malta, a Grécia, a Itália, a Espanha, que têm de enfrentar estas vagas e que precisam da nossa ajuda e da nossa solidariedade.
Foi por nós não sermos solidários com estes Estados, por não resolvermos o problema da distribuição a nível europeu, que surgiram fenómenos como Salvini, de hostilidade e discriminação e, já que falo em Salvini, queria dizer aqui que é absolutamente absurdo que haja um jovem português, o seu nome é Miguel Duarte, que está a ser julgado em Itália por ter salvado vidas no Mediterrâneo. Quem salva vidas no mediterrâneo não deve ser julgado, não está a cometer um crime, está a prevenir crimes.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señor presidente, comisario Stylianides, debatimos de nuevo la ayuda humanitaria en el Mediterráneo. ¿No es tremendo que lo hayamos debatido cien veces en la pasada legislatura y que en el último pleno de la pasada legislatura lo debatiéramos, y que volvamos a debatirlo en este primer pleno del nuevo mandato del Parlamento Europeo?
La razón es simple, y es que hay, sin duda, en la tragedia en el Mediterráneo, aspectos que escapan incluso al enorme trabajo que usted ha desarrollado en su comisaría, como es el caso de la explosión demográfica en África y de la vecindad torturada en la orilla sur del Mediterráneo.
Pero este Parlamento sí le ha exigido a la Comisión y al Consejo lo que depende de Europa. Para empezar, cambiar la mirada, porque es la ausencia de vías legales de acceso a la Unión Europea lo que hace que quien quiera intentarlo, huyendo de la persecución o del hambre, tenga que arriesgar la vida poniéndose en manos de organizaciones criminales de explotación de personas, y particularmente de las más vulnerables: mujeres y niñas indefensas.
Pero, además, exigimos que esa respuesta sea europea, respetuosa del Derecho internacional humanitario, del propio Derecho europeo —artículo 80 del Tratado de Funcionamiento de la Unión Europea, que exige solidaridad—. Porque la respuesta no puede ser Malta, no puede ser Italia, no puede ser Grecia, ni tampoco España, sino que tiene que ser una respuesta común europea.
Por eso le exigimos al Consejo que, cuanto antes, desbloquee el Tratado, el Reglamento de Dublín y el paquete de asilo, que atienda el mandato del Parlamento Europeo de establecer vías legales de acceso a la Unión Europea, incluyendo visados humanitarios. Y le exigimos a la Comisión que ponga en marcha cuanto antes la reforma de la escandalosa Directiva de ayuda, que es la que permite la criminalización de la ayuda humanitaria. Porque hemos dicho muchas veces que la ayuda humanitaria que prestan en el mar embarcaciones como Sea-Watch o como Open Arms, en ningún caso puede ser criminalizada ni pueden esas personas ser perseguidas ni encausadas ni sentadas en el banquillo de un juzgado o de un tribunal penal.
Porque salvar vidas en la mar no es delito; porque el trabajo que desarrollan los cooperantes, los médicos o los capitanes o las capitanas de esas embarcaciones, como Carola Rackete, en ningún caso puede llevarles ante un juicio criminal. Por tanto, cambiar la mirada humanitaria, establecer vías legales de acceso a la Unión Europea, reformar la Directiva de ayuda para que no sea más posible criminalizar y convertir en un delito el salvamento de vidas en la mar es la tarea urgente.
¡No tengamos de nuevo que debatirla cien veces en esta legislatura! ¡Pongámonos al trabajo cuanto antes! La Presidencia finlandesa ha afirmado su compromiso y le tomamos la palabra para que, cuanto antes, se desbloquee el Reglamento de Dublín, se complete el Sistema Europeo Común de Asilo, se reforme la Directiva de ayuda,y no tengamos que permanecer en esta salmodia, que lamenta de manera ritual las muertes en la mar en cada pleno del Parlamento Europeo.
Puhetta johti HEIDI HAUTALA varapuhemies
Jan-Christoph Oetjen (Renew). – Frau Präsidentin, verehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Unsere europäischen Werte gebieten es, dass wir Menschen, die in Seenot geraten, helfen. Es ist unsere humanitäre Pflicht, an dieser Stelle zu helfen. Ich finde es geradezu beschämend, dass wir als Europäische Union auf private Organisationen angewiesen sind, dass die das tun. Ich finde, es ist unsere Verantwortung als Europäische Union, dass wir dort tätig werden. Deswegen finde ich, dass wir ganz dringend eine neue Seenotrettungsmission im Mittelmeer brauchen, um Menschen, die in Seenot geraten, zu helfen. Diese Menschen, die wir dann auflesen, müssen wir in einen sicheren Hafen bringen. Und ich will hier klar sagen an dieser Stelle: Libyen ist heute kein solcher sicherer Hafen. Und neben einem sicheren Hafen müssen wir dann gemeinsam mit dem UNHCR Lösungen suchen für mehr resettlement, für klare Regeln zur Migration, für ein besseres einheitliches Asylsystem in Europa mit hohen rechtsstaatlichen und humanitären Standards. Das ist der Weg, wie wir überhaupt verhindern, dass diese Menschen sich auf den Weg machen in das Boot, auf das Mittelmeer. Das ist doch das, was wir erreichen müssen, dass diese Verzweiflung, die diese Menschen haben, verschwindet.
Magid Magid (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, on a point of order I just want to point out my frustration, in all honesty, with the previous President for telling me to take my hat off when there’s clearly no procedural rules meaning I have to take my hat off, while at the same time not calling on certain Members to be quiet when they were shouting.
So can you please pass on the message to the previous President to concentrate on chairing the meeting and not so much what people are wearing?
(Applause)
Puhemies. – Tutkimme tämän pukeutumisasian yhdessä puhemiehen kanssa. Mutta on aivan totta, että täällä ei pitäisi esittää mitään välihuutoja. Teillä on kaikilla pyydetyt puheajat, ja pyydän, että pitäydytte niissä.
Damien Carême (Verts/ALE). – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, à Lampedusa, avec le docteur Pietro Bartolo, qui est à côté de moi, j’ai vu la mort dans le regard tétanisé des exilés tout juste sauvés.
À Grande-Synthe, dans ma ville, parmi les milliers de Kurdes que j'ai accueillis, j'ai entendu la détresse de Mustapha, syrien, me racontant comment les passeurs jetaient par-dessus bord des passagers pétris de peur.
À Tarifa, j’ai ressenti la terreur lorsque nous avons voulu traversé le détroit de Gibraltar à la nage et que les secouristes nous l’ont formellement interdit car trop dangereux. Pourtant, chaque jour, ils sont nombreux à tenter ce pari impossible.
À Strasbourg, aujourd’hui, je me demande où est passée notre humanité?
Je suis atterré par cette Europe qui refuse d’assumer sa responsabilité devant l'Histoire. Je suis furieux contre les prétendus «responsables» politiques qui préfèrent laisser la Méditerranée devenir un cimetière à ciel ouvert plutôt que d’agir en lançant dès maintenant une mission européenne de sauvetage en mer! C’est pourtant une priorité absolue!
La seule chose que nous promet Ursula von der Leyen, c’est une «approche plus soutenable en matière de recherche et de sauvetage». Ce jargon est indigne car la réalité, c’est que des êtres humains se noient chaque jour et que l’Europe ne fait rien! Il est temps que cela change!
Laura Huhtasaari (ID). – Arvoisa puhemies, Välimerellä Libyan aluevesiltä laittomia maahanmuuttajia aluksiinsa noukkivat kansalaisjärjestöt eivät tee humanitaarista toimintaa, vaan ovat ihmissalakuljettajien aktiivisia yhteistyökumppaneita. Italian sisäministerin Matteo Salvinin johdonmukaisen politiikan myötä laiton maahanmuutto Libyasta EU:hun on pienentynyt murto-osaan entisestä ja hukkumiskuolemat ovat samalla vähentyneet. Kuulitteko? Hukkumiskuolemat ovat vähentyneet.
Mutta mitä tekee Saksan hallitus ja Euroopan poliittinen vasemmisto? Te haluatte kiihdyttää laitonta maahanmuuttovyöryä. Me emme voi ratkaista Afrikan ongelmia tuomalla Afrikan ongelmia Eurooppaan. Lopettakaa poliittinen hyväntahtoinen hölmöys, se upottaa Euroopan.
(Suosionosoituksia)
Carlo Fidanza (ECR). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, quello che sta avvenendo nel Mediterraneo centrale è vergognoso.
Il traffico di esseri umani trova un costante sostegno nell'azione di ONG senza scrupoli che, pur di realizzare il loro disegno politico, sono pronte a violare le leggi e le acque territoriali di uno Stato sovrano, che coincidono anche con i confini esterni dell'Unione europea, nonché le stesse leggi del mare e che, invece, usano la propria difesa ipocritamente, come è avvenuto nel caso della fuorilegge Carola Rackete, che ha concluso la sua lunga serie di violazioni speronando una vedetta della Guardia di Finanza italiana, rischiando di causare una tragedia. A questa fuorilegge qualcuno vorrebbe addirittura concedere una passerella in questo Parlamento.
Il tutto nel silenzio complice delle autorità europee e con dichiarazioni ipocrite da parte di alcuni governi, a partire da quelli di Francia e Germania. Allora noi in mare vogliamo meno ONG e più navi militari, perché l'unico modo per fermare il traffico di esseri umani e le morti in mare è impedire ai barconi della morte di partire dall'Africa e aprire lì i centri di identificazione in cui distinguere chi è profugo veramente da chi è un brigante economico e deve essere rimpatriato, e per questo vogliamo un dispositivo europeo di rimpatrio dei migranti, perché soltanto così si potrà fermare questo traffico irregolare e immorale.
Κωνσταντίνος Αρβανιτης (GUE/NGL). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, εμείς ως Αριστερά –επειδή άκουσα ανθρωπιστικές και χριστιανικές προσεγγίσεις στο θέμα– δεν θέλουμε πρόσφυγες. Αυτό που θέλουμε είναι να απαλειφθούν οι αιτίες που δημιουργούν την προσφυγική κρίση και γι’ αυτό δεν μιλάτε. Αυτό που ζητάω σήμερα είναι να αναγνωρίσετε αυτές τις αιτίες. Η κυρία Επίτροπος χθες μίλησε για μεγαλύτερη στρατιωτική εμπλοκή με το ΝΑΤΟ, μας είπε δηλαδή με αυθάδεια ότι θέλει να ενισχύσουμε τις αιτίες των προσφυγικών ροών. Γιατί; Για να αποκαταστήσει το ευρωπαϊκό imperium; Για πιο κερδοφόρες διεθνείς μπίζνες;
Η Μεσόγειος έχει γίνει νεκροταφείο ψυχών. Στην Ελλάδα, με αριστερή κυβέρνηση, μεσούσης της κρίσης, δώσαμε μάχη. Πρέπει η Ευρώπη να κάνει το ίδιο, μέχρι την ειρηνική ανοικοδόμηση. Αυτό ζητάμε· την άμεση απεμπλοκή της Ευρώπης από τις εστίες σύρραξης, στρατιωτική και οικονομική· απόλυτη στήριξη στις οργανώσεις αλληλεγγύης. Δεν είναι εχθρός η οργάνωση αλληλεγγύης, εχθρός είναι ο πόλεμος και οι πολιτικές σας. Η Μεσόγειος θα γίνει πραγματικά ασφαλής, μόνο όταν θα είναι ειρηνική και από τις δύο πλευρές.
Κυρίες και κύριοι της ευρωπαϊκής Δεξιάς, ανοίξατε πληγές, κλείσατε σύνορα. Αυτή είναι η πολιτική σας!
Milan Uhrík (NI). – Vážená pani predsedajúca, ja som novozvolený poslanec zo Slovenskej republiky, ale musím skutočne povedať, že som zdesený z toho, ako to tu vlastne funguje. Európska únia v tomto volebnom období ešte ani nezačala poriadne pracovať, európske inštitúcie ešte nie sú ani naštartované, a hneď prvá vec, čo sa tu rieši, je ako pomôcť ešte viac imigrantom dostávať sa do Európy.
Medzi europoslancami kolujú výzvy na – aspoň čo som postrehol – na zlepšenie ochrany zvierat pri transporte, na ochranu slonov v Afrike, ale na ochranu pôvodných Európanov nič, ani slovo. Tí nech to všetko len vytrpia, tí nech to všetko len zaplatia. Tvrdíte, že treba pomáhať imigrantom v Stredozemnom mori, lebo nejakí ľudia sa tam utopili. Humanitárna pomoc v tomto prípade ale vôbec nie je riešením, práve naopak, je zhoršením situácie, pretože keď tí imigranti budú vidieť, že sa o nich Únia postará ako v bavlnke, tak budú ešte viac prichádzať do Európy.
Práve naopak, ak chceme zabrániť topeniu sa, zomieraniu ľudí v Stredozemnom mori, jediné riešenie je umožniť, prípadne pomôcť členským štátom na hraniciach Európy, aby mohli efektívne brániť svoje územie, aby mohli tvrdo zasiahnuť proti pašerákom a prevádzačom imigrantov, aby mohli prerušiť imigračné trasy, a potom, keď nebudú prijímať nijakých nelegálnych imigrantov, tak sa žiadni nelegálni imigranti nebudú ani do Európy plaviť a logicky žiadni ani nebudú v Stredozemnom mori hynúť. Toto je jediné riešenie, ako túto nešťastnú nelegálnu imigračnú krízu skončiť.
(Rečník súhlasil s tým, že odpovie na otázku položenú zdvihnutím modrej karty (článok 171 ods. 8 rokovacieho poriadku))
Magdalena Adamowicz (PPE), pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. – Ja jestem też nowym posłem z Polski, jestem adwokatem, prawnikiem, zajmuję się prawem morskim. To, co przed chwilą powiedział mój kolega, to jest straszne i nieludzkie. Czy Pan uważa, że my, Europejczycy, jesteśmy innymi, lepszymi ludźmi niż uchodźcy z Afryki? Czy nas można byłoby ratować na Morzu Śródziemnym, a uchodźców z potrzebujących krajów – nie? Gdzie są nasze europejskie, podstawowe, chrześcijańskie wartości?
Milan Uhrík (NI), odpoveď na otázku položenú zdvihnutím modrej karty. – Vážená pani kolegyňa, ja som nepovedal ani slovo o nejakých lepších alebo horších ľuďoch, to v žiadnom prípade. Ja len hovorím, že súčasné riešenia Európskej únie na riešenie tej nelegálnej imigrácie jednoducho zlyhávajú. Vidieť je to aj na nás, na poslancoch, ktorí sú odporcami imigrácie, že majú oveľa väčšie zastúpenie v Európskom parlamente ako doposiaľ, čiže tie staré riešenia jednoducho nefungujú a ak chceme pomôcť ľuďom v Afrike, tak im pomáhajme v Afrike, nechajme ich na pokoji, prípadne tam dávajme nejakú rozvojovú pomoc ako Únia, ale rozhodne imigrácia nie je riešením, pretože celá Afrika sa do Európy nezmestí.
Tomas Tobé (PPE). – Fru talman! Sommarens händelser med räddningsfartyget i Italien visar att Europa fortfarande saknar en långsiktig och hållbar migrationspolitik. Låt oss dock vara väldigt glasklara med att svaren varken kommer från den yttersta vänstern eller från högerpopulisterna.
Det finns emellertid lärdomar att dra av dessa händelser. För det första: Lagar och regler måste gälla. Operationerna på Medelhavet räddar liv, men de måste ske inom lagens ramar och i samarbete med medlemsstaterna.
För det andra: Den italienska regeringens agerande löser inte grundproblemet. I stället skjuter man snarare över ansvaret på andra länder.
För det tredje: Se nu snarare till att vi går mot en politik med snabba asylsökningar, så att vi också kan få fram en hållbar migrationspolitik framöver.
Pietro Bartolo (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, con emozione e rispetto mi rivolgo per la prima volta a quest’Aula.
Io sono lampedusano – forse qualcuno non lo sa – e per trent’anni a Lampedusa, la porta dell’Europa, ho soccorso personalmente, accolto personalmente, e curato personalmente coloro che arrivano dopo un lungo viaggio in mare. Ho visto l'orrore puro, ho fatto migliaia di ispezioni di cadaveri, ho visto torture ormonali, ho visto la malattia del gommone – qualcuno qua non sa di che cosa sta parlando – ho visto tanti orrori, che non voglio descrivere in questa sede.
L’Europa non può abbandonare in mare uomini, donne e bambini e rimandarli nell’inferno della Libia. Abbiamo una responsabilità nei confronti di queste persone. Per questo chiedo urgentemente un nuovo piano europeo per la ricerca e il soccorso nel Mediterraneo.
In questi ultimi anni, le ONG attive nel Mediterraneo hanno salvato migliaia di vite umane, sopperendo alle mancanze dei governi, chiusi nei loro egoismi nazionali e incapaci di trovare soluzioni all’insegna della solidarietà. Eppure in tanti hanno puntato il dito contro queste organizzazioni, criminalizzandole per aver offerto aiuto umanitario e per aver rispettato il diritto del mare. Questo non deve più accadere.
Chiedo che sia modificata la direttiva sul favoreggiamento: chi offre aiuto umanitario non può e non deve essere criminalizzato. E se vogliamo davvero evitare che migliaia di persone ogni giorno intraprendano viaggi pericolosi verso l’Europa, abbiamo bisogno di canali legali non solo per i richiedenti asilo, ma anche per chi scappa da povertà, fame e condizioni climatiche avverse.
Lo scorso marzo questo Parlamento ha votato un’ambiziosa risoluzione sui visti umanitari, chiedendo alla Commissione di presentare una proposta legislativa. Bene, la nuova Commissione se ne faccia promotrice e dimostri un impegno politico forte anche per portare a termine la riforma di Dublino che questo Parlamento ha già votato a larga maggioranza.
Gli Stati membri si assumano la loro responsabilità ad Helsinki, discutano, non di misure ad hoc, ma di politiche a lungo termine.
Charles Goerens (Renew). – Madame la Présidente, si j'étais une personne menacée de noyade en Méditerranée, les propos de certains de nos collègues qui se fichent du malheur de ces personnes, je cracherais dessus.
L'action humanitaire ne doit pas être neutre mais impartiale. Elle ne doit pas être neutre, au sens d'une équidistance entre les victimes et leurs bourreaux, parce qu'elle doit toujours se ranger du côté des faibles et des personnes en danger. Elle doit être impartiale parce que l'action humanitaire ne fait pas de distinction entre les victimes, quelle que soit leur origine, leur nationalité ou leur opinion.
L’exposition au danger, à la poursuite ou à la guerre, suffit à elle seule pour la déployer. Les principes ainsi définis, notamment par Henry Dunant, ont été codifiés entre-temps. Ils constituent aujourd'hui les normes du droit humanitaire international et, par voie de conséquence, du droit maritime.
M. Salvini est-il le seul responsable de la situation exécrable en Méditerranée? Non. Ceux qui refusent d'accueillir des personnes sauvées en Méditerranée sont responsables au même titre que lui. Il n'existe donc aucune circonstance atténuante pour justifier le refus de venir en aide aux personnes en danger. L'indifférence, en cette circonstance, n'est pas une opinion, c'est un délit. Aussi me semble-t-il judicieux de demander à certains de nos États membres, qui n'ont que faire du droit humanitaire et des principes qui le sous-tendent, de revenir au respect des normes.
Finalement, j'invite la future Commission à continuer à attribuer ce portefeuille à un commissaire qui n'aura d'autre fonction que celle de commissaire à l'action humanitaire.
(L’orateur accepte de répondre à une question «carton bleu» (article 171, paragraphe 8, du règlement))
Claire Fox (NI), blue-card question. – I want to ask you whether you think that, by saying that anybody who has qualms about an open humanitarian process is guilty of a crime, is not letting the EU off the hook.
The EU created Fortress Europe. The EU is ultimately responsible for those drowning in the Mediterranean. It is an absolute nerve to have a go at nation-states who dare do what? Assert their national sovereignty to make decisions about who they welcome. It’s the EU with blood on its hands or rather those drowned people.
Don’t try and play the humanitarian card in order to guilt-trip people in this room for simply saying that nation-states should be able to decide who they have live in their countries, and don’t say that you are more humanitarian than others because you hang your heart on your sleeve in this House.
(Applause)
Charles Goerens (Renew), Réponse "carton bleu". – Madame la Présidente, j'aimerais dire à la personne qui vient de m'interpeller que si j'ai le choix entre une souveraineté mal comprise d'un État membre et le devoir de protéger les personnes humaines, le choix n'est pas difficile à faire.
Ce que j'aimerais ajouter à mon propos, c'est qu'il y a des États dans notre Union européenne qui se comportent comme s'ils n'avaient jamais entendu parler de droit, de communauté de valeurs et de respect du droit humanitaire. C'est un impératif, et je répète mes propos introductifs, ceux qui ne respectent pas ces principes, je cracherai dessus.
Alice Kuhnke (Verts/ALE). – Fru talman! Vi gröna kan inte tysta se på när tusentals människors liv går förlorade. Vi, EU, räddar inte liv genom fina uttalanden om att stoppa människosmuggling eller genom avtal med skurkstater som Libyen. Människor dör i detta nu. Därför vill jag uppmana nyvalda ordförande Ursula von der Leyen och rådet att omedelbart ta två avgörande beslut.
För det första: Stoppa medlemsländer som kriminaliserar civila hjälpinsatser på Medelhavet. Att rädda liv kan aldrig vara ett brott! Kräv i stället att dessa medlemsstater gör allt för att rädda liv med hjälp av oss alla. För det andra: Ta ett gemensamt beslut om en långsiktig lösning som bygger på solidaritet både med de människor som flyr och de medlemsstater som drar det tyngsta lasset.
Gilles Lebreton (ID). – Madame la Présidente, cette année, 682 personnes sont mortes en essayant d'entrer en Europe par la Méditerranée. C'est un bilan tragique qui doit nous inciter à réfléchir au meilleur moyen d'empêcher que de tels drames se reproduisent.
Selon moi, la solution ne consiste pas à ouvrir nos ports aux bateaux de migrants affrétés par des passeurs, elle ne consiste pas non plus à créer des voies légales d'immigration car, dans les deux cas, cela produirait un appel d'air qui inciterait toujours plus de migrants à tenter la traversée de la Méditerranée, au péril de leur vie.
La vraie solution est celle qui est indiquée par l'Italie, elle consiste à refouler systématiquement les bateaux de migrants et à punir leurs capitaines lorsqu'ils se comportent comme des passeurs. Elle consiste aussi à échanger notre aide aux pays d'Afrique contre leur engagement de lutter réellement contre l'immigration de leurs ressortissants.
Ce n'est qu'en adoptant cette politique de fermeté que l'Europe parviendra à la fois à se protéger et à sauver des vies.
Beata Kempa (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Komisarzu! Unia Europejska musi być o krok przed przemytnikami. Ten rodzaj polityki migracyjnej nie może być uprawiany pod wpływem emocji i musi mieć charakter długofalowy, spójny i zgodny, a fundamentem tej polityki powinna być roztropność. Postawmy zatem na działania u źródła. Z rozmów, które prowadziłam jako polski minister ds. pomocy humanitarnej bezpośrednio z uchodźcami, wynikało, że zorganizowane grupy przestępcze za opłatą od tysiąca dwustu do tysiąca pięciuset euro (lub dolarów) oferują transport do Europy i informują o dalszych procedurach ściągania rodzin. Na to jest jedno lekarstwo: bezwzględnie zwiększyć pomoc rozwojową w państwach Afryki i wdrożyć szeroką akcję informacyjną dotyczącą naszej polityki odsyłania i azylu. I trzeba dokładnie zbadać, jakie są rzeczywiste intencje kapitanów statków przyjmujących z morza i pomagających w transferze imigrantów z Afryki do Europy. Czy wciąż możemy mówić o akcji SAR, czy o kryminalizacji pomocy niesionej nielegalnym imigrantom? To wielkie zadanie dla organów zajmujących się zwalczaniem międzynarodowej przestępczości. Ten problem nie może nas różnić, a musi stać się podstawą do wypracowania wspólnej długofalowej strategii wobec nielegalnej imigracji. Ludzi trzeba ratować, to prawda, ale ktoś ich wysyła na pewną śmierć. Nie bądźmy naiwni.
Clare Daly (GUE/NGL). – Madam President, strip away the nice words and the reality is that Europe’s asylum and migration system is built around the desires of the arms industry, who profit twice. Firstly, from the wars that make people refugees in the first place and then reaping the rewards of multi-billion euro border-security contracts to keep the victims away from us.
Now what sort of a choice is it? That you’re so desperate that you leave your family, your friends, everything you know and you’ve either got to gamble with your life on the Mediterranean – depending on the valiant efforts of NGOs – or you find yourself in a detention camp in Libya to be raped, starved, exploited and tortured.
And do you know what? There seems to be no end to Europe’s attitude to keep Fortress Europe alive. The Commission’s contemptuous dismissal of the call by the UN to end the migrant returns to Italy after the air strike really tells us all we need to know. The utter failure to overturn and reform the Dublin Regulation also tells it. It’s a blight on all of our consciences.
Louis Stedman-Bryce (NI). – Madam President, I have to say it’s been a long time since I’ve had so much rubbish and hypocrisy as I’ve heard in here this afternoon. Yesterday we heard the new Commission President talk about gender diversity; not once did she mention about ethnic diversity, which I think is quite a hypocrisy there. If we want to see diversity in the European institutions then the best way to do that is to wait for the cleaning staff that leave here in the mornings and watch the faces of the white MEPs that come in as they are leaving.
We’ve got scaremongers who would have us believe that the UK would turn into a racist society when we leave this institution and believe me, we will be leaving, but we will continue to lead this fight and be one of the most ethnically diverse countries represented in this Parliament. So basically that’s all I have to say on this. Hypocrisy all the way. Disgusting.
President. – Mr Stedman-Bryce, I feel obliged to make a remark about your choice of words. Members are not supposed to use offensive language, so when you talk about ‘rubbish’, please be careful.
Balázs Hidvéghi (PPE). – Elnök Asszony! Nem kérdés, hogy a bajbajutottakon segíteni kell. A kérdés az, hogy hogyan és hol. A problémát a gyökerénél kell kezelni. Az idő bizonyította, hogy radikálisan kevesebb bevándorló vész oda a Földközi-tengeren, amióta szigorúbb ott a határvédelem. A tömeges haláleseteket az okozza, ha Európa hagyja, hogy az embercsempészek és tisztázatlan hátterű NGO-hajók zavartalanul működjenek a tengeren. Az a helyes, humanitárius támogatás, ha világossá tesszük, hogy az illegális határátlépés nem járható út. Ha Európa nem védi meg magát, akkor nagyon rövid időn belül olyan népesedési, biztonsági és kulturális változások következnek be, amelyek az európai civilizáció és az Európai Unió végét jelenthetik, mert senki nem fogja tudni kontrollálni. Az új Európai Parlament felelőssége is óriási ebben.
Az Európai Parlament és az uniós vezetés számára is tegyük világossá: az Európai Unió külső, szárazföldi és tengeri határait meg kell védeni. Az embercsempészethez asszisztáló NGO-hajók működését meg kell akadályozni. Meg kell különböztetni a gazdasági bevándorlókat a valódi menekültektől, és a segítséget kell odavinni, ahol a baj van, nem pedig a bajt idehozni. A határvédelem nemcsak Európát védi, hanem emberéleteket is ment. Ha végre világossá tesszük, hogy nincs értelme elindulni lélekvesztő csónakokkal Afrikából, akkor senki nem fog a tengerbe veszni. A mostani új vezetés lehetőséget kapott, hogy végre cselekedjen, józanul, valóban emberbaráti módon, életeket mentsen, és egyúttal megvédje az európai emberek életét is.
Javier Moreno Sánchez (S&D). – Señora presidenta, ayer, la futura presidenta de la Comisión se comprometió a abrir una nueva fase en la política migratoria común. No podemos esperar. Pasemos de las palabras a los actos. El Mediterráneo se ha convertido en un cementerio. Tenemos que cerrarlo. 18 000 muertes entre 2014 y 2018. ¡Ni una muerte más!
Para nosotros, los inmigrantes no son cifras: son personas que huyen de los conflictos bélicos, persecución o pobreza y cada muerte es una tragedia. No podemos quedarnos en las palabras de repulsa cada vez que un barco se hunde frente a nuestras costas, ni en las soluciones puntuales solidarias ofrecidas por algunos gobiernos progresistas —léase el Gobierno de Pedro Sánchez— cuando las mafias dejan a la deriva a miles de migrantes.
No podemos dejar que los inmigrantes sean las víctimas de los conflictos entre los traficantes, las ONG que se dedican a rescatar a inmigrantes y los gobiernos irresponsables —léase el Gobierno de Italia—, que castigan el deber de salvar las vidas en el mar y eluden el respeto de los valores de la Unión.
No podemos esperar en cada caso a saber cómo termina el culebrón: si los puertos y las fronteras seguirán cerrados; si los capitanes serán encarcelados; si los barcos de emergencia llegarán a tiempo para salvar las vidas.
Por eso, pido que el nuevo Ejecutivo comunitario y los Estados miembros se comprometan a presentar urgentemente, ya, un plan de emergencia de la Unión Europea, con un marco jurídico y unos instrumentos y recursos financieros adecuados, para el desembarco y la reubicación de los migrantes rescatados en el Mediterráneo.
Debemos pasar a la acción con voluntad, responsabilidad política, determinación, priorizando el enfoque humanitario, la solidaridad entre los Estados miembros.
Hilde Vautmans (Renew). – Madam President, according to the International Organization for Migration, this year alone 682 people have died or gone missing in the Mediterranean. Another shocking figure is that, over the last five years, 250 people were prosecuted because they tried to help refugees. The figure I have not found is how many human smugglers we have put on trial.
So I think we have the wrong focus. We should not put volunteers on trial. We have to put the focus on the smugglers. So I was very glad when Ms Ursula von der Leyen said that we have a moral duty to save lives at sea. That’s the Europe I want to stand for. So let us not accept a Europe where women, children and men drown at sea. Let us work together to make a real migration policy in Europe and save the people at sea.
Mara Bizzotto (ID). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, appena eletto il Presidente Sassoli ha dichiarato che le porte del Parlamento sono aperte alle ONG che trasportano immigrati clandestini in Italia.
Nel Mediterraneo le ONG non salvano vite, ma sono complici dei trafficanti di essere umani. Carola Rackete non è un eroe, ma è una cittadina tedesca che ha violato le leggi italiane e che ha speronato una nave della Guardia di finanza. In qualunque altro paese al mondo sarebbe in galera. Gli italiani sono stanchi di questa Europa, amica degli immigrati clandestini. Il 26 maggio, 9 milioni di italiani hanno votato per il cambiamento, portato avanti dalla Lega di Matteo Salvini.
Hanno votato per dire no all'invasione di clandestini, hanno votato per dire sì alla difesa delle frontiere. Noi andremo avanti con la politica della tolleranza zero e delle espulsioni, che piaccia o meno alla nuova Commissione europea. Sassoli e suoi amici cattocomunisti si portino a casa i clandestini nelle loro case e nelle loro ville e la smettano di fare la morale ai cittadini italiani che chiedono solo giustizia, sicurezza e rispetto delle leggi.
Raffaele Stancanelli (ECR). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, avendo a disposizione un solo minuto per potermi esprimere in merito ad un argomento di estrema complessità, mi permetto di citare un grande patriota europeo, Papa Giovanni Paolo II.
Nella sua esortazione apostolica "Ecclesia in Europa" pubblicata nel 2003, il Papa polacco scriveva: "è responsabilità delle autorità pubbliche esercitare il controllo dei flussi migratori in considerazione delle esigenze del bene comune. L'accoglienza deve sempre realizzarsi nel rispetto delle leggi e quindi coniugarsi, quando necessario, con la ferma repressione degli abusi."
Vorrei ricordare ai componenti di questo Parlamento che, invece di sostenere le azioni di chi non rispetta le leggi di uno Stato membro, dovremmo tutti impegnarci ancora di più per creare le condizioni economiche e sociali affinché chiunque possa rimanere nel proprio paese, invece di cercare fortuna altrove.
Infine, permettetemi di sottolineare la generosità dei siciliani e degli italiani, che in questi anni hanno continuato a salvare vite in mare e ad accogliere i bisognosi, ma che ci hanno anche chiesto a gran voce, attraverso il voto di maggio, di assumerci le nostre responsabilità.
Sylvie Guillaume (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, combien de milliers de morts et combien de décisions de justice faudra-t-il pour que les États membres et la Commission européenne mettent en place une véritable opération européenne de recherche et de sauvetage en Méditerranée? Et pas comme Sofia, dont je redis qu'elle est une opération navale mais qui est maintenue pour quelques mois sans bateaux, ce qui doit probablement, je le redis, être de l'humour européen.
Prenons ainsi les choses à l'envers. L'argument principal qu' on a encore entendu aujourd'hui contre ce type d'opération est qu'il favoriserait l'appel d'air. Ce qu'il faut comprendre par là c'est que sauver les personnes prêtes à mourir pour arriver en Europe et les accueillir dignement fera venir encore plus de personnes. Mais, sincèrement, est-ce qu'il n'y a plus personne pour risquer sa vie en Méditerranée depuis que les sauvetages en Méditerranée sont criminalisés ou absents? La réponse est non, et il y a juste - si on peut dire - plus de morts en 2018, 2 275 soit une personne pour 51 traversées.
Seule une mission européenne puissante dédiée à la recherche et au sauvetage en mer permettra de sauver des vies, mais aussi de sauver l'honneur de l'Union européenne. Et tant que j'en suis à parler d'honneur, c'est aussi la dignité de l'Union de faire respecter la loi en matière de débarquement et d'accueil décents. Finissons-en avec le cas par cas et les solutions de court terme.
María Soraya Rodríguez Ramos (Renew). – Señora presidenta, hablamos de asistencia humanitaria y hablamos de Derecho humanitario. Por eso, cuando hace hoy más o menos un año que puertos italianos cerraron el acceso a las ONG que salvan inmigrantes, estaban vulnerando el Derecho internacional humanitario y el Derecho internacional marítimo.
Durante este año, más de 1 100 personas han muerto en el Mediterráneo y otras 10 000 han sido interceptadas y obligadas a volver a Libia. A Libia, a campos de refugiados que no tienen las mínimas condiciones y que, como pasó el pasado 14 de julio, son bombardeados, como el campo de Tayura, donde murieron más de sesenta inmigrantes.
Las Naciones Unidas han pedido a la Unión Europea que evacuemos esos campos de inmigrantes. Y no solamente no lo hemos hecho, sino que seguimos obligando a que inmigrantes interceptados vuelvan a Libia.
Señorías, no nos engañemos: la desaparición o la eliminación de barcos en el Mediterráneo, la detención de sus capitanas, no reducen el número de inmigrantes; solo reducen las posibilidades que tienen de salvar sus vidas. No nos engañemos: para luchar contra las mafias hay que legislar; hay que desbloquear el paquete migratorio que tiene el Consejo; hay que establecer rutas seguras; hay que establecer visados humanitarios, y los Estados miembros tienen que cumplir de forma solidaria las obligaciones de acogida, de reparto y de reasentamiento.
Mientras la parálisis jurídica, la capacidad que tiene el Consejo para paralizar el paquete de asilo y refugio continúe, seguiremos apilando, desgraciadamente, cadáveres en el Mediterráneo.
President. – Colleague, I must remind you that if you have one minute you can’t speak for one minute 45 seconds, because someone else will lose the speaking time.
Angelo Ciocca (ID). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, come Lega, come popolo italiano non smetteremo mai, non ci stancheremo mai di dire stop all'immigrazione clandestina, di dire no al business del traffico di esseri umani, e una sana istituzione europea dovrebbe ascoltare le critiche costruttive che arrivano dall'Italia, uno dei sei paesi fondatori di questa Europa.
E invece questa Europa, un'Europa malata della speculazione economica, continua a compiere scelte sbagliate e alimenta lo scontro, alimenta i morti. Pretendiamo un'Europa che sappia curare, che sappia guarire i problemi di questa Europa e non che alimenti invece l'epidemia di questi problemi con politiche folli di accoglienza all'immigrazione e di reclutamento islamico.
Continueremo a dare battaglia, non saremo mai vostri complici nel progetto criminale di impoverimento dei popoli.
Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Г-жо Председател, г-н Комисар, 5 години в тази зала водим с вас този разговор, точно в тази зала 5 години слушаме едно и също празнословие, общи приказки, преливане от пусто в празно, изобщо политиката в тази област е пълен провал, уважаеми г-н Комисар.
А сега се обръщам към Вас, уважаеми колеги комунисти, социалисти, зелени, розови, колегата с жълтата шапка, който май напусна залата и т.н. – до вчера искахте върховенство на закона, искахте да наказвате Полша, Унгария, защото били против върховенството на закона. Днес искате да нарушавате закона. Къде е истината тук, уважаеми? Кога сте честни към вашите избиратели? Или искате да се спазва международното право и закона или не искате.
Когато подкрепяте трафиканти, вие нарушавате международното право и закона. Няма разлика между трафикантите, които вие подкрепяте, и сомалийските пирати, например, помислете върху това. Няма да има жертви в Средиземноморието, ако не подкрепяте трафикантите на хора. Няма да има жертви, ако вашите депутати не се качват по нелегалните кораби и не нарушават суверенните граници на държави като Италия, Испания, България и Гърция. Държавите имат граници, които трябва да се спазват, миграцията трябва да бъде нула.
И понеже чух една провокация преди малко, ще ви кажа колеги, полезно е да се чете „История на Европа“. Европа е християнска цивилизация, има своите християнски корени и християнски ценности, а когато си на гости е възпитано да правиш като домакина.
Dietmar Köster (S&D). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Der Bürgerkrieg in Libyen hat der verheerenden Lage der Flüchtlinge in den dortigen Folterlagern noch neuen zusätzlichen Schrecken hinzugefügt. So zwangen in einem aktuellen Fall Wärter mit Waffengewalt Menschen, die vor dem nächsten Raketeneinschlag flüchten wollten, in dem Lager zu bleiben. Kurz danach schlug dort eine Rakete ein und tötete 53 Flüchtlinge.
Was muss angesichts dieser Vorfälle eigentlich noch passieren, damit die Europäische Kommission die Kooperation mit der libyschen Küstenwache grundlegend überprüft und auch in Erwägung zieht, sie aufzukündigen, und endlich die Flüchtlinge in den libyschen Lagern evakuiert? Letzteres fordern die IOM und auch die Vereinten Nationen. Wie deutlich soll eigentlich noch werden, dass aus Seenot Gerettete nicht nach Libyen zurückgebracht werden dürfen? Anstatt weiterhin Milizen mit EU-Geld zu versorgen, fordere ich ein sofortiges europäisches ziviles Seenotrettungsprogramm. Dafür muss sichergestellt werden, dass europäische Häfen endlich wieder geöffnet werden. So sieht es nämlich das internationale Recht vor.
Seit Wochen führt der rechtsextreme Innenminister Italiens eine Diffamierungskampagne gegen die Rettungsorganisation Sea-Watch durch. Seine Absicht ist es, geltendes Recht als Unrecht darzustellen. Aber unsere Solidarität gebührt Carola Rackete und allen anderen Seenotrettungsorganisationen. Jetzt muss endlich gehandelt werden! Menschen, die vor Kriegen und politischer Verfolgung, vor Not und Elend fliehen, müssen fair und auf der Grundlage der Menschenrechte behandelt werden.
(Laute Proteste von der rechten Seite des Hauses)
Antony Hook (Renew). – Madam President, anyone with compassion would be deeply moved by the situation in the Mediterranean. People are in danger and we have the power in our hands to save lives. But also our English Channel is becoming a dangerous crossing point for refugees. Last month 43 people in small boats landed on South—East England’s coasts. Traffickers are locked up every week in our courts. I prosecuted many of them, and Brexit will make things much worse. It will kill the cooperation we need to save refugees’ lives, to arrest human traffickers and to repair the failed states that create refugees. Europe must use its power to rebuild good government in failed states. Europe can rise to this challenge. People want to stop Brexit so Britain can be part of this important work.
Gianna Gancia (ID). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, è ovvio, lo dimostrano anche questi dibattiti, l'Unione europea si è dimostrata incapace di adottare un approccio coerente e condiviso di fronte alla crisi migratoria, fenomeno strutturale che è figlio dei contesti economici e sociali dell'Africa subsahariana.
C'è un paradosso. Il paradosso è che, di fronte a un problema strutturale – lo ribadisco – che rischia di diventare una catastrofe umanitaria mondiale, l'Unione europea continua ad operare in uno stato di emergenza. Ricordiamoci l'avanzamento del riscaldamento globale e la crescita demografica del continente africano, che tra pochi anni esploderà.
Anziché fare come si è fatto finora, l'Unione europea deve adottare una visione politica lungimirante che si muova in due direzioni. Primo, le istituzioni europee devono attivare con ogni strumento legislativo e di pressione politica nel minor tempo possibile una riforma organica del regolamento Dublino III nel rispetto dei principi di solidarietà e condivisione equa di responsabilità.
Secondo, l'Unione europea si deve ergere garante della stabilità geopolitica del Nordafrica e parallelamente contribuire al perseguimento di uno sviluppo sostenibile e giusto nei paesi di provenienza.
PRESIDÊNCIA: PEDRO SILVA PEREIRA Vice-presidente
Presidente. – Caros colegas, boa tarde a todos. Sendo a primeira vez que presido ao plenário do Parlamento Europeu, queria dizer que é uma honra ter sido eleito vosso segundo Vice-Presidente e que agradeço a vossa confiança. Trabalharei com todos para o reforço do Parlamento Europeu e da democracia europeia.
Caterina Chinnici (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, salvare vite umane è un imperativo morale, non solo un obbligo giuridico.
Secondo i dati Unicef, già nei primi tre mesi del 2019 erano stati circa 16 000 i migranti e i rifugiati che hanno raggiunto l'Europa attraverso le rotte migratorie del Mediterraneo, e anche se questa cifra presenta una diminuzione rispetto allo stesso periodo del 2018, la percentuale di bambini ed adolescenti sul totale degli arrivi è cresciuta dal 20 al 25 %.
Per questo, discostandomi dagli interventi che mi hanno preceduto, voglio porre l'attenzione sulla necessità di garantire la massima tutela ai migranti più vulnerabili: i bambini e gli adolescenti; in particolare, i bambini e gli adolescenti non accompagnati, che sono maggiormente esposti al rischio di abusi, violenze e sfruttamento da parte di trafficanti senza scrupoli.
Con l'intergruppo sui diritti dei minori, che nella scorsa legislatura ho avuto l'onore di presiedere, abbiamo ripetutamente sottolineato che tutti i bambini devono ricevere protezione e assistenza e in particolare coloro che hanno vissuto situazioni drammatiche, come i piccoli migranti che arrivano sulle nostre coste. E i paesi di primo arrivo, come l'Italia, il mio paese, non possono essere lasciati soli. La crisi migratoria deve essere gestita a livello europeo.
La modifica del regolamento di Dublino, l'istituzione di canali di immigrazione legali e sicuri, la lotta ai trafficanti di esseri umani sono solo alcune delle misure indispensabili per coniugare legalità e solidarietà, e assicurare la tutela dei diritti dei bambini, stabiliti dalla Convenzione ONU, di cui il prossimo 20 novembre ricorrerà il 30° anniversario, è responsabilità di tutti i paesi dell'Unione. Perché i diritti dei bambini non hanno e non devono avere confini.
Izaskun Bilbao Barandica (Renew). – Señor presidente, la defensa del Estado de Derecho es una prioridad de la Presidencia finlandesa. Un buen tema para demostrarlo es poner en su sitio a los muchos Estados y Gobiernos que están incumpliendo la legislación internacional de asilo y la marítima ante la tragedia del Mediterráneo.
Dificultan rescates, bloquean iniciativas como la del Aita Mari, un atunero reconvertido en barco de rescate; una iniciativa que ha unido a ciudadanos vascos y andaluces; que demuestra que la ciudadanía europea es solidaria; que aconseja que las instituciones locales y regionales, las que realmente acogen y atienden, puedan aportar esa experiencia a quienes convierten a las personas en números, a quienes tratan a los rescatadores como delincuentes.
Espero que ese soplo de aire fresco, que propuestas como la vasca Share lleguen a las mesas del Consejo. Es esperanzador que Ursula von der Leyen, que asiló en su casa a un refugiado sirio, dé testimonio, como presidenta de la Comisión, de valores que deberían unirnos a todos.
Simona Baldassarre (ID). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ho ascoltato con attenzione gli interventi del Consiglio e della Commissione e di tanti colleghi e non Le nascondo la mia profonda perplessità nell'osservare tanta ipocrisia nel corretto inquadramento del problema.
Le nostre comuni radici cristiane impongono una profonda attenzione ai diritti umani, ma non possiamo tollerare che il sentimento di solidarietà diventi un alibi, un alibi per ingrossare traffici illeciti e criminali che sfruttano i flussi migratori.
Se aprire i porti significa alimentare le deportazioni e illudere migliaia di migranti che in Europa li aspetta il paradiso, mentre invece andranno ad arricchire le mafie, allora noi non possiamo essere complici. Europol ha evidenziato che questa nuova tratta di schiavi vale sei miliardi l'anno ed è una delle industrie criminali più redditizie. Ogni nuovo schiavo paga quattro, cinquemila euro per conquistarsi un posto sotto i ponti o forse uno sfruttamento di due euro l'ora.
L'Europa tutta dovrebbe essere al fianco del nostro governo per il rispetto delle leggi nazionali e non fare il solito tifo buonista e dare medaglia alla Carola Rackete di turno che, con arroganza, sperona una vedetta della nostra Guardia di Finanza. Bisognerebbe capire che la pressione a sud del continente in breve coinvolgerà tutti i confini. È una questione di buon senso, Presidente, semplice buon senso.
Bettina Vollath (S&D). – Herr Präsident! Ich möchte zum Kern der Debatte zurück und frage daher Sie alle: Würden Sie von zu Hause flüchten, nur weil Sie vielleicht gerettet werden, wenn Sie in Seenot geraten? Ganz sicher nicht! Diesen weitreichenden Entschluss fasst man dann, wenn man daheim unter politischem oder persönlichem Druck steht, weil Sie nämlich alles verlieren, was Sie lieben – Ihre Familie, Ihre Freunde, Vertrautheit, Sprache, Kultur. Das Pull-Argument zieht daher nicht, und eigentlich ist es ganz einfach: Kann es kriminell sein, Menschenleben zu retten? Nein. Tausende Menschen im Mittelmeer sterben zu lassen, hat nichts mit Vernunft oder Realität zu tun. Allein die Debatte darüber zeigt, welch verheerendes Menschenbild in Europa mittlerweile Fuß fassen konnte. Es ist zum Genieren.
Und wem das alles nicht reicht; natürlich ist Seenotrettung auch eine mannigfaltige, vielfache rechtliche Verpflichtung. Dieses Parlament fordert seit Jahren eine Reform von Dublin in Richtung eines gemeinsamen, solidarischen und menschlichen Asylsystems. Doch die Blockade einzelner Mitgliedstaaten im Rat verhindert seit Jahren genau eine solche Lösung. Stattdessen schlägt man politisch Kapital daraus, und genau das ist brandgefährlich. Es spaltet Europa, und es fördert die Ablehnung der EU, weil sie nicht fähig ist, Lösungen anzubieten.
Dieses Haus hat eine klare Beschlusslage. Erhöhen wir mit gemeinsamer Kraft den Druck auf den Rat! Wirksame Vorschläge liegen auf dem Tisch, setzen wir sie in Realität um!
Valter Flego (Renew). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, gospodine povjereniče, poštovani kolege i kolegice, Sredozemno more proteklih godina postalo je jedno od mjesta najveće pogiblje ljudi, ma ne samo u Europi, nažalost i šire.
U 2017. i 2018. godini oko 8 000 ljudi izgubilo je na tom moru, moru koje je trebalo biti more nade, a postalo je more smrti, svoj život. To znači da smo zakazali. Svi skupa smo zakazali. Države članice Europe, Komisija, društvo, mi smo zakazali i zato nam je potrebna puno veća koordinacija, odlučnost, puno veća suradnja države članice i Komisije i jasna strategija i akcija i zajednička odgovornost.
Ne može biti za migrante odgovorna samo država kamo oni žele doći i zato pozivam Europsku komisiju da brzo i zajednički djeluje na pronalasku pravednog i humanog rješenja, vodeći računa o sigurnosti svojih građana, ali rješenja koja ne opravdavaju „upotrebu malo sile”, kako se izrazila predsjednica Republike Hrvatske. Takvu izjavu osuđujem jer Hrvatska koju ja zastupam zalaže se za humanost i za zaštitu dostojanstva svakog ljudskog bića.
Isabel Santos (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, Caros Colegas, salvar vidas não é, não pode ser um crime. Não podemos criminalizar aqueles que apenas cumprem os princípios básicos dos direitos humanos e a Convenção das Nações Unidas sobre o Direito do Mar.
É míope imaginar que os refugiados e imigrantes deixarão de procurar uma oportunidade de vida em segurança e com dignidade se não houver ninguém para os ajudar. Por isso, importa rever a diretiva de facilitação da imigração, rever as regras de Dublin, desenvolver uma política comum de asilo, assente na partilha solidária da responsabilidade da proteção internacional, e importa ainda desenvolver uma política integrada de imigração, assente em canais legais e seguros e numa política de cooperação para o desenvolvimento capaz de responder às causas da emigração.
Negar a ajuda humanitária, negar o tratamento digno a qualquer ser humano, negar o direito inalienável à vida é negar a identidade humanista da Europa e é cometer um crime contra a Humanidade.
Billy Kelleher (Renew). – Mr President, at the outset I just want to say that the European Union has an obligation to do an awful lot more than it is presently doing. We cannot have a situation where the burden falls on a few states to deal with the particular humanitarian crisis that is unfolding in the Mediterranean. So there’s a moral imperative on us to ensure that we have sensible immigration policies but, in the meantime, the people who are clinging to boats in the Mediterranean cannot be allowed to wait. We have to ensure that we have a new search and rescue mission immediately in the Mediterranean.
The Irish navy was previously involved in Operation Sophia, where it rescued thousands of people. I now call on the Commission, along with the Member States which have naval support, to ensure that we have a proper search and rescue mission put in place immediately to address the unfolding humanitarian crisis.
The long-term issue of immigration can be addressed as well but we have this moral imperative immediately. I have been disappointed that the Irish Government has not funded the Irish navy to the point where we now have two naval ships tied up in dry dock because of a lack of personnel. They should be in the Mediterranean Sea, along with other naval boats from other countries, addressing this humanitarian crisis. Urgently act.
Presidente. – Caros colegas, vamos agora iniciar o período do chamado “catch the eye”, tenho o gosto de informar que espero ter a possibilidade de dar a palavra a todos os que se inscreveram desde que cumpram rigorosamente o tempo de 1 minuto.
Intervenções “catch the eye”
Javier Zarzalejos (PPE). – Señor presidente, la Unión Europea es una comunidad de valores, pero también es una comunidad de Derecho. Por eso resulta difícil de aceptar un debate en el que parece que se plantea un dilema: o se salvan vidas o se aplica la ley. Es un falso dilema que no podemos aceptar.
Hay un principio anglosajón que dice que «Hard cases make bad law». Yo creo que, en este debate, queremos hacer buen Derecho o establecer buenas políticas a través de casos singulares. El tráfico de personas es una realidad cruel y brutal en Europa: tráfico por vía marítima y tráfico por vía terrestre. Pero es evidente que no se pueden confundir a las víctimas con sus responsables.
Al comienzo de la Presidencia finlandesa, cuando hay una nueva presidencia en la Comisión, yo invitaría de nuevo a ir al sur de España, a Tarifa, para darse cuenta de que a pocas millas está África y saber que tendrá que haber una política mucho más ambiciosa y estructurada de cooperación para trabajar en y con los países origen de la inmigración. Y esto solo lo puede hacer la Unión Europea.
Julie Ward (S&D). – Mr President, we are once again discussing the lives of thousands of men, women and children who every day attempt the perilous journey across the Mediterranean, fleeing conflict and unsustainable lives. Many have died, but many have also been saved increasingly by humanitarian NGOs such as Open Arms, a Spanish initiative which is now working across the wider Mediterranean.
I’d like to speak about Carola Rackete, the Captain of Sea-Watch 3, arrested last month for docking the search and rescue vessel in Italy without permission, but trying to save hundreds of lives. This woman is not a criminal, as Salvini would have you believe. She is a heroine, and I salute her. I also salute the Spanish fireman Miguel Roldán who took leave from his job to join the Iuventa German rescue boat and helped to save 5 000 people. He faces a possible jail sentence of 20 years for being braver, compassionate and far more principled than most people in this House. And I’m proud that my Group, the Socialists and Democrats, nominated humanitarian NGOs for the Sakharov Prize. They would have been worthy winners.
Nicolaus Fest (ID). – Herr Präsident! Sehr geehrter Herr Kommissionsvertreter Stylianides. Sie tun so, als sei die Seenot vom Himmel gefallen. Das ist sie nicht. In den 60-er, 70-er, 80-er und 90-er Jahren gab es die massenhafte Seenot im Mittelmeer nicht. Diese Seenot ist nicht vom Himmel gefallen, sie ist bewusst von Schleppern herbeigeführt worden. Und wie sind Ihre Antworten darauf? Es sind immer die gleichen nicht funktionierenden Antworten.
Die erste Antwort ist, noch mehr Geld korrupten Regimen in Afrika zuzuwerfen und zu geben. Das funktioniert nicht. Die zweite Antwort ist, Arbeitsplätze in Afrika zu schaffen. Herr Stylianides, das schaffen Sie noch nicht mal in Zypern. Die Jugendarbeitslosigkeit in Zypern liegt jetzt wo, bei 16, bei 17 %? Sie ist ein Skandal. Und die dritte Antwort ist natürlich Kontingente – Flüchtlinge mit Kontingenten zu verteilen.
All diese Vorschläge funktionieren nicht, und sie funktionieren seit Jahren nicht. Die Völker Europas wollen sie nicht. Sie wollen hier Arbeitsplätze, und sie wollen auch nicht immer mehr Menschen, die hier reinkommen, auf ihre Kosten leben und eben die Werte, die wir angeblich im Mittelmeer verteidigen wollen, genau diese Werte mit Füßen treten. Das wollen die europäischen Völker nicht.
Hermann Tertsch (ECR). – Señor presidente, escuchando a la bancada de la izquierda, yo quería saber si realmente lo que queremos es poner una especie de línea directa para traer a todo aquel que quiera, de alguna forma, venir, y que se otorgue automáticamente el derecho a venir a Europa a los 1 300 millones de africanos, que van a ser 2 500 millones de africanos dentro de veinticinco años.
Realmente de lo que estamos hablando es de un disparate. Estamos intentando solucionar una crisis de un continente simplemente primando a una serie de traficantes y primando a unos grupos que, por motivos ideológicos, están trabajando con estos traficantes, en una actuación que es la que ha disparado el riesgo allí, porque trae a muchos de los jóvenes; a muchos de los jóvenes mejores, más dinámicos, más imaginativos dentro de esos países, los saca de allí, los anima a esa emigración —a gastarse dinero, a lanzarse a una aventura suicida—, precisamente por ese llamamiento que alimentan las ONG, generando el negocio de los traficantes. A ver si nos vamos enterando.
Matthew Patten (NI). – Mr President, thank you for allowing me to catch your eye. It seems to me that this is one of the most complex and challenging issues that the EU faces currently, and there is no right answer for it. At the moment it seems that there is a clash between what Europe wants and what individual nations need. Only by the new policy addressing all of these things will we be able to resolve it.
We absolutely have to do more in Africa, but we have to make sure we reward the right people, not the wrong people. The second thing is we must absolutely have strong borders but, when people arrive in Europe, what we see is chaos. And so we must make sure that our own systems of processing migrants, returning those who need to go back, go back, but those who are allowed to stay can stay. In doing that, we must absolutely support the national countries who are having to face that – and I think of places like Italy and Greece and the local communities who are really struggling to deal with it on behalf of the rich countries.
The third thing, or the final thing that we must do is we must make ‘if you want to do it, all the nations will have to pay’. It won’t be the UK, because we’re leaving, but it is going to be very, very expensive and you will all have to pay.
Magdalena Adamowicz (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Wierzę, że Ursula von der Leyen zrealizuje obietnice, o których mówiła: obietnice ratowania życia na morzu. I apeluję, abyśmy dążyli do tego, aby nie zamykać europejskiego systemu ratownictwa morskiego na kogokolwiek. Każde życie warte jest tyle samo.
Czym innym jest ratowanie życia, a czym innym jest polityka azylowa i relokacja, a także dalsza sytuacja osób uratowanych. Nie wolno mylić tych dwóch porządków, bo to jest niemoralne. Bardzo bym chciała, abyśmy wszyscy, aby wszystkie kraje okazały solidarność w tej europejskiej dziedzinie. Nie możemy zostawiać tylko niektórych krajów z tym ciężarem. Przykro mi, bo Polska, mój kraj, niestety nie angażuje się w te sprawy.
Nie możemy także oskarżać tych, którzy ratują życie. Nie możemy kryminalizować ratujących i musimy ustanowić system pomocy dla osób, które uciekają, a uciekają dlatego, że ta ucieczka przez morze jest jedynym ratunkiem.
Κώστας Μαυρίδης (S&D). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, θέλω να συγχαρώ τον Επίτροπο για τις προσπάθειές του να κατανεμηθεί η ανθρωπιστική βοήθεια όντως αποτελεσματικά, με πρώτιστη έγνοια να διασωθούν και να προστατευτούν ζωές. Ωστόσο, δεν μπορώ να κρύψω την απογοήτευσή μου γιατί ως Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση συνολικά έχουμε αποτύχει να αντιμετωπίσουμε τα αίτια. Ενόσω όμως η ροή των προσφύγων φτάνει στις ευρωπαϊκές ακτές της Μεσογείου, ο πολιτισμός μας υπαγορεύει ότι η διάσωση ανθρώπινων ζωών δεν είναι έγκλημα, είναι ηθική υποχρέωσή μας. Όταν όμως η Τουρκία διοχετεύει σκόπιμα αεροπορικώς εκατοντάδες πρόσφυγες στο κατεχόμενο βόρειο μέρος της Κύπρου, το οποίο κατέχεται από τον τουρκικό στρατό, για να περνούν ακολούθως στις ελεύθερες περιοχές και να φτάσουν στην Ευρώπη, αυτό είναι όντως έγκλημα, το οποίο καταγγέλλει συνεχώς και η κυπριακή κυβέρνηση.
Thierry Mariani (ID). – Monsieur le Président, il y a 6 ans, l'Australie s'est trouvée confrontée à la même situation que l'Europe, avec une arrivée massive de clandestins. La réponse choisie par le premier ministre australien à l'époque, Tony Abbott, a été très claire: tolérance zéro, no way. Les résultats ont été aussi rapides, les morts en mer ont cessé et, rapidement, le message a été compris. L'immigration clandestine a cessé en Australie.
Aujourd'hui, je pense que c'est la même politique qu'il nous faut adopter en Europe et je considère pour ma part qu'avec les lois et le message politique envoyé par Matteo Salvini, c'est un moyen bien plus efficace de sauver des vies, qu'au contraire entraîner un certain nombre de personnes à prendre la mer, quitte même à les sauver.
Et ce que j'attends aujourd'hui des institutions européennes, c'est surtout qu'elles aient une vraie politique européenne qui consiste premièrement à, non pas répartir les clandestins, mais à faire en sorte qu'ils n'arrivent pas sur le territoire européen, en faisant en sorte que, comme l'Australie, les demandes de réfugiés soient traitées par exemple dans d'autres pays en bordure de l'Union européenne.
On sait très bien qu'en Europe on rentre illégalement et qu'ainsi on s'y maintient. Donc empêchons les entrées clandestines et là on aura vraiment une solution.
Domènec Ruiz Devesa (S&D). – Señor presidente, me complace dirigirme a esta cámara por primera vez sobre un tema tan importante y tan sensible. A veces, cuando oigo hablar a algunos colegas de esta cámara sobre este asunto humanitario, me pregunto si nuestra diferencia es solamente política o si es también una diferencia de sensibilidad, es una diferencia de grado de empatía hacia este tipo de personas que ponen su vida en riesgo huyendo de la persecución, de las guerras y de la miseria.
Dicho esto, es verdad que podemos hacer más. El Parlamento aprobó su posición respecto de la reforma del Reglamento de Dublín, y también esperamos y seguimos esperando, en cambio, que el Consejo haga su trabajo.
La Comisión también podría haber hecho más. Comisario Stylianides, le hemos pedido muchas veces que cambie la Directiva de ayuda que, como usted sabe, es utilizada por algunos Estados miembros para criminalizar a las organizaciones no gubernamentales. Por favor, todavía hay tiempo de corregir esta situación.
Alessandro Panza (ID). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, le ONG si criminalizzano da sole. È notizia di qualche minuto fa che il pm Patronaggio di Agrigento ha chiesto la carcerazione di Carola Rackete per un atto di forza ingiustificato. Lo dice un giudice, non lo dice un politico, che piaccia o meno, è un giudice di uno Stato sovrano, che ha delle leggi e queste leggi devono essere rispettate da chiunque.
Nessuno vuole morti in mare, ma non possiamo lasciare la gestione di un fenomeno così importante a organizzazioni private, di cui magari sappiamo poco. Bisogna dire basta con l'ipocrisia di questo Stato, di questa Unione europea e concentrarsi su stabilizzare i luoghi dal quale queste persone provengono – penso alla Libia – e non lo si fa magari vendendo armi sottobanco a questo o a quell'altro dittatore, ma lo si fa stabilizzando questi territori e consolidando i corridoi umanitari solo per coloro che realmente hanno bisogno di assistenza, e solo quelli che sono realmente rifugiati politici.
Ibán Garcia Del Blanco (S&D). – Señor presidente, estoy ciertamente perplejo —y por eso he pedido la palabra— con algunas de las cosas que he estado escuchando durante este debate. He escuchado aquí hasta que la capitana Carola había atentado contra un buque de la Marina italiana, a la que suponía más poderosa que una capitana de un barco humanitario, pero bueno, en fin.
Sé que este es un problema difícil; yo creo que de esto somos todos conscientes, que no se arregla solo con buena voluntad, evidentemente. Pero de lo que estoy seguro es de que no se arregla con mala voluntad. No se arregla con la falta de entrañas. No se arregla con la falta de empatía.
Aquí se ha planteado, y se plantea también en mi país por la ultraderecha —hemos visto aquí a uno de sus representantes—, un silogismo terrible para afrontar esta situación, que es que, si dejamos de permitir que haya ayuda humanitaria en el Mediterráneo, el ejemplo hará que dejen de venir inmigrantes vía Mediterráneo, lo cual nos plantea una conclusión terrible, es decir, lo ejemplarizante son los muertos. Si dejamos de atender a los que se pueden ahogar en el Mediterráneo, cuando haya no sé cuántos muertos, señores diputados y diputadas, dejarán de venir. Y eso es absolutamente inaceptable de acuerdo a nuestros propios principios.
¿No quieren a los barcos de las ONG ayudando a los inmigrantes? Pues, señores y señoras, política comunitaria, política común de la Unión Europea, medios públicos, reforma del Reglamento de Dublín. Esa es la única manera. Nos llaman hipócritas, pero los hipócritas son ustedes, porque no les importan nada los que pierden la vida en el Mediterráneo.
(Fim das intervenções “catch the eye”)
Christos Stylianides,Member of the Commission. – Mr President, thank you, dear colleagues, for this very important debate. The Commission considers that humanitarian imperatives have been, and shall continue to be, at the forefront of European Union action. As I said in my opening remarks, the Commission has repeatedly recalled that the EU and its Member States are bound by the duty to render assistance to persons or vessels in distress at sea, and it is an obligation under international law. It is a moral duty. International law is binding on states which are obliged to subject the captains of private, commercial or military vessels to the corresponding duty to render assistance.
Saving lives at sea must therefore go hand in hand with addressing the main causes of irregular migration and improving the situation of migrants in Libya and other countries in offering safe alternatives such as resettlement for those entitled to international protection or legal labour migration schemes for those who qualify. I wish also to renew once again my appeal to all Member States to make their contribution to speeding up evacuation of vulnerable migrants and refugees from Libya and Niger.
I thank you for your support in building a comprehensive EU response – a holistic EU response – and as I said, the Commission stands ready to continue to provide all the political, technical and financial support that Member States need to address the situation in the Mediterranean, and in particular to reach an agreement on temporary arrangements.
The four years since the adoption of the European Agenda on Migration have shown that the situation requires continuous determined action across the full range of the comprehensive approach. The lesson is that united action and joint efforts from Member States and the EU, in close cooperation with partners beyond the EU, has delivered results and is the only way to achieve better management of migration and to ensure that the European Union’s values remain the cornerstone of our migration policy. This is what EU citizens expect from the European Union, from the European institutions. Again, I will quote the President-elect from yesterday: we need solidarity. We all need to help each other and contribute. We need a new way of burden-sharing. And we must make fair cooperation offers to countries of origin and transit which are in the interest of both sides. These are our priorities and we have to start immediately.
Tytti Tuppurainen,President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, the Presidency is fully aware of the critical importance of providing humanitarian assistance in the Mediterranean Sea and we are committed to working on a solution in collaboration with all stakeholders.
I am grateful for your comments made during this discussion. I listened to them very carefully and I wish to react to them accordingly. As I said previously, we are working to find an arrangement, humane in nature, that brings predictability in accordance with the International Law of the Sea, concerning disembarkation and enables efficient asylum and return policies.
Our Presidency will continue active work on temporary arrangements. Actually the informal meeting of Ministers of the Interior will take place tomorrow in Helsinki and the situation in the Mediterranean will be discussed there. Furthermore, our Minister of the Interior has also invited all her Member State colleagues to an informal dinner no later than today to discuss the immediate situation in the Mediterranean.
It is clear that we need European solutions here. Close and intensive cooperation between institutions and common understanding among the Member States are key for the future migration policy. It is also very important that the new Commission also aims high here. As the new Commission President said yesterday in this very Chamber, we have a common responsibility to save lives at sea. Every life matters. Every life is equally important. It is of the utmost importance that we succeed quickly even if only with a temporary solution. However, we need one that covers all aspects. The EU as a whole, not to mention the migrants themselves, do not deserve that this situation stays unresolved.
At the same time, we will continue working on the reform of the Common European Asylum System to provide a permanent and humane solution to situations, such as the ones mentioned, in the future. I remain confident that, thanks to all our efforts, we can take an important step forward towards this goal. Thank you very much again for your contributions and for your attention.
Presidente. – Com esta intervenção está encerrado o nosso debate. Antes de entrarmos no próximo ponto da agenda, faremos uma breve pausa de cinco minutos por consideração para com o Sr. Comissário e a Sra. Representante do Conselho que nos acompanham já há bastante tempo.
Declarações escritas (artigo 171.º)
Janina Ochojska (PPE), na piśmie. – Cieszy mnie fakt, że pracę nowego PE rozpoczynamy od debaty na temat sytuacji humanitarnej na Morzu Śródziemnym. Kryzys migracyjny w ostatnich latach pokazał, że musimy wypracować taki system, aby migranci, którzy docierają do wybrzeży UE, znaleźli pomoc i schronienie, zamiast tonąć na naszych oczach. Naszym obowiązkiem jest ratowanie ludzkiego życia. Czy nie dlatego w naszych traktatach i konwencjach Wspólnoty Europejskiej zapisaliśmy konieczność ochrony ludzkiego życia?!
Podczas debaty wiele zostało powiedziane na temat penalizacji organizacji pozarządowych ratujących ludzi z tonących łodzi. Wysiłki rządu włoskiego, straży przybrzeżnej, Fronteksu oraz NATO nie wystarczą, aby zmierzyć się z ogromną liczbą osób starających się dotrzeć do Europy. Liczę na to, że na przestrzeni kolejnych miesięcy uda się wypracować długofalową, spójną politykę zarządzania migracją, która oparta będzie na humanitarnym podejściu do człowieka, a nie na partykularnych interesach krajów członkowskich. Musimy stworzyć godne warunki tym migrantom, którzy już przyjechali.
Żeby Morze Śródziemne nie było cmentarzyskiem, stwórzmy humanitarne warunki (dostęp do wody, żywności, leków) i możliwości rozwoju w krajach, z których ci ludzie uciekają. Zamiast stawiania murów zastanówmy się, co zrobić, żeby migranci chcieli i mogli pozostać w swoich miejscach pochodzenia. To jedyna droga do zmniejszenia liczby imigrantów, których w przyszłości może być więcej. To najważniejsza kwestia w obecnej kadencji PE.
Alfred Sant (S&D), in writing. – The critique of so-called humanitarian assistance in the flows of illegal immigration across the Mediterranean has been made suspect because it is being used by populist governments and movements to justify their hard, anti-immigration stance. But the critique remains valid and needs a response. Sea projects originating and financed from outside the Mediterranean are serving to encourage people traffickers and migrants who would not otherwise attempt very dangerous crossings to multiply their activities. These ‘humanitarian’ entrepreneurs are subject to no proper regulation and basically engage in a catch-as-catch-can game with approaching migrant boats. The situation is not sustainable for political, security, economic and social reasons. Yet Europe still does not have a functioning policy to process legal migration, Dublin II arrangements remain unfair and outdated, Schengen procedures could soon be placed under new pressure and the feeding of false hopes to arriving migrants is serving to strengthen the reach of people traffickers. So, in my view, uncritical support of projects of humanitarian assistance in the Mediterranean will, while the other chapters of European immigration are still pending, serve to provoke further political and moral crises in the medium term. This needs to be reconsidered.