Koko teksti 
Keskiviikko 9. lokakuuta 2019 - Bryssel Lopullinen versio

19. Ukrainan tilanne (keskustelu)
Puheenvuorot videotiedostoina

  Die Präsidentin. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärung der Vizepräsidentin der Kommission und Hohen Vertreterin der Union für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik zur Lage in der Ukraine (2019/2834(RSP)).


  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Madam President, in these five years, the citizens of Ukraine have been calling for change in their country. I say five years because, when I started as High Representative, Ukraine was almost the only issue on our foreign policy agenda.

In one sense I am worried that this is slipping away, as if problems were disappearing, and I am grateful to the European Parliament for putting this issue on the agenda. This will also be on the agenda of the Foreign Affairs Council next Monday, exactly because I want to make sure that the attention does not get lower at this moment on the situation in Ukraine. 

The citizens of Ukraine in these five years have been calling for change in their country, they have been working for change in their country. They have asked for reforms that would improve their lives, with more transparency, more honesty and no corruption. They have asked for a fully sovereign country, free from war and from foreign interference. And they have asked for a strong and close partnership with the European Union. They have not only asked for these things, they have also worked for these things.

Since our first debate on Ukraine five years ago, Ukraine has come a very long way. This has been possible first and foremost thanks to the determination of the citizens of Ukraine, their constant work for a better country. Throughout these years, the European Union has always stood at the side of the Ukrainian people.

After 2014 we put together for Ukraine the biggest support package in the history of the European Union, with over EUR 15 billion. We have invested more in Ukraine than in any other country in the world. No other partner has invested in Ukraine as much as we have done.

Our Association Agreement – which has now entered into force – is the most ambitious agreement that the European Union has ever developed with any other partner. It has already delivered an impressive increase, for instance, in our trade by almost 50%. Our support and our cooperation are having a very tangible impact on people’s lives. We have supported the creation of thousands of new jobs and helped deliver, through decentralisation, higher quality services for the citizens.

We have accompanied the reform of the security sector. And two years ago, we made travelling to the European Union easier for the people of Ukraine, thanks to visa liberalisation.

I have always believed that the best we could do for the people of Ukraine was to be there for them, was to accompany this quest for change, this quest for reform and this work that they have done themselves to change their country profoundly and to give our full support to this work for change. And I believe that the people of //!!Europe!! Ukraine// understand and appreciate and know very well how close we have become in these years.

After his election, President Zelenskyy chose Brussels as the destination of his first foreign visit, and he hosted the EU-Ukraine Summit in Kyiv/Kiev? in July – I was honoured to be there for an excellent meeting that we had. I met Foreign Minister Prystaiko two weeks ago in New York and he will be with us at the Foreign Affairs Council on Monday in Luxembourg.

The simple and powerful message that I will be proud to pass, I think I would say both of us, together, on Monday is this: the European Union and Ukraine have never been closer. This is something we say about other partners, but for Ukraine – if you look at five years ago – this was definitely not to be taken for granted. I believe this is an achievement that we can celebrate together. 

The new government has taken a bold approach to reforms. Expectations in public opinion are very high. The number of legislative acts adopted since this summer is unprecedented, and we are ready and willing to support the government in ensuring that this wave of legislation truly delivers in practical terms. For instance, we are ready to work with the government as it seeks to review some of the reforms in the judicial field. The citizens of Ukraine expect to see the first results of this push to make their country more transparent and fair for all.

Another extremely important area continues to be the fight against corruption. Improving the business and investment climate and tackling the oligarchic structures is also crucial to unleash Ukraine’s economic potential, but I would say for having a healthy environment in the country altogether.

We also continue to engage on energy sector reform, and we look forward to the unbundling of gas transmission from production and supply, which should happen by the end of this year. We are also working with Ukraine and Russia through our dialogue to conclude a new gas transit contract. It is essential to use the current momentum in the best possible way, respecting all democratic procedures and in constant consultation with the country’s vibrant civil society.

Thanks to these reforms and to our concrete support to these reforms – from the creation of the Anti-Corruption Court to security sector reform – Ukraine is today a much stronger country than it was five years ago. That is clearly visible today.


Our neighbours’ strength and resilience is obviously a core interest of the European Union. At the same time, we should never forget that Ukraine is still suffering a violation of its sovereignty and territorial integrity. Crimea is Ukraine, Donbas is Ukraine, and the European Union will continue to keep this position in the most unequivocal and united manner.


Through the years, we have never stopped working for the full implementation of the Minsk agreements. We have always managed to keep our unity on this, and I can tell you that five years ago, there were many that were betting on this: in the first place for it not to be possible; and then for it not to be possible to keep it.


We have always managed to keep our unity on this, and I am proud of it because this was and still is the right thing to do, and I am sure that we will continue to keep our unity in the years to come.


In recent weeks, we have witnessed some important developments in the Normandy format and in the Trilateral Contact Group. The outcome of the Trilateral Contact Group meeting in Minsk on 1 October, on the so-called Steinmeier formula, is a step that could hopefully lead to some progress towards the full implementation of the Minsk agreements by all parties.


It should be clear that the Minsk agreements remain central to reaching a lasting peaceful solution to the conflict in eastern Ukraine, to end the fighting and the suffering of so many people. It is crucial to sustain the progress in disengagement and constructing the bridge in Stanytsia Luhanska. And we need a lasting ceasefire, towards the ultimate goal of restoring Ukraine’s control of its whole territory.


We have never stopped supporting the work of the Normandy format, the Trilateral Contact Group, and the OSCE. And we will continue to do so until Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity are fully restored.


In the meantime, we have welcomed and we welcome the recent exchange of prisoners between Ukraine and Russia. That included the crew of the Ukrainian vessels detained by Russia last November in the Kerch Strait – a situation that we have discussed with Parliament several times – and Oleh Sentsov, whom you have awarded with the Sakharov Price. This is good news, and we will always encourage any step that can bring us closer to a solution.


We continue to call on Russia to release all illegally detained Ukrainians, and to ensure free passage through the Kerch Strait in accordance with international law. We are also investing in the infrastructure and security of the south-eastern regions of Ukraine that are affected by the situation in the Kerch Strait.

We should never forget or underestimate these immense challenges that Ukraine is still facing. And at the same, I believe we should always continue to believe in the immense potential of Ukraine and its people and invest in it.

After five years of work, I am proud of the progress we have achieved together in these years, in extremely difficult circumstances. And I am sure that – with this Parliament’s support – we will continue to stand at Ukraine’s side, as the country’s closest friend.


  Sandra Kalniete, PPE grupas vārdā. – Cienītā sēdes vadītāja! Ukraina ir piekritusi Šteinmeiera formulas īstenošanai konflikta risinājumam Austrumukrainā.

Taču pamatots ir jautājums, kas ir mainījies kopš 2016. gada, kad šī formula tika piedāvāta. Gandrīz nekas.

Gribētos ticēt, ka šī vienošanās ir solis miera virzienā, bet tomēr ir šaubas. Jo patiesībā izskatās, ka no šīs vienošanās ieguvēja būs Krievija, jo, noturot vēlēšanas Doņeckas un Luhanskas apgabalos, separātisti iegūtu leģitimitāti. Un tieši tā Krievijai ir vajadzīga, lai atgrieztos starptautiskajā sabiedrībā.

Klīst pat runas, ka par savu pielaidību Krievija varētu pretī saņemt solījumu apturēt Ukrainas tuvināšanos Eiropas Savienībai un NATO.

Bez tam Ukrainā jau sākas protesti pret šo uzspiesto vienošanos. Tie var destabilizēt sabiedrību un valsti. Un arī tas ir Krievijai izdevīgi, tāpēc mums, Ukrainas draugiem, ir ļoti uzmanīgi jāseko notikumu attīstībai, lai nepieļautu, ka Donbasa problēma un Krimas aneksija pazustu no starptautiskās dienas kārtības. Paldies!


  Kati Piri, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, over the past years, Ukraine has undergone a difficult political transition. The results of the presidential and parliamentary elections have given President Zelensky a clear mandate: the citizens of Ukraine demanded peace and higher living standards, as well as resolute action against corruption, and accountable public institutions with a modern judicial system at their core.

With the ongoing conflict in eastern Ukraine, despite the progress made, the risk for political instability in Ukraine is still high. Some countries are trying to take advantage of such instability: the latest scandal involving the President of the United States is a showcase. Renewed momentum for diplomatic efforts is welcome and should be supported, but while we understand the context within which negotiations between Russia and Ukraine are taking place, the handover of a key suspect of the MH17 tragedy to Russia is, and remains, unacceptable. It is an offense to the victims and their relatives, and they deserve those responsible to be brought to justice.


  Petras Auštrevičius, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Madam President, the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement and our partnership with the Ukraine is delivering positive results, based on the comprehensive framework agreed in 2014. Ms Mogherini, I completely agree with your assessment in this regard.

We expect the new Government of Ukraine to embark on an ambitious and timely pace of continuous reforms, especially in large-scale privatisation, land reform, energy, healthcare and, of course, the fight against corruption. The transformation process in Ukraine, as well as in other Eastern Partnership countries, will take time, and it’s important to maintain not only their ambition and strategic focus, but also ours. We are entering the next generation partnership with Ukraine, dominated by the principle ‘more for more’, and it should lead towards a gradual opening of the EU single market to Ukraine’s economy. Furthermore, it is of utmost importance to involve Ukraine and other Eastern partners in major EU initiatives on digitalisation, migration, social inclusion, sustainable energy and climate change.

Ending Russian aggression and achieving lasting peace is a shared European and Ukrainian hope. We are seeking peace and the EU should not create illusions, especially ones undermining the legitimate interests of Ukraine, and should avoid fake agreements such as the former Budapest Memorandum. Our actions within the soon-to-be-resumed peace negotiations need to be firm and reflect our commitment to a sovereign Ukraine and its people’s choice. We should help to achieve the eventual removal of all armed groups from the occupied territories of Ukraine, and Ukraine regaining full control of its border with Russia. Recent rallies in Kiev stand as a reminder that no agreement is possible unless accepted by everyone. I call on the Commission to elaborate and support a package for Ukraine’s macro-economic stability, including a social-stability package for the population of the occupied territories of Ukraine.




  Viola Von Cramon-Taubadel, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Die Menschen in der Ukraine haben am 21. Juli bei der Parlamentswahl mit ihrer Wahlentscheidung eine Revolution an der Urne vollzogen. Mehr als 80 % der Abgeordneten in der Rada sind neu. Das ist Chance und Herausforderung für die ukrainische Demokratie zugleich. Es muss deshalb in unser aller Interesse liegen, diese junge Demokratie in der Ukraine weiter nach Kräften zu unterstützen. Auch wenn die globalen Krisen – wie wir eben gehört haben – natürlich täglich zunehmen, darf die Situation in der Ukraine dadurch nicht aus unserem Fokus geraten. Denn auch die Ukraine steckt im Osten des Landes immer noch in einem echten Krieg, und auch dort gibt es fast 3 Millionen Binnenvertriebene.

Gleichzeitig sollten wir uns ehrlich machen und ebenso das Land einer kritischen Begleitung unterziehen. Wir müssen den Kampf gegen Korruption und gegen die Oligarchie ernster nehmen. Das schulden wir den jungen ukrainischen Bürgerinnen und Bürgern, insbesondere der jungen Generation. Unter der alten Regierung wurden wichtige Reformen angestoßen: Die Dezentralisierung, die Gesundheitsreform und das öffentliche Beschaffungswesen sind hier zu nennen. Diese Reformen in die nächste Phase zu überführen und damit die sozialen Standards vor allem in den Regionen zu verbessern, wäre ein wichtiges Signal, um Vertrauen in die Politik und die Institutionen zu stärken. Der Erfolg der Reformen in der Ukraine wird deshalb auch davon abhängen, ob und wie wir von Brüssel aus die neuen Kolleginnen und Kollegen im ukrainischen Parlament begleiten, unterstützen und gleichzeitig auch in die Verantwortung nehmen.


  Lars Patrick Berg, im Namen der ID-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Hohe Vertreterin! Vor wenigen Wochen habe ich an einer Wahlbeobachtungsmission zu den Parlamentswahlen in der Ukraine teilnehmen dürfen. Ich bin nach wie vor beeindruckt von dem Engagement der Menschen, vor allem der jungen Menschen, in der Ukraine und ihrem Einsatz für Demokratie und Rechtsstaatlichkeit, und ich glaube fest an die territoriale Integrität des ukrainischen Staates. Ich freue mich daher, dass als Ergebnis der Minsker Gespräche die Abhaltung von Kommunalwahlen in der Ostukraine steht, an denen Beobachter der Organisation für Sicherheit und Zusammenarbeit in Europa teilnehmen, um sicherzustellen, dass die Wahlen frei und fair ablaufen. Noch mehr freue ich mich, dass diese Wahlen erst stattfinden können, wenn sich Truppen aus dem Gebiet zurückgezogen haben. Deeskalation ist in jedem Fall zu begrüßen. Dies ist ein mutiger Schritt von Präsident Selenskyj und allen anderen beteiligten Konfliktparteien, und ich hoffe aufrichtig, dass wir diese Initiative unterstützen können.


  Witold Jan Waszczykowski, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, recently several new Ukrainian affairs have captured media attention. They do not give us a chance to forget about the conflict. One was the so—called Steinmeier Formula – a proposal to hold local elections in Donbas under OSCE and other supervision. The agreement does not however mention any military solution in Donbas. The proposal is in line with the Russian concept to federalise Ukraine, which may lead to autonomy of the regions, weakening of the central government and increased Russian influence.

I understand the search for a compromise solution. The democratic Ukrainian leadership has a full mandate to try to solve these terrible dilemmas in its own way. However, I should signal cautious behaviour, to be careful not to fall into another one of Putin’s traps.

Only relying on the Normandy format has not led to a solution of the conflict. It seems that some do not want to resolve the conflict in favour of Ukraine. They want to get rid of the problem and to return to business relations with Moscow. Warsaw, therefore, reminds European capitals and Kiev that solutions to this international dispute must be based on current international law and respect for victims’ rights.


  Mick Wallace, on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. – Mr President, in February 2014 Ukraine replaced its democratically elected government with a strongly anti-Russian government. It wasn’t a revolution; it was a coup. It was organised by the US, as exposed by the taped phone conversations of Victoria Nuland, Obama’s central agent there at the time. I think the advancements made by Zelensky and the Russians towards peace in eastern Ukraine are to be warmly welcomed. People who are highlighting or voicing resistance to the deal made with Russia should ask: what do the Ukrainian people want? Zelensky won over 70% of the vote on a pro-peace platform: that’s what the Ukrainians want. In Ukraine, the opposition to the prospect of peace is mainly coming from neo-Nazi groups, which played a terrible role back in 2014 and since. There’s also opposition by people who have a vested interest in filling the place with arms still. Ukraine has many challenges: millions have left the place; 80% of employment is in the black market; they need independence. They should be independent of Russia and of the West, but whether Zelensky has the power to bring that about, we only have to wait and see.


  Milan Uhrík (NI). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, vážení kolegovia. Ak chceme dopomôcť mieru na Ukrajine, tak v prvom rade si treba otvorene povedať, že ako to celé začalo. Že tajné služby a mimovládne organizácie, financované aj odtiaľto z Bruselu, ale hlavne z Washingtonu, využili frustráciu bežných Ukrajincov, frustráciu z oligarchie, z korupcie a zorganizovali najprv majdan a potom sa rozpútala aj občianska vojna. Že po piatich rokoch konfliktu, po tisíckach mŕtvych ľudí, po miliardách vynaložených eur a dolárov je situácia na Ukrajine horšia ako kedykoľvek predtým a mier je v nedohľadne. A prečo? Ja vám to poviem bez cenzúry. Jednoducho preto, že Ukrajinci v tomto konflikte nikoho nezaujímajú. Ide tu len o to, aby západné firmy získali nové trhy a aby sa oslabila pozícia Ruska v Európe. Ak chce Európska únia Ukrajine naozaj pomôcť, tak najlepšie to spraví tak, keď nechá Ukrajincov rozhodovať samých o sebe, keď bude s Ukrajinou komunikovať, obchodovať, pretože Ukrajinci vedia o sebe sami rozhodovať, oni nie sú hlupáci.


  Traian Băsescu (PPE). – Domnule președinte, deși minoritățile din Ucraina și-au pus speranțe în promisiunile electorale ale președintelui Zelensky, potrivit noului ministru al Educației, citez, școlile minorităților naționale care vorbesc într-o limbă a Uniunii Europene, din septembrie 2023, vor trece la predarea în limba ucraineană.

Kievul trebuie să înțeleagă faptul că minoritățile de pe teritoriul Ucrainei, fie că sunt etnici români, maghiari sau ruși, au dreptul să-și păstreze limba, obiceiurile și cultura, prin aceasta contribuind la îmbogățirea patrimoniului de valori culturale al Ucrainei. Fac precizarea că în Cernăuți, Odessa și Transcarpatia trăiesc peste o jumătate de milion de vorbitori de limbă română. Soluția pentru încetarea acestui contencios social între minoritățile de pe teritoriul Ucrainei...

(Președintele a întrerupt vorbitorul)


  Sven Mikser (S&D). – Mr President, I believe that all efforts to support Ukraine’s reform agenda and sustainable peace in Ukraine deserve to be commended. However, it is not just peace that is missing: we should not forget that Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity continue to be violated. I very much agree with the High—Representative that we should stick to the measures which were put in place following Russia’s aggression against Ukraine and the illegal annexation of Crimea until such time as Russia has fully complied with its international obligations.

Furthermore, I believe that our efforts to achieve sustainable peace in Ukraine must be driven neither by our desire to return at any cost to business as usual with Russia, nor by the Ukraine fatigue in our capitals, but rather by a very strong commitment to making sure that the wrongs done by the aggressor are righted and Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, as well as its legitimate aspirations, are honoured by all.


  Bernard Guetta (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, l’échange de prisonniers entre l’Ukraine et la Russie permet de reprendre espoir. Il semble que M. Poutine ait enfin compris qu’il s’embourbait dans le Donbass et que la Chine était certainement plus menaçante que l’Union européenne ne l’est pour son pays.

Nous savons ce qu’il aurait à faire pour mettre fin aux hostilités. Tant qu’il ne s’y sera pas résolu, l’Union devra maintenir ses sanctions économiques, mais il faut être deux pour revenir à la raison. L’Ukraine est la victime mais elle a aussi des gestes à faire et M. Zelensky doit compter avec moins sage que lui.

N’est-il donc pas temps, Madame la Haute Représentante, de rappeler à l’ensemble des Ukrainiens que nous leur avons apporté ces dernières années une assistance financière de plus de 15 milliards d’euros, que nous nous tenons à leurs côtés sur le front politico-diplomatique et qu’ils se doivent, en conséquence, de nous aider à les aider en faisant front avec leur président?


  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Уважаема г-жо Върховен представител, уважаеми колеги, както и в предишния дебат, който засягаше Турция, и тук ще обърна Вашето внимание върху нуждата от по-дръзка и по-организирана политика на върховното представителство на Европейския съюз по отношение на правителството на Република Украйна. Да, там има проблеми, които трябва да бъдат и могат да бъдат решени.

Но искам да Ви обърна внимание на факта, че в Украйна има признати няколко големи групи национални малцинства. Те са румънско, унгарско, българско (да не пропусна някое). И когато се преговаря с правителството на Украйна и с новия президент Зеленски, трябва ясно да се поставят въпросите за правата на тези малцинствени групи. Това са малцинства на държави от Европейския съюз. И ние трябва да насърчаваме Украйна да се присъединява към Европейския съюз колкото може по-бързо, но запазвайки правата и законовите интереси на тези групи от население. А това е във фундамента, в основите на нашите учредителни договори.


  Nathan Gill (NI). – Mr President, Article 19 of the UN Declaration of Human Rights states that everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression. This includes the right to receive and impart information and ideas through any media, regardless of frontiers.

Every dictatorship and repressive regime immediately seeks to close down the freedom of the press and media, thinking foolishly that they can silence opposition. Ukraine’s previous President, Petro Poroshenko, tried, using legal process, to silence media that did not act as his mouthpiece. This was condemned and it failed. Ukraine has a new President, Volodymyr Zelensky, who is following the same old tired pattern. Despite claiming to be different, he has used legal process to strip TV stations of their licences and is threatening those he does not like.

Ms Mogherini, are you content to remain silent and allow this repression of freedom? Or are you going to use your influence with President Zelensky to protect the freedom of the press?


  Radosław Sikorski (PPE). – Mr President, Ms Mogherini, for the record, I’m confident I don’t have to tell you how important this is, and that the principle that borders should not be changed in Europe by force is sacrosanct with this House. Therefore, if we were to find a solution in the Crimea Donbass, the people’s will should be freely expressed there – not under the barrel of a Russian gun. But I would also like to remind you that this should be a European issue: Ukraine is under Russian aggression because they chose to have an association agreement with us. They wanted their country to be more European. Therefore, I think the Geneva process – the EU, you, the United States, Ukraine and Russia – is perhaps a better formula for resolving this issue, rather than Member States freelancing on their own. Good luck.


  Kosma Złotowski (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pokój jest w relacjach międzynarodowych jedną z najcenniejszych wartości, to oczywiste. Szczerze życzymy nowym władzom w Kijowie, aby wojna, która od 2014 roku wykrwawia Donbas, zakończyła się jak najszybciej. Siadając jednak do rozmów z Rosją, należy pamiętać, że dla Moskwy każdy sygnał gotowości do kompromisu jest oznaką słabości, która zostanie bezwzględnie wykorzystana. Takie doświadczenia historyczne ma nie tylko Polska, ale także sama Ukraina. Trzeba wspomnieć tutaj ugodę perejasławską z XVII w. i jej skutki dla Ukrainy właśnie.

Formuła Steinmeiera może stać się dla Władimira Putina trwałą gwarancją bezkarności i rozgrzeszeniem jego agresywnej polityki. Będzie to również wygodny pretekst dla Francji i Niemiec, aby zacząć mówić o zniesieniu sankcji unijnych, choć nie ma dla takiego kroku żadnego uzasadnienia. Widzą te zagrożenia także obywatele Ukrainy, którzy coraz liczniej przeciwko temu rozwiązaniu protestują, nazywając je wprost kapitulacją. Warto wziąć te głosy pod uwagę.


  Miroslav Radačovský (NI). – Vážený pán predsedajúci. Je mi cťou, že môžem sedieť v prítomnosti veľkých Britov, ktorí sa rozhodli byť slobodní a nezávislí od Európskej únie. Hovorím to preto, že som Slovan a som brat tak veľkého ruského národa, ako aj veľkého ukrajinského národa. Toto je národ, ktorý obýva jednu šestinu sveta. Môžem vám odporučiť, ako vec vyriešiť. Prestaňte zasahovať týmto veľkým národom do ich problémov. Oni si ich vyriešia sami. A takto budete konať najlepšie. To nie sú maličké národy, sú to hrdinské veľké národy, tisíc rokov spolu žili. Prestaňte zasahovať do záležitostí Slovanov. Slovania nie sú hlupáci. Slovania sú takisto hrdí, ako sú hrdí Briti, a my si vyriešime svoje problémy sami. To je všetko.


  Andrius Kubilius (PPE). – Mr President, we all know that Ukraine is a victim of Russian aggression because they made the choice of European integration. Ukraine is also a victim of the West’s inability to stop such behaviour from Russia. We see the new leadership of Ukraine seeking solutions, which would help to bring peace, security and integrity of their territory, despite the fact that the key to peace is not in Kiev but in the Kremlin. So we need to praise the Ukrainian leadership for their will to seek peace, but we cannot push them into implementation of some unrealistic formulas. Ukraine deserves our much more serious support in their reforms and attempts to bring stability. Unfortunately, for the time being, it looks like Ukraine is only becoming a victim of the US presidential campaign.

But peace is not only the business of Ukraine. That is why I propose to establish a special steering group in the European Parliament which would take care of the peace process in Ukraine, just as we have a special steering group for Brexit.


  Beata Mazurek (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Ukraina jest tym europejskim państwem, które najboleśniej doświadczyło przemocy, a które równocześnie nie uzyskało skutecznego wsparcia ze strony demokratycznej Europy. Ukraina zdecydowała się zmierzać ku Zachodowi i oparła się agresji Rosji. Zbudowała armię i stara się przeprowadzić niezbędne reformy. Społeczeństwo Ukrainy w większości zaakceptowało dążenie do członkostwa w NATO i w Unii Europejskiej. Aby ten kurs utrzymać, Ukraina potrzebuje jasnej deklaracji ze strony państw Zachodu, że jej przystąpienie jest realne. Potrzebuje też jasnej deklaracji, kiedy i na jakich warunkach może to nastąpić. W przeciwnym razie znów przewagę zyskają zwolennicy zbliżenia z Rosją, a Ukraina oddali się od Europy. Nowe władze Ukrainy starają się utrzymać społeczne poparcie i nie zawieść zaufania, jakim obdarzono je w wyborach. Równocześnie część terytorium Ukrainy jest okupowana. Od nas, Europy, zależy, czy ukraiński kryzys uda się rozwiązać w drodze pokojowej. Konieczna jest jednak stanowcza i solidarna postawa Unii Europejskiej oraz polityczne i ekonomiczne wsparcie, które pozwoli nowym władzom utrzymać proeuropejski kurs i przeprowadzić reformy konieczne do wzmocnienia państwa i ugruntowania demokracji.


  Александър Александров Йорданов (PPE). – Уважаема г-жо Могерини, г-н Председател, не мислите ли, че формулата „Щайнмайер“ окуражава постоянно г-н Путин, окуражава го да продължава своя план за Украйна? Не създава ли тази формула предпоставки за дългосрочно блокиране на всяко суверенно решение на институциите в Киев? Не е ли всъщност това формула за по-малко Украйна в Украйна?

И още един въпрос: корупцията. В Украйна тя е дело главно на бизнесмени и политици, свързани с Кремъл. Тя е руски продукт в Украйна. В този смисъл, не Ви ли прави впечатление, че всяка отстъпка пред Кремъл се възприема като успех на политиката на Путин? А там, където той постига успех, бъдете сигурни, че Европа губи. И мнението ми е, че отдавна е време някои европейски лидери да спрат да флиртуват с г-н Путин.


Catch-the-eye procedure


  Andrea Bocskor (PPE). – Tisztelt Elnök úr! Tisztelt Főképviselő Asszony! Áprilisban új elnököt, júliusban új parlamentet és kormányt választottak Ukrajnában. Fontos, hogy az EU már a kezdetektől figyelmet fordítson az új kormány tevékenységére, segítse az ország európai szemléletű átalakulását, a vállalt reformok teljes és megfelelő végrehajtását.

Az előző kormányzat Ukrajna megreformálását sok esetben az alapvető demokratikus emberi és kisebbségi jogok megszüntetésével vagy csorbításával valósította meg. Itt gondolok elsősorban az oktatási és nyelvtörvényre, vagy a magyar kisebbség elleni hangulatkeltésre. Egy Önhöz intézett írásbeli kérdésemben is felhívtam a figyelmet erre, hogy milyen atrocitások és állami zaklatások érték a kárpátaljai magyar vezetőket, szervezeteket. Az elnökváltás után ez valamelyest megszűnt, azonban továbbra is zajlik a magyar közösségi vezetők, szervezetek zaklatása, megfélemlítése, különösen az előrehozott parlamenti választások során. Továbbra sem teljesítik a nemzetközi kisebbségvédelmi kötelezettségvállalásokat, amiket szigorúbban számon kellene kérni a társulási tanácsok során.


  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (NI). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, le notizie sulla famosa, anzi famigerata, chiamata di Trump al presidente Zelensky hanno parzialmente distolto l'attenzione da un altro evento fondamentale. Mosca e Kiev hanno infatti raggiunto un accordo che prevede elezioni nelle regioni di Donetsk e Luhansk, da tenersi secondo la Costituzione ucraina, sotto l'osservazione dell'OSCE e senza la presenza dei militari. Successivamente è prevista, peraltro, anche l'adozione di uno statuto speciale per il Donbass. Questa svolta arriva dopo un promettente scambio di prigionieri Ucraina-Russia e porterà a un summit del formato Normandia nel prossimo futuro, al quale spero potrà aggiungersi anche l'Alto rappresentante.

Della telefonata di Trump mi sono rimasti impressi i passaggi, durissimi, nei quali il Presidente americano accusava l'UE e i suoi Stati membri di non fare abbastanza per l'Ucraina. Il presidente Zelensky confessava di essere d'accordo. Per questo credo che l'Europa abbia un doppio importante compito: supportare fermamente la decisione del presidente Zelensky, nonostante tutti i comprensibili dubbi e le necessarie cautele, e vigilare affinché la Russia rispetti pienamente i termini dell'accordo. Cinque anni di conflitto hanno portato a 13 000 vittime, un milione e mezzo di persone senza casa e 40 000 feriti. Per quanto imperfetto, questo accordo...

(Il Presidente interrompe l'oratore)


  Kateřina Konečná (GUE/NGL). – Pane předsedající, na Ukrajině je ohrožena svoboda médií. Podle samotných ukrajinských novinářů je ukrajinský mediální trh k nezávislým médiím a svobodě slova nepřátelský.

Důvodem je, že Ukrajinu ovládají oligarchové, jejichž média určují pravidla hry. Média, která se snaží působit skutečně nezávisle, jsou pak nucena v zájmu přežití porušovat i své vlastní principy. Neinformují o všech závažných tématech a své zaměstnance přetěžují a najímají je protiprávním způsobem.

Národní rada Ukrajiny pro televizní a rozhlasové vysílání neprodlužuje licence či se snaží licence soudně odebrat subjektům, které se snaží o vyvážené zpravodajské vysílání. Zástupci ukrajinské mediální sféry proto vyzývají i nás k připojení k boji za skutečnou svobodu slova a nezávislost ukrajinských médií. Otázkou je, jestli je EP vyslyší a připojíme se k nim. Měli bychom, protože jindy, zvláště v těchto tématech, jsme velmi aktivní a všichni získávají podporu.


  Domènec Ruiz Devesa (S&D). – Señor presidente, queridos colegas, en primer lugar, quería aprovechar esta oportunidad — porque no sé si la tendré más adelante —para felicitar a Federica Mogherini por su excelente trabajo y su compromiso estos cinco años. También quiero desearle lo mejor y que, de ahora en adelante, siga ayudando a las instituciones europeas.

Sobre la cuestión de Ucrania, yo creo que no debemos olvidar que este debate nos afecta a todos los países de la Unión Europea, porque quizás se tiene la tendencia a pensar que es un problema que solo afecta a nuestros amigos de la Europa Central y Oriental. De la misma manera que, por ejemplo, la gestión de los flujos migratorios no debe ser solamente una cuestión por la que se preocupen los países de la frontera sur. Es importante que pensemos en Europa, en el marco de solidaridades cruzadas.

Este debate es muy importante también para salvaguardar la estabilidad política de toda la región, mantener una política de vecindad sólida y permitir que, si Ucrania quiere realmente tener una perspectiva europea, pueda democráticamente avanzar en esta dirección.


(End of catch-the-eye procedure)


  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, I will do my part to contribute to your time management. I know it is very late and you still have a debate, so I would just like to take this opportunity to thank you for the input on different topics and maybe say just a few words on the fact that, for sure, the protection of minorities and media freedom inside Ukraine is part of our constant work with the institutions and also with civil society. This is an issue that I didn’t raise in my introductory remarks, so I want to add that, because some of you have rightfully raised this issue. This constitutes a constant attention that we have. I also want to guarantee to you that all suggestions and input on different topics, be it on the kind of support we can give to the reform process inside the Ukraine or to the Minsk Agreement implementation and the resolution of the conflict, will be reflected in our discussions with the 28 foreign ministers of the Member States on Monday, but also – and mainly – with our Ukrainian counterparts, as the Foreign Minister will be joining us on Monday.

As this might well be my last debate in this Parliament, I would also like to thank the Parliament – this mandate and the previous mandate – for an excellent cooperation, not only on the issue of Ukraine, but also on all foreign and security and defence issues in which the Parliament has played a crucial role over these five years. For me, it has been a real pleasure to share this work with you.



  President. – Thank you, Ms Mogherini, for coming to Parliament at this very late hour.

The debate is closed.

Written statements (Rule 171)


  Attila Ara-Kovács (S&D), írásban. – Támogatandók az Ukrajnában elkezdődött, demokratikus irányba ható reformok, amik az átláthatóság növelését, egy igazságosabb ország megteremtését és a korrupció legyőzését szolgálják. Miközben Ukrajna épp az oligarcha rendszer felszámolásán fáradozik, folyamatos külső fenyegetettséggel kénytelen szembenézni, szuverenitása és területi integritása továbbra is sérül az oroszok által.

Ukrajna stabilitása az EU érdeke is, többek között ezért kell támogatni a NATO-hoz való csatlakozási törekvéseit. Ez különösen fontos most, amikor az oroszok már uniós tagállamok választásaiba is beavatkoznak, és az EU-nak folyamatos kiberfenyegetésekkel és dezinformációs kampányokkal kell megküzdenie. Az pedig, hogy az EU-n belül még mindig van olyan kormány, amely hazája érdekei elé helyezi Oroszországét, eladósítja hazáját orosz hitellel (Paks 2) és orosz kémeket enged az Európai Unióba az orosz befolyás alatt álló Nemzetközi Befektetési Bankon keresztül, teljes mértékben elfogadhatatlan!


  Marek Paweł Balt (S&D), na piśmie. – Ukraina, jeden z najważniejszych sąsiadów UE, jest ofiarą agresji militarnej, w wyniku której straciła część swego terytorium. Unia Europejska zapowiedziała pomoc Ukrainie, lecz ta nasza pomoc nie jest wystarczająca. Musimy bardziej się zaangażować i zwiększyć skuteczność tych działań, tak by obywatele Ukrainy odczuli, że ich wspieramy. Władzom Ukrainy powinniśmy przekazać pomoc techniczną niezbędną przy reformowaniu państwa. Doświadczenia państw członkowskich z Europy Środkowej są bezcennym przykładem dla naszego wschodniego sąsiada, ponieważ potrafiły one zrobić to, czego powinna dokonać Ukraina. Pomoc ze strony UE musi być zatem skuteczniejsza, a przede wszystkim natychmiastowa.


  Joachim Stanisław Brudziński (ECR), na piśmie. – Obserwujemy sytuację, jaka ma miejsce na Ukrainie, w państwie bezpośrednio sąsiadującym ze wschodnią granicą Unii Europejskiej i będącym bardzo istotnym partnerem naszej wspólnoty. Te obserwacje budzą często mieszane uczucia. Z jednej strony cieszą nas gesty dobrej woli jak obustronna wymiana jeńców rosyjskich i ukraińskich. Z drugiej strony znów znaleźliśmy się w sytuacji, w której granice pomiędzy dwoma krajami zostały zmienione w sposób siłowy. Tego nie możemy zaakceptować ani u naszych sąsiadów, ani w żadnym innym miejscu na mapie świata.

Jako Parlament Europejski powinniśmy opowiedzieć się jasno i stanowczo za tym, by również na terenach objętych konfliktem respektowano prawo międzynarodowe, by szanowano prawa mniejszości narodowych, by wszyscy mieli prawo do informacji i wolności wypowiedzi. Miejmy nadzieję, że tzw. formuła Steinmeiera nie zostanie odebrana przez Rosję jako oznaka słabości i potraktowana jako ustępstwo wobec jej polityki. Oby nie była ona zachętą do dalszych agresywnych działań, mniej lub bardziej zakamuflowanych, jak miało to miejsce do tej pory.

Wkrótce odbędzie się posiedzenie Rady, na którym ma być też obecna delegacja Ukrainy. Liczę, że jej prace przybliżą nas do pokojowego rozwiązania konfliktu na wschodzie Ukrainy zgodnie z prawem międzynarodowym.


  Urmas Paet (Renew), kirjalikult. – Ukraina kannatab juba alates 2014. aastast Venemaa agressiooni all pärast Krimmi annekteerimist Venemaa poolt ning vaenutegevuse algust Donbassis. Alates Krimmi okupeerimisest on Venemaa suurendanud seal oluliselt sõjalist kohalolekut ning repressioone nende suhtes, kes ei pea okupatsioonivõime seaduslikuks. Euroopa Liit on rakendanud Venemaa suhtes erinevaid meetmeid, sealhulgas sanktsioone, et survestada Venemaad järgima rahvusvahelise õiguse põhimõtteid. Samas on viimasel ajal üha enam hakanud kostma soove Euroopa Liidu ja Venemaa vaheliste suhete soojendamiseks. Selge näide sellest on näiteks Venemaa delegatsiooni õiguste taastamine Euroopa Nõukogu Parlamentaarsel Assambleel. Samas on oluline siiski, et EL välis- ja julgeolekupoliitika jätkaks üksmeelselt ka Venemaa ja Ukraina küsimuses ning seisaks selle eest, et sanktsioone ei leevendataks ega kaotataks enne, kui kaovad nende kehtestamise aluseks olnud põhjused.


  Sandra Pereira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. – Muito foi dito no debate sobre a situação na Ucrânia, mas poucas foram as vozes que recordaram o papel e a responsabilidade da União Europeia na situação que hoje se vive naquele país. O apoio que foi dado ao golpe de estado de 2014 abriu a porta a uma junta de natureza fascista.

O que sucedeu desde aí é conhecido: a multiplicação, o reforço e a legitimação institucional de milícias fascistas, a reabilitação e o elogio histórico do fascismo, a guerra civil, a fuga de milhões de ucranianos para países vizinhos, as perseguições a organizações e ativistas, nomeadamente ao Partido Comunista Ucraniano, cujo processo de ilegalização continua em curso e que está impedido de participar em eleições.

A recente eleição de um novo presidente não alterou o cenário político do país; prossegue o discurso anticomunista, reacionário, xenófobo e nacionalista. A tudo isto a União Europeia fechou os olhos, atribuindo mesmo 15 mil milhões de euros em apoios para reformas desde 2014. Também por isso, a UE tem responsabilidades na situação atual do país.


  Ivan Štefanec (PPE), písomne. – Za päť rokov, odkedy sa situácia na Ukrajine vyhrotila a tento náš sused bol napadnutý Ruskom, bola Európska únia tým partnerom, ktorý Ukrajine pomohol najviac. Nielen rekordnými pôžičkami, ale aj otvorením trhu, zavedením bezvízového styku, ale aj odborným poradenstvom pri riešení najpálčivejších problémov, ako je reforma súdnictva, boj proti korupcii, energetika alebo iné oblasti. Európska únia nie je vojenský pakt a naša pomoc môže byť len civilná. No rovnako dôležitá ako boj proti agresorovi je aj reštrukturalizácia fungovania štátu, kde sa za posledných takmer 30 rokov nerobili žiadne reformy. Naši ukrajinskí partneri túto pomoc veľmi oceňujú a prináša výsledky. Jedným z nich je aj to, že tento rok prebehlo pokojné odovzdanie moci a nová vláda chce pokračovať v proeurópskom smerovaní krajiny. Pani Mogherini má na týchto úspechoch výraznú zásluhu. Naša snaha by sa teraz mala sústrediť na to, aby na Ukrajine konečne zavládlo prímerie, Rusko stiahlo svoje jednotky a začal sa proces pripojenia separatistických regiónov späť k územiu Ukrajiny. Zaráža ma však, že sa takmer úplne prestalo hovoriť o Kryme, ktorý bol Ukrajine protiprávne odňatý. V tomto smere by mala Európska únia hovoriť oveľa jasnejším hlasom a otvárať tento problém pri každom rokovaní s ruskou stranou.

Päivitetty viimeksi: 20. joulukuuta 2019Oikeudellinen huomautus - Tietosuojakäytäntö