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Sreda, 27. november 2019 - Strasbourg Pregledana izdaja

17. Razmere v Izraelu in Palestini, vključno z naselbinami (razprava)
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  Elnök asszony. – A következő napirendi pont vita a Bizottság alelnökének/az Unió külügyi és biztonságpolitikai főképviselőjének nyilatkozata: Az Izraelben és Palesztínában, többek között a telepeken kialakult helyzetről (2019/2935(RSP)).

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Madam President, let me start by sharing with you a personal memory, maybe an anecdote, it is no mystery. When I took office exactly five years ago, five years and a couple of weeks ago, I paid my first visit outside of the European Union to Israel and Palestine, including a visit in Gaza. And I said at that time that I believe that a two—state solution could be achieved during my mandate.

This was the goal that I kept in my mind and in my actions all of these years. And, at some points, I have to say this goal seemed to be getting closer, but we all know what the situation looks like today. This doesn’t mean that the perspective is not there and is not valid anymore. I think it is a matter of political will and political conditions, and I’ll get back to that.

But today, clearly, if I paid the same visit probably I wouldn’t say that I believe that that solution could be achieved in the coming months or years. The very idea of two states today has come under attack as never before from many sides.

Yet, we should all know that a two—state solution remains – I’m profoundly convinced of this – the best and the only realistic chance for peace and also for security in the holy places. This is a principled and a pragmatic position at the same time.

Nobody – nobody – has presented a credible alternative to two states so far. Many have argued against, but nobody has expressed any clear view that can substitute that objective realistically. And any plan that is not firmly anchored in international law – and let me add, also in the profound aspirations and interests of the people, not only of Palestine and Israel but also of the region – would ultimately fail.

Our support for the two states is a matter of international law, is a matter of justice and democracy, but, as I mentioned, is also a matter of realism. In these years, we have worked full time to avoid the dissolution of the two—states perspective. And the work continues today, even in such difficult circumstances, let me say especially in such difficult circumstances. Because sometimes we have the impression – as do some of our friends in the UN system, in the Arab world, but also a little bit farther away in Africa and Asia – that especially in this moment where it is so difficult to keep the perspective alive, that the voices of wisdom and realism need to be heard and need to speak up. This is why we have, as the objective was fading away, kept our position and our work at full speed and with all our strength.

This explains our position on all recent developments. First, on settlements: we have always believed that border changes can only be decided through direct negotiations between the parties based on the pre—1967 borders. Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory are illegal under international law. They constitute an obstacle to peace and threaten to make a two—state solution impossible.

In addition, settlement activity in East Jerusalem seriously jeopardises the possibility of Jerusalem serving as the future capital of both states. We have never shied away from restating this position, including just a week ago, and it is a united European position. I frequently hear many people inviting us to speak with one voice. In difficult times in difficult years, this has remained and remains the strong united European Union position.

Our position is also clear and unchanged regarding the security of the state of Israel. Firing rockets on Israel’s civilian population is simply unacceptable, and I’m grateful to Egypt for their diplomatic efforts, which helped to stop the recent escalation. And I will repeat once again: Israel has the right to security, Israelis have the right to security. But we are also convinced that security will only be sustainable and real if it is built on peace and on a two-state solution.

As you know, in recent years we have also worked constantly to alleviate the suffering of the people of Gaza. With the Gaza desalination plant we are providing concrete and long—lasting support which will benefit hospitals, schools, enterprises and every citizen of Gaza. Yet the crisis in Gaza is inherently political in nature and requires a political solution. The closure must end and crossings must be fully opened. At the same time it is also clear that Gaza is part of the future state of Palestine and that Palestinians themselves must find unity beyond their divisions.

We know that the current political outlook is uncertain, both in Palestine and in Israel. Discussions among Palestinian factions have not yet led to a substantial reconciliation. President Abbas has announced his intention to set a date for elections. And on the Israeli side, the political stalemate continues and might lead to an unprecedented situation with the third election in just one year.

It is my firm conviction that, with courageous leadership, a return to negotiations is possible. I am still convinced today, five years after my first visit as a High Representative in Palestine and Israel, that that is the goal and that is realistically achievable. Actually, I’m convinced that this is the only achievable, sustainable, realistic solution to this conflict.

And let me say, personally I’m also deeply convinced that, out of all the crises and conflicts of the region of the Middle East, this is probably the easiest to settle in concrete terms, provided – and this is the most difficult thing to achieve – there is political will among the parties and among the international players to accompany this process. There won’t be peace without a strong political commitment by both sides and by the international community.

On the European Union side, we have always been, and we will continue to be – I’m sure about that – ready to support, to encourage and to accompany all efforts to build peace and security and a negotiated two—state solution for Israel and Palestine.

 
  
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  Antonio López-Istúriz White, en nombre del Grupo PPE. – Señora presidenta, quiero aprovechar esta oportunidad para darle las gracias por estos cinco años de franco intercambio de opiniones con ella aquí. Lo que acaba de decir ahora sobre el tema de Israel y Palestina me consta que seguro que ha sido uno de los temas más duros que ha tenido que lidiar. Le doy todo el apoyo, y desde luego, comparto mucho de lo que ella ha dicho en una situación que lógicamente no se va a resolver inmediatamente, pero en la que todos intentamos de buena fe, desde distintos ángulos de vista, participar para que haya por fin una paz, que dará la estabilidad no solo a la región, por este conflicto terrible que lleva años desgastándola, sino también a nosotros, los europeos, y al resto del mundo. Enhorabuena, vicepresidenta, por el trabajo realizado.

Y, en el caso nuestro, quiero decir claramente que Israel es un socio estratégico preferente con quien compartimos historia y valores. Somos, al fin y al cabo, la Unión Europea e Israel, democracias que nos esforzamos por promover en todo el mundo nuestros principios y nuestra visión de un mundo que respete el derecho a la asistencia de los demás Estados y pueblos.

Israel está preocupado por su seguridad. Es lógico y normal. Todos hemos visto cómo empezó la nube de cohetes que salieron de Gaza. No es menos cierto, también, que convendría que no hubiese escaladas, y saludamos que, al final, esto se haya frenado. No podemos nosotros hacerlo con nuestras declaraciones; y siempre tengo un poco la sensación de que estamos hablando siempre en función de lo que dicen los americanos. A ver si ya en la Unión Europea reaccionamos y actuamos por nuestra cuenta en este asunto. Creo que podemos contribuir al diálogo, podemos contribuir a la paz a nuestra manera.

Yo creo que es importante no dejarse llevar por los tuits y por las declaraciones. Creo que es importante que trabajemos, que vengan miembros de la Knesset, como van a venir ⸺yo lo he pedido y vendrán, yo creo, dentro de dos semanas al Pleno de Estrasburgo⸺; que también, a nivel ejecutivo, continúen esas reuniones ministeriales que se interrumpieron, y que continuemos con ese diálogo.

Y luego, el trabajo que podemos hacer. Lo de los etiquetados en los productos de las zonas de los asentamientos creo que es un gran error. Creo que es al revés, la Unión Europea tendría que estar colaborando con Israel y con los palestinos y ayudar al desarrollo de la región. Creo que sería necesario hacer una nueva aproximación que dé mayor prosperidad a la zona. Tal vez, con eso sí podamos ayudar efectivamente a poner fin a esto.

Algunos compañeros comunistas de la extrema izquierda ya se ríen. Lógicamente, ya les escucharemos. Yo no quiero insultar a nadie, yo no quiero meterme con nadie. Creo que, entre palestinos e israelíes, la Unión Europea sí podría hacer la aproximación adecuada. Hagámosla y ya verán. En mi intervención no ha habido ninguna referencia ni ningún ataque a Palestina. Veremos a ver lo que dicen algunos compañeros. Escucho con atención.

 
  
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  Kati Piri, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, we are extremely concerned about the recent US statement. Only days after yet another round of violence in and around the Gaza Strip, US State Secretary Pompeo announced a major U-turn of US policy towards Israeli settlements. He declared, and I quote: ‘the establishment of Israel’s civilian settlements in the West Bank is not, per se, inconsistent with international law’. This declaration clearly goes against the 4th Geneva Convention, UN Security Council resolutions and the 2004 opinion of the International Court of Justice. I welcome and fully support the immediate and strong reaction by you, High Representative. Israeli settlements are illegal under international law and Israel has the obligation to end all settlement activity as an occupying power.

Pompeo’s announcement is yet another example of the Trump administration’s obsessive support for Prime Minister Netanyahu. This includes the recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, moving the US Embassy there and recognising Israel’s sovereignty over the occupied Golan Heights. It seems that the Trump administration, instead of coming up with the so-called deal of the century, has decided to play with escalating the conflict at the expense of Palestinians, Israelis and the international community at large.

President Trump must understand that the Middle East is not his foreign policy playground. It is the home of millions of Israelis and Palestinians striving for peace, day after day. The steady increase in Israeli settlements in the West Bank, including in east Jerusalem, clearly undermines the prospect of any viable two-state solution. This is our only hope for a just and lasting peace in the region. It is in this spirit that we also support the recent ruling by the European Court of Justice about the labelling of Israeli settlement products in the EU market.

 
  
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  Hilde Vautmans, namens de Renew-Fractie. – Voorzitter, mevrouw de hoge vertegenwoordiger, ik wil u in de eerste plaats heel hartelijk bedanken. We hebben hier de voorbije vijf jaar heel vaak gedebatteerd tot heel laat in de avond. Ik vond het altijd aangenaam om met u de debatten aan te gaan. Ik denk trouwens dat we over Israël en Palestina het vaakst hebben gedebatteerd. U zei dat het uw eerste zending buiten de EU was. Wel, ik denk, collega’s, dat we de afgelopen legislatuur het grootste aantal keren gedebatteerd hebben over de situatie in Israël en Palestina, omdat het ons zorgen baart, en omdat het ons zorgen blijft baren.

Als we nu gewoon maar kijken naar het feit dat Israël sinds 2017 jaarlijks 12 000 woningen bijbouwt op de Westelijke Jordaanoever, dat er 26 illegale buitenposten zijn bijgebouwd, en dat er sinds 2009 niet minder dan 6 000 Palestijnse gebouwen op de Westelijke Jordaanoever zijn vernietigd, inclusief gebouwen gefinancierd met Europees belastinggeld, dan denk ik dat het toch duidelijk moet zijn. Israël werkt stap voor stap aan een éénstaatrealiteit, aan een fragmentatie van het Palestijnse grondgebied waar straks helemaal geen plaats meer is voor de Palestijnen. We mogen dit niet laten gebeuren. Ik heb u graag horen zeggen: “Er is politieke wil nodig”. Wel, Europa staat voor een internationale rechtsorde, gebaseerd op regels. Het is aan ons om in te gaan tegen die machtspolitiek van Netanyahu en Trump, tegen de nederzettingspolitiek die zij doelgericht escaleren. Het is aan ons, Europa, om te blijven vechten voor die tweestatenoplossing, die volgens mij de enige oplossing is.

Mevrouw de hoge vertegenwoordiger, het zal waarschijnlijk een van uw laatste debatten zijn hier in de plenaire vergadering in Straatsburg. Ik vraag dus aan u, maar ook aan uw opvolger, om in te gaan tegen elke beslissing die een stap terug is in het vredesproces, om hard op te treden wanneer onze projecten vernield worden en om u ondubbelzinnig uit te spreken – zoals u al deed tegen Trump en Netanyahu – wanneer een beslissing de internationale rechtsregels met de voeten treedt. Mevrouw de hoge vertegenwoordiger, dan heeft u de steun van dit Parlement, en ik wil u nogmaals bedanken en u veel succes wensen in uw verdere carrière, loopbaan of wat u ook gaat doen.

 
  
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  Grace O’Sullivan, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, the Trump administration’s move to recognise the illegal settlements in the West Bank is just the latest in a litany of deeply destructive interventions from a government that seems determined to wreck any chance of peace. By recognising the illegal settlements, the United States has once again put itself outside the norms of international law. It has supported those that seek to ensure that any future Palestinian state would be unviable.

Israel’s right to exist is beyond debate. Any country’s right to illegally occupy territory seized in military conflicts is not beyond debate. There are differing views, I know, across the Chamber in regard to this conflict, but I believe there is a common wish to see a lasting peaceful solution that represents both sides. Each step along the road to occupation and annexation is a step away from a stable two-state agreement. What does it mean for the EU? Firstly, we know that the US has not been, and will not be, a reliable partner in this process while the current administration is in place. The EU is therefore the leading world power interested in promoting a lasting solution for the region and willing to act as an honest broker between peace-seeking elements in both governments.

Secondly, we need to consider how we as an economic union can influence the situation. I do not, and will not, support the BDS Movement but, nor can I support the economic activities taking place on stolen land in contravention of international law. In the Irish Senate I supported a bill from my colleague Senator Frances Black to prohibit goods from illegal settlements being imported into Ireland, a measure that would only have called on the Irish Government to make real its commitment to the provisions of the Geneva Conventions.

Currently goods grown or produced in illegal settlements in the West Bank are being imported into the EU as part of a trade agreement with Israel that does not extend to the territories. I would ask you to consider how, and why, that is allowed to continue?

 
  
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  Nicolaus Fest, im Namen der ID-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, sehr geehrte Frau Mogherini! Sie sagten, die Zweistaatenlösung sei die beste, die nachhaltigste und die pragmatischste Lösung.

Das Gegenteil ist richtig. Die Zweistaatenlösung ist schon lange ein Ausdruck der politischen Ahnungslosigkeit und des Realitätsverlustes der EU. Die Zweistaatenlösung bedeutet die Rückgabe des Westjordanlands und des Gazastreifens. Wird das den Frieden bringen? Nein.

Erinnern wir uns: Im Jahr 2000 hat Jassir Arafat ein sehr großzügiges Angebot zum Gebietstausch abgelehnt. 2008 hat Mahmud Abbas genau das Gleiche getan. Als sich Israel 2005 zurückzog, forderte Hamas umgehend die totale Befreiung Palästinas, also die Vertreibung und Ermordung aller Israelis. Begreifen Sie endlich: Es geht Hamas und Al Fatah nicht um das Westjordanland, und es geht ihnen auch nicht um Gaza. Es geht ihnen um Haifa, um Tel Aviv und eben auch um Jerusalem.

Sie sprachen, verehrte Frau Mogherini, vom politischen Willen, der erforderlich sei, um dieses Problem zu lösen. Nehmen Sie doch bitte endlich zur Kenntnis: Aufseiten der Palästinenser, der palästinensischen Führung gibt es diesen Willen nicht, und es wird ihn auch nicht geben. Deshalb ist Ihre Politik, die Politik der Zweistaatenlösung, falsch.

 
  
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  Bert-Jan Ruissen, namens de ECR-Fractie. – Voorzitter, mevrouw de hoge vertegenwoordiger, de verklaring van minister Pompeo over de nederzettingen heeft heel wat stof doen opwaaien, maar ondertussen had hij wel degelijk een punt. Wie de nederzettingen als illegaal bestempelt, gebruikt immers wel hele grote woorden. Die doet geen recht aan de gecompliceerdheid van het Palestijns-Israëlische conflict, loopt vooruit op de uitkomsten van noodzakelijke vredesbesprekingen en gaat er helemaal aan voorbij dat Israël zowel historisch als juridisch gezien wel degelijk terechte aanspraken maakt op de betreffende gebieden. Het zijn daarmee geen bezette gebieden, maar feitelijk betwiste gebieden, waar alleen via onderhandelingen een oplossing voor gevonden kan worden.

Ik zou de hoge vertegenwoordiger er dan ook toe op willen roepen geen energie te stoppen in de woordenwisseling met de VS hierover. Dan komen we echt niet verder. Investeer in plaats daarvan in maatregelen die er wel toe doen, die de vrede in het gebied wel dichterbij kunnen brengen. Daarom zeg ik: stop met het indirect steunen van terroristen en hun families via de Palestijnse Autoriteit, dit in navolging van een recent besluit van Nederland. Stop met betalingen aan de UNRWA, die al decennia een ongezonde vluchtelingensituatie in stand houdt. En kies voor een veel hardere opstelling tegenover Iran, dat een zeer agressieve en dubieuze rol speelt in de regio.

 
  
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  Manu Pineda, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señora presidenta, lo primero que quiero es felicitar a la señora Mogherini por la declaración que hizo tras las declaraciones del señor Pompeo en las que este daba carta de garantía a los asentamientos ilegales israelíes en territorio palestino ocupado. La quiero felicitar por el contenido de la declaración y por la inmediatez de su reacción. Y también quiero señalar que eso ha sido una constante en su mandato. Espero —y estoy convencido de que así será— que con el señor Borrell siga siendo lo mismo.

Pero tendremos que convenir, señora Mogherini, en que, aunque esas declaraciones han sido siempre oportunas y necesarias, y tienen valor —tienen valor porque, de algún modo, se están oponiendo a la vulneración sistemática por Israel de los derechos humanos del pueblo palestino y de la legalidad internacional—, el efecto ha sido muy limitado.

A los Acuerdos de Oslo se llega por la generosidad del pueblo palestino, que cede el 78 % de su territorio y reconoce a la potencia ocupante como Estado a cambio de que en el 22 % restante se establezca un Estado palestino. Eso está firmado en los Acuerdos de Oslo.

Israel ha incumplido los Acuerdos desde el primer momento, y no solo los Acuerdos: ha incumplido el Derecho internacional y las Resoluciones de la ONU. Mientras tanto, Palestina ha cumplido de forma exhaustiva todos sus compromisos.

¿Cuáles son los incumplimientos de Israel que puedo poner de ejemplo? El bloqueo a Gaza; los bombardeos sistemáticos sobre la población civil de Gaza; hace diez o doce días, el último ataque. Porque Netanyahu tiene un problema interno, lo resuelve bombardeando Gaza, provocando. Llegan cohetes... Le pido que pasemos de las palabras a los hechos.

La Unión Europea tiene que reconocer al Estado palestino e impulsar que los Estados miembros lo reconozcan también. Y tenemos que poner en cuestión, suspender el Tratado... (la presidenta retira la palabra al orador).

 
  
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  Lance Forman (NI). – Madam President, it is a lie that Israeli settlements are illegal. Disputed, yes, illegal no. Israel’s future boundaries were drawn up in the 1920 San Remo Agreement and confirmed by the League of Nations in 1922. No other internationally legally binding agreement has ever superseded that, and the West Bank is part of Israel in that agreement. it is never been a separate sovereign state.

When the British left in 1948, war broke out between Arabs and Jews, and the West Bank was seized by Jordan. But their annexation was never recognised. So, when Israel took back control of its land 19 years later in a defensive six-day war in 1967, it did not cross an international boundary. So, those who say the settlements are illegal are completely misinterpreting Article 49 of the 4th Geneva Convention.

Two weeks ago, the EU passed a law forcing Jewish-owned businesses in the West Bank to label their goods differently to non-Jews. This racist law, reminding us of an earlier periods in European history, will not lead to peace in the region. The EU should be ashamed of itself for perpetuating the myth that settlements are illegal under international law when that ruling lacks legal evidence.

Someone once said, ‘if you tell a lie big enough and keep repeating it, people will eventually come to believe it’. You know who that person was. And it’s time Europe moves on. Peace can only come if it is based on truth.

 
  
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  Željana Zovko (PPE). – Madam President, I would like to thank the High Commissioner for these positive words and that bringing in the Middle East, bringing peace between Israel and Palestine will be a lasting peace and it can be easily done if we can open the channels of communication. I must remind you that Israel is an important partner for the European Union. Colleagues in this House have declared several times the importance of a comprehensive solution in the Middle East to end the conflict and contribute to the security and stability in the region, and that includes also a safe Israeli state. The EU has to remain relevant as an honest and balanced broker in the future of the political process between Israel and Palestine.

Lasting peace can be based only on an enduring commitment to non-violence, justice and mutual recognition, building upon previous agreements and legal obligations. The two-state solution envisaged in the region, where two states, Israel and Palestine, live side by side in peace within secure and recognised borders. I must remind you that Israel has been singled out many times in the UN Human Rights Council and that’s not right. Israel shouldn’t be the only country that is being treated separately from other countries and this should be corrected as the EU is financing a multilateral system and it should be an honest broker that includes Israel that is the greatest democracy in this part of the region.

 
  
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  Maria Arena (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, le Conseil de sécurité réaffirme que la création, par Israël, de colonies de peuplement dans le territoire palestinien occupé depuis 1967, y compris Jérusalem-Est, n’a aucun fondement en droit et constitue une violation flagrante du droit international ainsi qu’un obstacle majeur à la réalisation de la solution à deux États et à l’instauration d’une paix globale et durable. C’est le paragraphe 1 de la résolution 2334 du Conseil de sécurité de 2016.

En vertu du droit international, le plateau du Golan et la Cisjordanie, y compris Jérusalem-Est, ne font pas partie des territoires israéliens (point 16 de l’arrêt du 12 novembre 2019 de la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne), et je pourrais continuer à énumérer les références du droit international et européen décrétant l’illégalité des colonies; la liste est longue. Dans ce contexte, l’annonce de M. Pompeo, le 18 novembre, apparaît comme une provocation supplémentaire. Que devons-nous faire? Respecter le droit international, respecter le droit européen. Je remercie Madame Mogherini pour le travail qu’elle a fait dans ces deux sens, dans le respect du droit international – soit les frontières de 1967 –, mais aussi dans le respect du droit européen.

La Cour de justice nous le rappelle: le 12 novembre, elle oblige l’Union européenne et les États membres à garantir au consommateur un étiquetage correct et précis, distinguant les produits provenant des territoires palestiniens, ou israéliens, ou de ses colonies. Nous sommes au Parlement européen, vous êtes à la Commission, nous devons tous respecter le droit international et le droit européen; c’est notre devoir, c’est notre responsabilité.

 
  
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  Javier Nart (Renew). – Señora presidenta, el activo principal en las relaciones internacionales no es la fuerza militar sino la potencia económica. Por ello, la Unión Europea debería ser principal actor estratégico en el conflicto entre Israel y Palestina. Pero Israel viola sistemáticamente las resoluciones de las Naciones Unidas, la Cuarta Convención de Ginebra y el propio Acuerdo de Asociación con la Unión Europea ⸻y cito textualmente⸻, que determina y se basa en el respeto de los principios democráticos y los derechos humanos, constituyendo un elemento esencial del Acuerdo.

Yo pregunto: ¿Cuándo exigiremos el cumplimiento de este Acuerdo? Cooperación, sí, pero con quien cumple. Y, si ello fuera poco, nuestro supuesto aliado, los Estados Unidos, nos ignora, dinamitando los acuerdos de Oslo, reconociendo la soberanía israelí sobre los territorios ocupados.

Somos irrelevantes, porque no nos respetan y porque nosotros no nos respetamos a nosotros mismos. Medio siglo de ocupación es algo intolerable, inadmisible. Sobran todas las condenas, porque son perfectamente inútiles. Pasemos a los hechos.

 
  
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  Mounir Satouri (Verts/ALE). – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Haute représentante, à l’heure où les États-Unis réinventent à leur guise le droit international, je salue la sobriété juridique et la constance européenne.

Conformément au droit international, le jugement de la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne réitère ses positions. Elle distingue Israël de ses colonies implantées en Cisjordanie, à Jérusalem-Est et sur le plateau syrien du Golan, c’est essentiel. Nous le savons, la colonisation est un frein réel à la paix. Depuis 1967, sans même compter Jérusalem-Est, nous sommes passés de 16 000 à 427 000 colons, ce sont les chiffres de 2018 de l’organisation israélienne Peace Now. Merci donc à l’Europe qui reste forte sur ses valeurs, mais il est aussi temps pour notre Europe d’être à la hauteur de par ses actes.

Il est temps de contribuer à faire la paix concrètement. L’Union européenne a suffisamment proclamé le droit; il lui appartient désormais de l’appliquer et de le faire respecter, car elle en a les moyens. Il appartient à la Commission de s’assurer que les États membres respectent l’étiquetage des produits des colonies. Il incombe également au Conseil d’avoir le courage d’aller plus loin et d’assumer de faire appliquer le droit international.

 
  
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  Elena Lizzi (ID). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signora Alto rappresentante Mogherini, secondo il Segretario di Stato americano gli insediamenti ebraici in Cisgiordania non violano la legge internazionale. La sentenza della Corte di giustizia dell'Unione europea, invece, impone che Israele segnali sull'etichetta dei propri prodotti se provengono da insediamenti situati in uno dei territori cosiddetti occupati. Perché all'Europa non interessa etichettare allo stesso modo nessun prodotto degli oltre duecento contenziosi territoriali nel mondo?

Le proteste degli Stati arabo-sunniti alla politica di Washington sono state deboli e fanno capire come la maggiore preoccupazione sia l'azione iraniana. L'Unione europea continua a colpire Israele, l'unica vera democrazia del Medio Oriente, quando dovrebbe essere il terrorismo islamico il nemico da combattere. L'Unione europea stanzia milioni di euro all'islamica Turchia ma si dimentica di etichettarla per l'occupazione di Cipro. Ha forse allora ragione Netanyahu a parlare di un nuovo antisemitismo in Europa?

 
  
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  Alexandr Vondra (ECR). – Madam President, I think that the settlement issue is a part of the broader framework of the negotiations between Israel and Palestine, and singling it out does not contribute to the promotion of peace. Israel is an important partner for the European Union in the area of security, in the area of economy, and with shared values. We need Israel and Israel needs us.

The EU has to remain relevant in a future political process between Israel and Palestine, and to be received as an honest and balanced broker it’s important for the EU not to undermine its position by mishandling this. Peace between Israelis and Palestinians can only be when the Palestinians are under one legitimate, democratic leadership that rejects all violence, and Europe here has to be not just a payer but also a player. The EU must therefore use this leverage to end the ‘pay-for-slay’ scheme, to end the systematic incitement of the Palestinian Authority and, last but not least, to work to phase out a United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) whose mandate perpetuates the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

 
  
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  Martina Anderson (GUE/NGL). – A Uachtaráin, tá mé sásta a bheith anseo ag caint ar an díospóireacht seo inniu mar...

finally the European Court of Justice ruled that the selling of food and drink produced in illegal settlements and stolen Palestinian land must be labelled, and that’s a start. However, this does not go nearly far enough. The UN special rapporteur, Michael Lynk, was right when he said any trade or investment with Israeli settlements provides them with the economic oxygen to continue to grow. We in the EU cannot call these settlements illegal and an obstacle to peace and, at the same time, continue to provide them with the economic means to thrive. Trade with illegal settlements makes us complicit in the oppression of the Palestinian people.

Both houses of the Oireachtas is Ireland have voted in favour of a bill which would prohibit imports from illegal settlements, yet the Irish government continues to block this legislation. Member States, including Ireland, wax lyrical about supporting the two- state solution but fail to recognise one of these states – Palestine. Fence-sitting by EU Member States emboldens the unstable Trump administration and its dangerous policy towards Israel.

(The President interrupted the speaker)

I have one and a half minutes, Chair. For years we’ve had and we’ve heard mealy-mouth sentiments from the EU about Israeli violence, Israeli violation of human rights and breaches to the EU and yet the EU applies moral equivalence to the occupier and the occupied.

Is mór an náire é.

 
  
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  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (NI). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, in una mossa forse non troppo inaspettata, dati i precedenti, il Segretario di Stato Mike Pompeo ha annunciato il 18 novembre un cambio radicale nella politica USA riguardo agli insediamenti israeliani in Cisgiordania, affermando che non li riterranno più illegali, non corrispondenti alla legge internazionale.

Con questa scellerata decisione l'amministrazione USA ha rinunciato, probabilmente in modo definitivo, a essere un mediatore credibile nel conflitto mediorientale e, al contempo, ha inferto un ulteriore doloroso colpo alle prospettive della soluzione a due Stati.

È davvero difficile, data la situazione, ma voglio essere costruttivo. Con gli Stati Uniti che volontariamente hanno abdicato da quell'imparzialità necessaria per svolgere tale ruolo, ora più che mai all'Unione spetta fare un passo in avanti e cercare di far rinascere dalle ceneri un processo di pace che è sì complesso, ma assolutamente necessario.

Infatti, mentre l'intero Medio Oriente è in fiamme, si tende a mettere in secondo piano il decennale conflitto israelo-palestinese, ritenendolo una non priorità, uno status quo tutto sommato "sostenibile". Questo è un grande errore. Si tratta infatti della madre di tutte le contese regionali e la sua soluzione è una conditio sine qua non per la stabilità dell'intera macroarea.

Ringrazio l'Alto rappresentante uscente per il suo impegno e chiedo alla nuova Commissione e al nuovo Alto rappresentante di avere coraggio e di mostrare spirito d'iniziativa, presentandosi davanti alle parti, Israele e Palestina, con una nuova tabella di marcia, con una nuova proposta concreta e una nuova speranza.

Rispetto del diritto internazionale, rispetto delle sentenze della nostra Corte di giustizia e coerenza. Lo dobbiamo ai nostri valori, lo dobbiamo al nostro ruolo di mediatori credibili, altrimenti perderemo un'altra chance per essere davvero determinanti nel nostro vicinato.

 
  
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  Lukas Mandl (PPE). – Madam President, there is a political aspect, there is a moral aspect, there is the role of the European Union, and there is the overall position of the European Union.

The moral aspect, in my view, is that we are talking about the only Jewish state on this planet, and we are talking about the ancient home of the Jewish people, which has been the home of the Jewish people not only for decades or for centuries, but for thousands of years. So who are we as the European Parliament to judge any Jew who settles there?

Then there is the political aspect. If we isolate the question of settlements from everything else, this would mean violating the peace process, not to support it. Because it is only one aspect of many different aspects. The role of the European Union in the peace process must be the one of an honest broker, of a force that underlines that security is the thing that Israel needs.

Security is the thing that is needed and that’s why it is important that Israel remains in control of the areas where threats for the civilians in Israel come from. And as long as there is not security provided from these areas, it is important that this control remains and the peace process needs the EU as an honest broker.

The overall position of the European Union must be, more than ever, to stand beside Israel in order to support Israel. Israel is the only democracy, the only rule of law state in the Middle East.

Ms Mogherini, thank you for your work. I will also demand that this is the position of the EU, and is clearly underlined in the work of your successor.

 
  
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  Evin Incir (S&D). – Fru talman! Två demokratiska stater – Israel och Palestina – som lever i fred, säkerhet och trygghet sida vid sida är målet, men för det krävs att alla sidor respekterar de gemensamma åtagandena och internationell rätt. Den nuvarande situationen går stick i stäv med det.

Det hjälper inte heller att andra globala aktörer som USA bidrar till polarisering i stället för en lösning bland annat genom att flytta amerikanska ambassaden till Jerusalem och nu senast genom deklarationen att de inte längre ser israeliska bosättningar som illegala.

Ett viktigt led en tvåstatslösning är att även erkänna Palestina som stat. Fler stater borde ha följt Sveriges exempel 2014. Ockupationen måste få ett slut för att folk i båda länderna skall kunna leva i fred och frihet.

Som vice ordförande för EU:s delegation för förbindelserna med Palestina skulle jag vilja se att EU gjorde mer. Det handlar bland annat om ockupationen. Det handlar om bosättningar. Det handlar om produkter från bosättarområden, och det handlar också om humanitärt stöd.

Byggnader och annan typ av infrastruktur som EU och medlemsstaterna har bidragit med förstörs dessvärre konstant av israeliska militären. Min fråga är därför ganska simpel: Vad gör kommissionen för att säkra att detta inte får fortgå, och vad gör kommissionen för att säkerställa att vi kompenseras av israeliska myndigheter för alla förstörda och konfiskerade byggnader?

 
  
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  Klemen Grošelj (Renew). – Gospa predsednica! Rešitev palestinskega vprašanja se po odločitvi predsednika Trumpa o prestolnici Jeruzalem in o statusu izraelskih naselbin na palestinskih območjih vse bolj odmika. Hkrati se poglablja humanitarna kriza na palestinskih ozemljih, še posebej v Gazi.

Ne morem se znebiti vtisa, da si del mednarodne skupnosti zaradi ozkih lastnih interesov ne želi trajne rešitve palestinskega vprašanja in ji status quo celo ustreza.

Sam menim, da mora Evropska unija v okviru skupne zunanje in varnostne politike odločneje vztrajati na že dogovorjeni rešitvi dveh držav, pri čemer mora od Izraela zahtevati, naj prekine s politiko širitve naselbin na palestinskih ozemljih.

Od vseh strani pa tudi zahtevati, da se vrnejo za pogajalsko mizo in k iskanju trajne miroljubne rešitve tega vprašanja.

Ne glede na nedavne poteze in nasilje pa ostaja dejstvo, da to vprašanje, ki je vprašanje vseh na Bližnjem vzhodu, ne more biti rešeno drugače kot za pogajalsko mizo.

 
  
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  Gina Dowding (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, it is time for the EU to step up as the neutral peace broker in Israel and Palestine. That requires an unwavering commitment to international law. That is why last week’s ruling by our Court of Justice is so important. Products from illegal Israeli settlements must now be labelled as such, and now concrete steps must be taken to enforce the Court’s judgment. This is the first step.

Going forward, the EU needs to impose a ban on all imports of settlement products into the EU. Similar measures have been taken with products from Crimea and Northern Cyprus; why not from the settlements? The UN should urgently release the database of companies operating in Israeli settlements that are profiting from their construction and growth. Together these will send a clear message to the world. Any attempts to legitimise annexation and contravene international law will have concrete repercussions.

Finally, I would like to ask the High Representative and her successor what other concrete steps will the EU take to ensure international law remains a respected point of reference for the Middle East peace process?

 
  
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  Jan Zahradil (ECR). – Paní předsedající, já se musím přiznat, že jsem vždycky nervózní, když se tady v Evropském parlamentu začne mluvit na téma Izrael, protože málokdy z toho vyjde něco objektivního a vyváženého.

Já si myslím, že bychom měli především uvažovat v intencích toho, co je důležité pro Evropu a co přinese výhodu jejím občanům. Měli bychom umět číst geopolitickou mapu, uvědomit si, že Izrael je důležitým regionálním partnerem, možná tím nejdůležitějším pro Evropskou unii, zejména v bezpečnostní oblasti. Když tak často hovoříme o evropských hodnotách, tak bychom měli umět uznat, že Izrael z hlediska všech možných parametrů je evropská země, je to parlamentní demokracie, je to země, kde vládne právo, a je to prostě evropská země, přestože neleží na evropském kontinentu, takže bychom jí měli prokazovat zásadní solidaritu. V neposlední řadě v situaci rostoucího antisemitismu v mnoha evropských zemích je jakékoliv symbolické podrývání pozice Izraele jenom nahrávání těm antisemitským náladám. Takže já bych volal po daleko vyváženějším přístupu Evropské unie a myslím, že máme být s Izraelem solidární.

 
  
  

PŘEDSEDNICTVÍ: MARCEL KOLAJA
místopředseda

 
  
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  Miguel Urbán Crespo (GUE/NGL). – Señor presidente, la Unión Europea no puede ser cómplice del apartheid en Palestina. Relaciones comerciales y militares con empresas e instituciones israelíes implicadas en graves violaciones de derechos humanos contra el pueblo palestino: así se materializa la complicidad de la Unión Europea con el apartheid que sufren las y los palestinos.

La Unión Europea también se ha negado a hacer que se respete la cláusula de derechos humanos que su Acuerdo de Asociación con Israel contempla. Y tampoco se escucha a las innumerables organizaciones que exigen que se dejen de apoyar los crímenes contra el pueblo palestino.

Es justamente la sociedad civil europea, con campañas como BDS, la única que está plantando cara a las violaciones de derechos humanos por parte de Israel. Y por eso justamente se la intenta criminalizar. Desde aquí, toda nuestra solidaridad con la sociedad civil.

Toca poner medidas encima de la mesa: el reconocimiento del pueblo palestino, el fin de la ocupación, el embargo de armas a Israel hasta que se respeten los derechos humanos, y la prohibición de las importaciones procedentes de los asentamientos ilegales. Toca (palabras inaudibles) medidas, no podemos seguir mirando hacia otro lado.

 
  
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  Λευτέρης Νικολάου-Αλαβάνος (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η αναγνώριση από τις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες Αμερικής των ισραηλινών εποικισμών στη Δυτική Όχθη, η λεγόμενη «συμφωνία του αιώνα», που ουσιαστικά νομιμοποιεί την παράνομη απόσπαση και κατοχή παλαιστινιακής γης από το Ισραήλ, και η αναγνώριση της Ιερουσαλήμ ως πρωτεύουσας του Ισραήλ πριμοδοτούν την κλιμάκωση της επιθετικότητας απέναντι στον παλαιστινιακό λαό, που πλήττεται από δολοφονίες - ακόμα και ανήλικων παιδιών - επιθέσεις, εποικισμούς, το «τείχος του αίσχους», χιλιάδες πολιτικούς κρατουμένους.

Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση έχει μεγάλες ευθύνες, κρατά ίσες αποστάσεις, ταυτίζοντας το θύμα - τον παλαιστινιακό λαό - με τον θύτη, το Ισραήλ. Η στάση της δίνει άλλοθι και τροφοδοτεί τη συνέχιση των θηριωδιών του ισραηλινού κράτους στη Λωρίδα της Γάζας και στη Δυτική Όχθη. Οι ελληνικές κυβερνήσεις της ΝΔ και του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ έχουν επίσης βαριές ευθύνες: επέκτειναν και αναβαθμίζουν συνεχώς την πολιτική, οικονομική, στρατιωτική συνεργασία με το ισραηλινό κράτος.

Υποστηρίζουμε τον δίκαιο αγώνα του παλαιστινιακού λαού και απαιτούμε: τη δημιουργία ανεξάρτητου και κυρίαρχου παλαιστινιακού κράτους με πρωτεύουσα την Ανατολική Ιερουσαλήμ, την αποχώρηση του ισραηλινού στρατού από τα κατεχόμενα εδάφη, την παύση της εποικιστικής δραστηριότητας και την αποχώρηση όλων των εποίκων, το γκρέμισμα του «τείχους της ντροπής», την επιστροφή των Παλαιστίνιων προσφύγων στις εστίες τους, την άμεση απελευθέρωση όλων των Παλαιστίνιων πολιτικών κρατουμένων. Απαιτούμε να τεθούν τώρα σε ισχύ οι αποφάσεις των κοινοβουλίων 14 κρατών μελών, ανάμεσα τους και της Ελλάδας από το 2015, που έχουν αναγνωρίσει το παλαιστινιακό κράτος.

 
  
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  Anna-Michelle Asimakopoulou (PPE). – Mr President, in this House, I’m going to state the obvious: we are not deaf, we are not blind, and we are not mute.

We are certainly not deaf: we’ve heard the European Union’s position on Israeli settlement policy. We heard it, in fact, from the High Representative here today, as we have heard it many times in the past, including last week. We’ve certainly heard President Donald Trump, as well as Secretary Pompeo, speak very clearly on Israel.

We’re also not blind: for decades we’ve seen blood-soaking terrorist attacks against Israeli civilians. I’ve seen this with my own eyes, in fact, in the Nahal Oz kibbutz, which is very close to the Gaza Strip, where four-year-old Daniel was murdered inside his own home by Hamas rockets. I’ve seen this with my own eyes, looking over villages – Israeli villages – near the Golan Heights, where the local population is often used as a human shield against Hezbollah-smuggled missiles, which are being used to attack Israeli citizens. It’s quite plain to see, in fact, that Israel has legitimate security concerns.

We’re also not mute: in fact, the European Union has been very vocal in the past as a voice of peace and stability in the region. Israel is one of Europe’s closest allies and we share so many common values and common interests. What we need to do now is to advance a common bilateral agenda for deepening EU-Israeli ties, and it is critical that the newly elected Commission prioritise this. Working more closely together will not only advance peace, it will also help Europe reinforce its role as an honest and balanced broker of peace.

Finally, given the current political instability in Israel, I think that Parliament has to act responsibly and refrain from interfering in internal politics. We’re not deaf, blind or mute, but sometimes silence is golden.

 
  
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  Carmen Avram (S&D). – Mr President, I would like to welcome Ms Mogherini’s balanced presentation regarding the situation in Israel and the Palestinian territories. I would also like to remind this Chamber and the people who are following our debate that Israel is the only democracy in the Middle East, and maybe we should put more of our energy into persuading all countries in the area to also follow the path of a real democracy. I believe many things would be easier to solve in the Middle East, including peace.

Coming to the settlement issues, I think this should be part of the framework of negotiations between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. Sanctioning only one side has never contributed to the promotion of peace. Israel is an ally and a friend and an important trade partner. Also when it comes to security, innovation, agriculture, fighting terrorism, or even fighting climate change, Israel has so much to give Europe. So we should not alienate friends by pointing them out every single time without going deeper into the region’s background and complicated reality.

I call on the EU to remain an honest and balanced broker. It’s the only way we can reach a long-term agreement, and hopefully, peace in the region.

 
  
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  Martin Horwood (Renew). – Mr President, we debate this issue only days after the Israeli government has joined the Venezuelan, Iranian and Egyptian regimes in banning a researcher for Human Rights Watch. I really regret that and I really think Israel is better than that, but we’re also seeing a growing alignment between the Trump and Netanyahu administrations, which increasingly damages prospects for peace. US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo’s declaration that the West Bank settlements are not, per se, inconsistent with international law is first of all wrong but also an endorsement of Netanyahu’s strategy of changing the facts on the ground in a way that aims to undermine the feasibility of a two-state solution, the outlines of which have been clear for decades and which remains the only viable plan for peace. We must steadfastly defend Israel’s right to exist as a state, but also recognize Palestine’s right to statehood. Many believe Palestine has been fulfilling the Montevideo criteria for statehood for many years and, against the odds, it still has moderate Arab leaders on the West Bank at least. I hope a new Israeli government will recognize that compromise with such leaders is in Israel’s best interests and the best pathway to peace and security, but we must stand ready to step up the pressure in support of that pathway.

 
  
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  Magid Magid (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, as-Salaam-Alaikum. My message to the heroic Palestinian people who have resisted the extermination of their culture, their nationhood and their right to exist for 70 years is this: there are millions and millions of Europeans who grew up under occupation behind the Iron Curtain, the permanent choking hand of occupation, the never-ending nights of oppression, the daily torture and the disturbing murders. These Europeans and their allies – some are right wing and some are left wing – they know the horrors of occupation too well to allow or dismiss your struggle.

And to my friends in Parliament: give the Palestinians what you would want for yourselves: the promise that weapons made in the EU will not be used to kill your children, and a comprehensive ban on all and any settlement goods entering the EU. If the settlements are illegal, then the products are illegal, and those who profit from them are criminals.

Justice in words requires justice in action, so let us remember and repeat and honour the great words of Nelson Mandela when he said: ‘Our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians’.

 
  
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  Martina Michels (GUE/NGL). – Herr Präsident, Frau Mogherini! Wir sind uns offensichtlich weitgehend einig, dass Pompeos und Trumps Legitimierung der Siedlungspolitik Netanjahus das Völkerrecht mit Füßen tritt. Die Konfliktspirale zwischen Raketenbeschuss und Vertreibung geht in die nächste Runde. Luxemburgs Außenminister Asselborn schlägt eine neue europäische Anerkennungswelle Palästinas mit Ostjerusalem als Hauptstadt vor. Das ist charmant, doch nur eines der Ziele einer EU-Nahostpolitik.

Wir werden Oslo nicht verteidigen, wenn wir einen ständig scheiternden Friedensprozess zwischen Israel und Palästina losgelöst von Friedenslösungen zum Beispiel für Syrien – für die ganze Region – anpacken wollen. Wie glaubhaft ist unsere Diplomatie im Nahen Osten, wenn wir andererseits eine EU-Abschottungspolitik mit der Türkei und Libyen betreiben? Wie glaubhaft sind wir, wenn die Mitgliedstaaten völkerrechtliches Versagen überall mit Waffenexporten und der Ausbildung von Sicherheitskräften unterstützen? Wir brauchen eine internationale Friedenskonferenz, um ehrliche Antworten zu finden.

 
  
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  Sven Mikser (S&D). – Mr President, let me thank the High Representative, dear Federica, for the excellent cooperation during the last five years, and also for her personal commitment to finding a just and sustainable resolution to this almost intractable conflict between Israel and the Palestinians. Let me also thank her for her unwavering commitment to preserving the EU’s unity regarding our approach to the peace process.

A negotiated two-state solution remains the only just way of resolving the conflict, and it is also the only intellectually convincing solution which can simultaneously address Israel’s very real and legitimate security concerns and deliver the legitimate Palestinian aspirations of statehood. EU support for the negotiated two-state solution has been clear and consistent and needs to remain so.

Settlement activity in the occupied territories presents an obstacle to the peace process and that’s why we should be very clear in our opposition to that activity. The same goes for the encouragement provided for such activity in the form of the recent US declaration regarding the legality of the settlements. I do not believe that unilateral actions which are clearly inconsistent with international law, are in anyone’s long-term security interests.

 
  
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  José Ramón Bauzá Díaz (Renew). – Señor presidente, el cumplimiento del Derecho internacional es un deber de todos los Estados, e Israel —en eso yo creo que estamos todos de acuerdo— no puede ni debe ser una excepción.

Dicho esto, señora Mogherini, me preocupa el uso que ciertos partidos quieren hacer del conflicto para mostrar un odio cada vez menos disimulado hacia Israel. Porque el auge del antisemitismo es uno de los mayores problemas que vive la Unión Europea. Como denunció la Agencia de los Derechos Fundamentales el año pasado, en doce de los Estados miembros más de un tercio de los entrevistados temían ser agredidos por causa de su religión judía y casi la mitad se enfrentaba diariamente a insultos y a vejaciones.

Pero los insultos y las agresiones son siempre el preludio de algo peor, como, desgraciadamente, comprobamos con horror tras el reciente atentado en Halle durante la celebración del Yom Kipur.

Cuando permitimos que se normalice el antisemitismo, alimentamos la violencia que sufren nuestros compatriotas judíos en las calles europeas. Que después de setenta años los judíos no se sientan a salvo en su tierra evidencia un terrible fracaso, y, sobre todo, nos exige una responsabilidad y la participación activa de la Unión Europea.

 
  
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  Νιαζί Κιζιλγιουρέκ (GUE/NGL). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κυρία Mogherini, για ακόμη μία φορά η κυβέρνηση των ΗΠΑ προσπαθεί να νομιμοποιήσει τις απαράδεκτες πολιτικές του Ισραήλ. Προκλητικά χαρακτηρίζει ως νόμιμους τους ισραηλινούς εποικισμούς στην κατεχόμενη Παλαιστίνη, ενώ προηγουμένως μετέφερε την πρεσβεία της στην Ιερουσαλήμ και αναγνώρισε την κυριαρχία του Ισραήλ στα Υψώματα του Γκολάν. Την ίδια ώρα το Ισραήλ επεκτείνει διαρκώς τους εποικισμούς. Έποικοι και ισραηλινές δυνάμεις ασφαλείας συνεχίζουν τις παραβιάσεις των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων των Παλαιστίνιων.

Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση δεν μπορεί και δεν πρέπει να είναι απαθής. Πρέπει να ασκήσει πιέσεις στο Ισραήλ προκειμένου να τερματίσει την πολιτική των εποικισμών και να δεσμευτεί σε έναν οδικό χάρτη για την ειρήνη και την εξεύρεση λύσης στη βάση δύο κρατών. Από το βήμα αυτό καλώ και την κυβέρνηση της χώρας μου, της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας, να καταγγείλει τις ενέργειες των ΗΠΑ και του Ισραήλ. Ο εποικισμός συνιστά έγκλημα πολέμου.

 
  
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  Isabel Santos (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Alta Representante, cumprimento-a nesta sua última participação numa sessão do Parlamento Europeu e sirvo-me das palavras assertivas que usou num texto recentemente publicado para, de forma simples e direta, retratar o dilema com que hoje nos confrontamos.

A solução de dois Estados é a única via para garantir, por um lado, o direito dos palestinianos à liberdade, à autodeterminação e ao desenvolvimento humano e, por outro, o direito dos israelitas à segurança e à paz.

Assumir posições que entram em rota de colisão com esta solução, como fez a administração americana, ao legitimar os colonatos israelitas e ao reconhecer Jerusalém como a capital de Israel, significa ir contra o Direito Internacional, inviabilizar a resolução do conflito israelo-palestiniano, e, com isso, qualquer possibilidade de paz duradoura no Médio Oriente.

Exige-se da União Europeia mais do que palavras, atos, na busca de compromissos necessários à materialização dos acordos de Oslo, bem como da resolução do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas de 2016.

 
  
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  Nikolaj Villumsen (GUE/NGL). – Hr. formand! De israelske bosættelser i de besatte palæstinensiske områder er ikke alene en klokkeklar krænkelse af international lov, de er også et bevidst forsøg på at undergrave muligheden for en fredelig tostatsløsning.

Vi skal ikke acceptere, at Trump og Netanyahu fortsætter med at trampe på palæstinensernes menneskerettigheder.

Det er helt afgørende, at EU tager sig sammen og står vagt om international lov. Vi skal have et importforbud mod varer fra de ulovlige israelske bosættelser. Vi har behov for en anerkendelse af den palæstinensiske stat, og vi har behov for et frit og levedygtigt Palæstina.

 
  
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  Nacho Sánchez Amor (S&D). – Señor presidente, gracias señora Mogherini por el trabajo de estos años. En materia de política internacional americana estamos ya fuera del límite del asombro, pero no hay que dejar de subrayar el carácter venenoso de esta doctrina que convierte la posesión de hecho de un territorio en un título jurídico que legitima esa capacidad porque, sencillamente, tira a la basura el sistema de seguridad de Helsinki. Porque este caso excede de la cuestión de Israel y Palestina.

¿Podemos aplicar esta doctrina de que sostener de facto un territorio legitima su ocupación en el caso de Crimea? ¿Podemos considerar que, si Turquía se queda en Siria, no sé cuántos meses o años, sería un poseedor legítimo de ese territorio? ¿Aplicamos la doctrina Pompeo a Osetia del Sur? Por eso digo que el caso excede mucho del caso de Israel y Palestina.

Lo que hay que decir es que nunca podemos convertir la estabilización de un conflicto en una frontera en un título jurídico que legitima al agresor. Y, por eso, lo que ha hecho el señor Pompeo no es una violación del Derecho internacional: es un ataque al corazón de las simples relaciones internacionales civilizadas.

 
  
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  Pierfrancesco Majorino (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ringrazio Federica Mogherini per tutto quello che ha fatto.

È con grande preoccupazione che dobbiamo guardare alla situazione determinatasi da tempo in Israele e Palestina, una situazione che impone all'Europa e alla comunità internazionale di reagire con nettezza. Serve infatti il protagonismo europeo per tentare di ripercorrere la strada che porti alla soluzione dei due popoli e due Stati, ed è un nostro dovere proseguire su questa strada, senza titubanze.

Una soluzione che per essere realizzata deve basarsi sul reciproco rispetto e sull'attuazione dei diritti fondamentali: quello dello Stato di Israele di vivere in pace e sicurezza entro i confini riconosciuti dalla comunità internazionale e quello, assolutamente identico, del popolo palestinese che in quei confini deve vedersi riconoscere il proprio Stato, la propria sovranità e la propria legittimità.

Dobbiamo anche essere espliciti nel denunciare ciò che va nella direzione opposta. La politica del governo di Netanyahu sulle colonie, ad esempio, è stato un fattore enormemente destabilizzante, un ulteriore ed enorme elemento di tensione non giustificabile e contrario al diritto internazionale.

 
  
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  Tanja Fajon (S&D). – Gospoda predsednik! Spoštovana Federica, tvoj mandat se izteka in hvala za vse opravljeno izvrstno delo.

Žal razpravo o razmerah v Izraelu in Palestini spet zaznamuje obsodbe vredno nasilje, več deset mrtvih v napadu izraelskih sil na Gazo, nenehno nazadovanje razmer na terenu.

Rešitev je v dialogu in v okviru mirovnega procesa, a sta oba povsem ohromljena. Zastrupljajo in onemogočajo ju enostranske in močno škodljive poteze ZDA in predsednika Trumpa, nazadnje s spremembo stališča do nezakonitih izraelskih naselbin na Zahodnem bregu.

To potezo gre razumeti tudi kot odgovor na nedavno odločitev Sodišča Evropske unije, ki Evropi nalaga, da produktom iz nezakonitih naselbin jasno označi izvor.

Judovske naselbine so vojni zločin! Kako je mogoče, da Unija z njimi sploh posluje? Izdelki, ki so tam proizvedeni, so po mednarodnem pravu nezakoniti in v Evropi nimajo mesta.

Zato naj Komisija hitro in odločno ukrepa, da se sodba prične izvajati danes, saj je Izrael že napovedal popolno priključitev okupiranega ozemlja. To pa bo dokončno pokopalo možnost mirne rešitve palestinskega vprašanja.

 
  
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  Alex Agius Saliba (S&D). – Sur President, ser immur dritt għall-punt. L-abitazzjonijiet Iżraeljani fit-territorju okkupat Palestinjan huma illegali taħt il-liġi internazzjonali. Il-pożizzjoni tal-Unjoni Ewropea dwar il-politika ta’ insedjament min-naħa tal-Iżrael hija ċara ħafna u nispera li tibqa’ kif inhi.

Id-deċiżjoni tal-amministrazzjoni ta’ Trump li ddur madwar il-liġi internazzjonali tikkostitwixxi theddida sinifikanti għall-paċi u s-sigurtà fir-reġjun. Minflok jingħaqdu sabiex tinstab soluzzjoni paċifika fuq iż-żewġ Stati, din is-sitwazzjoni kurrenti qed tkompli tqajjem il-vjolenza u d-diviżjoni kif ukoll qed thedded il-vijabbiltà fraġli ta’ soluzzjoni li tinvolvi żewġ Stati differenti.

Ma hemmx u ma jistax ikun hemm l-ebda skuża biex tiddgħajjef il-liġi internazzjonali u għalhekk illi għandna bżonn: tmiem immedjat għal kull attività ta’ insedjament; projbizzjoni fuq il-prodotti tas-saldu Iżraeljan fis-suq tal-Unjoni Ewropea, inkella ser nagħtu aktar saħħa ekonomika lil dan il-kunflitt; u anke t-tnaqqis minnufih tal-kunflitt fi u madwar l-istrixxa ta’ Gaża.

L-inċitament u l-vjolenza għandhom jintemmu. In-nies iridu jkunu sikuri u protetti u gwerra oħra trid tkun evitata akkost ta’ kollox.

 
  
 

Catch-the-eye procedure

 
  
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  Billy Kelleher (Renew). – Mr President, at the outset I just want to say that I respect Israel’s right to exist and protect itself and to live in peace and security in the Middle East. But having said that, and having visited the West Bank and seen first—hand what occupation is doing in terms of undermining the existence of the Palestinian state, let us be under no illusions. The idea that Israel can continually encroach on Palestinian lands is simply designed to undermine any chance of a two—state solution coming about.

The Palestinian state is being slowly dismantled in front of our eyes, and Jared Kushner, the US envoy, simply is not seen as an honest broker in the Middle East, he’s not seen as an honest broker by the Palestinians. And we have to accept that Europe must play a more active role in being that honest broker, supporting Israel’s right to exist and, at the same time, ensuring that the two—state solution is the cornerstone of any future peace process.

Equally, I sponsored a bill in the Irish Parliament a number of years ago with regard to produce from illegal settlements. And I would urge that the European Union would look at that, not only in the context of illegal settlements in the West Bank, but across the globe.

 
  
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  Joachim Stanisław Brudziński (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! W 1492 r., kiedy Żydzi zostali wypędzeni z Hiszpanii, z Portugalii, z krajów niemieckich, kiedy byli tam paleni na stosie, znaleźli swoje miejsce na ziemiach polskich. W języku jidysz Polin znaczy „tu spocznij”, „tu możesz żyć spokojnie”. Po czterystu latach, kiedy do Polski trafili niemieccy nazistowscy barbarzyńcy, Żydzi znowu byli paleni, znowu zostali wypędzeni. W 1948 r. powstało państwo Izrael. Kiedy studiowałem, mój kolega ze studiów, Palestyńczyk Nidal, tłumaczył mi, że Palestyńczycy mają wyłączne prawo do Palestyny, ponieważ Ismail był ukochanym synem Abrahama. Nie potrafił odpowiedzieć mi na pytanie, dlaczego Abraham ustanowił swoim dziedzicem Izaaka.

Ten konflikt od czasów Księgi Rodzaju również wybrzmiewa dzisiaj podczas tej debaty. Kiedy słyszę takie słowa jak „apartheid”, kiedy słyszę o tym, że Izrael dokonuje okropnych przestępstw, przed oczami staje mi również cierpienie Izraelczyków. Pamiętajmy o tym, że Izraelczycy doświadczają terroryzmu ze strony Palestyńczyków. Europa musi stać na zdrowych nogach zdrowego rozsądku prawa międzynarodowego. Obydwa te państwa mają prawo do samostanowienia.

 
  
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  Karoline Edtstadler (PPE). – Mr President, Israel is embedded in a very unstable region called the Middle East. In German we call it Nahe Osten: that means ‘Near East’, because it’s only 3.5 hour’s flight from Vienna to Tel Aviv.

Besides the inner Israeli conflict, we should not lose sight of the fact that Israel is surrounded by countries – let’s say enemies – who want nothing else than to erase the country from the landscape. That is why they have one of the most modern and innovative security systems such as the Iron Dome. Security is a raison d'être, simply because they have to defend their own country on a daily basis. Israel, as the only democratic state in the region, deserves the full support of the European Union. It is our partner and it is our security guarantee also for the European Union. The EU also has to remain relevant in a future political process between Israel and Palestine and to be perceived as an honest and balanced broker.

 
  
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  Julie Ward (S&D). – Mr President, the US Secretary of State’s announcement that the US no longer considers Israeli settlements on occupied Palestinian land to be illegal is appalling. The Trump administration has done all it can to destabilise and bury the two- state solution: moving its embassy to Jerusalem, ending funding to the UN Palestinian Refugee Agency, and recognising Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights. The settlements remain illegal. Mr Trump’s approval does not change international law.

Our Union was quick to reaffirm that all settlement activity is illegal, that it erodes the viability of the two-state solution and the prospects for a lasting peace, and that it should be ended. Palestinian representatives have rightly condemned the decision as a threat to the global order and one that destroys US credibility in the peace process.

We must continue to present a united position on settlements. They are illegal under international law, they present an obstacle to peace, and they threaten the viability of a two-state solution. We urge the Israeli Government to halt its counter-productive settlement expansion.

 
  
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  Mick Wallace (GUE/NGL). – Mr President, Ms Mogherini has criticised illegal Israeli settlements at times, and rightly so, but the EU has refused to take decisive action against Israel. We have no control over the fact that the US allows them to be lawless in how they treat the Palestinians. Truth be told, Israel practises apartheid at home and genocide in Palestine.

You said there was always hope for the two—state solution. The two—state solution is dead, it is beyond recovery. We need a one—state solution now, where the Palestinians and the Israelis both have an entitlement to full democratic human rights, and a return of the Palestinian refugees to their homeland. Anything else is not going to work anymore. And what the US is doing with Israel, they can only do because the EU and Europe tolerate it.

 
  
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  Tudor Ciuhodaru (S&D). – Domnule Președinte, din păcate această situație revoltătoare durează de mult prea mult timp, iar ceea ce se întâmplă acolo este de nedescris, o adevărată plagă pe fața lumii în secolul XXI. Eu sunt medic de urgență și văd că în spatele jocurilor politice sunt vieți, sunt oameni, sunt vieți pierdute și multă suferință și cred că este momentul ca Uniunea Europeană, Parlamentul European să îi aducă la masa negocierilor pe toți cei implicați, în așa fel încât să se găsească soluția corectă și nimeni să nu mai aibă de azi încolo de suferit. Deja a trecut prea mult timp și sper ca măcar noua Comisie Europeană să găsească soluția sănătoasă pentru ca astfel de fapte abominabile să nu se mai întâmple. Am speranța că această situație poate fi rezolvată și că soluția este aici, în Uniunea Europeană.

 
  
 

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, I am sure that the incoming Commission, the incoming High Representative, will not only take good note of this debate in this Chamber, but will also find a way to preserve the unity of the European Union and the Member States, to preserve our strong position in defence of international law and also keep the constant relations and coordination with others in the world – starting from the UN system but also looking at the Arab world in the region, and not only in the Arab world, knowing the situation on the ground very well – and will try to indicate with wisdom and realism the way forward.

I am sure they will also manage to see what kind of further initiatives can be taken to try and help the situation move forward and avoid the wars becoming irreversible, if you will allow me to put it this way.

There are times when there are issues on which some advancements are possible, and some other issues and some other situations that, in certain particular periods of time or of history, require us – I would say the forces of wisdom and reason in this region, for sure, but I would like to say in the world – to try to avoid that the worst becomes a fait accompli, irreversible. And I have the impression – I have discussed this several times with many in the region – that these times we’re living in are asking us to play that role, in this moment to try and avoid that things go so far, that the positive perspectives for a solution to the conflict are still viable in the future.

Let me just comment on one thing that I’ve heard during the debate and that has impressed me a lot, because there is the issue of the settlements itself, there is the work we have been doing and we will continue to do, I’m sure, as European institutions on the Israeli—Palestinian conflict, on the Arab—Israeli conflict – because there are two conflicts in one – but then, even more than that, there’s the role that the European Union has in defending and preserving the international rules—based order. And someone in this Chamber said, and I quote: ‘the settlements are disputed, yes, but illegal, no’.

I have the impression that we are moving into a place – and I hope the European institutions, including this Chamber, don’t move into that place – where it’s international law that is disputed. That is a very dangerous place.

So I hope that, beyond differences and divergences, you will manage not only to advise and ask the Commission and the Council in this respect to help contribute to unblocking the situation in Israel and Palestine, to help implement international law when it comes to the settlement issues, but also that you will always keep in mind, as Members of the European Parliament, that international law is not up for discussion, it is to be respected. And that when you reach the point of discussing whether international law is good or wrong, then you’re already in a place where Europe shouldn’t be.

 
  
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  President. – The debate is closed.

 
Zadnja posodobitev: 7. februar 2020Pravno obvestilo - Varstvo osebnih podatkov