Li jmiss 
 Test sħiħ 
XML 116k
L-Erbgħa, 12 ta' Frar 2020 - Strasburgu Edizzjoni riveduta

24. Is-sitwazzjoni umanitarja tar-rifuġjati fil-fruntieri esterni tal-UE (dibattitu)
Vidjow tat-taħditiet

  Presidente. – L'ordine del giorno reca la discussione sulle dichiarazioni del Consiglio e della Commissione sulla situazione umanitaria dei rifugiati alle frontiere esterne dell'UE (2020/2523(RSP)).

Vi ricordo che è possibile presentare le richieste di intervento secondo la procedura "catch-the eye" e di domande "cartellino blu" utilizzando sia il sistema di "registrazione standard" sia il sistema elettronico, che vi invito assolutamente a testare. Le istruzioni sono disponibili all'ingresso del nostro emiciclo.


  Nikolina Brnjac, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, it is the second time under our Presidency that we have the possibility to discuss in the plenary the humanitarian situation of refugees at our external borders. This shows the importance Parliament attaches to this issue and we fully support it.

Our Presidency is closely monitoring events on all migratory routes and will continue to do so throughout this semester. In 2019, the total number of illegal border crossings at the EU external borders was estimated at 139 000 which is a 6% decrease compared to 2018 and the lowest level in six years. However, while the central and western Mediterranean routes saw a decrease of 40% and 50% respectively compared to 2018, arrivals on the eastern Mediterranean route have increased by 50%.

The situation on the Greek islands is, in particular, a source of concern as we all noted during our last debate in the plenary on 29 January. The number of people present on the Aegean islands reached a peak of over 40 000 migrants. It is the first time since the implementation of the EU-Turkey statement that we have reached such a high number. The Greek government is taking concrete measures to improve the situation. It has announced a new national strategy designed to protect minors who have arrived and who are resident in Greece and it aims to increase the number of transfers to the mainland. In 2019, more than 35 000 migrants have been transferred and these transfers have continued at a fast pace since the beginning of 2020.

Arrivals from the eastern Mediterranean route have direct impact on the flow of migrants in south east Europe. In 2019, there were over 14 000 illegal border crossings on the western Balkan route, which represents 140% increase compared to 2018. Since the beginning of 2020, the pressure on this route has decreased, due also to winter conditions. Nevertheless, this winter the pressure is higher when compared to the previous winter.

Our Presidency will continue to devote much attention to the migratory situation and increasing migration management capacities in the entire western Balkan region, with a particular focus on Bosnia and Herzegovina in order to ensure adequate protection of migrant population where, according to UNHCR, more than 8 000 migrants and refugees are currently present, mainly in the North West. The situation in the country remains challenging, but in the last weeks, there have been some positive developments regarding the increase of adequate reception capacities.

On 3 February, the Croatian Interior Minister Božinović, held a meeting with the new Bosnian Minister of Security, Mr Radončić. The ministers agreed to strengthen the cooperation in several key areas: implementation of accelerated readmission procedures, more intense implementation of mixed border patrols and support of the Republic of Croatia in strengthening the Bosnia-Herzegovina security forces in border control. The ministers also agreed to strengthen the cooperation in combating smuggling networks, which was also a topic of a ministerial debate at the informal meeting of EU interior ministers in Zagreb on 24 January 2020.

Minister Radončić commented that Bosnia-Herzegovina lacks over one thousand border guard for better border control, as well as the 93% of EU funds approved to Bosnia and Herzegovina last year were intended for humanitarian treatment of migrants but only 7% to strengthen security forces. The EU will continue to support Bosnia and Herzegovina in its efforts to guarantee the dignity and safety of all migrants, especially the most vulnerable ones, while at the same time seeking a more permanent and comprehensive solution.

We will also continue to support work with all partners in the Western Balkans. The overreaching goal of our efforts is to ensure that the migration flows at our borders are well managed and migrants’ fundamental rights are always respected. We expect the recent measures taken by the Greek government to bring positive change. The new asylum legislation which has recently entered into force in Greece should speed up the streamline of both asylum and return procedures.

The return rate has been very low for far too long. Returns are instrumental in managing the migratory flows. The plan of the Greek government to return 10 000 migrants by the end of 2020 is ambitious but it can be achieved, also with necessary EU support. Effective returns also require the good cooperation of Turkey. To ensure that the situation is well managed, it is also important that our Western Balkan partners enhance their migration management capacities, also in the area of return and particularly assisted voluntary return, conclude readmission agreements with third countries and further align their visa policies. We are ready to assist them in these tasks by all means at our disposal.

On the central Mediterranean route, conditions for migrants in Libya have deteriorated due to security issues arising from the internal conflict in the country. To alleviate the suffering of migrants and detained refugees in Libya, the EU individual Member States have funded UNHCR and International Organisation for Migration (IOM) programmes via EU trust fund for Africa.

IOM is funded to carry out voluntary returns to countries of origin and to provide humanitarian emergency assistance and has done so at an impressive level. UNHCR is funded to evacuate persons of concern to either Niger or Rwanda in view to a settlement in the EU or other receiving countries. These relevant actions require our further support, especially in view of ongoing conflicts in Libya.

To conclude, I would like to stress once again that the humanitarian situation at our external borders is a cause of great concern and we have to work closely together with our neighbouring countries and international organisations to improve it. Let me also express here our appreciation for the work of all humanitarian partners. I will let the Commission further elaborate on the comprehensive assistance the EU provides at our external borders to improve the situation.


  Helena Dalli, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, thank you Minister and honourable Members for this important debate.

The humanitarian situation of refugees at our external borders is of great importance and of concern to us all. The EU promotes the respect of the rights of refugees, asylum seekers and migrants, both in the EU and outside of our borders in our neighbourhood.

Any form of violence against refugees and migrants is, needless to say, unacceptable. Respect for fundamental rights and the rule of law must be ensured without exception. Member States must fully comply with these principles when implementing the EU acquis on border management, asylum and return. Pushbacks are not acceptable. Access to asylum procedures and respect for the principle of non-refoulement, in line with the EU Charter, must always be guaranteed.

Member States must have in place the mechanisms needed to prevent pushbacks in the first place. Equally, they need to ensure that they have appropriate mechanisms to guarantee a prompt reply and investigate any alleged pushbacks.

But challenges at external borders are many, and the Commission is in constant contact with Member States and provides them with support, including financial support for training the national border guards to act in conformity with fundamental rights requirements. The Commission is also closely monitoring the situation at external borders and is in contact with Member States regarding allegations of non-compliance with EU law at the external borders. As Guardian of the Treaty, the Commission will take the necessary action where necessary. Moreover, we now have in place a new European Border and Coast Guard Agency with a significantly reinforced mandate and an increased focus on the imperious need to respect fundamental rights.

It is for this reason that a specific Fundamental Rights Strategy has been drawn up by the new European Border and Coast Guard Agency. A fundamental rights officer was appointed to contribute to the Agency’s fundamental rights strategy and monitor compliance with fundamental rights. Fundamental rights monitors will also constantly assess the fundamental rights compliance of Frontex operational activities. They will be deployed as part of the joint operations and they will be the eyes and ears of the fundamental rights officer. The Agency must recruit 40 monitors by 5 December of this year.

The new Agency has also set up a complaints mechanism. This mechanism allows any person who is directly affected by the actions of staff involved in the activities of the Agency and who considers himself or herself to have been the subject of a breach of his or her fundamental rights due to those actions, or to any party representing such a person, to submit a complaint in writing to the Agency.

What happens at our external borders affects Europe. This is why the EU has always supported and also always stood at the side of our partners at the external borders as well as at the side of refugees and migrants in those countries. The EU is globally a key actor in providing assistance to refugees worldwide, especially in neighbouring countries, and in supporting third countries in developing their asylum system and their capacities to fight against smuggling. For instance, the EU supports Turkey in its efforts to host more than 4 million refugees. The EUR 6 billion facility for refugees in Turkey has been fully mobilised and clearly produces tangible effects. Over 1.7 million vulnerable refugees benefit from the emergency social safety net, the largest EU humanitarian project ever.

The EU is also supporting more than 500 000 refugees’ children to regularly attend school. Our Western Balkan partners have proven to be reliable and strong partners of the EU in managing migration and countering security challenges. However, reception capacities, in particular in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, are stretched to the maximum, and migrants are often living in extremely difficult conditions. Further capacity assistance is needed to help these countries to pursue their efforts to manage migration, addressing the issue of secondary movements in the region and treating migrants in a humane manner.

To support all these actions, the EU provides financial and technical support to the Western Balkans through the regional programmes funded under the Instrument for Pre-Accession so that they increase their capacity to build their national migration management system.

In addition, the EU has recently provided EUR 135 million in additional assistance to Serbia, North Macedonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina through the Instrument for Pre-Accession and EUR 32.6 million through the EU humanitarian aid.

In all these actions inside and outside the EU, the protection of the most vulnerable, especially of children and unaccompanied minors, remains a priority for the Commission. The Commission is doing all it can to help Member States to address the situation at our external borders. The dignity and safety of all affected persons needs to be ensured and protected.

A lot has been achieved, but more remains to be done. We need to find a common understanding on how we collectively shape and manage the realities of migration. We must unite around our common values and humanitarian responsibilities and seek to make our society more cohesive and integrated.

I count on your continued support and that of the Council as well.


  Емил Радев, от името на групата PPE. – Г-н Председател, уважаеми колеги, известно е, че маршрутът през Западните Балкани е един от основните миграционни пътища към Европа, което го прави и най-натоварения. За съжаление държавите членки на първа линия, като Хърватия, Гърция и други, винаги носят непропорционална тежест, тъй като поради своето географско местоположение те винаги са държавата членка на първо влизане. Свидетелство за това е случващото се както на границата между Хърватия и Босна и Херцеговина, така и на гръцките острови, където притокът на мигранти не намалява.

Парадоксално е, че макар търсещите убежище да могат да подават молби за международна закрила на официалните гранични пунктове, техният брой е минимален. Вместо това те използват нерегламентирани места за преминаване на границите, често дори използвайки мрежи от контрабандисти, с една единствена цел – да достигнат до Западна Европа.

В края на 2018 г., вследствие на засилен мигрантски натиск, Европейската комисия отпусна 6,8 млн. евро на Хърватия за подпомагане на управлението на външните граници на Европейския съюз. Това бе направено при пълно спазване на правилата на Европейския съюз, гарантиращи, че всички мерки, прилагани по външните граници на Съюза, са пропорционални и са в пълно съответствие с основните права и законодателството на Европейския съюз в областта на убежището. От началото на 2018 г. помощ в размер на 36 млн. евро е предоставена и на Босна и Херцеговина, за да отговори на непосредствените нужди на мигрантите и търсещите убежище.

Защитата на външните граници може да бъде постигната единствено в съответствие с правото и международните конвенции, както и зачитането на основните права и достойнството на мигрантите. Държавите членки по външната граница и европейските институции добросъвестно пазят границите ни и прилагат тези правила.


  Kati Piri, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, the unprecedented peak in refugee arrivals in 2015 exposed the gaps in the EU’s policies at our borders, but it is now 2020 and the Member States have had five years to find solutions. And yet, in many places, the situation of refugees at our external borders, instead of improving, continues to deteriorate. We still stand by and watch pregnant women and children losing their lives in the Mediterranean Sea. We still accept thousands of people, including unaccompanied minors, living in camps for years in inhumane conditions, waiting for their asylum procedure to advance. And we still consent to people being forced to return to unsafe countries. Detention centres, illegal push-backs and floating sea fences are not the solutions we are calling for.

I hope the Croatian Presidency will take note of this debate and our concerns on behalf of the European Council. And let’s not forget that countries surrounding the EU are still taking in the vast majority of refugees. But also let’s not forget that countries who are our neighbours sometimes have their own citizens fleeing from the country, so we must address human rights with countries such as Turkey and Morocco.

In this Parliament we often talk about the European values. They include respect for human dignity and human rights. That also applies to refugees seeking protection.


  Malik Azmani, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Mr President, I would like to thank the Commission and the Council representatives for being here this evening. I think it’s high time to get out of the migration deadlock. We owe it to our own citizens to get back into the driver’s seat.

In order also to preserve free movement within the Schengen area, we need strong external borders. Awaiting the Commission’s New Pact on Asylum and Migration, Renew Europe proposed its own comprehensive approach a few weeks ago: a Renew pack on asylum and migration. To relieve the pressure on EU external borders we need new international partnerships with third countries on migration. That’s the only way. Meanwhile, we need a common approach for those asylum seekers still arriving irregularly at EU external borders. We want ‘direct registration upon arrival’ amended to read: security checks; humane reception conditions; a first assessment at a European reception centre between potentially failed asylum applications and those that are not; shared responsibility for those people in need of international protection; shared responsibility and effort to quickly return rejected asylum seekers to safe third countries.

I have high expectations for this new pact on migration and asylum and hope that Renew Europe’s concrete proposals will also be taken on board. But I have still two questions: does the Commissioner agree with Renew Europe that the EU must be able to step in when the Member States at external borders cannot or will not deliver? Because that’s what we saw in the past. And how will the Commission address unwanted secondary movement of asylum seekers within the EU?


  Tom Vandendriessche, namens de ID-Fractie. – Voorzitter, sinds enkele jaren worden we overspoeld door ongewenste migratie. Maar dit is nog maar het begin. De bevolking van Afrika gaat deze eeuw van 1 naar 4 miljard inwoners. Honderden miljoenen zullen naar Europa komen. Daarom moeten we de grenzen bewaken. Niet uit haat tegenover wie zich buiten onze grenzen bevindt, maar wel uit liefde voor ons eigen volk.

Linkse activisten en malafide advocaten misbruiken de mensenrechten om migratie te stimuleren en te propageren. Zij willen dat niet-burgers rechten kunnen afdwingen in onze thuislanden. Migratie willen ze verheffen tot een afdwingbaar mensenrecht, met de medewerking van wereldvreemde rechters, voor wie trouwens niemand ooit gestemd heeft.

Het Europees Verdrag voor de rechten van de mens bijvoorbeeld was ooit bedoeld om burgers uit Europese landen te beschermen tegen tirannie. Vandaag echter is het geëvolueerd tot een instrument om een opengrenzenpolitiek door de strot te rammen van onze bevolking. We moeten de migratiecrisis aan onze grenzen oplossen. Dat doen we door economische gelukzoekers zonder pardon terug te sturen. Echte vluchtelingen moeten we opvangen in de regio van herkomst, en vooral moeten we de mensenrechtenverdragen aanpassen aan de realiteit van 2020, zodat ze niet langer misbruikt kunnen worden door de migratielobby.


  Tineke Strik, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, if we talk about common external borders we also talk about common responsibility, not only for controlling who is coming in, but also how we treat people – if they get access to an asylum procedure, if they are treated with dignity and if the procedures are followed. However, we know that at many borders the rules are not always complied with. Push—backs are widespread in Europe. We know that from reports and judgments, and even tomorrow the Strasbourg Court will come up with a decision on Spain.

Push-backs can also go hand in hand with brutal violence and causing traumas to people, and this is especially the case at the Croatian borders, according to numerous reports and testimonies. During our working visit last weekend, we were shocked by the fact that all actors involved acknowledged this widespread violence and push-backs, but that the Government of Croatia still denies this, and this discrepancy exactly shows that the violence will not stop if the EU continues to shy away and react indifferently.

We can only stick to our rules and values if we care about violations at the borders and if we take steps to ensure compliance. I would therefore urge the Commission to investigate thoroughly the allegations and complaints, and that investigation also needs to be part of the Schengen evaluation.

The Commission informed us that it had financed the monitoring mechanism in Croatia and that this would lead to improvement, but we learned that this money is not spent on monitoring but on border control, and that no monitoring body enters the green area where the push-backs take place. So how seriously does the Commission take these allegations on push-backs? Is it only interested in a smooth Schengen accession or also in banning human rights violations at the border? So I would like to hear from the Commissioner what steps he’s going to take instead of monitoring but also ensuring...

(The President cut off the speaker)


  Joachim Stanisław Brudziński, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Walka ze źródłowymi przyczynami emigracji jest jednym z kluczowych elementów skutecznego i odpornego na kryzys zarządzania migracjami. A jakie są te źródłowe przyczyny? W sposób oczywisty destabilizacja i wojna w państwach sąsiednich, ale też – trzeba to sobie uczciwie w tym miejscu powiedzieć – skrajnie nieodpowiedzialna, naiwna, często oparta o swoistego rodzaju terroryzm politycznej poprawności naiwność i to słynne „Herzlich willkommen” w 2015 r. Drodzy uchodźcy, przybywajcie! Czekamy tutaj na was! Skutkowało to tym, że bardzo wielu ludzi – rzeczywiście uchodźców – nie znalazło potrzebnej pomocy, bo zostało wypartych przez migrantów ekonomicznych i gospodarczych.

Dotychczasowy wpływ Unii na procesy występujące w naszym bezpośrednim sąsiedztwie okazał się niewystarczający, a realne zagrożenia nie zostały skutecznie zminimalizowane. Te nierozwiązane problemy poza granicami zewnętrznymi Unii mogą doprowadzić do kolejnego kryzysu migracyjnego, z którym być może będziemy musieli sobie radzić. Tutaj trzeba powiedzieć bardzo wyraźnie: podejmowane przez instytucje unijne działania muszą być spójne, celowe, właściwie skoordynowane, a zaangażowanie państw członkowskich w tych rejonach powinno być wyrazem dobrej woli.


  Cornelia Ernst, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Ja, es ist richtig, dass die Grenzpolitik eine europäische ist und nicht einem Mitgliedstaat wie etwa Kroatien angelastet werden kann. Es ist auch richtig, dass die Asyl- und Migrationspolitik einer europäischen Lösung bedarf. Ich kann sogar nachvollziehen, dass Kroatien angesichts der Katastrophe in den griechischen Hotspots verhindern möchte, selbst ein EU-Hotspot-Land zu werden. Aber all das berechtigt die kroatische Grenzpolizei nicht – und darum geht es mir –, Flüchtlinge zu prügeln, zu quälen, Hunde auf sie zu hetzen, sie maskiert mit Waffen zu bedrohen, in den Grenzfluss Richtung Bosnien zu werfen, ihnen Sachen – Geld, Handys, ja sogar Essen – zu stehlen, sie mit offenen Wunden im Wald zurückzulassen und Menschen, die Hilfe gewähren, zu traktieren. Ungelöste europäische Fragen rechtfertigen einen solchen Sadismus gegenüber Flüchtlingen nicht. Folterverbot, non-refoulement, Schutz von Kindern – das sind Abkommen, die auch Kroatien unterschrieben hat. Menschenrechte müssen überall gelten, und bitte schön auch an den Grenzen.


  Κώστας Παπαδάκης (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η κυβέρνηση της Νέας Δημοκρατίας στην Ελλάδα —παίρνοντας την σκυτάλη από τον ΣΥΡΙΖΑ στην ευρωενωσιακή πολιτική καταστολής— χτίζει, με πράξη νομοθετικού περιεχομένου, φυλακές στα ελληνικά νησιά, όπου —με βάση και τη γερμανική πρόταση για το Δουβλίνο— θα συνεχίζει να εγκλωβίζεται ο κύριος όγκος των αιτούντων άσυλο. Στην πλειοψηφία τους θα απελαύνονται, ελάχιστοι θα παίρνουν άσυλο και ακόμα πιο λίγοι θα πηγαίνουν τελικά σε χώρες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Το τι πραγματικά ετοιμάζεται φανερώνεται από τη διεύθυνση επιστροφών που ανακοίνωσε η ελληνική κυβέρνηση, δηλαδή μια φάμπρικα απελάσεων για να γυρίσουν οι πρόσφυγες πίσω στην κόλαση του ιμπεριαλιστικού πολέμου, τον οποίον φουντώνουν η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, οι ΗΠΑ, το ΝΑΤΟ και οι κυβερνήσεις έχοντας τεράστιες ευθύνες. Να ακυρωθεί η υπογραφή της Ελλάδας στη συμφωνία Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης-Τουρκίας και στον κανονισμό του Δουβλίνου. Να καταδικαστεί η πολιτική των δολοφονικών πλωτών φραγμάτων-παγίδων, της εμπλοκής και της χρηματοδότησης ΜΚΟ και της ανοχής στη δράση ακροδεξιών ομάδων, που πυροδοτεί εντάσεις στα νησιά, σε μια ούτως ή άλλως πολύ δύσκολη κατάσταση για νησιώτες και πρόσφυγες. Να κλείσουν τα hotspot και να δημιουργηθούν κέντρα φιλοξενίας στην ενδοχώρα για μετάβαση στις χώρες πραγματικού προορισμού.


  Tomislav Sokol (PPE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, meni je upravo nevjerojatno da ovdje, po ne znam koji put više, moramo slušati laži, neistinite informacije i fake news o tzv. nelegalnim push-backovima od strane Hrvatske.

Jedini izvor informacija za takve tvrdnje su pristrane nevladine udruge koje imaju svoju političku agendu ocrnjivanja Hrvatske, hrvatske Vlade, kompromitiranja hrvatskog ulaska u Schengen a koje svoje izvore informiranja baziraju isključivo na tvrdnjama samih nelegalnih migranata čiji identitet najčešće uopće nije poznat i za koje uopće ne znamo tko su, koji su pet ili šest puta pokušavali nelegalno prijeći granicu i sada, zato što nisu uspjeli, okolo tužakaju hrvatske vlasti bez ikakvih dokaza. Niti jedan takav slučaj nije utvrđen od strane nadležnih tijela, od strane suda, nadzornih tijela policije, itd.

Hrvatska nadzire vanjsku granicu Europske unije, bori se protiv vanjskih nelegalnih migracija, čuva 1300 km vanjske granice na kvalitetan način i prošle godine je otkriveno i spriječeno više od 20000 pokušaja nelegalnih prelazaka granice. Također bih istaknuo da je samo prošle godine 995 nelegalnih krijumčara ljudi uhićeno. Možda je to, ta praksa hrvatske policije, ono što nekima ovdje smeta i zbog čega šire ovakve laži i neistine.

(Govornik je pristao odgovoriti na pitanje postavljeno podizanjem plave kartice u skladu s člankom 171. stavkom 8. Poslovnika)


  Cornelia Ernst (GUE/NGL), Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Ja, ich bin schon erstaunt. Es gibt ja nun eine Menge Nachweise dafür, dass es massenhaft pushbacks gibt, illegale pushbacks an der kroatischen Grenze, und dass nahezu alle Migrantinnen und Migranten, die davon betroffen sind, mindestens drei, vier Mal abgeschoben wurden, und zwar ohne dass sie Asyl begehren konnten. Ist Ihnen das bekannt? Haben Sie davon jemals etwas gehört? Und haben Sie davon gehört, dass viele, viele Flüchtlinge beispielsweise klagen, dass ihnen in schlimmster Art und Weise Gewalt angetan wurde? Haben Sie das immer noch ignoriert oder sind Sie bereit, auch mal anzuerkennen, wie die Realität tatsächlich ist?


  Tomislav Sokol (PPE), odgovor na pitanje postavljeno podizanjem plave kartice. – Poštovani predsjedavajući, čuo sam mnogo laži u životu, ali to što tisuću puta ponavljate jednu laž to ju neće učiniti istinom.

Naravno da osobe koje pokušavaju izigrati sustav azila, koje pokušavaju iskoristiti Hrvatsku kako bi došli na područje drugih država, koji ne dolaze uopće iz ratnih područja nego kao što je rekao i ministar sigurnosti BiH gospodin Radončić, iz zemalja koje uopće nisu ugrožene, koje nisu u ratu, naravno da takvi ljudi koji krše zakone govore neistine. To su vaši izvori informacija a to, takvim ljudima, ja iskreno ne mogu vjerovati. Vi možda možete, ali ja ne.


  Isabel Santos (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, não podemos ignorar a terrível situação dos refugiados imigrantes em diversas partes do mundo, mas sobretudo às portas da União Europeia como, recentemente, fui testemunha na fronteira entre a Croácia, Estado—Membro da União, e a Bósnia-Herzegovina. Ali tive oportunidade de testemunhar e ouvir os mais dramáticos relatos sobre o tratamento violento, degradante e desumano adotado pela polícia croata no afastamento de pessoas que só buscam uma oportunidade de vida decente, uma busca que resulta, muitas vezes, na sua morte.

Sobre isto chegaram hoje notícias de uma iniciativa parlamentar para a abertura de um inquérito que muito saúdo e, para não ferir a sensibilidade deste plenário, entregarei à senhora comissária algumas fotografias absolutamente chocantes no final da minha intervenção.

Na Bósnia pudemos contactar com inúmeros migrantes e refugiados. Entre estes destaco os jovens não acompanhados a viver, como outros, em condições a que ninguém devia ser submetido, muito menos nestas idades. Diversos deles à espera de poderem reunir-se com familiares a viverem na Europa.

Tudo isto diante do marasmo europeu na assunção de medidas solidárias que permitam retirar estas pessoas do limbo em que se encontram.

Por isso, pergunto se o novo plano para as migrações, que se anuncia, prevê a instituição de canais legais, expeditos, nomeadamente através de vistos humanitários, mas também de estudo, trabalho e reunificação familiar.

A nossa inquietude não pode equivaler nem em silêncio nem em inação.

(A oradora aceita responder a uma pergunta cartão azul em conformidade com o artigo 171.º, n.º 8, do Regimento)


  Sunčana Glavak (PPE), pitanje koje je podizanjem plave kartice postavio. – Poštovani predsjedavajući, kolegice, ja dolazim iz Hrvatske.

Željela bih vam samo reći da Hrvatska, nažalost, ima stvarna bolna sjećanja. Nakon agresije Srbije na Republiku Hrvatsku imali smo tisuće migranata, stoga, nemojte dvojiti o hrvatskim namjerama i nemojte govoriti o nečemu što ne razumijete i što ne znate. Ja živim u Hrvatskoj a Hrvatska čini sve da postupanje na hrvatskim granicama se odvija u potpunoj usklađenosti s hrvatskim i europskim zakonima te međunarodnim standardima i pravilima. Hrvatska nema žicu i nema barikade, za razliku od ostalih zemalja.


  Isabel Santos (S&D), Resposta segundo o procedimento "cartão azul". – Proteger fronteiras não quer dizer violar o direito internacional, violar os direitos humanos. E se a Croácia quer proteger as suas fronteiras, não violando o direito internacional, nem violando os direitos humanos, porque é que ainda não implementou um mecanismo de monitorização de tudo o que lá está a acontecer? E é necessário que agora o Parlamento aprove um inquérito para que se apure toda a verdade.


  Maite Pagazaurtundúa (Renew). – Señor presidente, comisaria Dalli, vamos a ver, si yo no me equivoco y la he escuchado bien, usted ha dicho que hacemos todo lo que está en nuestras manos. No, no es cierto. No hacemos todo lo que está en nuestras manos.

Sabemos que el Reglamento de Dublín no funciona y, sin embargo, el Consejo lo tiene bloqueado. No tenemos una política común de asilo y migración legal, que es la manera de parar toda esta catástrofe. No hacemos todo lo que está en nuestras manos.

Si no me equivoco, usted dice que hemos conseguido mucho ya. Hemos conseguido que Moria sea un infierno, que Samos, que Kios sean infiernos. En Libia ―donde usted dice que nosotros ponemos ayuda para aliviar el sufrimiento―, no vamos a poder aliviar el sufrimiento si no hacemos lo más importante, lo que sí está en nuestra mano, declarar Libia un país no seguro. Eso sí está en nuestra mano.

¿Cuándo se va a utilizar todo lo que está en nuestra mano, comisaria Dalli? Los derechos fundamentales no son palabras. Nosotros pisamos moqueta y usted habla de un funcionario de derechos fundamentales que va a tener otros 40 funcionarios. Cuando hay miseria no hay tiempo para estas cosas, señora Dalli.


  Jordan Bardella (ID). – Monsieur le Président, la fameuse crise des réfugiés qui a débuté en 2015 n’a définitivement rien d’une crise. L’afflux massif de migrants sur le continent européen, en plus d’être continu, est devenu une véritable submersion. En Grèce, les arrivées annuelles ont plus que doublé en deux ans, atteignant le chiffre de 75 000 nouveaux migrants pour l’année 2019. Sur l’île de Samos, leur nombre dépasse celui des habitants. Sans compter la voie d’accès par la frontière continentale avec la Turquie, où le franchissement du modeste fleuve Évros suffit à démontrer l’inefficacité totale de Frontex et l’obsolescence de l’accord de 2016 avec la Turquie.

Nous pouvons discuter et nous indigner sans fin des conditions dans lesquelles vivent migrants et clandestins, mais c’est traiter les effets du problème au lieu d’en résoudre les causes. Sont responsables de ces drames tous ceux qui, par leurs actes politiques ou par leurs discours, incitent la terre entière à gagner les rivages de l’Europe. éviteront au contraire ces drames tous ceux qui feront le choix d’une politique de dissuasion humaniste, tant par les moyens mis en place aux frontières que par la coupure de l’ensemble des pompes aspirantes dans les pays respectifs.

En clôturant sa frontière maritime avec la Turquie pour retenir les embarcations clandestines, la Grèce s’engage sur la bonne voie et nous devrions l’aider et l’encourager, plutôt que de la railler.

Les droits de l’homme affirment que toute personne peut quitter son pays si elle fait l’objet de persécutions, mais ce principe ne doit et ne devra jamais justifier que la vie, le foyer et les pays d’autres hommes soit bouleversés en retour. Soyez assurés que le XXIe siècle sera celui du droit des peuples à disposer d’eux-mêmes et surtout à rester eux-mêmes.


  Erik Marquardt (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident! Ich bin in Europa aufgewachsen, und als ich aufwuchs, dachte ich immer, dass Menschenrechtsverletzungen, dass staatliche Willkür, dass humanitäre Krisen etwas sind, was woanders passiert, was nicht in europäischen Mitgliedstaaten passieren kann. Und dann war ich auf Seenotrettungsmission im Mittelmeer und habe festgestellt, dass wir islamistische Milizen dort stärker unterstützen als die Menschen, die vor diesen Milizen fliehen. Und ich war auf Lesbos, habe zwei junge Syrer getroffen, die mich gefragt haben: Warum behandelt uns Europa eigentlich wie Tiere? Ich habe darauf keine Antwort. Und letztes Wochenende war ich auch in Kroatien und in Bosnien und Herzegowina. Es sind mitnichten nur einzelne NGOs, die dort von pushbacks sprechen, sondern es ist auch die EU-Delegation in Bosnien, es ist das UNHCR, es ist Ihr eigener Menschenrechtsbeauftragter in Kroatien, eine staatliche Behörde, die davon ausgeht, dass es dort viele pushbacks gibt. Man sieht doch die Gewalt auch überall.

Also was passiert eigentlich an den Außengrenzen? Wir haben uns Regeln gegeben, die wir nicht beachten, weil wir andere Interessen haben. Ich glaube, so funktioniert auf Dauer keine wehrhafte Demokratie. Ich glaube an die Europäische Union, aber ich würde gerne noch mehr daran glauben, was wir sind, und nicht an das, was wir in Reden hier sein wollen. Wenn die Kommission das ernst meint, was gesagt wurde, dann geht es jetzt auch darum, zum Beispiel in Kroatien zu zeigen: Wir lassen einen unabhängigen Menschenrechts-Beobachtungsmechanismus dort zu, wir lassen die Leute auch dort an den Außengrenzen mit den border guards, mit den Grenzpolizisten zusammen überwachen, was dort passiert. Es wäre sehr wichtig, dass auch Kroatien zeigt, dass es nichts zu verbergen gibt. Dafür könnte dieser Menschenrechts-Beobachtungsmechanismus helfen. Sie weigern sich aber, den einzurichten.

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel 171 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)


  Željana Zovko (PPE), blue-card question. – Mr Marquardt, I was a refugee myself during the war in the former Yugoslavia and I worked in a solicitor’s office with thousands of refugees from the former Yugoslavia. There’s only one way to establish whether the police are doing right or wrong. What you are saying is a lie. It’s a blatant lie. Don’t abuse real asylum seekers by spreading these lies here, please, because you are going against real asylum seekers and real refugees, and you are using these human tragedies in this place by blaming Croatia for something that it is not doing.

One million one hundred thousand Croats live in Bosnia and Herzegovina. They are Bosnian Serbs and Croats, who were given Croatian passports during the war, and we are protecting them as well.


  Erik Marquardt (Verts/ALE), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Ich habe dazu ja schon etwas gesagt. Aber ich frage mich auch immer, was bedeutet es denn, wenn Sie einfach allen vorwerfen, die dort investigativ recherchieren, staatliche Medien zum Beispiel in Deutschland, die herausfinden, dass es pushbacks gibt, die Videoaufnahmen von pushbacks machen ... und Sie behaupten, das sind Fake News. Was ist das für ein Verständnis auch von Pressefreiheit? Ich kann mir nicht vorstellen, wie es ist, flüchten zu müssen. Aber ich glaube, wenn Sie die Erfahrung selbst gemacht haben, dann täten Sie gut daran, in Bosnien mal mit den Menschen zu reden, mit denen wir da am Wochenende geredet haben, die geschlagen wurden, die wirklich ausgepeitscht wurden und die sich diese Verletzungen wirklich nicht selber zugefügt haben.


  Εμμανουήλ Φράγκος (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, απευθύνομαι στους Έλληνες που μας βλέπουν από τις τηλεοράσεις, τους υπολογιστές και τα κινητά τους. Απευθύνομαι στους κατοίκους της Σάμου, της Μυτιλήνης, των Διαβατών και της υπόλοιπης Ελλάδας, που έχουν δει τον τόπο τους να μετατρέπεται σε ένα απέραντο χαλιφάτο. Είναι πια δεδομένο πως η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση εξυπηρετεί τα συμφέροντα ατόμων όπως του Soros, που μέσω των MKO και των μουσουλμάνων αποσκοπούν στο να εξαλειφθεί o χριστιανισμός και να γεμίσει με τζαμιά η Ευρώπη.

Εμείς πρέπει να τιμήσουμε τις αξίες και τις παραδόσεις που κληρονομήσαμε από τους προγόνους μας. Είναι ντροπή η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση να χρησιμοποιεί τα χρήματα του Ευρωπαίου φορολογούμενου για να παρέχει δωρεάν διαμονή και διατροφή στους λαθρομετανάστες, τη στιγμή που υπάρχουν Έλληνες που λόγω της οικονομικής κρίσης έχουν φτάσει να κοιμούνται στα αυτοκίνητά τους. Εμείς, η Ελληνική Λύση, απαιτούμε μια Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση χριστιανική που θα έχει στον πυρήνα της τον ιερό θεσμό της οικογένειας και όχι μια Ευρώπη πολυπολιτισμική.



  Κωνσταντίνος Αρβανίτης (GUE/NGL). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, καταρχήν, κάποιες ομάδες έχουν χάσει την ουσία της συζήτησης. Σήμερα μιλάμε για τα ευρωπαϊκά σύνορα και πρέπει να τονίσουμε την αξία του πρόσφυγα και την αξία του μετανάστη· είναι άλλες έννοιες. Φεύγουν από τη δικιά τους κόλαση, λοιπόν, από τον πόλεμο και βιώνουν, εδώ στην Ευρώπη, την ευρωπαϊκή κόλαση. Εγώ αυτό καταλαβαίνω. Και, μάλιστα, με νόμιμη κρατική βία: τη βία των αστυνομικών, των συνοριοφυλάκων, την κρατική καταστολή. Στη Σερβία, στη Βοσνία-Ερζεγοβίνη, στην Κροατία, στην Ουγγαρία, στη Ρουμανία. Συμβαίνουν καθημερινά, καταγεγραμμένα, εκατοντάδες περιστατικά βίαιων απωθήσεων. Έχουμε μαρτυρίες, είμαστε εμείς οι ίδιοι αυτόπτες μάρτυρες· έχουν πάει εκπρόσωποι του Κοινοβουλίου. Και όταν εμείς —Σοσιαλιστές, Πράσινοι, αριστεροί βουλευτές, ευρωβουλευτές— δείχνουμε τις εικόνες των κατασπαραγμένων από σκυλιά της αστυνομίας ανθρώπων, οι δύο υπουργοί της Κροατίας λένε ότι είναι fake news. Και το ακούω και εδώ. Αυτό είναι προσβολή για τους βουλευτές· αυτό που κάνετε είναι προσβολή για τις πολιτικές ομάδες. Να ακούτε! Να ακούτε επιτέλους! Είναι ακροδεξιά ρητορική. Σας έχει μείνει μόνο το ID και η Ακροδεξιά. Θέλω επίσης να σας πω ότι στην Ελλάδα τοποθετούνται πλωτά φράγματα. Στα ελληνοτουρκικά σύνορα, εκατοντάδες πεθαίνουν από πνιγμό και από το κρύο. Και θέλω να κάνω μια ερώτηση τελευταία: θα μας πείτε τελικά την πρότασή σας; Όχι έκθεση ιδεών· να μας πείτε ποια είναι η πρότασή σας.


  Clara Ponsatí Obiols (NI). – Mr President, we cannot look at refugees as an external affair because being a refugee is a defining right for many of us. Many generations of Europeans, including those in my country who escaped the fascist horror of Franco 81 years ago, saved their lives thanks to their refugee status. Today there are refugee children and grandchildren sitting in this Parliament and who knows whether, unfortunately, there are also parents and grandparents of future refugees?

But being a refugee goes hand in hand with being a welcoming host. Europe, the daughter of refugees, must be a safe haven for refugees. Anyone seeking refuge, fleeing from wars, whether wars fought with weapons or with the economy, must feel that Europe is home – not to atone for the sins of colonialism, but to accelerate progress and peace in the world.


  Lena Düpont (PPE). – Herr Präsident, werte Kollegen! Bei der vergangenen Plenartagung haben wir über die Lage auf den griechischen Inseln gesprochen. Heute geht es auch um die kroatische Grenze. Für beide Fälle gilt: Unsere Asyl- und Migrationspolitik kann nur funktionieren, wenn sie internationalem und europäischem Recht folgt, wenn sie unsere humanitären Standards aufrechterhält. Gleichzeitig kann sie aber auch nur funktionieren, wenn wir endlich zu einem stringenten und konsequenten GEAS kommen. Der Schutz der Außengrenze ist dafür eine grundlegende Bedingung. Sowohl für Griechenland als auch für Kroatien als auch für alle anderen Staaten mit EU-Außengrenzen muss daher gelten: Wir erwarten und unterstützen die Einhaltung von Regeln, wir lassen euch aber auch nicht allein mit der Verantwortung. Das muss der europäische Ansatz sein. Hier frage ich Rat und Kommission: Wenn uns nicht die Situation auf der Westbalkanroute, die steigenden Zahlen illegaler Grenzübertritte oder die Instabilitäten in Europas Nachbarschaft dazu bringen, ein ambitioniertes und zukunftsfähiges Asyl- und Migrationspaket auf den Weg zu bringen, wenn wir dieses Zeitfenster nicht nutzen, was dann?


  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señor presidente, comisaria Dalli, violencia, sufrimiento, negación de tratamiento médico, de asistencia jurídica o de información, eso es una violación flagrante no solamente del Derecho internacional humanitario, sino del Derecho europeo. Para empezar, de la Directiva sobre el procedimiento de asilo de 2013.

Y, por lo tanto, la Comisión tiene la obligación de intervenir donde quiera que sea y donde quiera que se produzcan expulsiones masivas en frontera con flagrante violación del Protocolo n.º 4 del Convenio Europeo de Derechos Humanos, además del artículo 19 de la Carta de los Derechos Fundamentales de la Unión Europea, que vincula a todos los Estados miembros.

Dondequiera que se produzca, la Comisión tiene la obligación de incoar expediente de infracción y de asegurar la vinculación del acceso a los fondos europeos al estricto cumplimiento de los estándares de derechos fundamentales de todos los Estados miembros de la Unión Europea, incluido el Fondo de Asilo, Migración e Integración.

Pero, además, la Comisión tiene que hacer más. La Comisión, por supuesto, tiene que asegurar que no es posible ninguna expulsión ni ningún retorno a un país que no sea seguro, como Libia. Y la Comisión tiene la obligación de abrir, de una vez, canales legales y seguros de acceso a la Unión Europea para que la gente no se vea en la obligación de exponer la propia vida en el empeño. Visados humanitarios, como ha querido y ha ordenado este Parlamento en la pasada legislatura. Esa es la tarea para la presente legislatura, señora comisaria.

(El orador acepta responder a una pregunta formulada con arreglo al procedimiento de la «tarjeta azul» (artículo 171, apartado 8, del Reglamento interno)).


  Michaela Šojdrová (PPE), otázka položená zvednutím modré karty. – Opakovaně tady z řad socialistické frakce slyším, jak máme být otevření pro humanitární přijetí tisíců uprchlíků. Já souhlasím s tím, že EU musí zůstat bezpečným přístavem pro ty, kteří potřebují pomoc.

A já vás chci vyzvat: Oslovte socialistického ministra vnitra v ČR, aby přijal 50 nedoprovázených dětí z řeckého uprchlického tábora. Uděláte to? On to totiž odmítá. Je to člen socialistické strany, která odmítá přijmout pouze 50 nedoprovázených dětí.


  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D), respuesta de «tarjeta azul». – Señora Šojdrová, usted ha mencionado en su pregunta a los socialistas en este Parlamento Europeo y al ministro checo. Y yo no he mencionado a ninguna familia política ni a ningún país en concreto. Pero le recuerdo que quien quiera que haya entrado en este Parlamento Europeo lo ha hecho representando a un Estado miembro que se ha vinculado al Tratado de Lisboa, a la Carta de los Derechos Fundamentales de la Unión Europea, que reconoce como un derecho fundamental el derecho de asilo y que reconoce que el Derecho internacional humanitario es vinculante para todos los Estados miembros. También para el suyo.

Y, por tanto, no hay escapatoria. El Derecho humanitario nos vincula enteramente, y eso significa respetar a los demandantes de asilo. Hoy hemos votado el FADO exactamente para controlar mejor el acceso, en las fronteras Schengen, al espacio de libre circulación, pero, una vez que están dentro, tienen enteramente derecho a que sus derechos fundamentales, reconocidos en la Carta, sean protegidos por todos los Estados miembros.


   Irena Joveva (Renew). – Spoštovani predsedujoči, že leta smo priča poročanju o kratenju človekovih pravic beguncem in migrantom na zunanjih mejah Unije, med drugim, slišali smo že, tudi na hrvaški meji.

Spredaj, kot predsedujoči Svetu EU, sedijo predstavniki Hrvaške, v dvorani so tudi kolegi iz te države. Vem, kaj bi zdaj najraje spet rekli. Da nič ni res, da ni dokazov...

Pred enim mesecem je skupina nevladnih organizacij izdala poročilo o dogajanju lani tam. In iz dokumenta je razvidno, da hrvaške oblasti te ljudi pošiljajo nazaj v Bosno in Hercegovino pretepene s palicami, s posledicami strelov z zračnimi pištolami, bose, včasih gole. Na dogajanje opozarjajo tudi hrvaška ombudsmanka, agencije Združenih narodov, celo nekateri hrvaški policisti v svojih anonimnih izpovedih.

Evropska komisija, še v prejšnji sestavi sicer, pa je storila - kaj? Rekla, da Hrvaška izpolnjuje pogoje za vstop v Schengen. Toliko o tem. Če bo treba, bom šla osebno na teren, ampak čez noč in nenapovedano. Pa vam bom potem, sklepam, lahko svoje posnetke pokazala vsakič, ko boste rekli, kje so dokazi.

(Govornica se je strinjala, da sprejme vprašanje, nakazano z dvigom modrega kartončka v skladu s členom 171(8).)


  Karlo Ressler (PPE), pitanje koje je podizanjem plave kartice postavio. – Poštovani predsjedavajući, poštovana kolegice Joveva, jasno je da sve osobe koje žele zatražiti međunarodnu zaštitu to mogu učiniti, jasno, na službenim graničnim prijelazima i uz, normalno, osobne putne dokumente.

Ja bih vas htio pitati, bez obzira na sve i ove neutemeljene navode koje navodite, zbog čega smatrate da u Hrvatskoj postoji minimalan broj zahtjeva za azil, zbog čega osobe koje žele zatražiti međunarodnu zaštitu, a nalaze se u Bosni i Hercegovini to ne žele napraviti sa svojim dokumentima i to ne žele napraviti na službenim graničnim prijelazima.


  Irena Joveva (Renew), Odgovor na vprašanje, postavljeno z dvigom modrega kartončka. – Dragi kolega Ressler, nisem sicer sploh govorila o nobenih minimalnih prošnjah za azil, govorila sem o tem, kaj se dogaja na hrvaški meji, torej na zunanji meji Unije.

Zdaj vi pravite, da dokazov ni, da so to laži, da nič ni res. Mogoče gledamo druge novice ali slike, pa greva mogoče lahko na kavo pa si pogledava skupaj vse te slike in videoposnetke, ampak kot sem rekla, če bo treba, bom šla sama na mejo.

Bila sem že na meji kot novinarka, kot političarka bom šla še raje. Zato, ker imam večjo moč soodločanja, in upam, da vam bom potem lahko dokazovala sama, če ne verjamete novinarjem.


  Hynek Blaško (ID). – Pane předsedající, jako člověku je mi upřímně líto, v jaké situaci se nacházejí tisíce migrantů na vnější hranici EU.

Jako poslanci této instituce mi však vadí přístup zodpovědných orgánů k řešení problematiky migrace, který vyústil do těchto tristních podmínek. Drtivá většina migrantů pochází ze zemí, kde žádná válka neprobíhá. Je zcela zřejmé, že do Evropy přichází jen a pouze s vidinou snadného života, který je jim nabízen formou štědrých sociálních výhod.

Nemáme snad svoje problémy se sociální situací některých našich občanů a důchodců? Jakým právem jsou migranti upřednostňováni před lidmi, kteří tady pracují a platí daně? Jakým právem jsou upřednostňováni před důchodci, kteří tady celý život pracovali a platili daně a jejichž důchod se nerovná výhodám těch, které upřednostňujete?

Uvědomte si už konečně, že celý problém vyvoláváte svojí neuváženou sociální politikou a změňte ji, pak přestanete škodit migrantům i občanům Evropy.


  Damian Boeselager (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, two weeks ago we discussed the situation on the Greek islands, and I’m asking myself how much has really changed on the ground since we talked about it. And the answer is: the situation has got worse. We haven’t done anything at EU level to make the situation better. Yes, we still give money, but in the end, the idea of creating a floating barrier to stop people even asking for asylum and the overcrowding in the camps is still so bad that people are protesting now – both the local population and the refugees.

So I would ask us to stop the blame game between the Council and the Commission and act on both sides, as much as we can, to improve the situation on the ground. That means, on the Commission side, triggering the Civil Protection Mechanism today, and, on the Council side, actually accepting minors and refugees, who need our help so badly on the ground. Let us actually act today and not tomorrow.


  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Г-н Председател, уважаеми, чувам, че критикувате Хърватия. Нямате никакви основания да критикувате нито Хърватия, нито Гърция, нито България, защото ние, нашите държави, пазим вас от терористи, от ислямисти, от джихадисти. Защото ние спираме тези, които идват да взривяват европейските градове, и всяка една държава трябва да пази своите граници, и тя е суверенна държава, и нито един от вас не може да иска суверенните държави да пускат терористи на своя територия.

Но ще ви кажа защо това, което правите, е лицемерие, тежко лицемерие. Защото нито един от вас – тези, които твърдят, че са много загрижени, не е дал личен пример. Вдигнете ръка някой от вас, който е приел в дома си някой афганистански терорист или джихадист, вдигнете ръка. Има ли такъв? Във вашия хол, във вашата спалня, да живее с вашите деца. Чакам, има ли такъв? Не, няма! Тогава недейте, моля ви, да бъдете лицемерни и двулични.


  Maria Walsh (PPE). – Mr President, I’m surprised that there weren’t any blue cards after our colleague there from the ECR. The challenges we face in keeping our borders secure are immense and growing. We’ve seen an explosion in the numbers of people seeking a better life in the European Union away from violence and poverty and away from climate disasters. The appalling conditions in any of the EU refugee camps, be it in any of the countries we’re talking about tonight, are under severe pressure from the people that are most vulnerable and from the people in the European Union who are forgetting to support our brothers and sisters. The conditions are intolerable, and lip service is not supporting or aiding those we need to support. It cannot just be a small number of countries accommodating everybody. It needs Europe’s help.

The European project, dare I say, is a victim of its own success. We need to be compassionate to those who are risking their lives to come here, and we also need to find solidarity: the compassion in supporting our Member States who are most seeing the influx of people coming through.

I notice my time is up, and I will say we need a strategic and compassionate solution right now, Commissioner, from the top down. And dare I say, one instant solution we could make is perhaps having this conversation, this much needed dialogue, in the Hemicycle at a time when there’s a little bit more than 40 or 50 MEPs discussing it.


  Bettina Vollath (S&D). – Herr Präsident! Zweimal war ich persönlich vor Ort. Die humanitäre Situation an der kroatischen EU-Außengrenze zu Bosnien ist unverändert dramatisch, insbesondere die Situation der unbegleiteten Minderjährigen. Die Bevölkerung und die Lokalpolitik vor Ort sind mit der Situation überfordert und fühlen sich zu Recht von der EU verraten, verkauft und im Stich gelassen. Sonntagsreden wie die heute Abend hier von Kommission und Rat helfen uns nicht weiter. Dieses Kopf-in-den-Sand-Stecken schadet der EU viel mehr, als es der Brexit jemals vermag, denn es zerstört die EU-Aufsicht. Sorgen Sie bitte dringend für die notwendige Entschärfung der humanitären Notlage – besonders die Kinder müssen dort herausgeholt werden – und für ein unabhängiges Monitoring für die Vorfälle an dieser Grenze. Schaffen Sie endlich ein gemeinsames europäisches solidarisches Asylsystem ohne Misshandlungen und illegale pushbacks. Es gibt nur auf Basis der Menschenrechte echte Lösungen. Die EU muss endlich professionell handeln, wir verlieren sonst unsere letzte Glaubwürdigkeit.




  Silvia Sardone (ID). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sugli immigrati, i rifugiati e le loro condizioni nei centri di accoglienza l'Europa è colpevole, ipocrita e vigliacca. Colpevole perché grazie alle politiche di immigrazione senza freni e dell'accoglienza a tutti i costi, di fatto sono arrivati da noi disperati, costretti a sopravvivere nei campi, bivaccare nelle periferie e spesso persino a delinquere.

È ipocrita, perché vi stracciate le vesti sulle condizioni degli immigrati, ma poi lasciate soli i paesi del Mediterraneo. Io mi chiedo: perché non sostenete la rotazione dei porti? Perché non fate qualcosa per bloccare gli sbarchi, e quindi anche e soprattutto per bloccare le partenze? È vigliacca perché applaudite qui Carola Rackete e le ONG, ma poi di fatto supportate chi favorisce gli scafisti.

L'unico con una visione chiara si chiama Matteo Salvini. Ribadiamo: stop all'immigrazione clandestina, lotta ai trafficanti e fine del business dell'accoglienza!


  Elżbieta Kruk (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Śledząc liberalne media europejskie można odnieść wrażenie, jakoby kryzys migracyjny zakończył się w roku 2016. W rzeczywistości wciąż trwa i to w dwóch odsłonach: humanitarnej, na granicach zewnętrznych, oraz migracyjnej – wewnątrz Unii. Oficjalne statystyki pokazują, że sytuacja wciąż jest poważna.

Oto skutki polityki Unii Europejskiej z 2015 roku, kiedy to otwarto granice wszystkim przybyszom, błędnie lub świadomie klasyfikując ich jako uchodźców, choć w większości byli to emigranci ekonomiczni. Może więc mamy do czynienia z celową inżynierią społeczną, w założeniu której było sprowadzenie do Europy milionów migrantów, by przyśpieszyć koniec państw narodowych i stworzyć nowego człowieka bezideowego, bez narodowej tożsamości i bez chrześcijańskiej wiary. Zamiast bowiem zmienić politykę migracyjną, przemilcza się problem. Unia dysponuje zasobami, potrzebuje jedynie wizji politycznej innej niż zabójcza dla Europy neomarksistowska ideologia.


  Nuno Melo (PPE). – Senhora Presidente, uma Europa de fronteiras abertas é um absoluto disparate que só a utopia de uma esquerda muito irresponsável defende neste Parlamento. Não há um único país do mundo onde as fronteiras sejam abertas. Onde quem queira possa entrar dependendo só da sua vontade.

A União Europeia não tem, obviamente, de ser diferente. Temos de respeitar quem queira melhorar as suas condições de vida e temos a obrigação de acolher as pessoas com humanismo, mas, para que isso seja possível com recursos tão escassos, tem de haver muito rigor no controlo da entrada das fronteiras externas da União Europeia. E tem de se distinguir o que tem que ser distinguido: uma coisa são refugiados, outra coisa, são migrantes. Aos refugiados aplicam-se tratados e leis diferentes das leis que se aplicam aos migrantes, são realidades diferentes. Quem seja considerado refugiado que foge para salvar a sua vida deve ser acolhido, de acordo com leis ou tratados, mas quem apenas procura trabalho, quem seja migrante, deverá entrar, ou não, dependendo das leis e da vontade de cada país, com respeito pelo princípio da subsidiariedade.

Cada país é que sabe dos migrantes que necessita. O acesso descontrolado de migrantes à Europa não é aceitável, põe em risco a segurança das pessoas, o nosso sistema laboral, social e democrático. E o acolhimento dos verdadeiros refugiados, esse sim, deve, obviamente, acontecer.

(O orador aceita responder a uma pergunta cartão azul em conformidade com o artigo 171.º, n.º 8, do Regimento)


  Bettina Vollath (S&D), Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Sie haben auf die unterschiedliche rechtliche Basis für die Behandlung von Flüchtlingen und Migranten hingewiesen – das ist richtig. Aber eine Frage drängt sich auf: Haben Migranten trotzdem Menschenrechte und Grundrechte, oder gilt das für Migranten nicht, sondern nur für Flüchtlinge?


  Nuno Melo (PPE), Resposta segundo o procedimento "cartão azul". – A senhora deputada achará que se quiser entrar no Paquistão, na Índia, nos Estados Unidos, no Canadá, onde seja, entra só porque quer? Isso não acontece em nenhum país do mundo e têm direitos humanos. Os países têm o direito de regular os fluxos migratórios, têm direitos humanos e, enquanto humanos, têm também de respeitar as leis dos países. Já se se tratar de um refugiado verdadeiro, de alguém que quer fugir da morte, que quer proteger a sua família, aplicam-se tratados, devem obviamente ser acolhidos. Mas, por isso, são tão importantes os hotspots. Por isso se tem nas fronteiras externas que verificar muito bem quem quer entrar, porque o resto é utopia, palavras bonitas, mas que não resolvem nenhum problema e colocam em risco a sustentabilidade deste projeto comum. E eu gostava que a União Europeia durasse muitos e muitos anos.


  Norbert Neuser (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Mir geht es um die Menschen, die bereits aufgenommen worden sind. Wir haben hier eine humanitäre Notlage, und ich beziehe mich besonders auf die Situation auf den griechischen Inseln. Wir brauchen entschlossenes Handeln. Das verlangen die Vereinten Nationen von der EU und von Griechenland. Und es ist eine Blamage für uns gemeinsam, wenn die Vereinten Nationen uns auffordern müssen, dass wir auch entschlossen handeln.

Die Situation ist in den letzten zwölf Monaten dramatisch schlimmer geworden, und ich rede hier davon, dass wir insbesondere die Situation der Kinder sehen müssen. Ein Drittel derjenigen, die in Griechenland aufgenommen worden sind, sind Kinder unter zwölf Jahren. Hier ist die hygienische Situation, hier ist die Situation, was Krankheiten betrifft, in Lagern, die total überfüllt sind, katastrophal. Wir brauchen dringend eine gemeinsame Konferenz der EU-Kommission, der Regierungen Griechenlands und Kroatiens als Ratspräsidentschaft und der Vereinten Nationen, um die Situation gerade auf den griechischen Inseln human zu machen.


  Teuvo Hakkarainen (ID). – Arvoisa puhemies, kuka meistä haluaa kotinsa täyteen kutsumattomia vieraita, mahdollisia terroristeja? Meillä Suomessa, tuolla pohjoisessa, on tilanne, jossa 35 000 pakolaista tuli pakolaisen nimellä silloin 2015. Sen seurauksena lasten ja nuorten raiskaukset räjähtävät käsiin. Eli kuka valvoo tätä hommaa, kun nämä lapset tulevat? Meillekin tuli Suomeen median mukaan naisia ja lapsia, mutta minä kävin henkilökohtaisesti katsomassa siellä rajalla: 500 henkeä päivässä, minä laskin heidät. Kaikki olivat nuoria miehiä. Illalla media esitti meille, että täältä tuli naisia ja lapsia. Minun silmäni eivät valehtele. Minä luulen, että toimittajilla ja medialla on jonkinlainen linssi päässä. Kuka ottaa vastuun siitä, että tämmöinen laiton siirtolainen veti nuorelta naiselta nyt Suomessa kurkun auki? Kuka näistä ottaa vastuun?

(Puhuja suostui vastaamaan sinisen kortin kysymykseen (työjärjestyksen 171 artiklan 8 kohta)).


  Erik Marquardt (Verts/ALE), Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Sie haben ja gesagt, dass man zu Hause niemanden akzeptieren soll, den man nicht eingeladen hat. Es ist aber zum Beispiel auch so, dass ich Sie hier überhaupt nicht eingeladen habe, wir alle Sie hier nicht eingeladen haben, aber es Ihr gutes Recht ist, hier zu sitzen, weil wir einen Rechtsstaat haben, weil da Wahlen stattfinden, rechtsstaatlich, und Sie gewählt wurden. Und es ist auch so, dass man eben ein Asylsystem hat, wo man Leute nicht einladen muss, sondern wo sie Grundrechte haben. Ich wollte Sie eigentlich fragen, was Sie denn glauben, wer da eigentlich kommt. Denn wir wissen doch, dass es auch viele Probleme auf der Welt gibt, viele Geflüchtete. Würden Sie wirklich sagen, dass die überhaupt keinen Zugang zu rechtsstaatlichen Verfahren haben sollen?


  Teuvo Hakkarainen (ID), vastaus sinisen kortin kysymykseen. – Kysymyshän on ihmiskaupasta. Tällä hetkellä se on samanlaista kuin huumekauppa, ja siinä pyörii jopa suuremmat rahat kuin huumekaupassa. Säännöt ovat myös samanlaiset, niin että oikeusvaltio ei pysty puuttumaan näiden ihmisten tekemiin rikoksiin, jotka eivät itse välitä kenenkään ihmisoikeuksista yhtään mitään.


  Traian Băsescu (PPE). – Doamna președintă, Uniunea Europeană are nevoie de migrație, de o migrație controlată. Ceea ce se întâmplă însă înseamnă o migrație necontrolată, înseamnă trafic de ființe umane.

Din acest motiv, oamenii care ajung la frontierele Uniunii Europene sunt în pericol din prima clipă când și-au părăsit țara. Au de trecut prin țări de tranzit, unde rețele de crimă organizată îi aduc până la ambarcațiunea pe care se urcă și trec Mediterana.

Avem obligația să stopăm procesul de migrație ilegală de la origine. Avem nevoie de acorduri de readmisie, avem nevoie de înțelegeri cu guvernele țărilor de tranzit pentru neutralizarea echipelor de crimă organizată și avem nevoie de flotele militare ale statelor membre care să întoarcă ambarcațiunile cu migranți ilegali înapoi în porturile de plecare. Asta este soluția, altfel, ani de zile vom avea problema migrației ilegale, întrebându-ne ce facem în insulele grecești, ce facem în Croația? Trebuie să punem migrația sub control. ... (Președinta a întrerupt oratorul)


  Bernhard Zimniok (ID). – Frau Präsidentin! Immer und immer wieder debattieren wir in diesem Haus über die ungelöste Migrationskrise. Und warum? Weil sich die EU nach wie vor weigert, die Realitäten an ihren Grenzen anzuerkennen und entsprechend zu reagieren. Wir diskutieren über den Umgang mit sogenannten Flüchtlingen, lassen uns von der Asylindustrie sagen, was menschlich ist und wie wir zu handeln haben. Realitätsfremder geht es nicht mehr. Dabei ist es gar nicht so schwierig, dieses Problem zu lösen. Grenzen abriegeln, jedem Illegalen die Einreise verweigern. Das heißt auch, dass die Boote wieder sicher zu ihrem Ursprungsort zurückgebracht werden. Illegale Migranten müssen zurückgeführt werden, wenn erforderlich mit etwas Druck auf die Herkunftsländer. Verweigert sich ein Land, müssen wirkungsvolle Sanktionen folgen.

Wir lassen auf der einen Seite freudig jeden Illegalen ohne Kontrolle ins Land, auf der anderen Seite brauchen Sie neuerdings ein Pflanzengesundheitszeugnis, wenn Sie Pflanzen und Früchte aus dem Urlaub mitbringen. Wie absurd ist denn das? Setzen wir endlich die richtigen Signale! Stellen wir uns endlich unserer Verantwortung für den europäischen Bürger, verhindern wir die zahlreichen Toten im Mittelmeer, verhindern wir den Braindrain in den Herkunftsländern und hören wir endlich auf mit der Gefühlsduselei! Machen wir die Grenzen dicht!


  Andor Deli (PPE). – Elnök Asszony! Ez egy nagyon fontos téma. Ugyanakkor van egy szempont, amelyről eddig nem esett szó, és amelyet a baloldali képviselők következetesen kerülnek. Ez pedig az, hogy Bosznia, Szerbia, illetve a görögországi szigetek polgárai hogyan élik meg azt, hogy évek óta migránsok tömegei haladnak át településeiken, lepik el a köztereket, parkokat, foglalják el az üres házakat, hogy sötétedés után a helyi lakosok alig merészkednek ki az utcára. Jómagam Vajdaságból, Szerbia északi részéből származom, így pontosan tudom, milyen kilátástalan a helyzet. 2015-ben a nyomás akkora volt, hogy egyes településeken ellehetetlenedett az életet. A nyugat-balkáni útvonalon most ismét erősödik a nyomás, a közbiztonság pedig a határmenti településeken romlik. Az EU-nak Görögország mellett fokozott segítséget kell nyújtania a nyugat-balkáni tranzitországoknak is. Ezek nem gazdag országok, az erőforrásaik korlátoltak, a helyi lakosok pedig úgy érzik, hogy mindenki csak a migránsok jogaival foglalkozik, őket pedig elfelejtik. Képviseljük végre az európaiak érdekeit is ebben a vitában! Köszönöm.


  Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). – Pane předsedající, to, čemu čelí EU na hranicích, to je opravdu mimořádná situace. Humanitární situace uprchlíků v některých hotspotech je opravdu katastrofální.

Já sama jsem navštívila hotspot Moria a vím, jak tam ti lidé žijí, a přesto se nechtějí vrátit domů. Většina z nich se nemá kam vrátit, zejména tedy syrští uprchlíci. Do pohybu se daly miliony lidí, ať už ze Sýrie, Afriky, Pákistánu, Afghánistánu, a to není běžná situace, na kterou jsme byli připraveni. Musíme říci, že dnes, v roce 2020, je EU připravena lépe, a proto souhlasím s tím, co tady říkají kolegové z Chorvatska, že chorvatská vláda a chorvatské pohraniční síly dělají to, co dělat mají. Oni prostě musí chránit vnější hranici EU.

Samozřejmě, chovejme se lidsky. Tady, myslím, že tou hlavní nejohroženější skupinou jsou děti. Nedoprovázené děti, děti s matkami a těm by se mělo pomáhat především.


  Karlo Ressler (PPE). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, iznimno teški životni uvjeti migranata, ali isto tako i težak položaj lokalnog stanovništva svjedoče o našoj nespremnosti da se suočimo s migracijama. Potresni prizori koje vidimo i u Grčkoj, ali isto tako i duž jedine kopnene rute prema Europskoj uniji, nisu pitanje samo graničnih država članica, nego zaista cijele Europske unije.

Hrvatska je svoje srce i solidarnost dokazala i 1990-ih zbrinuvši preko milijun izbjeglica i prognanika, ali isto tako nasuprot navodima o navodnom nehumanom postupanju prema migrantima, hrvatska policija i za vrijeme ove debate štiti europsku granicu i spašava migrante u po život opasnim situacijama u koje ih dovode trgovci i krijumčari ljudima.

Ali isto tako, Hrvatska, niti Europska unija, ne smiju popustiti političkim pritiscima kojima smo svjedočili i u ovoj debati, koji nastoje promijeniti politiku učinkovite zaštite granice od nezakonitih prelazaka, jasno, uz punu zaštitu ljudskog dostojanstva.


„Catch the eye” eljárás


  Domènec Ruiz Devesa (S&D). – Señora presidenta, muchísimas gracias por permitir que todos podamos expresarnos en este debate tan importante. Yo creo que ha quedado claro en esta sesión que este es un tema relativo a la defensa de los derechos fundamentales en las fronteras de Europa. Y lo hemos suscitado porque se están violando, no solamente en la frontera entre Croacia y Bosnia Herzegovina, desde luego. Claramente no estamos a la altura de nuestros valores y de nuestras obligaciones legales —como bien han dicho mi compañero Juan Fernando López Aguilar, Kati Piri, Irena Joveva y otros compañeros de grupos—.

Entonces, claramente, cuando habla el Consejo de cruces ilegales... Pero, vamos a ver: si una persona se presenta en la frontera y no puede presentar una solicitud de asilo en la frontera, ¿cómo puede usted hablar de un cruce ilegal de la frontera? O, cuando no estamos permitiendo que se presenten solicitudes de asilo en los consulados y en las embajadas, ¿cómo nos llama la atención que la gente se presente en las fronteras exteriores de Europa? Eso es a lo que usted, señora representante del Consejo, nos debe contestar.


  Nicolaus Fest (ID).(Beginn des Redebeitrags bei ausgeschaltetem Mikro) ... reden und die Sachen verschieben sich immer weiter nach hinten. Das ist eine grobe Unzumutbarkeit gegenüber den anderen Abgeordneten hier, die hier noch zu anderen Themen sprechen wollen. Also fangen Sie endlich an, die Sitzung zu leiten und dann auch nach einer Minute Schluss zu machen. So geht es nicht!


  Željana Zovko (PPE). – Madam President, as I have already said, this is very emotional for me because I come from Bosnia and Herzegovina and I went through the war. The question of asylum seekers and refugees is a very emotional one, and I will read my speech in order not to get into deeper emotions about the people who are abusing the situation of these poor people.

‘Someone has been asleep in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the past three years’, said the Minister of Security of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Fahrudin Radončić. Last week in Zagreb he requested the assistance of the Republic of Croatia. He mentioned how the migration crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina should no longer be treated as a humanitarian crisis but as a security one. The country urgently needs over 400 extra border guards. Out of EUR 40 million allocated from European aid, only 7% is earmarked for the support of local institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Local institutions have endured most of the pressure since the beginning of the migrant crisis.

The only ones who profit from this crisis are human traffickers. The Croatian police arrested 95 of them only this year. Human traffickers are so present that the Deputy Director of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), Bonnie Glick, stated that America will have to cut their assistance to Bosnia and Herzegovina if institutions don’t intensify their fight against it. It’s a fragile country. Don’t play with Bosnia and Herzegovina here. Shame on you.


  Pernando Barrena Arza (GUE/NGL). – Madam President, we Members of this Parliament are aware of the fundamental rights violations occurring at the European Union borders and particularly the systematic practice of violent push-backs by Croatian law enforcement authorities. These places in Bosnia and Croatia are critical points as regards compliance with human rights, but highlights could also be made on another borders, like the French-Italian one, or the southern border of Spain, where push-backs also occur very often.

One a month ago a Spanish coastguard returned migrants to Moroccan authorities hours after they landed on Spanish soil. This is a violation of the protections granted by the European Court of Human Rights. It’s time to say once again that border control cannot under any circumstance violate current laws on human rights. Furthermore, European authorities and Member States should facilitate the priceless work that NGOs carry out rescuing people in the Mediterranean Sea, like the Basque ship Aita Mari, which rescued 158 people earlier this week.


  Sunčana Glavak (PPE). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, jedan od četiri prioriteta hrvatskog a predsjedanja Vijećem Europske unije jest Europa koja štiti jačanjem unutarnjem sigurnosti svojih građana te učinkovitijom zaštitom vanjskih granica.

Hrvatska zagovara, još jednom ću ponoviti, efikasno i humano upravljanje migracija i migrantskih puteva. Moja zemlja ima najdužu vanjsku granicu Europske unije te unatoč drugačijoj situaciji u našem susjedstvu, hrvatske granice su otvorene, takve će i ostati. Neće biti žica, neće biti barikada.

Ovom prilikom želim naglasiti da se postupanje na hrvatskim granicama odvija u potpunoj usklađenosti s hrvatskim i europskim zakonima i još jednom ponavljam, međunarodnim standardima i pravilima. Hrvatska se na dnevnoj bazi suočava s osobama koje ne žele ostati u našoj zemlji, cilj im je zapadna Europa. Moramo biti svjesni činjenice da problem migracija nije pitanje samo jedne države već cijele Unije.

Završit ću, naši politički stavovi ne moraju biti isti, kolegice i kolege, ali moraju biti isti oni ljudski. Dakle, želimo zakonite migracije i ljudskost prije svega.


  Maria Arena (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, le droit d’asile n’est pas un choix, mais un devoir. Un devoir lié aux conventions internationales relatives au statut des réfugiés, dont le principe fondamental est le non-refoulement et auxquelles les États membres sont parties, y compris la Croatie. Mais c’est aussi l’article 2 du traité sur l’Union européenne, selon lequel l’Union est fondée sur les valeurs de respect de la dignité humaine, de liberté, de démocratie et d’égalité.

La gestion des frontières doit donc se faire conformément au traité et aux engagements internationaux. Pourtant, pour limiter le flux migratoire, l’Union européenne et les États membres n’ont pas respecté ce cadre légal et ont de surcroît externalisé la gestion migratoire par des accords bilatéraux avec des pays qui, souvent, ne remplissent pas les conditions suffisantes matérielles, mais aussi légales, pour assurer la protection des migrants. Tous les rapports et les témoignages nous le disent: les conditions ne sont pas respectées.

Alors une simple question: pensez-vous que les États membres aujourd’hui sont respectueux de la convention relative au statut des réfugiés? Sinon, que souhaitez-vous faire pour qu’ils le soient? Et enfin, pensez-vous que traiter et sous-traiter la migration à la Turquie, la Bosnie, la Libye, la Mauritanie, le Maroc ou à d’autres règle structurellement le problème de la migration, avec la garantie du respect de nos engagements internationaux?


  Γεώργιος Κύρτσος (PPE). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, καταρχήν θα ήθελα να ευχαριστήσω την Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή για την προσπάθεια που κάνει υπέρ των προσφύγων και των μεταναστών. Έχουμε φτάσει, όμως, σε ένα οριακό σημείο. Κατά την άποψή μου, πρέπει να αλλάξουν οι κανόνες του Δουβλίνου, για να υπάρξει πιο ανθρώπινη μεταχείριση των προσφύγων και των μεταναστών. Να αλλάξουν δηλαδή οι κανόνες και να μοιραστεί το βάρος· να μην πέφτει όλο το βάρος στις χώρες πρώτης εισόδου. Αντιλαμβάνομαι ότι αυτό είναι πολιτικά δύσκολο, γιατί πολλές χώρες και πολλές κυβερνήσεις είναι σε κατάσταση σοκ μετά την κρίση του 2015-2016, αλλά είναι ο μόνος τρόπος για να έχουμε ένα θετικό αποτέλεσμα. Επίσης, υπάρχει μια πρόταση του Έλληνα πρωθυπουργού για 4.000 ασυνόδευτους ανηλίκους που έχουν εγκλωβιστεί στην Ελλάδα, μήπως μπορέσουμε και τους μοιραστούμε στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Υπάρχει μια πρώτη ανταπόκριση, αλλά θα μπορούσε να είναι και καλύτερη.


  Sandra Pereira (GUE/NGL). – Senhora Presidente, a mesma União Europeia que se proclama como grande defensora dos direitos humanos alimenta uma das maiores crises humanitárias da atualidade, assim já reconhecida pela ONU.

Os mais diversos critérios, seletivos, restritivos e desumanos, são criados para escolher uns e abandonar outros, obrigando-os a permanecerem em autênticos campos de concentração, sobrelotados, em condições desumanas, deploráveis e degradantes.

A União Europeia prossegue os esforços para consolidar o conceito da UE fortaleza, promovendo a externalização das suas fronteiras, mesmo que à luz de decadentes e criminosos acordos, como o acordo com a Turquia ou com a Líbia, país destruído pela intervenção direta da União Europeia e das suas potências, entre outras ditas “parcerias”, impondo as suas políticas para as migrações a países terceiros, condicionando, inclusive, a ajuda ao desenvolvimento e à implementação de restrições aos fluxos migratórios.

Uma vez mais afirmamos que é preciso pôr fim à destabilização, ingerência e agressão sobre países terceiros e cumprir, escrupulosamente, o direito internacional em matéria de migrações.


(„Catch the eye” eljárás vége)


  Helena Dalli, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, thank you all for your interventions. I take from this debate that the respect for the fundamental rights, including the principle of non—refoulement of all people, is a priority, independently of their status and whether they are inside or outside the EU. I agree with you that there should be no physical violence against migrants and refugees – I guess this is an understatement here – and we should ensure that adequate measures are in place to address the needs of the most vulnerable, notably the children, at all steps of the migratory routes.

Border guards and police should carry out their duties in full respect of fundamental rights – that goes without saying. We have revised our legislation to ensure that safeguards are in place in case of alleged violation of fundamental rights. It is important that these mechanisms play their role.

On our side, the Commission will continue to monitor the compliance of the situation at the borders with EU law. We will continue engaging with our partners and neighbouring countries, notably in the Western Balkans, to provide assistance to migrants in third countries to avoid them falling into the hands of unscrupulous smuggling networks.

Regarding the question posed by you, Mr Azmani, the Commission also considers that the core challenges at our external border are inherently linked with those of the situations Member States have inside the EU. So therefore, these challenges should be addressed jointly. Many of the issues you raised tonight, such as secondary movement, border controls and cooperation with third countries – and, of course, also the humanitarian situation at our border – are key issues that will be addressed in the new pact on migration.

Migration is among the most significant challenges the European Union has faced in recent years. We cannot stay idle to the suffering of the migrants at our borders. We need to find a common understanding on how we collectively shape and manage the realities of migration. We need to work together to address this phenomenon that is here to stay, in full respect of the dignity of the persons involved. We count on your support.


  Nikolina Brnjac, President-in-Office of the Council. – Madam President, honourable Members, let me thank you for this debate. There is no doubt that the situation at our external borders must be addressed in an effective and timely manner. As I have already stressed, we are committed to improving reception conditions for migrants, especially those of vulnerable groups.

On a broader note, I would like to reiterate that the Croatian Presidency intends to continue focusing on implementation with regard to the comprehensive approach to migration. We will do our part to ensure coherent action at EU level in terms of more effective control of the EU external borders and increased external action, as well as to address internal aspects.

Regarding the alleged push-backs and the situation at the Croatian-Bosnian border, as you’re all aware, I’m here today in my capacity as the Presidency of the EU Council, not nationally. However, I would like to comment on this, because I feel that Croatia has been unjustly portrayed regarding alleged mistreatment of illegal migrants. I can assure you that there is zero tolerance for violence in Croatia. This is strongly underlined by my government in all areas. We take all allegations of police violence against migrants very seriously. Therefore, there is especially no tolerance for unlawful use of coercive measures by the Croatian police against any population, as well as for non-prosecution of any crime or misdemeanour committed by police officers. Every single complaint is carefully investigated by the Croatian Ministry of the Interior. I can assure you that Croatian police respect the fundamental rights, safety and dignity in the treatment of migrants in full compliance with international, EU and national law. Croatia as an EU member has the task, in accordance with the Schengen Border Code and national legislation, of protecting the state border and preventing illegal migration.

Regarding the common European asylum system reform, it remains our common priority to tackle the key issue from a broader perspective and to search for a comprehensive solution to the challenges. Extensive work has been done by the previous presidencies, and it is our intention to continue building on the foundations they set with the new Commission. We will continue working towards the approach with balanced responsibility and solidarity, in line with the European Council’s new strategic agenda. The Croatian Presidency hopes this issue will be adequately addressed in the new pact on migration and asylum, and we look forward to its presentation.

Regarding the situation in Greece, it is a positive development that the new Greek Government has adopted a new legislative framework for asylum and related issues like return and reception facilities. It entered into force on 1 January 2020. We look forward to its speedy implementation. An efficient asylum system is key to managing migration flows, as well as for the implementation of the EU-Turkey statement, notably on readmissions.


  Elnök asszony. – A vitát lezárom.

A szavazásra a viták végén kerül sor.

Írásos nyilatkozatok (171. cikk)


  Milan Brglez (S&D), pisno. – Decembra se je na pragu EU odvijala saga razčlovečenja več kot 1.000 posameznikov v begunskem taborišču Vučjak, na katero sem sam s sopodpisanimi evropskimi poslankami in poslanci opozoril v pismu Komisiji.

Pasivnost (tudi evropske) politike od poletja 2019, ko so na tem območju bili začasno naseljeni begunci in migranti, bi se lahko sprevrgla v širšo humanitarno katastrofo s posledicami za regionalno varnost. Ta nevarnost še vedno vztraja, k čemur poleg zapletenih notranjepolitičnih razmer prispevajo tudi sosednje države s prakso onemogočanja dostopa do azilnih postopkov ter z nasilnim izgonom beguncev in migrantov.

Komisija ne more biti ravnodušna ob nastajanju trdnjave Evrope, ki se jo brani z grobimi kršitvami človekovih pravic. Nujno je zagotoviti, da države, v prvi vrsti članice EU in (kandidatke za) članice Schengena, vzpostavijo dejansko neodvisne nadzorne mehanizme za nadzor nad izvajanjem mejne kontrole, ki mora vključevati skrben pregled varovanja temeljnih človekovih pravic in svoboščin.

Nadaljevati je potrebno z iskanjem rešitve za nadgradnjo dublinskega sistema za skupno in solidarno evropsko azilno politiko. Ne želim si, da bi mehanizem EU za krizno upravljanje moral posredovati v naši soseščini zgolj zaradi neusklajenosti politike držav članic, še zlasti tistih, kjer vladajoča politična elita akumulira svoje volilne glasove na račun človeške stiske.

Aġġornata l-aħħar: 16 ta' Lulju 2020Avviż legali - Politika tal-privatezza