Az ülések szó szerinti jegyzőkönyve

2020. június 17., Szerda - Brüsszel

22. Az Európai Tanács 2020. június 19-i ülésének előkészítése - Ajánlások a Nagy-Britannia és Észak-Írország Egyesült Királyságával való új partnerségről folytatandó tárgyalásokhoz (vita)

  Presidente. – L'ordine del giorno reca, in discussione congiunta:

– le dichiarazioni del Consiglio e della Commissione sulla preparazione della riunione del Consiglio europeo del 19 giugno 2020 (2020/2656(RSP)), e

– la relazione di Kati Piri e Christophe Hansen, a nome della commissione per gli affari esteri e della commissione per il commercio internazionale, sulla raccomandazione del Parlamento europeo per i negoziati su un nuovo partenariato con il Regno Unito di Gran Bretagna e Irlanda del Nord (2020/2023(INI)) (A9-0117/2020).

  Nikolina Brnjac, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, the coronavirus pandemic continues to create extraordinary challenges for our societies. As we emerge from the height of the health crisis, we now face a different, yet pressing, task: creating the conditions for a successful economic and social recovery.

We need to support the sectors and regions most affected by the pandemic to kick-start the economy and lay the ground for a sustainable recovery across Europe. Yet we also need to ensure that other vital priorities for our Union, such as the green and digital transition, are met and matched by the right resources.

That is why the EU recovery plan, presented by the Commission at the end of May, is so important, and why it will be the main focus of our efforts in the weeks ahead. We will shortly be called on to agree not only on the instruments of the recovery, but on the entire Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF) for the coming years, and this is no small task.

The Council and the European Council are fully mobilised behind this common effort. Members of the European Council will hold an orientation debate on the EU recovery package on Friday through video conference. The President of the European Council wants to give leaders an opportunity to discuss the various aspects of the overall packages and prepare the subsequent summit, which should, if possible, be a physical meeting.

While the President of the European Council launched the political consultations at the highest level, following the Commission’s proposal, we also immediately started work in the Council. The Croatian Presidency has organised a series of meetings, both at technical and political levels, in order for the delegates to closely examine and present their views on the building blocks of the package. This technical and political work on the proposals is needed to pave the way for the leaders’ discussion. These discussions in the Council have helped clarify many issues and were held in a positive atmosphere. Delegations are willing to look at both the MFF and the recovery plan as a package, taking into account the effects of this crisis.

Continuous cooperation with the European Parliament will remain crucial if we want the package to enter into force already in January 2021. The ambition is for the European Council to provide its political guidance to the Council before the summer break, which would allow us to promptly seek the European Parliament’s consent. Let us be honest: this is a very ambitious approach. Positions are still apart on a number of issues, but together we have to make sure and do our utmost so that the MFF and the Recovery Instrument swiftly bring tangible positive effects for our citizens and businesses.

While the EU recovery package will be the main focus of the leaders’ discussions on Friday, they will also touch upon other issues. In particular, let me note that President Michel will update the leaders on the state of play of the EU—UK negotiations on the future partnership. Unfortunately, so far we have not have not achieved as much as we had hoped for. That is the case in all four crucial areas: the level playing field, fisheries, governance and internal security, as well as foreign policy and external security, to which you rightly devote a section in your recommendation.

Since the UK Government has confirmed that they will not consider an extension of the transition period, what is ahead of us is about four months of further negotiation, taking into account the time necessary for a proper ratification process. The fact that we are left with so little time is not the choice of the Council, nor of the Parliament, but we have to respect it. The mandate and political declaration that are guiding our negotiator, as well as your resolution on the subject, are anchored into the situation created by the United Kingdom. The UK has a choice: either to preserve enough alignment with the Union and retain substantial access to the single market, or choose its own path – not only in terms of sovereignty, but also in regulatory terms, which would reduce the scope and the depth of the partnership that can be concluded.

We believe that the negotiating mandate, adopted by the Council last February and largely echoed by your resolution, provides for enough flexibility to find an agreement in the little time left. This is also why we support the decision of the negotiators to intensify the pace of negotiations over the summer so that, by October, we can see a draft partnership emerging.

Before I conclude, let me finally stress that, as also pointed out in your draft recommendation, we have causes for concern in the current implementation of the Withdrawal Agreement. Needless to say, progress in the partnership negotiations has to go hand in hand with progress in the implementation of the Withdrawal Agreement.

  Ursula von der Leyen, President of the Commission. – Mr President, the negotiations with the United Kingdom always promised to be difficult, and they have not disappointed.

On Monday, President Sassoli, President Michel, and I discussed the way forward with Prime Minister Johnson. The Prime Minister confirmed that he does not want to extend the transition period beyond the end of this year. We, on our side, have always been ready to grant an extension, but it takes two to tango. This means that we are now half-way through these negotiations with five months left to go, but we are definitely not half-way through the work to reach an agreement, with little time ahead of us.

We will do all in our power to reach an agreement; we will be constructive, as we’ve always been, and we are ready to be creative to find common ground where there seems to be none. What we are not ready to do is to put into question our principles and the integrity of our Union because it is our duty to protect the interests of the European citizens.

Michel Barnier has done an outstanding job over the last month and has explained many times why the four outstanding issues are so crucial. First of all, the level playing field. The fundamental issue at stake here is fair competition. We are ready and willing to compete with British firms. They are excellent and our firms are excellent too; but it cannot be a downward competition. Just think of labour standards or environmental protection. It should be a shared interest for the European Union and the UK to never slide backwards and always advance together towards higher standards.

Second, on fisheries: no one is questioning the UK’s sovereignty in its own waters, without any question. But we ask for predictability and we ask for guarantees for fishermen and fisherwomen who have been sailing in those waters for decades. It is very clear that there cannot be a comprehensive trade agreement without fisheries, without a level playing field or without strong governance mechanisms. Governance may sound like an issue for bureaucrats but it is not. It is central for our businesses and our private citizens, both in the UK and in the European Union. It is crucial to ensure that what has been agreed is actually done.

Finally, on police and judicial cooperation: we want our citizens’ liberties, fundamental rights and data to be safeguarded in all circumstances and this is why we expect a role for the European Court of Justice where it matters. These are objectives, not only in our discussions with the UK but in any relationship with any partner because these are principles at the heart of the European Union. Fair competition, rising social standards, the protection of our citizens and the rule of law, this is who we are and it is not going to change.

Honourable members, I am particularly glad for the unity that all institutions have shown and for this Parliament’s full support throughout this process. This will be even be more important than the next phase of the talks. No one can say with certainty where these negotiations will be at the end of the year, but I know for sure that we will have done everything to reach an agreement and to have a good start with the UK as a third-country neighbour.

Meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren Abgeordneten! Unsere britischen Freunde sind leider entschlossen, einen Schritt zurückzugehen. Sie wollen die Europäische Union und den Gemeinsamen Markt verlassen. Wir werden weiter daran arbeiten, die wirtschaftlichen Folgen für unsere Union abzufedern, und gleichzeitig fordert uns die Gesundheits- und Wirtschaftskrise in einer noch nie dagewesenen Form heraus.

Die Europäische Kommission ist in die Verantwortung gegangen. Mit Next Generation EU haben wir einen ambitionierten, einen mutigen Vorschlag präsentiert. Next Generation EU ist ausgewogen, es hilft jenen, die viele Kranke und Tote zu beklagen haben, aber es hilft ebenso den Staaten, die indirekt schwer betroffen sind, weil Lieferketten gerissen sind, weil Fabriken stillstehen, weil die Arbeitslosigkeit steigt.

Next Generation EU ist aber weit mehr als ein Rettungspaket. Es ist ein Beschleuniger für Wissenschaft, innovative Forschung und Investitionen in Zukunftstechnologien. Wenn wir es richtigmachen, wird Next Generation EU nicht nur zur Erholung unseres Binnenmarkts führen, sondern seine Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und seine Innovationskraft voranbringen. Was uns wichtig ist, ist, dass wir damit die längst überfällige Modernisierung beschleunigen. Wir wollen nicht in den Zustand vor der Krise, sondern wir wollen nach vorne gehen in einer modernen Wirtschaft, in einer innovationsfähigen Wirtschaft, die uns nach der Krise stärker macht, als wir vorher waren.

Next Generation EU ist auch ein Vertrag zwischen den Generationen. Ja, es stimmt, wir müssen jetzt gewaltige Investitionen tätigen, um uns aus der Krise zu wuchten, aber wir bauen mit dem Geld ein besseres, ein nachhaltigeres und ein digitaleres Europa. Europa geht voran. Andere Regionen in der Welt verfolgen ganz genau, was gerade hier passiert, und auch deswegen haben wir Next Generation EU so ausgerichtet, dass es Europas Position in der unmittelbaren Nachbarschaft ebenso stärkt wie auf der großen Bühne. Wir haben jetzt die Chance und die Verpflichtung, ein Europa zu bauen, das besser in der Lage ist, den globalen Stürmen zu trotzen und künftigen Generationen eine sichere Heimat zu sein.

Meine Damen und Herren, ich hatte schon mehrfach die Gelegenheit, Ihnen den MFR und Next Generation EU zu erläutern. Das werden wir auch am Freitag im Europäischen Rat tun. Next Generation EU wurde in seinen Grundzügen positiv aufgenommen, auch die Reaktion der Märkte darauf war sehr positiv, und mir ist klar, dass es gleichzeitig sehr wichtig ist, dass wir diese Aufgabe angesichts ihrer Größe und Komplexität ausführlich erklären und ausführlich diskutieren, auch hier in diesem Haus.

Mir ist insbesondere wichtig: die Rolle des Europäischen Parlaments, das richtige Verhältnis zwischen nationalen Reformanstrengungen in den Mitgliedstaaten und unseren europäischen Prioritäten – insbesondere dem European Green Deal, der Digitalisierung und der Resilienz – und drittens die Bedeutung neuer Eigenmittel für die Union in einem fundierten Rückzahlungsplan. Es ist meine feste Absicht, mit Ihnen dazu im intensiven Gespräch zu sein. Wir müssen alle an einem Strang ziehen, wir können uns keinen Verzug leisten. Lassen Sie uns das gemeinsam anpacken für Europa!

  Kati Piri, Rapporteur. – Mr President, 204 days: that is the time we have left to reach a deal on our future relationship with the United Kingdom. We are now halfway through the transition period, we have held four rounds of negotiations, and it seems we have reached a stalemate. What is needed now is an injection of new energy and dynamism: a paradigm shift in these talks. And although the joint declaration of last Monday didn’t give us many clues, in this House we all hope that the high-level meeting did just that: create a new dynamism.

For this Parliament, a comprehensive agreement means guarantees on fair competition with clear social, environmental and labour protection, and this is what Prime Minister Johnson and the EU signed up to only months ago in the political declaration. None of this should be in any way controversial. With zero tariffs, zero quotas, comes – logically – zero dumping. An ambitious and comprehensive future partnership is in the best interest of both the UK and the EU citizens.

We, of course, welcome the latest enthusiasm and euphoria of Prime Minister Johnson and his drive to finalise a deal within six weeks – but the Prime Minister did not explain how. We very much look forward to hearing the details on that.

Over the past few months, the European Parliament has shown its commitment and has taken its responsibility in reaching this deal. With the UK Coordination Group, two lead committees and 17 opinion-giving committees, we have developed a unique and unprecedented procedure for the report, prepared by Christophe Hansen and myself, that reflects how serious we take our role as the European Parliament. Our President this week took part in the high-level meeting to also present our position, and I’m proud to say that Parliament stands united on a strong text with a clear political message. And that message is simple: yes, we want a deal, but we will not simply consent to just any deal. Our consent is conditional on the UK Government’s adherence to its own commitments. The UK must respect the political declaration and ensure the full implementation of the Withdrawal Agreement.

Let me be very clear: the UK’s expectation to keep the benefits and rights of a Member State, without agreeing to any obligations, is not realistic. It’s only logical that, if you want to have access to the market of 450 million citizens, this will come with conditions. The UK Government made a conscious decision to leave the Single Market. We respect this, but so should the United Kingdom, and without a level playing field and fisheries, there cannot be a trade agreement.

I do not see a divide between the people of the United Kingdom and those of the European Union. The division I see is between those that have a vision and seek a comprehensive deal, and a UK Government that backtracks on its commitment and continues to put ideology over the interests of its own people. The way forward is clear: we stand united in our demand for an ambitious and comprehensive future partnership with clear conditions and red lines, as formulated. The European Union is united and continues to stand ready to negotiate in good faith: constructively, as an honest broker. Our chief negotiator, Michel Barnier, has our full support, and we hope that finally the time has come for Mr Johnson and the UK Government to join us and deliver. We are ready.

  Christophe Hansen, Rapporteur. – Mr President, almost exactly four years ago, on 23 June 2016, the Brexit referendum took place in the United Kingdom. Since then, we have been treated to four years of drama, witnessing the UK’s painful coming-to-grips with the reality of unwinding decades of membership of the largest single market in the world and, in my humble opinion, the best cooperation project – even with its imperfections – that mankind has so far created.

The Global Britain that Brexiteers dangled before the British people is no longer a viable project – if it even ever was – in a newly polarised world, where the institutions that underpin the multilateral order are being hollowed out and where protectionism is growing in the wake of the coronavirus. While the political Brexit happened last January, the economic Brexit still looms large at the end of this year, following the UK’s ideological decision not to extend the transition period.

Our message for the ongoing negotiations is crystal clear: the European Parliament stands behind our chief negotiator, Michel Barnier. The UK claims to seek an agreement rooted only in precedent, yet their proposals in areas such as financial services or professional qualifications go well beyond what the EU has ever conceded in any other FTA. The UK refuses to engage with the EU on topics such as public procurement – notwithstanding commitments taken in the Political Declaration – and refuses to speak about SMEs, yet they do so with other negotiating partners, the latest example being the UK’s objectives for negotiations with Australia, published today, and including government procurement and SME chapters. What a surprise!

Any agreement without robust guarantees for a level playing field or without an agreement on fisheries simply will not fly. And let’s be clear: a level playing field does not mean a copy/paste of our rules and regulations, but rather that we take our common point of departure as a point of no regression, following which we jointly managefuture divergence to guarantee equivalence, not necessarily identical rules for all players. We stand firmly behind the Commission’s approach to press for a comprehensive agreement. We reject the UK’s piecemeal, sectoral approach as it is well known that salami tactics lead to a cluttered spaghetti-bowl agreement. The implementation of the Withdrawal Agreement remains key and the European Court of Justice must remain the sole referee of EU law. Indeed, the EU is no less sovereign in its decision-making and decision-taking than the UK is.

Finally, allow me to thank my co-rapporteur, Kati Piri, for the excellent collaboration we have had in this exercise. I would also like to thank the 17 committees which gave an opinion for their valuable input. I sincerely hope that there will only be one last Brexit resolution: to consent to a balanced agreement no later than November this year. Personally, I remain confident that the legendary British pragmatism will prevail over ideology in the interest of all UK and EU citizens. The unilateral, staged introduction of border controls for EU goods coming into the UK, announced last Friday, to give corona-hit businesses time to adapt seems to indicate that. So let’s use this new momentum very wisely.

  Nicolae Ştefănuță, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Budgets. – Mr President, compromise seems to mean that half a loaf is better than the entire loaf. It seems nowadays that that’s the position of the UK, whereas before, half a loaf was definitely not better than the entire loaf. Prime Minister Johnson said yesterday, in a press conference, that he wanted a more dynamic nature to these negotiations. He wanted more ‘oomph’. Well, that’s just a metaphor for the UK’s lack of cooperation in the last four rounds, the lack of transparency and also for its lack of commitment to the political declarations that were signed. Prime Minister Johnson: he who rides a tiger is afraid to dismount! Decisions have consequences, and the European Parliament is committed to protecting the best interests of its citizens.

The UK’s participation cannot be a Swedish buffet. We cannot allow cherry-picking. We cannot allow a piecemeal approach. Such decisions have consequences. But no one will take away the UK’s role in the unification of this continent. We all look around and know the fact that this Parliament is sadder without its British colleagues on the benches and we also know that four years ago Jo Cox was slain at the hands of a murderer, and Jo Cox said to us, ‘that which unites us is more important than that which divides us’.

  Pedro Silva Pereira, relator de parecer da Comissão dos Assuntos Económicos e Monetários. – Sr. Presidente, ao fim de vários meses, as negociações entre o Reino Unido e a União Europeia continuam sem avanços significativos nas questões mais sensíveis, fazendo ressurgir o cenário de um não acordo.

Nestas condições, não é aceitável nem responsável que o Reino Unido recuse qualquer extensão do período de transição e, ao mesmo tempo, não tenha uma atitude construtiva nas negociações e insista em não cumprir sequer os compromissos que assumiu na declaração política e no acordo de saída, em especial quanto ao estabelecimento de controlos fronteiriços na Irlanda do Norte.

Portanto, se o Governo de Boris Johnson quer realmente um acordo, a sua atitude negocial tem de mudar. O Parlamento Europeu apoia integralmente a equipa de Michel Barnier na procura de um bom acordo e deixa também claro o que não quer: o mau acordo que não salvaguarde o mercado único nem os nossos padrões ambientais, sociais e laborais.

A ameaça de um mau acordo e a ameaça de um não acordo são jogos perigosos que têm tudo para correr mal.

  Kris Peeters, Rapporteur voor advies van de Commissie interne markt en consumentenbescherming. – Voorzitter, de tijd tikt, maar de vraag dringt zich op of er werkelijk een affectio societatis - de wil om duurzaam te onderhandelen en tot een resultaat te komen - aanwezig is. Zowel de Europese bedrijven als de werknemers verwachten een akkoord. Zeker nu een economische orkaan als COVID-19 door Europa en het bedrijfsleven waart.

Falen is geen optie! Voor mijn land alleen al staan tweeënveertigduizend jobs op het spel en voor de EU is dat 1,2 miljoen in het geval van een harde brexit. Het ontwerpverslag dat hier vandaag voorligt, kan en moet een akkoord faciliteren. Deze tekst geeft de principes voor een nieuw partnerschap weer.

Ten eerste wil ik benadrukken dat het terugtrekkingsakkoord allereerst duidelijk en in zijn geheel moet worden uitgevoerd. De kmo’s moeten zekerheid krijgen. Ten tweede wil ik beklemtonen dat bij een nieuw partnerschapsakkoord de Europese interne marktregels gerespecteerd moeten worden. Ten derde moet de naleving van het akkoord blijvend zijn.

Collega’s, we hebben nog slechts enkele maanden te gaan. Maar ik hoop van harte dat het noodzakelijke akkoord tussen de EU en het VK zal worden gesloten met een grote affectio societatis.

  Johan Danielsson, föredragande av yttrande från utskottet för transport och turism. – Herr talman! Tack till Michel Barnier, som är här idag, för allt hans arbete. Det är helt centralt att vi håller oss lugna och tillsammans fortsätter att förhandla efter de mandat som vi tidigare har kommit överens om. Jag har varit ansvarig i transportutskottet för den här frågan. Det är helt klart att det är viktigt att vi får på plats ett avtal som garanterar fortsatta bra förbindelser mellan EU och Storbritannien.

Varje år sker det över 4 miljoner lastbilstransporter med gods till och från Storbritannien. Över 54 miljoner passagerare reser mellan EU och Storbritannien varje år. Så det har en helt central betydelse att upprätthålla de här gods- och passagerartransporterna. Men samtidigt är det ju så att Storbritannien har valt att lämna unionen, och då kan man inte behålla samma rättigheter utan några som helst skyldigheter.

Det vi måste säkerställa är ett avtal som säkerställer fortsatt bra förbindelser men som också garanterar oss att Storbritannien inte kan underminera våra goda arbetsvillkor, våra miljöstandarder och på andra sätt underbudskonkurrera med Europeiska unionen.

  Pascal Arimont, Verfasser der Stellungnahme des mitberatenden Ausschusses für regionale Entwicklung. – Herr Präsident, cher Monsieur Barnier, cher Michel! Machen wir uns nichts vor: Dieser Brexit ist und bleibt ein gewaltiger historischer Fehler – er wird nur Verlierer kennen.

Wie so oft in der Geschichte wird sich zeigen, dass Trennung und Abspaltung nur Verlust bringen können. Nur die Zusammenarbeit über die Grenzen hinweg kann wirklichen Mehrwert für die Menschen in Europa bringen. Das haben uns die letzten 70 Jahre eindrucksvoll gezeigt.

Nun steht aber sogar ein ungeordneter Brexit ins Haus. Dieser ist sogar sehr wahrscheinlich geworden. Für diesen Fall möchte ich unsere kleinen und mittleren Unternehmen geschützt sehen, denn sie und ihre Beschäftigten können für diese Situation rein gar nichts. Diese kleinen Unternehmen können auch nicht so einfach – so wie die großen Player – schnell und flexibel auf sich verändernde Handelsbeziehungen reagieren. Wir brauchen also schnelle Hilfsmittel für kleine und mittlere Unternehmen im Falle eines harten Brexits, den niemand wünscht.

Im Dezember haben wir im Ausschuss für regionale Entwicklung für diesen Fall den Rückgriff auf den Solidaritätsfonds vorgeschlagen und auch befürwortet. Ich rufe daher die Mitgliedstaaten dringend dazu auf, unseren kleinen und mittleren Unternehmen diesen Rückgriff auf den Solidaritätsfonds zu ermöglichen und ihnen zur Seite zu stehen, falls der harte Brexit tatsächlich bittere Realität wird.

  François-Xavier Bellamy, rapporteur pour avis de la commission de la pêche. – Monsieur le Président, la résolution qui vous est proposée contient le texte que la totalité des groupes parlementaires ont soutenu au sein de la commission de la pêche pour redire ce principe fondamental que Michel Barnier porte avec force dans la négociation: il ne peut y avoir d’accord avec le Royaume-Uni qui n’intègre pas un accord de long terme, équilibré, durable sur la question de la pêche, permettant l’accès aux eaux et aux ressources de manière réciproque entre les partenaires que sont désormais l’Union européenne et le Royaume-Uni.

C’est un enjeu économique et social majeur car des dizaines de milliers d’emplois sont en jeu. C’est un enjeu pour nos territoires qui vivent de cette activité, de ces savoir-faire exceptionnels, et qui pourraient être fragilisés par une sortie sans accord. C’est enfin un enjeu écologique car la politique commune de la pêche nous a permis, depuis des années, de mettre en œuvre avec les Britanniques une pêche qui respecte la biodiversité.

Nous devons maintenir ces règles communes, c’est dans cet état d’esprit que nous souhaitons continuer de travailler et je voudrais remercier encore toute l’équipe de négociation et tous les parlementaires, nos collègues, d’avoir intégré cette position à ce texte important.

  Loránt Vincze, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs. – Mr President, the United Kingdom should become the EU’s strongest ally and partner. This is as yet more of an ambition than a reality, but we all can agree: today we look to the future. Our proximity, the values we share and the common challenges we face make mobility, security, justice and home affairs cooperation as vital as trade.

The safety and security of European citizens is essential for us; so is the protection of their personal data. The message of Parliament is clear: we cannot compromise on our values, the continued adherence of the UK to the European Convention on Human Rights and on the role of the European Court of Justice.

The fight against terrorism, cybercrime, and cross-border criminality is one of the success stories in EU-UK relations. This should be continued. But let us not forget: by its own decision the UK will continue as a third country in this cooperation. We must hope that on the other side of the Channel the sense of reality will overcome and we will be able to obtain the closest partnership possible for our citizens’ benefit.

  Danuta Maria Hübner, Rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Constitutional Affairs. – Mr President, it is good to see my good friend Mr Barnier again. I must say that for the last few months we – together with you, I think, Mr Barnier – have been disappointed with the lack of progress in the negotiations. We have been disappointed with the UK’s continued and final refusal to extend the transition period to avoid the risk of a cliff edge in January and to ensure full and effective implementation of the Withdrawal Agreement on which future relations will be built, but we respect this choice.

Monday’s political momentum and the decision to intensify talks in July is good news in this context. So now there is a physical space, and I personally believe also political space to finalise the process, but I also want to emphasise that what is at stake is the quality of our future relationship. The benefits of a single market cannot be reconstructed within even the most generous free trade agreement. Equivalence and voluntary regulatory cooperation on financial services cannot be put into a free trade agreement.

Let me finish by saying that London will continue as an important global financial centre. But at the same time it would greatly benefit from growing financial and capital markets in the European Union. So the best choice for completing the negotiations is to follow the path of a long-term cooperative strategy.

  Gheorghe Falcă, Raportor pentru aviz, Comisia pentru petiții. – Domnule Președinte, dragi colegi, pentru mine, Brexitul a fost o greșeală. În schimb, acordul poate să corecteze din această greșeală. De patru ani, noi am arătat că suntem parte a soluției în această relație și așteptăm să vedem soluții și din partea Marii Britanii.

De patru ani, încercăm să găsim zona de compromis, dar de patru ani, garantăm cetățenilor Uniunii Europene din Marea Britanie că vom fi lângă ei, iar prin această rezoluție transmitem, încă o dată, că valorile noastre vor fi apărate, iar tot ceea ce înseamnă drepturile cetățenilor, atât ale celor europeni din Marea Britanie, cât și ale celor din Marea Britanie în Europa vor fi garantate de noi, de Parlament, de Consiliu și de Comisie. Mult succes pentru ceea ce înseamnă următoarele patru luni de zile.

  David McAllister, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, it is now more than four and a half months ago since the United Kingdom decided to leave our European Union.

From the very beginning, we in Parliament’s UK Coordination Group followed the negotiations for a new partnership thoroughly and sought to ensure a strong political consensus. We have closely been in touch with our chief negotiator, Michel Barnier, whom I would like to thank personally for the excellent cooperation. I also would like to thank Maroš Šefčovič, and we will all be seeing each other again in about half an hour’s time for the next meeting of the UK Coordination Group.

This report incorporates the opinions of no less than 17 committees. This is unprecedented, and it delivers a clear and strong message of unity. That’s why I would like to thank the rapporteurs, Kati Piri and Christophe Hansen, for their tireless work, but also the Chairs and the rapporteurs of all the opinion-giving committees.

Yes, indeed, the high-level conference decided that new momentum is required for the negotiations. The EU is ready to intensify the talks in July to create the most conducive solutions for concluding an agreement soon. This should be in the interest of both sides.

  Iratxe García Pérez, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor presidente, la mayoría de los diputados se han referido a las negociaciones del Brexit y, por lo tanto, creo que ha quedado un mensaje claro. Yo, en este sentido, deseo unirme a la apreciación del gran trabajo que está haciendo el señor Barnier y —como han dicho muchas de sus señorías—, evidentemente, tenemos que estar detrás de él en estas negociaciones, porque somos conscientes de que están en un momento fundamental.

Pero quiero referirme también al Consejo Europeo.

Señorías, el tiempo apremia. En la calle, la gente lo tiene claro. Y este Parlamento, también. Espero que los pocos Gobiernos reticentes en el Consejo también lo comprendan y lleguen a un acuerdo en julio, como muy tarde. No podemos irnos de vacaciones sin activar el plan de recuperación y acordar el presupuesto para que pueda empezarse a aplicar ya en enero. La cantidad propuesta por la Comisión, 750 000 millones de euros, es el mínimo. Lo mismo que la cantidad de 500 000 millones para subsidios.

Todos los organismos internacionales nos alertan de que no es momento de escatimar esfuerzos sino de invertir para reactivar la economía. Hasta nuestros compañeros conservadores y liberales que en 2008 abogaban por la austeridad reconocen ahora que sería un gran error. Está bien, porque rectificar es de sabios, y ahora es el momento de remar todos en la misma dirección. Podemos aprovechar este impulso para transformar nuestras economías y adaptarlas al nuevo contexto digital y a la emergencia medioambiental y garantizar una sociedad más justa, con políticas públicas más fuertes.

La ruta está clara: invertir en transición ecológica y digital para modernizar nuestras economías. Ahora falta que los Gobiernos en el Consejo tengan la visión y la valentía, porque donde no hay visión el pueblo sufre. Este Parlamento tiene la visión, y no vamos a ceder. Porque no podemos permitírnoslo y porque la ciudadanía no lo permitiría. Por eso, no vamos a aceptar un mal acuerdo en el Consejo. Y, además, porque tenemos que seguir insistiendo en el papel del Parlamento en estas decisiones. Me refiero a cuestiones fundamentales como es la gestión del Instrumento Europeo de Recuperación Next Generation EU.

Ninguna crisis puede ser excusa para socavar la democracia. Muy al contrario, para resolverla son precisas más democracia y más rendición de cuentas. Y, por eso, la única condicionalidad que se debe imponer al plan de recuperación es el respeto del Estado de Derecho.

Señorías, es momento de saber combinar nuestros objetivos y principios con la realidad de los hechos. No podemos ir de ingenuos en este mundo cada vez más complejo en el que antiguos socios parecen haber perdido la fe en el multilateralismo y la cooperación. Firmeza, principios y visión. Es más importante que nunca que defendamos una Unión fuerte, capaz de marcar el rumbo.

  Marco Zanni, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, per la prima volta, credo che questa settimana ci sarà un Consiglio europeo di cui sappiamo già le conclusioni. Non ci sarà un accordo sul cosiddetto Recovery Plan e probabilmente ci sarà uno scontro tra gli Stati membri che abbiamo già visto e anticipato in questi giorni. Questa è ancora una volta la dimostrazione dell'inefficienza e dell'insufficienza delle istituzioni europee nella risposta alla crisi.

Snoccioliamo la proposta della Commissione, che è già una proposta altamente insufficiente. Parliamo di 400 miliardi di euro di sovvenzioni pure, e tre quarti di questo denaro arriverà solo nel 2023, cioè 3 anni dopo lo scoppio di questa crisi, quando già aziende, quando già lavoratori avranno perso il posto.

Io credo che, ancora una volta, questa sia la dimostrazione di come il processo decisionale all'interno dell'Unione europea non sia adatto a dare una risposta ai cittadini e alle imprese e, oltretutto, questo sforzo, questo denaro verrebbe dato in cambio di nuove tasse europee, tasse che andranno a gravare sulle imprese, circa settantamila imprese all'interno dell'Unione europea, quindi non solo le multinazionali, e andranno a gravare sui consumi, perché ovviamente le imprese le ribalteranno sui consumi.

Lasciatemi concludere con uno statement, con una considerazione: non vorrei che questo piano, come nel 2012 fu il piano sul MES, sia un piano per far convertire le industrie di alcuni paesi con i soldi di altri paesi. Fu con il MES con le banche di Francia e Germania, e questo rischia di esserlo con l'industria tedesca e di altri paesi.

IN THE CHAIR: MAIREAD McGUINNESS
Vice-President

  Ska Keller, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, let’s be honest. No one really expects anything to happen at this European Council with regard to the recovery plan. We all think there will be some haggling and insisting on own positions, and afterwards everyone will go to the national press and say how well they have defended the national interest. Even the President of the European Council gave up on any outcome even before the summit had started. It’s quite shameful really that, when our Heads of State and Government come together, no one expects anything much to happen.

Wouldn’t it be great though if, for once, the expectations of Europeans were over—fulfilled, if just once we didn’t wait until things were too late and until the mood was already really bad. We have an unforeseen crisis in the EU, and we all know that we need to act urgently in order to mitigate the economic impact. The EU as a whole needs to have, and provide, funds for this. The funds need to be targeted into the economy that we want to have tomorrow, not the one that puts profit over planet and people. A major effort is needed, but the benefits are great, especially if we link the investments to the challenges that we anyway have to face, namely the climate crisis, biodiversity loss, social inequality and digitalisation.

Imagine if, for once, governments could ditch the drama and go for bold and for courageous. It would be worthwhile because, in the end, it is in the national interest of every single Member State to have a strong European Union for their citizens and for their economy. Our union is not a zero-sum game. It is the boat in which we are all sitting together. We fail together or we win together. So let’s make sure that we make a win for the future of the European Union.

  Derk Jan Eppink, namens de ECR-Fractie. – Voorzitter, de strijd over het herstelfonds lijkt op een pokerspel in het donkere casino. De EU beroept zich graag op Europese waarden. Maar wat we zien is een mengsel van corruptie en chantage. Landen van Zuid-Europa worden gekocht, landen in Midden- en Oost-Europa worden omgekocht en landen in Noord-Europa worden afgeperst!

Het gaat dus niet om COVID-19, maar om veel geld, te verdelen vanuit Brussel. Dat betekent meer macht voor de Commissie, een hogere EU-begroting en nieuwe Europese belastingen. Dat is het doel van het herstelfonds. Er wacht een lange ratificatieprocedure en ergens onderweg staat wel iemand met de hamer.

Ik kan me voorstellen dat de Britten blij zijn dat ze dit niet hoeven mee te maken. Ik verbaas me dan ook over de resolutie van het Europees Parlement over de brexit. Zij leest als een opsomming van eisen, als een ultimatum, en dat tegenover een land dat de vorige eeuw “Europa” twee keer uit de modder trok. Zonder de Britten hadden wij hier nu niet gezeten! Waar we wél gezeten zouden hebben, moet iedereen zelf maar invullen.

De resolutie ademt revanchisme. De Britten moeten worden gestraft omdat ze de EU verlieten. Maar dat was wel op basis van een democratische uitspraak, dames en heren. De EU ziet zichzelf als maatstaf voor de wereld, als een grote morele mogendheid. Maar de EU is vaak een pedant kereltje tussen de grote jongens. Zonder strategisch inzicht.

De Balkan wordt warm onthaald bij de ingang. De Britten krijgen een koude douche bij de uitgang. Dames en heren, resoluties zonder inzicht produceren politiek zonder uitzicht!

  Martin Schirdewan, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Mittlerweile gewinnt man ja das Gefühl, dass nach jedem Treffen, das zwischen dem Vereinigten Königreich und der Europäischen Union stattfindet, die Widersprüche größer statt kleiner werden und dass ein gutes Abkommen in immer weitere Ferne gerückt ist. Das ist keineswegs eine Kritik an der hervorragenden Arbeit von Michel Barnier, die ich ausgesprochen zu schätzen weiß, sondern das ist eine Analyse der gegenwärtigen Situation, die aufgrund der britischen Position – das möchte ich betonen, der britischen Position – nur den Schluss zulässt, dass wir am Ende des Jahres entweder ein schlechtes Abkommen oder aber einen harten ökonomischen Brexit erleben werden.

Ich will hier im Namen der Linken sagen, dass für uns ein Abkommen, das Sozialdumping, das Umweltdumping, das Steuerdumping Tür und Tor öffnet oder das die Sicherheit privater Daten zum Jahrmarkt trägt, völlig inakzeptabel ist. Ein solches Abkommen will jedoch die Regierung Johnson. Das ist für uns keine Option, und ich hoffe, das ist für niemanden hier in diesem Haus eine reale Option.

Deshalb ist es jetzt aber auch an der Zeit, über einen Notfallplan nachzudenken, um die vom Brexit besonders betroffenen Regionen und Sektoren zu schützen, um den hunderttausenden Beschäftigten und Unternehmen den notwendigen Schutz zu gewähren.

Und zum Rat: Die Menschen warten immer noch auf ein klares Signal der Solidarität und Geschlossenheit. Next Generation EU ist ja bislang eher eine Wette auf die Zukunft als tatsächlich ein Generationenvertrag. Das klarste Signal wäre es doch, endgültig Abstand und Abschied zu nehmen vom Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt, der in der Zukunft nur zu weiteren Kürzungen der öffentlichen Daseinsvorsorge und in der sozialen Sicherung oder zu weiteren Privatisierungen führt.

Wir brauchen hingegen öffentliche Investitionen, Steuerschlupflöcher müssen geschlossen, Steuergerechtigkeit muss herbeigeführt werden. Die EZB sollte in die Lage versetzt werden, die Staatsfinanzen direkt zu stützen, und superreiche Spekulanten und Unternehmen sollen gefälligst ihren gerechten Anteil am Wiederaufbau leisten, indem eine umfassende Finanztransaktionssteuer, eine starke Digitalsteuer und eine Vermögensabgabe eingeführt werden. Das wäre ein Signal der Solidarität, auf das Europa wartet.

  Dacian Cioloş, au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, alors que sur la crise sanitaire la situation semble se stabiliser, les défis économiques, eux, restent majeurs.

Pour moi, deux possibilités s’offrent aujourd’hui à nous: soit nous négocions au niveau national la sortie de la crise, et alors chaque État membre défend ses intérêts, soit nous acceptons que la seule solution est de construire ensemble. C’est là la logique du plan de relance et du budget pluriannuel que nous soutenons. Parce que, oui, il faut être clair, nous ne demandons pas du saupoudrage de fonds, il faudra cibler là où les fonds doivent être alloués. Il s’agira également de conditionner pour réformer, afin que cette solidarité européenne soit le moteur d’une véritable relance commune.

Je ne vous cache pas toutefois mon inquiétude. Nous nous apprêtons à emprunter 750 milliards d’euros sur les marchés financiers sans savoir exactement comment nous allons rembourser cet argent. En effet, envisager une hausse des contributions nationales ou une diminution des fonds affectés aux prochaines politiques européennes reviendrait à mettre à mal la totalité du projet européen. Donc, pour nous, seule la mise en place rapide de vraies ressources propres permettrait de renforcer la crédibilité de ce plan de relance, mais aussi de garantir la pérennité du projet européen.

Je ne vous cache pas que la proposition sur le budget pluriannuel européen est quant à elle bien moins ambitieuse que ce que nous attendions et l’existence même d’un plan de relance ne suffit pas à compenser la faiblesse de cette proposition car même s’il s’agit d’un paquet, les objectifs sont quand même différents. Alors que le plan de relance nous permettra de nous remettre en selle, le nouveau budget européen, lui, définira notre capacité à franchir la ligne d’arrivée.

Donc, seul un budget ambitieux permettrait d’apporter une réponse structurelle aux nombreux défis que nous traversons et fixerait notre capacité à assumer une indépendance tant économique que stratégique. Il permettrait de financer de grands projets européens à l’image du projet relatif aux batteries ou encore celui consacré à l’hydrogène. Il permettrait à ce genre de projets de voir le jour.

Or, aujourd’hui, je suis inquiet car certains programmes qui visent à financer des projets aussi essentiels que la recherche, le numérique, le marché unique ou la défense restent trop peu financés. Il en va de même pour des projets sociaux ou pour des projets qui concernent la jeunesse par exemple.

Donc je terminerai en rappelant que mon groupe ne soutiendra pas un budget européen qui continue d’apporter des financements à des gouvernements européens qui, chaque jour, tournent le dos à nos valeurs et mettent à mal la démocratie et l’État de droit. Cela doit cesser et rapidement.

  Tiziana Beghin (NI). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il Recovery Fund è uno strumento mai visto prima. Con oltre 750 miliardi di euro è l'espressione stessa di una nuova era di solidarietà in Europa, e per questo dobbiamo ringraziare l'impulso del governo italiano e il contributo di altri Stati, quali quello spagnolo, francese e della Germania.

I prossimi Consigli europei, se avranno il coraggio di approvarlo, faranno la storia dell'Unione. Sappiamo che alcuni governi si opporranno ma ogni resistenza o compromesso al ribasso è inaccettabile, perché sottrae tempo prezioso.

Come ha ribadito oggi alle Camere il nostro premier Conte, l'Italia è pronta, e noi auspichiamo che anche l'Europa lo sia e approvi il "Next Generation EU" il prima possibile. I cittadini e le imprese europee si meritano che queste risorse siano disponibili subito, lo dobbiamo a tutti coloro per cui ogni giorno può fare la differenza.

Colleghi, la solidarietà è tornata a scorrere nelle vene dell'Europa. Ora dobbiamo solo assicurarci che giunga al suo cuore.

  Dolors Montserrat (PPE). – Señora presidenta, el Partido Popular Europeo ha liderado e impulsado en este Parlamento y en la Comisión el plan de recuperación con las mayores ayudas europeas para combatir la COVID-19, y lo hemos hecho con unidad, solidaridad y responsabilidad. Ahora le toca Consejo estar a la altura. El tiempo apremia. Está en juego que muchos de los que han bajado las persianas de sus negocios las puedan volver a levantar. Para ello, los Gobiernos de los Estados miembros deben actuar con rapidez y con responsabilidad.

La solidaridad europea debe ir acompañada de reformas nacionales ambiciosas, para que nuestra economía sea más moderna, competitiva y sostenible; para que nuestros sistemas nacionales de salud sean más resilientes; y para proteger a todas las familias. Defender a los españoles, ser patriota es digitalizar y reindustrializar España; es saber negociar una PAC que haga del campo una oportunidad; es reactivar el sector turístico. En definitiva: crear empleo, que es la mejor política social. Esta es la verdadera Europa, la que defiende el Partido Popular, la España que queremos.

  Simona Bonafè (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, nel prossimo Consiglio europeo finalmente i capi di Stato e di governo dovranno esprimersi sul piano di ricostruzione presentato dalla Commissione europea. Ci aspettiamo che arrivino a una decisione il prima possibile, ma non a una decisione qualsiasi, una decisione all'altezza della crisi che stiamo vivendo.

Come sapete, il nostro gruppo politico ha accolto fin da subito positivamente il "Next Generation EU". Per noi il piano della Commissione è il minimo sindacale o, se volete, un buon punto di partenza, e ha elementi che meritano attenzione.

Ne cito due per brevità. Il primo: i 750 miliardi, di cui una gran parte a fondo perduto, per fare ripartire le nostre piccole e medie imprese, per dare una mano ai nostri lavoratori, per dare una prospettiva alle persone che il lavoro l'hanno perduto. Il secondo: la possibilità di debito comune europeo, garantito dalle risorse proprie dell'Unione, che non sono, come qualcuno vuole far credere, nuove tasse per i cittadini, ma la possibilità di far pagare il costo della crisi anche a chi finora le tasse non le ha pagate per quanto avrebbe dovuto, o le ha pagate dove ha voluto – penso alle multinazionali –, o per combattere finalmente il dumping ambientale sui nostri prodotti.

I cittadini chiedono aiuto ad ogni latitudine. Questa emergenza ha colpito ovunque in Europa, ma ha colpito in maniera diversa. Non pensino però i cosiddetti Stati frugali che questa sia una buona ragione per lasciare al proprio destino i paesi più colpiti e per questo più fragili. Qui ci si salva tutti insieme. Le catene del valore sono integrate, le nostre economie troppo interdipendenti e, se anche il più piccolo Stato dell'Europa collassa, collassa tutto il mercato interno, e a farne le spese saranno anche le realtà produttive di paesi che oggi si sentono invulnerabili. Non è solo solidarietà e convenienza reciproca.

Pensando quindi a quanto abbiamo attraversato in questi mesi difficili di lockdown e alla strada che abbiamo davanti per una ripresa che è più lenta di quanto si creda, da quest'Aula voglio rinnovare un appello al Consiglio perché non indebolisca, né rallenti l'avvio di questo piano per la ripresa. Solo agendo per tempo e con risorse adeguate potremo rimetterci in careggiata. Il Parlamento è pronto.

  Nathalie Loiseau (Renew). – Madame la Présidente, quatre mois, c’est le temps qu’il nous reste pour parvenir à un accord de partenariat entre le Royaume-Uni et l’Union européenne; c’est court. C’est court, mais c’est possible. Je suis certaine que comme les peuples européens que nous représentons ici, le peuple britannique veut que nous gardions des liens forts et mutuellement bénéfiques, qu’il souhaite que demain comme aujourd’hui, la planète soit préservée, les droits des travailleurs soient protégés, la santé et la sécurité alimentaire de tous fassent l’objet de toutes les attentions. Je ne doute pas que le peuple britannique soit attaché à la protection de ses données personnelles, je sais, parce qu’elles ne cessent de le dire, que les entreprises britanniques comme les entreprises européennes espèrent pouvoir poursuivre leur coopération industrielle et leurs échanges, parce que c’est l’intérêt de tous.

Ce que nous allons voter demain est un signal politique fort. Le signal que nous défendons les intérêts de tous les Européens, qui nous ont élus et qui comptent sur nous: nos agriculteurs, nos pêcheurs, nos entreprises, nos citoyens. Un signal fort d’unité des représentants des peuples européens sur ce qui forme la base d’un accord juste et équilibré, celui qu’il nous reviendra de ratifier, puisque de ce côté-ci de la Manche, c’est notre Parlement qui aura le dernier mot. Personne ne souhaite ajouter les conséquences négatives d’une absence d’accord à celle de la pandémie de COVID-19, personne n’est responsable de l’épidémie que nous subissons, mais nous avons une responsabilité commune pour éviter d’ajouter de la crise à la crise.

Nous avons peu de temps, mais nous avons un chemin, celui qu’a tracé la déclaration politique qu’Européens et Britanniques ont négocié ensemble, signé ensemble et qui, seul, peut nous éviter de perdre encore un temps précieux. Nous voterons demain et demain sera le 18 juin, date anniversaire de l’appel que le général de Gaulle lança depuis Londres lorsque nous étions unis pour lutter ensemble. Je le demande à nos amis britanniques, soyons à la hauteur de ce destin commun, de cette communauté de valeurs qui a fait notre grandeur, soyons ambitieux ensemble.

  Laura Huhtasaari (ID). – Madam President, I would like to congratulate Great Britain: they just saved around EUR 80 billion because they were late on the corona package. So nobody in Britain would even dare admit voting against Brexit.

The European Commission’s proposal for a recovery fund is another step towards a centralised debt union. This proposal is illegal, according to Article 125. The Commission also wants EU own sources of taxation passed by the Member States. In the EU a large part of its economic problems would be reduced if the monetary union, the euro, were dismantled. According to a study, Finnish exports would be 40% higher in their own currency. I want my money back.

  Heidi Hautala (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, I am saddened when I see that the negotiations are stalling. The EU and the UK have all the prerequisites to strike a bargain on the second-best trade and partnership agreement in the world. Never before has there been a situation where negotiating partners’ premises and interests are so aligned and so close to one another.

The agreement on the new relationship between the EU and the UK must acknowledge our common history, geographical proximity and the other connections we have between the Brits and the EU. Anything but a comprehensive and indivisible agreement that provides robust level-playing-field guarantees, both to the UK and the EU, would be a historical failure. What must be achieved is the second-best trade and partnership agreement in the world: an agreement so good that the only better deal is EU membership itself.

  Zbigniew Kuźmiuk (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Komisarzu! Propozycja Komisji w sprawie WRF i funduszu odbudowy, jako wspólnego pakietu wsparcia dla inwestycji w krajach członkowskich, stanowi dobrą podstawę do negocjacji na posiedzeniu Rady. Po drugie, konieczne są jednak sprawne i skuteczne negocjacje, bo rzeczywistość gospodarcza i społeczna we wszystkich krajach członkowskich, mimo uruchomienia przez nie ogromnej pomocy publicznej, będzie się jednak pogarszać, a w drugim kwartale w niektórych krajach możemy się spodziewać nawet 20-proc. spadku PKB. Po trzecie, należy z uznaniem przyjąć zaproponowane przez Komisję wzmocnienie finansowe polityki spójności i WPR, bo to dwie najbardziej efektywne unijne polityki, a WPR i rolnicy zapewnili podczas pandemii bezpieczeństwo żywnościowe 500 milionom unijnych konsumentów. Po czwarte wreszcie, o skuteczności wykorzystania tak ogromnych unijnych środków finansowych będzie decydowała elastyczność ich wykorzystania, a także możliwość ich przeznaczenia na rozwiązanie rzeczywistych problemów gospodarczych państw, a nie tylko na kwestie cyfrowe czy klimatyczne.

  Idoia Villanueva Ruiz (GUE/NGL). – Señora presidenta, se agota el tiempo: cinco meses. La relación entre el Reino Unido y la Unión Europea no puede ser un mero acuerdo de libre comercio. Hay oportunidades de un equilibrio entre derechos y obligaciones en el que tenemos que tener claro que la prioridad es la protección de la ciudadanía y las actividades estratégicas.

Johnson intenta deshacer compromisos, y lo está haciendo mediante la amenaza de no acuerdo. Es importante que lo haya. Millones de ciudadanos lo esperan: viven, trabajan en el Reino Unido, sus derechos y sus actividades van a depender de estas relaciones futuras. El aprendizaje del Brexit y el plan de reconstrucción que hagamos conjunto debe ser una manera de convertirnos en un proyecto por el que la ciudadanía esté dispuesta a apostar decididamente.

Hay aspectos positivos en las recomendaciones de este Parlamento: estándares medioambientales, evitar el dumping, la protección del sector primario o los derechos de ciudadanía que hemos conseguido incluir expresamente; pero también vemos insuficiencias. No podemos avanzar en un proyecto europeo si no somos un actor independiente internacional.

En estas recomendaciones corremos el riesgo de acabar subordinados a la política internacional de Johnson, es decir, a la agenda de Trump. Es el momento de apostar por una forma de ser y de estar en el mundo. Así, también tendremos futuro.

  Dorien Rookmaker (NI). – Madam President, let’s be pragmatic and sensible. The British Nation is a much-loved and respected member of the European Family, and it will always be for generations to come. They no longer are a member of the EU. That is why we have to come to an agreement with our close neighbour and old friend. After four rounds of unsuccessful negotiations, we must conclude that the strategy has not worked so far. Circumstances have changed. We are looking at a huge economic crisis – the COVID-19 crisis. We cannot afford a no-deal in the current situation.

A divorce is painful for all parties involved. There is a price to pay on both sides. We have to think about the next generation. This is not a moral issue, but a situation in need of a sensible approach. When circumstances change, strategies have to change as well. Let’s not aim for the ultimate deal but for the best one possible at this moment. Think about the generations to come in Britain and in the EU. Let’s be pragmatic, and let’s be sensible.

  Jeroen Lenaers (PPE). – Madam President, here we go again. Six months away from another Brexit cliff edge and, again, we have to conclude that no substantial progress has been made at all. Somehow ‘get Brexit done’ became ‘get nothing done’, and actually we have moved backwards, with Boris Johnson seeming to have forgotten about the political declaration that he himself agreed and signed last year; forgotten about the joint declaration that provides a basis, a foundation, for an ambitious partnership between the UK and the EU, founded on a level playing field. We said it many times: Brexit is a lose-lose situation. It’s bad for both the UK and the EU, but at least with a properly organised exit, we can mitigate some of those negative effects a little. Citizens and companies have a right to certainty, clarity and reassurance about their future.

I’m afraid to say that it seems like we’re running out of time and options. So maybe we need to get creative. Maybe, Michel Barnier, you could invite Marcus Rashford to the next negotiating round. He at least seems like someone who gets something done in the UK these days.

  Bernd Lange (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! In der Diskussion über einen Handelsvertrag mit dem Vereinigten Königreich kommt häufig die Aussage: Lasst uns doch ein Abkommen machen wie CETA, das Abkommen mit Kanada! Auch Boris Johnson hat das ja nochmal formuliert.

Das ist die typische Wahrnehmung, die falsche Wahrnehmung, dass eine Sache immer das Gleiche bedeutet. In den Verhandlungen mit Kanada handelte es sich um zwei Partner, die weit voneinander weg waren, die sich aufeinander zubewegt und in bestimmten Bereichen Übereinstimmung erzielt haben. Das war ein großer Erfolg.

Mit dem Vereinigten Königreich haben wir eine gemeinsame Situation, einen gemeinsamen Markt, und jetzt wollen wir uns auseinanderdividieren, und wenn wir da in die Richtung des Kanada-Abkommens gehen, dann ist das ein schlechter Deal. Und wir brauchen keinen schlechten Deal, wir brauchen einen guten Deal im Interesse der wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen und im Interesse der Arbeitsplätze und der Bürgerinnen und Bürger.

Deswegen kann ich den Rat, der am 19. Juni tagen wird, nur ermuntern, keinem schlechten Deal zuzustimmen, sondern sich dafür einzusetzen, dass wir wirklich einen guten Deal bekommen. Ein schlechter Deal heißt: Wirtschaftliches Wachstum geht weg. Selbst die Briten haben gesagt: 4,6 % gehen weg, wenn wir einen CETA-Deal haben, und da sollte man Boris Johnson nicht folgen.

  Jérôme Rivière (ID). – Madame la Présidente, un peuple a choisi, un pays a quitté l’Union européenne. C’est maintenant une réalité, et Boris Johnson vient de le dire à nouveau, il veut trouver un accord sans tarder. Le choix des Britanniques a démontré que lorsque le peuple veut, le peuple peut. Il a témoigné de son extraordinaire capacité à assumer ses choix par-delà les pressions et les manipulations. Cela est aussi vrai pour Boris Johnson. Refusant de se dédire, il a fait mentir les prophètes de malheur prévoyant les dix plaies de Londres sur son pays, en cas de confirmation du Brexit. Mieux, c’est l’Union européenne, aujourd’hui, qui s’inquiète de la concurrence dans tous les domaines de la Grande-Bretagne, enfin libérée de ses carcans.

S’il est certain qu’un accord équitable est nécessaire, on comprend aussi Boris Johnson qui va utiliser ses mains libres, comme il le dit, pour s’attaquer aux maux que traversent son pays, les mêmes que les nôtres. En matière d’immigration, par exemple, plus de muselière idéologique, seuls les étrangers bénéficiant de la garantie d’un emploi payé plus de 30 000 livres (35 000 euros) par an pourront frapper à la porte du pays pour y travailler.

Tous les problèmes, certes, ne seront pas résolus d’un coup de Brexit magique. La France n’est pas non plus la Grande-Bretagne, mais la direction est la bonne, celle d’un pays non plus soumis, mais, ami de l’Europe, privilégiant les siens sans s’isoler des autres, l’identité préservée et non la dilution programmée, le choix de la coopération contre celui de la suggestion, le choix de l’Europe des nations contre celui proposé de l’UE des technocrates froids et méprisants si bien incarnés par Michel Barnier.

  Sergey Lagodinsky (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, they ask us why we are doing this; they ask us why we stand united and invest so much time in negotiating something that the British government has rejected and ignored again and again. The answer is: we are doing it for our common European future. Maybe not next year, maybe the year after that, maybe later, but this future will come. We are doing it for our common values and interests – values that don’t depend on the signature as a member of the EU: liberal democracy, climate policy, women’s and minority rights, human rights. These are values that we share with each other, regardless of membership of the EU. We are doing it for Europeans on both sides of the Channel, for those who share families, jobs, love stories, biographies. We are doing this for their rights. We are doing this for you, our British friends: British citizens who believe in the wisdom of the EU much more than you believe in the wisdom of your Brexiteer government. Because if they go low, we aim high, and we aim high with this resolution. We won’t ever see Britain as a third country and we will never see British citizens as citizens of a third country.

To paraphrase a famous Brit: a Brexit with a deal is the worst form of future for Great Britain, except for all other forms of Brexit. This resolution is our last attempt to prevent the worst. The ball is in your court, Mr Johnson.

  Carlo Fidanza (ECR). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, inizia un negoziato molto difficile su una risposta finanziaria che, per quanto significativa, rischia di rimanere di gran lunga inferiore alle attese, gravata di condizionalità tutte da scoprire e soprattutto tardiva. Briciole nel 2020, poco più che briciole nel 2021.

Quando il grosso dei finanziamenti arriverà, troppe imprese in troppi settori, dal terziario al turismo e all'industria, avranno già chiuso e troppa gente sarà rimasta senza lavoro. Con la flessibilità sugli aiuti di Stato aumentano gli squilibri del mercato interno e soltanto gli acquisti della BCE, finché dureranno, sembrano rispondere davvero alla crisi. Allora qualche paese deciderà di attivare il MES, ma forse è proprio questo l'obiettivo.

Intanto, anziché preoccuparvi di questo, proseguite con l'ideologia perversa del Green Deal, imponendo alle aziende nuovi oneri e ai cittadini nuovi stili di vita. Avete riscoperto sì la parola solidarietà, ne siamo lieti, ma vi siete dimenticati la parola responsabilità.

  Helmut Scholz (GUE/NGL). – Frau Präsidentin! Wir haben heute vielleicht zum letzten Mal eine Chance, Einfluss auf das Verhandlungsergebnis zu nehmen. Ich begrüße ausdrücklich die klaren Worte, die wir gemeinsam zu Sozialschutz, Umweltschutz, Bürgerrechten und auch der Situation auf der irischen Insel finden konnten. Ich will ganz klar sagen, auch an die Adresse des Verhandlungsführers: Danke für Ihre Arbeit!

Eine Absenkung der level playing fields, also der gleichen Wettbewerbsbedingungen und -standards, wird es mit der Linken nicht geben. Das betrifft auch die Fragen des Handels. Vielleicht habe ich aber auch – Dank auch an die Berichterstatter für ihre Arbeit – an uns selbst die Frage zu richten, warum wir nicht gemeinsam aus Corona-Krise und Klimakrise lernen und ein neues Denken in die gesamten Verhandlungen mit eingebracht haben. Der Abschnitt zu den Handelsbeziehungen schützt die Gesundheitsdienstleistungen eben nicht vor den Kräften des Marktes, sondern folgt herkömmlichen, neoliberalen Pfaden. Die Vorschläge zur Kooperation geben nicht Abrüstung und Armutsbekämpfung Priorität, und die konkreten Bedürfnisse der Menschen, die Bürgerinnen- und Bürgerrechte sind nach wie vor ungelöst.

Das heißt: Es ist schwierig für uns, sozusagen ohne Bedingungen diesem Ergebnis zuzustimmen, und deshalb glaube ich und hoffe ich, dass den Änderungsanträgen unserer Fraktion morgen noch Zustimmung gewährt wird.

  Clara Ponsatí Obiols (NI). – Madam President, Scotland wanted to remain in the Union, but their voice has been silenced in the negotiations, and now they’re out with the rest of the UK. Across history, we have seen European borders changing by invasions and displacements of people, but when coercion is the base of stability, these only bridge the demise of Europe.

The only thing that Europe has not tried is the only thing that we can offer to our citizens and to the world: a better kind of freedom, based on democracy and consent. For us to be credible for Scots to return, Europe needs to address urgently the issue of internal enlargement. Otherwise, the Union will be doomed, like all European empires, for the same reason: for repressing the positive power of diversity. Self—determination of peoples is not a right that we don’t know how to deal with; rather, it is the moral compass that will save us from our blind spots and illusions. To my very dear friends in Scotland, I say: we are eager to welcome you back in the EU.

  Paulo Rangel (PPE). – (início da intervenção com o microfone desligado) Senhor Vice—Presidente da Comissão, Conselho, já que tantos colegas falaram sobre o Brexit e sobre as negociações para a parceria com o Reino Unido, deixem-me falar sobre o outro ponto importantíssimo deste Conselho, que é justamente a questão do plano de recuperação.

É fundamental que nós, como Parlamento, demos todo o apoio à Comissão neste plano porque ele prevê, pela primeira vez, a emissão de obrigações europeias, porque ele prevê uma recuperação baseada em subsídios e empréstimos, porque ele prevê dar prioridade àqueles que são os grandes objetivos da União Europeia para esta década, como a digitalização e, naturalmente, o green deal.

Temos também que lamentar o que aconteceu com o quadro financeiro plurianual onde há ainda reduções muito sérias. Queria fazer aqui, portanto, um apelo ao Conselho, ao Conselho Europeu e aos Estados-Membros, aos frugais, aos que lhes desagrada e a todos aqueles que têm posto algumas reticências a este plano da Comissão Europeia.

Esse apelo é o seguinte: se a vossa preocupação são as gerações futuras, então estejam ao lado do plano da Comissão, do plano apresentado pela Presidente von der Leyen. É isso que as gerações futuras esperam de todos vós.

  Javier Moreno Sánchez (S&D). – Señora presidenta, tres mensajes en un minuto. El Parlamento y la Comisión ya hemos cumplido con la presentación de propuestas ambiciosas. Ahora le toca al Consejo llegar a un acuerdo para reconstruir Europa y para que lleguen los fondos cuanto antes a los ciudadanos, a las empresas, a las regiones que más los necesitan. También ha llegado el momento de introducir nuevos recursos propios de la Unión para rembolsar la deuda.

Segundo mensaje, al Partido Popular Europeo y a su líder Manfred Weber: no se preocupen, el Gobierno español presentará un plan de recuperación ambicioso que no deje a nadie atrás. Los socialistas no aceptaremos los planes del pasado. No queremos ni condicionalidad disfrazada ni austeridad.

Y, por último, a sus señorías del Partido Popular y sus aliados les pediría que no se equivoquen. Esta Cámara no es un anexo del Congreso de los Diputados. No utilicen esta Casa como una trinchera para atacar y derrocar al Gobierno de Pedro Sánchez. Defiendan a los ciudadanos españoles y no la «estrategia de los frugales». Aprendan a ser patriotas también cuando están en la oposición, por favor.

  Jessica Stegrud (ECR). – Fru talman! Då står vi här igen. Det är återigen dags för svenska skattebetalare att rädda ekonomiskt misskötta stater och en valutaunion vi som röstat nej till. Ni talar om solidaritet, om gemenskap och om att hjälpa, om en framtid för kommande generationer. Men solidaritet kan inte bygga på att den ena sliter och den andra slösar.

Hade ni tagit ert ansvar hade ni nu krävt kraftiga reformer. I stället passar ni på att i skuggan av corona göra den ökande skuldbördan gemensam och flytta ännu mer makt till EU. Räddningspaketet kommer inte att hjälpa, inte lösa strukturella felaktigheter, inte öka konkurrenskraften eller skapa långsiktig tillväxt. Inte heller kommer det att främja den sköra sammanhållningen. Det skjuter problemen på framtiden och för över bördan på våra barn och barnbarn.

Detta är inte solidaritet, det är ansvarslöshet. Ni kallar det ”next generation-EU”. Jag kallar det ”we don't care about next generation-EU”.

  Traian Băsescu (PPE). – Doamnă președintă, privind la Brexit, constatăm că pare a fi ajuns la stadiul unei confruntări. În realitate, noi avem nevoie de un acord echitabil între cele două părți. Faptul că, în ultimul timp, nu se fac progrese ne arată că este necesară o intervenție la nivelul șefilor de stat și de guvern. Este bine, cred, ca doamna Merkel, Președintele Franței și Boris Johnson să aibă o discuție pentru deblocare.

Este evident că Uniunii Europene nu i se poate cere să renunțe la criteriile pieței unice, cum nici britanicilor nu li se poate cere să accepte exact motivele pentru care au plecat din Uniunea Europeană. De aceea, atenționez că riscul lipsei unui acord este acela că fiecare stat membru va face acorduri separate cu Regatul Unit.

  Margarida Marques (S&D). – Senhora Presidente, este Conselho Europeu é confrontado com dois desafios maiores.

Primeiro desafio: encontrar um acordo político que possibilite uma resposta europeia à crise e tem uma boa proposta em cima da mesa. O Parlamento Europeu foi exigente: pediu a revisão da proposta de orçamento plurianual, um fundo de recuperação a acrescentar ao orçamento da União Europeia, mutualização de responsabilidades, eurobonds, mais subvenções que empréstimos, aumentar e diversificar os recursos próprios como fonte de financiamento do orçamento da União Europeia.

Pediu uma resposta europeia.

Estes princípios são parte integrante da proposta da Comissão.

Segundo desafio: encontrar um acordo político sobre o futuro do orçamento da União Europeia e tem uma má proposta para o segundo período do quadro. A decisão sobre um e outro são urgentes. O Parlamento Europeu foi exigente e não deixará de o ser. Esperamos também que o Conselho esteja à altura.

  Tomas Tobé (PPE). – . Fru talman! Det Europa behöver nu är att komma samman och enas om en flerårsbudget och ett återhämtningspaket. De svenska moderaterna vill stärka Europasamarbetet, men menar att det måste ske ansvarsfullt. Ska vi nu ta upp en historiskt hög belåning gemensamt så kan vi inte skicka notan till framtida generationer. Därför vill vi ställa krav på en mycket tuffare återbetalningsplan. Det är inte rimligt att återbetalningen ska börja 2028 och fortsätta i ytterligare 30 år.

Vi behöver hålla fast vid kravet på en rättsstatsprincip så att vi använder EU-medel på ett korrekt vis. Avslutningsvis, oavsett var kompromissen blir: Det är inte bidrag eller lån eller, för den delen, högre skatter som stärker vår konkurrenskraft, utan det är reformer. Europa behöver reformer. Då kommer Europa också att bli starkare.

  Петър Витанов (S&D). – Г-жо Председател, видно е, че проведените до момента преговори не носят необходимия напредък. Британската страна възприема максималистичния подход, който й позволява да се възползва в пълен обем от единния пазар без да се обвързва с никакви задължения. А със съжаление отбелязваме, че свободното движение на хора няма да бъде продължено и ще бъде преустановено след преходния период.

Притесненията за правата на гражданите на Европейския съюз стават още по-големи, защото наблюдавам, че в хода на преговорите Великобритания приема национално законодателство, което е в посока на ограничаване на тези права. Нещо повече, заместващото законодателство тече по-бързо от самите преговори.

Считам, че при увеличен риск да няма споразумение Европейският съюз трябва да настоява за бъдещо партньорство с амбициозни разпоредби относно движението на хора, които се базират на пълна реципрочност и недискриминация и гарантират всички права на гражданите на Европейския съюз.

  Radosław Sikorski (PPE). – Madam President, as deputy Chair of the EU-UK Friendship Group, I would of course like for there to be a deal, but I’m beginning to despair.

Our red line and our politics is that we want to preserve the integrity of the single market. The British prime minister has communicated to us that Britain cannot accept a deal which puts Britain under the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice or that binds the House of Commons in any way in future in determining Britain’s commercial arrangements.

That seems to me to make a deal impossible, because the nature of a treaty, any treaty, is that you will do in future what the treaty says, and not as you please. And, therefore, our red lines don’t seem to touch at any point.

Therefore, I would urge you to stop demanding the impossible from our negotiators and start preparing for what is regrettable but seems to be inevitable, which is a very hard Brexit indeed.

  José Manuel García-Margallo y Marfil (PPE). – Señora presidenta, principio de igualdad de oportunidades, competencia leal; este principio básico ha sido clamorosamente desconocido por el acuerdo fiscal entre el Reino Unido y España, que parece permitir la continuación de un régimen fiscal que grava los beneficios obtenidos dentro del Peñón, pero no los obtenidos fuera, y que grava el juego con un impuesto simbólico.

De estos privilegios derivan consecuencias que hablan por sí solas: treinta mil empresas offshore en Gibraltar y el 60 % del juego online controlado por Gibraltar. Gibraltar tiene hoy la tercera renta per cápita del mundo, mientras que el Campo de Gibraltar adyacente tiene una renta que es seis veces inferior, una diferencia mayor que la que existe entre los Estados Unidos y México.

Hemos denunciado este régimen aquí en tantas ocasiones como hemos tenido, porque es contrario al código fiscal Monti y es contrario al código de ayudas de Estado. El Gobierno español podrá ignorar esta situación, pero la Unión Europea no puede tolerarlo, y eso debe dejarlo claro en las próximas negociaciones.

Sería bueno que en estas negociaciones nos obligásemos todos a cumplir la legalidad internacional en materia de descolonización, como unión de Derecho que somos.

  Λευτέρης Χριστοφόρου (PPE). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, δραττόμενος της ευκαιρίας της παρουσίας του Ευρωπαϊκού Συμβουλίου και της Ευρωπαϊκής Επιτροπής και ευρισκόμενος στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο, αυτή την ισχυρή δύναμη των λαών της Ευρώπης, θα ήθελα, με όλη τη δύναμη της ψυχής μου, να καταγγείλω για ένα ζήτημα, το οποίο είναι αποκλειστικά και μόνο ευρωπαϊκό και θα εξελιχθεί σε τραγικό ζήτημα για την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, που είναι οι απειλές, οι εκβιασμοί και επεκτατικές επιθετικές πολιτικές της Τουρκίας ενάντια σε δύο χώρες μέλη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, την Ελλάδα και την Κύπρο. Οι παραβιάσεις της Τουρκίας στην Κύπρο, οι παραβιάσεις στην Ελλάδα, το παράνομο Τουρκολιβυκό μνημόνιο, δεν είναι υποθέσεις που αφορούν την Κύπρο αλλά αφορούν ολόκληρη την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Η ανοχή της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, που συνεχίζει μέχρι και σήμερα να χρηματοδοτεί αυτήν την παράνομη εκβιαστική χώρα που πλήττει δύο χώρες μέλη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, αποθράσυνε την Τουρκία. Δεν νοείται, την ώρα που βρίσκεται παράνομα στην κυπριακή ΑΟΖ και παραβιάζει τον εναέριο χώρο της Ελλάδας και τα θαλάσσια σύνορα, να συνεχίζεται αυτή η χρηματοδότηση. Κάνω έκκληση προς την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και προς τις ισχυρές χώρες μέλη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης να υπερασπιστούν τα θαλάσσια σύνορα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης με τον ίδιο τρόπο που υπερασπίζονται τα σύνορα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης απέναντι στους παράνομους μετανάστες και, εάν χρειαστεί, να στείλουν ακόμη και το πολεμικό τους ναυτικό για να υπερασπιστεί τα θαλάσσια σύνορα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης που βρίσκονται στην Κύπρο και στην Ελλάδα.

  Jörgen Warborn (PPE). – Fru talman! Vi behöver en så nära relation med Storbritannien som möjligt. De förblir vår partner, våra allierade och vår vän. Vår geografiska närhet och våra djupa handelsförbindelser gör det omöjligt att fira nyår 2021 utan ett avtal på plats. Boris Johnson vill nu att Storbritannien ska bli bäst i Europa på business. De kommer att bli vassa konkurrenter till EU om kampen om jobb och investeringar.

Det här måste få EU att tagga till och sätta ännu högre mål för våra jobb och vår tillväxt. Precis som Storbritannien måste vi sätta fullt fokus på att kapa byråkratin och skapa bättre förutsättningar för våra europeiska exportföretag och småföretag. Det är olyckligt att de redan tidsbegränsade förhandlingarna nu sammanfaller med covid-19-pandemin. Jag måste säga att det naturligtvis vore bra med en förlängning av förhandlingsperioden, men jag välkomnar att man nu tar nya konstruktiva tag inför sommarens förhandlingar. EU och Storbritannien behöver varandra. Låt oss jobba tillsammans för ett bättre företagsklimat.

  Peter van Dalen (PPE). – Voorzitter, een goede handelsovereenkomst is voor beide partijen van belang. Maar wat zien we? Het Verenigd Koninkrijk is gaan backtracken. Al overeengekomen aspecten gaan zij opnieuw ter onderhandeling stellen.

Ik vind dat echt afbreuk doen aan de politieke verklaring die nota bene ook door mijnheer Johnson is getekend. De vraag is dus: wil de Britse regering wel een overeenkomst? Het Britse bedrijfsleven wil die wel. De Confederation of British Industry, het overkoepelende Britse bedrijfsleven weet drommels goed dat onze interne markt essentieel is. Ze beseffen dat bij een no deal aan beide zijden van het Kanaal veel verliezers zullen zijn. En de nu al sterk krimpende Britse economie kan dat er onmogelijk bij hebben.

Ik wil een overeenkomst met faire afspraken over de visserij, toegang voor onze vissers tot de hele Noordzee, goede afspraken over het gezamenlijk beheer van de visbestanden. En komen die visserijafspraken er niet, dan geen handelsovereenkomst!

  Μαρία Σπυράκη (PPE). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, Αντιπρόεδρε Šefčovič, οι χαμηλές προσδοκίες που καλλιεργούνται ενόψει του Ευρωπαϊκού Συμβουλίου υπονομεύουν το κλίμα αισιοδοξίας και εμπιστοσύνης που έχουν ανάγκη οι πολίτες μας και οι οικονομίες μας. Στη χώρα μου την Ελλάδα, αφού χάσαμε το 25% του Ακαθάριστου Εγχώριου Προϊόντος κατά τη διάρκεια της οικονομικής κρίσης, είμαστε τώρα αντιμέτωποι με βαθιά ύφεση εάν η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση δεν δράσει άμεσα. Γι’ αυτό και είναι απαραίτητο το Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο να αδράξει την ευκαιρία και να στείλει στις αγορές ένα σαφές μήνυμα εμπιστοσύνης, να δείξει ότι η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση είναι έτοιμη να εγγυηθεί το μέλλον της γενιάς της. Το Ταμείο Ανάκαμψης, σε συνδυασμό με τον κοινοτικό προϋπολογισμό, μπορούν να στηρίξουν την υψηλής ποιότητας πρωτογενή παραγωγή, τον εξηλεκτρισμό από ανανεώσιμες πηγές σε συνδυασμό με θέσεις εργασίας στην κυκλική οικονομία, την ψηφιοποίηση του δημοσίου τομέα και τη διασύνδεσή του με τις μικρομεσαίες επιχειρήσεις που τώρα δίνουν μάχη να ξανανοίξουν. Κυρίες και κύριοι συνάδελφοι, τα χρήματα από τις επιχορηγήσεις και τα δάνεια οφείλουν να δοθούν ώστε οι οικονομίες μας να μετασχηματιστούν. Πρέπει να δημιουργηθούν θέσεις εργασίας για τη γενιά μας και για την επόμενη γενιά.

  Kati Piri, Rapporteur. – Madam President, I want to thank my colleagues for their contribution to this debate and for their continued support. Allow me also to say a special thanks to my colleague, co—rapporteur Christophe Hansen, and all the shadow rapporteurs who worked on this file. And of course, not to be forgotten, my gratitude also goes to Michel Barnier and his team for their full engagement with this House. We wish you patience and a good dose of humour in the coming weeks ahead.

As you have all clearly underlined, what we need with this deal are not short-term answers but a long-term vision, given the unprecedented challenges we are confronted with. If the UK Government does not immediately and radically change its approach to these negotiations, there is no way to reach any sort of comprehensive partnership before the end of the transition period. To be honest, under the current circumstances, I believe we must also prepare ourselves for a no—deal scenario.

Last week’s data from the UK Office for National Statistics and the Organisation for Economic Co—operation and Development show clearly the economic impact of the coronavirus crisis. It is time to turn the narrative to make the pandemic the reason for success and not the excuse for failure. That would be a disaster for citizens on both sides of the Channel. We need a deal, and we can have a deal that is good for all of us. A no-deal is neither rational nor responsible.

The next weeks are the moment of truth in many regards. The time has come for responsibility and courage. Citizens and the business community need certainty. They need predictability. The EU is ready to play its role and to fulfil their needs and their legitimate aspirations.

  Christophe Hansen, Rapporteur. – Madam President, thank you, and I say to colleagues: thank you for all the contributions in this very long debate today. I wish I could respond to each and every one of your remarks, but given the time restrictions, I want to come back to the essentials, namely the many remarks I heard on the ‘level playing field’.

My father, who doesn’t speak English, always asks me: ‘when I hear you speaking about Brexit on the radio, why do you always insist on this level playing field? What does that even mean?’ So I told him, because we are both big cycling fans: ‘imagine the Tour de France, all cyclists competing with a common race bike, except for Chris Froome with his Sky Team riding with E-bikes. Do you believe this would allow for a fair competition?’

The answer was of course, ‘no, this is not what we want’. We want fair competition and fair play is what every good sportsman should aim for in a competition.

This Parliament wants the closest possible cooperation with the United Kingdom. This is in everyone’s best interest. We will remain constructive and will be ready to discuss the fair and balanced compromises that will hopefully emerge in the coming weeks here in Brussels and in London.

Of course, it takes two to tango, as the Commission President earlier said. And, you have to be aware, this Parliament will be ready for this last dance.

  Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, dear esteemed colleague who negotiates for the EU, Michel Barnier, first a couple of remarks on the issue which was raised by Ms García Pérez, Ms Keller and Mr Cioloş, and this is of course the videoconference of the European Council this Friday and our proposal on MFF and Next Generation EU.

First and foremost, I would like to thank you for your support because it’s very important for our discussions with the European Member States, and also with the public, and I really would like to reassure you that we are not losing any minute from the time between now and what I hope will be a very important historic, unprecedented and ambitious deal on both the MFF and Next Generation EU in July.

We are not losing any minute because we are talking to the governments at different levels, we are engaging with the citizens, and I personally approached all representatives of the national parliaments on Tuesday in the format of COSAC when I was explaining to them the construction architecture of the proposal and the importance of national parliaments and the European Parliament’s approval ratification in the end.

Of course, for us solidarity is a must, and I believe that this European Council videoconference will allow us to narrow the differences which are still there on the table, and to prepare the ground well, what I believe will be a decisive move forward, an agreement in July.

On the second topic which was raised by the rest of the honourable Members, I would just like to inform you about how we are going to implement the Withdrawal Agreement. As you know, I am representing the European Union in this joint committee with Michael Gove, who is representing the British Government. And here we are talking about the agreement which was approved, signed and ratified by this Parliament and by the UK Parliament, and once there was a clear statement by Michael Gove that there will not be any extension of the transitional period, I did the same. And what I heard from our rapporteurs, Ms Piri and Mr Hansen, but also from Mr McAllister was that we need to accelerate our work and to make sure that the Withdrawal Agreement is properly implemented.

I’m very glad to report that the discussion of the joint committee was in a very positive atmosphere and that we could state that there is good progress in the area of the financial provisions, on the Protocol on Gibraltar, on the Protocol on the sovereign base areas of the UK in Cyprus and also on citizens’ rights where I know how important this issue is for the European Parliament and for our citizens and I believe we will be able to resolve our differences definitely before the end of the year.

What is the most challenging issue is of course the application of the Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland, and here I was very clear and I made it very clear also to the UK delegations that what we need is some more operation, because we understand the aspiration, which has already presented to us. But for us, it’s very important to have very concrete responses on how the UK is going to implement the VAT regime, excise and customs obligations, which are clearly stated in the Withdrawal Agreement.

I’m glad that the response I got from Michael Gove was that we will work very hard over the summer, that we will have another specialised committee session on the Irish Protocol in July, and we will come back overall what I believe will be progress in early September. So there is a lot of work, but I believe that when it comes to the Withdrawal Agreement, both sides are realising that the proper implementation is the key to trust-building, to confidence-building which we need for the good future relationship between European Union and the United Kingdom.

And how will this future relationship look? If you allow, Madam President, I will pass the floor to Michel Barnier because he’s negotiating day and night with our UK colleagues and he will be able to give you the best picture.

  Michel Barnier, chef de la task-force pour les relations avec le Royaume-Uni. – Madame la Présidente, bonsoir à chacune et chacun d’entre vous et merci à Maroš de la bonne coopération entre nous.

Je voudrais dire quelques mots en conclusion à ses côtés sur le dossier de cette négociation très complexe, extraordinaire du Brexit. D’abord remercier très sincèrement votre Parlement, Madame la Présidente, les 17 commissions qui se sont engagées et leurs rapporteurs. Comme l’a dit David McAllister, c’est la première fois, et je pense que c’est le moment, et donc je voudrais à ce titre remercier très chaleureusement Kati Piri et Christophe Hansen pour ce travail assez compliqué de synthèse qu’ils ont fait et les en féliciter.

Nous avons besoin de la vigilance, de la détermination du Parlement européen dans cette période. C’est d’ailleurs cette détermination que votre président David Sassoli a exprimée lundi à l’occasion de la conférence de haut niveau organisée avec la présidente de la commission, Ursula von der Leyen, Charles Michel, le président du Conseil européen, vous-même, et Boris Johnson. Et puis, je crois que c’est Nathalie Loiseau qui l’a dit, vous aurez le dernier mot, une fois de plus, lorsque nous aurons trouvé, je l’espère, un accord avec le Royaume-Uni.

Maroš Sĕfčovič vient de le rappeler, nous avons pris note de la position négative du gouvernement britannique pour prolonger éventuellement, comme nous en avions, comme nous en avons toujours la possibilité jusqu’au 30 juin, cette période de transition qui est en fait la période de négociation. Et donc cela nous place au milieu du gué: il y a quatre mois de négociations derrière nous, il y a seulement quatre mois de négociations devant nous, Kati Piri disait 204 jours tout à l’heure.

C’est donc difficile. Cela reste possible, le temps est très court et je partage le sentiment d’urgence exprimé par Boris Johnson et voilà pourquoi nous avons décidé, avec mon counterpart, David Frost et son équipe de négociation, qui est, comme la nôtre, très professionnelle, d’intensifier au mois de juillet, au mois d’août et au mois de septembre, ces négociations, d’avoir des discussions plus concentrées, plus ciblées, avec l’objectif et l’obligation pour nous, mais vous savez que c’est ma règle, d’avoir la même transparence avec votre Parlement, votre groupe de coordination, vos commissions et aussi avec les 27 États membres au nom desquels nous négocions.

Quelles sont les prochaines étapes? Une chose est claire, comme l’ont rappelé les trois présidents des trois institutions lorsqu’ils ont rencontré Boris Johnson lundi, ce qui compte pour nous, avant même le processus, c’est une avancée sur le fond.

C’est au Royaume-Uni de choisir ce qu’il veut et s’il veut un accord. Vous l’avez très bien dit, Madame la Ministre Nikolina Brnjac, tout à l’heure au début de cette session, c’est le choix du Royaume-Uni de vouloir ou de ne pas vouloir un accord car les conditions d’un accord sont déjà connues. Nous les avons agréées avec Boris Johnson et chaque virgule, chaque mot a été négocié âprement dans la déclaration politique pour nous engager vers un partenariat ambitieux et durable auquel votre Parlement est aussi attaché.

Non seulement un partenariat commercial sans précédent, zéro tarif, zéro quota sur tous les biens – c’est une première dans l’histoire commerciale de l’Union – mais avec un accord sur la pêche, M. Bellamy l’a rappelé, et avec un accord sur le level playing field, qui concernera les aides d’État, les questions fiscales, mais aussi les droits sociaux et les droits environnementaux. Christophe Hansen l’a dit à l’instant, un accord sur le fair-play, économique et social, et cet accord devra couvrir aussi l’énergie, les transports, les questions de sécurité et de défense, et sur la base de cette offre sans précédent, nous souhaitons aussi que les conditions d’accès à notre marché soient justes.

Cette déclaration politique, ces principes, nous les avons faits nôtres dans notre mandat et notre projet d’accord publié le 18 mars et cela n’est pas ouvert à la négociation.

Après quatre ans de négociations, nous voyons bien, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, quelle est la stratégie du gouvernement britannique. D’abord, il a refusé toute discussion sur des sujets importants, la défense, la sécurité, le développement. J’ai interprété cela comme l’idée de concentrer toute la négociation sur les seules questions économiques et donc sur la défense de ses intérêts économiques.

Et puis ensuite, dans cette stratégie, le Royaume-Uni cherche à négocier, dans certains domaines, un statut très proche de l’adhésion au marché unique, de quasi-membre du marché unique de l’union douanière et de Schengen sans en avoir aucune des contraintes ou des disciplines. C’est ce que nous appelons le cherry picking, sur les règles d’origine, sur la reconnaissance mutuelle, les services financiers, les qualifications professionnelles, les flux de données ou les échanges d’électricité. Nous n’accepterons pas le cherry picking.

La deuxième partie de la stratégie britannique c’est de refuser tous les engagements clairs et forts en matière de level playing field afin de pouvoir garder la liberté de s’écarter des règles actuelles de l’Union et de faire de la compétition réglementaire, certains disent même que c’est la raison d’être du Brexit et l’on voit bien cette stratégie sur les données.

Je sais la position très ferme du Parlement sur ce sujet, sur les services financiers, sur les aides d’État, où le Royaume-Uni n’a jusqu’à présent donné aucune indication sur le futur cadre national des aides d’État, je le vois aussi sur les normes alimentaires et, dans ce contexte, le Royaume-Uni a souhaité même rouvrir la question des indications géographiques, qui sont pourtant protégées clairement dans l’accord de retrait qu’a évoqué Maroš Sĕfčovič.

Tout cela n’est pas compatible avec les bases d’un accord durable, ambitieux avec un grand pays qui restera, en toute hypothèse, notre ami, notre allié et notre partenaire. Et pourtant je reste convaincu, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, qu’un accord est possible pour le long terme, comme l’a dit Danuta Hübner. Nous le souhaitons depuis le début et nous souhaitons donner toutes ses chances à cette négociation, comme en témoigne ce processus intensifié.

Mais, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, comme vous m’en avez fixé la direction dans votre résolution, nous ne ferons pas d’accord à tout prix, c’est ce qu’a dit Bernd Lange tout à l’heure. Nous ne sacrifierons jamais – je reprends les mots de notre présidente Ursula von der Leyen – l’intérêt économique et politique à long terme des consommateurs et des entreprises de l’Union au profit du Royaume-Uni.

En parallèle, nous voulons voir des progrès tangibles sur la mise en œuvre de l’accord de retrait évoqué par Maroš Sĕfčovič, à la fois la garantie des droits des citoyens et, Madame la Présidente, cette question si importante pour la paix en Irlande qu'est la bonne application du protocole.

Enfin, si notre priorité reste et restera de parvenir à un accord, nous avons aussi la responsabilité, M. Arimont et M. Schiderwan l’ont dit tout à l’heure, de nous préparer collectivement à tous les scénarios possibles, à la fin de l’année, en cas d’accord ou en cas de désaccord. En toute hypothèse, nous devons nous préparer et nous allons nous préparer.

Je voulais vous remercier de votre confiance, celle que vous faites à l’équipe de négociation de la Commission européenne, qui est, ne l’oubliez jamais, votre équipe de négociation. Dans les prochaines semaines, qui vont être décisives, nous allons devoir démontrer certaines qualités. Mme Piri m’a demandé de faire preuve d’humour; là, je reconnais que j’ai une certaine marge de progrès, mais c’est important à mon âge de garder des marges de progrès. Le calme auquel m’a invité M. Danielsson, notre patience; le calme et la patience de mon côté sont inépuisables. Notre fermeté, qui est claire et nette sur la base des principes pour défendre nos consommateurs et nos entreprises. Et enfin notre unité, dont le Parlement va donner une nouvelle preuve aujourd’hui, dont je vous remercie.

  President. – Thank you very much, and I hope your reserves do not run out, Mr Barnier, so good luck with the negotiations.

  Nikolina Brnjac, President-in-Office of the Council. – Madam President, I’ll first say a few words regarding negotiations on a new partnership with the UK, to which many of you devoted your comments.

With the adoption of your recommendation, our negotiator should be in a better position to engage in the very intense phase of negotiating that is coming, as it is clear for both our institutions that progress in the partnership negotiations had to go hand in hand with progress in the implementation of the Withdrawal Agreement. This means that we will have to remain vigilant as regards, first and foremost, the preservation of citizens’ rights, be it during the transition period or under whatever future relationship with the United Kingdom.

But our vigilance will have to be no less thorough when considering the intended economic partnership, where strong, safeguarded and robust governance will be called for to protect the integrity of the EU single market and the competitive position of EU firms. We will therefore count on your cooperation in this respect as well. In negotiation with the UK on our future relationship and partnership, our common efforts and commonality of purpose will provide the support required by our negotiator and help ensure an outcome to the benefit of the Union and its citizens.

Coming back to the MFF and recovery, the President of the European Council wants to pave the way for a deal by providing the leaders with an opportunity to discuss the MFF and the recovery package. Therefore, the Friday meeting will be an orientation debate, during which the leaders will have the opportunity to explain how they see the Commission’s new proposals and whether the overall package meets their expectations. This debate will inform the work of the President of the European Council and help him bring together the necessary elements to prepare the final stretch of negotiations and build a successful compromise.

I take from this debate that we will share a sense of urgency and of ambition. We are actually aware that there is still a lot of work to be done to reconcile different interests and points of view in order to build a compromise. Ultimately, our goal is to agree as soon as possible on what is an unprecedented financial package to face an unprecedented crisis. In the remaining days of our Presidency, we will continue to be fully committed to doing our utmost to facilitate all the steps leading to such an agreement, and to do so in a way that is mindful of Parliament’s views. For it has been clear since the onset of the pandemic that we can only overcome this crisis if we act jointly in solidarity.

  President. – The joint debate is closed.

We have already voted on the amendments of the report by Ms Piri and Mr Hansen. The final vote takes place tomorrow morning.

Before I suspend the sitting, I would like to thank the interpreters very sincerely, because the debates were longer than we had anticipated. So my sincere thanks to our interpreters.

Written statements (Rule 171)

  Gunnar Beck (ID), schriftlich. – Die Forderungen der EU in den Handelsverhandlungen mit Großbritannien sind hart und unangemessen. Unangemessen sind die Weigerung, London ein Handelsabkommen nach dem Muster des EU-Kanada-Abkommens zu gewähren, und die EU-Forderung, der EuGH solle das letzte Wort über die Auslegung eines EU-UK-Handelsabkommens behalten. Vor allem diese Forderung, dass sich Großbritannien, als nun wieder souveräner Staat, nicht einem unabhängigen Schiedsgericht, sondern dem höchsten Gericht seines Vertragspartners, der EU, unterwerfe, widerspricht sowohl der Praxis des Völkerrechts als auch der Praxis der EU selbst. Denn in nahezu allen anderen EU-Handelsabkommen erfolgt die Beilegung von Rechtsstreiten über unabhängige Schiedsgerichte. Hinzu kommt, dass der Machtanspruch und die Unparteilichkeit des EuGH selbst innerhalb der EU umstritten ist. Nach Ansicht des Bundesverfassungsgerichts darf der EuGH zwar über die Einhaltung der EU-Verträge wachen, das letzte Wort darüber aber, ob die EU sich noch innerhalb der ihr vertraglich gesetzten Grenzen bewegt, ist die Prärogative der nationalen Verfassungsgerichte. Bislang weigert sich London, auf die überzogenen EU-Forderungen einzugehen. Sollten die Handelsverhandlungen scheitern, schadet dies nicht nur britischen, sondern ebenfalls europäischen Exporteuren, Konsumenten und Arbeitnehmern. Nach dem Brexitvotum und Austritt Großbritanniens ist es an der Zeit, dass die EU endlich ihre Strafexpedition gegen das ehemalige EU-Mitglied beendet.

  Enikő Győri (PPE), írásban. – Az Európai Unió következő többéves pénzügyi keretének és Helyreállítási Alapjának minden tagállam számára elfogadható megoldást kell kínálnia; a javaslat senkit sem hagyhat hátra. Így a költségvetésnek méltányosnak és kiegyensúlyozottnak kell lennie, a pénzeket igazságosan kell elosztani. A költségvetésben a pénzek felhasználásának rugalmasnak kell lennie, hiszen nem létezik általános, mindenkire alkalmazható válságkezelési megoldás. Másra kell a pénz az egyes országokban, mások a prioritások Európa déli részén, mások északon és megint mások Közép-Európában. A kelet-közép-európai tagállamok helyreállításának egy megerősített kohéziós politikára kell épülnie, amely már korábban is bizonyított; hozzáadott értéket teremtett Európában, és szerződéses céljai ugyanúgy aktuálisak, mint a válságot megelőzően: kiegyenlíteni a fejlettségbeli különbségeket, s ezáltal erősíteni az Unió versenyképességét.

Magyarország jelentős reformokat valósított meg az elmúlt évek során, és erőfeszítéseinek köszönhetően sikeres a felzárkózásban. A Helyreállítási Eszköz forrásainak javasolt elosztási kritériumai azonban a pandémiát megelőző statisztikákon alapulnak, ezért nem tükrözik a válság valós gazdasági hatásait. Ezenkívül büntetik a jó növekedéssel és alacsony munkanélküliséggel rendelkező országokat. A jelenlegi javaslatban egy morális probléma jelenik meg: a gazdag országok több pénzt kapnának, mint a szegényebbek. Ez nem maradhat így; a fegyelmezett gazdaságpolitikát folytató tagállamok és a sikeres védekezés nem büntethető források megvonásával. A szegényebb országok nem kerülhetnek hátrányos helyzetbe a gazdagabb tagállamokkal szemben.

  Alfred Sant (S&D), in writing. – At this week’s European Council, participants should be laying the foundations for a mutually—acceptable agreement on the upcoming multiannual financial framework and the recovery package as presented by the Commission on 27 May. It is essential that the recovery package achieve its target to help relaunch the European economy. Meanwhile, the long—term goals of the Union, especially those focused on cohesion between its territories, must be upheld. We face an unprecedented crisis in the amplitude and depth of the peril it entails for the European economic system. That should be recognised in deeds, not just in words. To deal with the crisis satisfactorily, the criteria of the recent past hardly apply. Unless some way is found for effective European action that really addresses, head on, the dangers of the ongoing recession where they are being experienced, the negative social and economic impacts will multiply. With all its flaws, the plans presented by the von der Leyen Commission go a good way towards meeting this vital challenge. Its thrust has to be endorsed. Arguments about, among others, whether loans or grants should be deployed; how recovery projects should be selected and conditioned, etc. should be subordinated to this overall priority.

  Christine Schneider (PPE), schriftlich. – Ich hoffe, dass es den Verhandlungsführern gelingen wird, die Verhandlungen jetzt zu intensivieren, damit letztendlich doch noch ein „no Deal Brexit“ vermieden werden kann. Vergleichbare Umwelt- und Sozialstandards sind zur Gewährleistung eines fairen Wettbewerbs ebenso dringend notwendig wie Vereinbarungen zur Fischereipolitik oder zur polizeilichen und justiziellen Zusammenarbeit.

  József Szájer (PPE), írásban. – Igazságos pénzelosztás rendszert akarunk. Érvényesíteni kell az alapszerződés célját, hogy az uniós finanszírozás a kohéziót, a szegényebbek felzárkózását szolgálja. Igazságtalan, ha a szegények és a fegyelmezetten gazdálkodók finanszírozzák meg a gazdagokat és a fegyelmezetleneket. Magyarország saját példájából tanulta meg, hogy nem szabad eladósítani a jövő nemzedékeket. Ezt nálunk az Alaptörvény is tiltja. A magyar Országgyűlés tegnap megszüntette a rendkívüli jogrendet. A kormány alkotmányos felhatalmazása és a magyar emberek összefogása gyors, hatékony cselekvést tettek lehetővé.

Magyarország elkerülte a velünk azonos méretű Belgium sorsát, ahol sajnos húszszoros az áldozatok száma. A tegnapi döntés bizonyította, hogy sajtó, Maxová európai képviselő és társai hazudtak, mikor Magyarországot támadták. Nincs alantasabb, mint a mindenkit fenyegető veszély idején hátbatámadni a frontvonalban életekért küzdőket. Ha már segíteni nem tudtak, jobban tették volna ha nem akadályozzák a harcot a vírus ellen. Életük végéig szégyellhetik magukat ezért. Mindenki megveti azokat, akik a bajban a közös mentőcsónak fenekét fúrják.

  Valdemar Tomaševski (ECR), raštu. – Vėl kalbame apie partnerystės susitarimą su Didžiąja Britanija po Brexito. Turėtume paspartinti su tuo susijusius veiksmus, kad būtų užtikrintas mūsų šalių ir piliečių saugumas. Atkreipkime dėmesį į keletą dalykų. Tolesnės derybas reiktų grįsti politine deklaracija, kuri dabar yra derybų nuoroda ir apibrėžia lanksčios partnerystės parametrus. Tarpinstitucinis bendradarbiavimas turi užtikrinti mūsų piliečių, gyvenančių JK, saugumą. Labai svarbu, kad abi būsimo susitarimo šalys išlaikytų dabartinius ES vartotojų apsaugos ir piliečių teisių standartus pagal ES teisinius pasiekimus. Susitarimas turėtų užtikrinti abiejų šalių piliečių apsaugą įgyvendinant verslininkų, įdarbinančių darbuotojus ne iš JK, ypač iš Vidurio ir Rytų Europos, kurių nemaža dalis gyvena Britų salose, įsipareigojimus. Taip pat turime padaryti viską, kad laisvo asmenų judėjimo tarp ES ir JK principai būtų taikomi ir po pereinamojo laikotarpio. JK pranešimas apie nukrypimą nuo šios taisyklės kelia didelį nerimą. Į būsimą partnerystę turėtų būti įtrauktos nuostatos dėl asmenų judėjimo, grindžiamos visišku abipusiškumu ir valstybių narių nediskriminavimo principu, o JK galimybė patekti į Sąjungos vidaus rinką turi būti proporcinga įsipareigojimams, prisiimtiems tam, kad palengvinti asmenų mobilumą, atsižvelgiant į abipusiškumo principą dvišaliuose santykiuose. Susitarimas turi apsaugoti ES ir JK piliečius, įskaitant jų šeimos narius. Jie turėtų gauti visą reikiamą informaciją apie savo teises ir procedūras, kurių turi būti laikomasi, kad būtų įmanoma toliau gyventi ir dirbti buvimo šalyje arba laisvai keliauti į ją.

  Henna Virkkunen (PPE), kirjallinen. – Euroopan talouden elpyminen on jokaisen jäsenmaan etu. Historiallisessa kriisissä on perusteltua, että käytämme kaikki EU:n mahdollistamat keinot yhteisten sisämarkkinoidemme elvyttämiseksi. Paketissa on kuitenkin vielä paljon parantamisen varaa. Itse pidän tärkeänä, että rahastosta myönnettäisiin jäsenmaille ehdotettua enemmän lainaa ja vain pieneltä osin suoria tukia.

Jotta jäsenmaiden keskinäiset vastuut eivät hämärry, sitoutuminen hyvään taloudenpitoon on sisällytettävä varojen jakamisen kriteereihin. Samalla kun sovimme menoista, on päätettävä selkeästi myös lainan takaisinmaksun suunnitelmasta. EU:n omien varojen kasvattaminen on kannatettava ehdotus, pidän hyvänä esimerkiksi ajatusta kierrättämättömän muovin verosta. Verotus vaatii kuitenkin jäsenmaiden yksimielisen päätöksen, mitä ei tähän mennessä ole saavutettu. Nyt on tärkeää, että jäsenmaat löytävät yhteisen kannan tulevista omista varoista ja niihin suunnattavista veroista. Jos lainan takaisinmaksu jää auki, se voi johtaa EU-budjetin leikkauksiin seuraavilla kausilla pienentäen rahoitusta kaikilta EU-ohjelmilta.

Elpymisen kannalta ratkaisevinta on ohjata varat siten, että ne tukevat teollisuuden uudistumista, digitalisaatiota ja kestävää kasvua. Mahdollisimman suuri osa paketista kannattaa kanavoida jo olemassa olevien EU-ohjelmien kautta. Tämä on tärkeää paitsi tehokkuuden myös läpinäkyvyyden ja parlamentaarisen kontrollin varmistamiseksi.

On hyvä, että komission uusimmassa ehdotuksessa osin lisätään varoja ilmastoneutraaliuuden saavuttamiseen. Samalla olen kuitenkin pettynyt siihen, että esitys leikkaa rajat ylittävää liikenne-, energia- ja digitaalista infrastruktuuria rahoittavasta CEF-ohjelmasta. Jotta taloutemme pysyy kilpailukykyisenä, tarvitsemme investointeja moderneihin yhteyksiin.

  Carlos Zorrinho (S&D), por escrito. – Na sequência das posições robustas e largamente consensualizadas no Parlamento Europeu, a Comissão Europeia apresentou um fundo de recuperação de nova geração, forte, de largo espectro e com um modelo solidário. É fundamental que o Conselho adote com celeridade e sem distorções inaceitáveis essa proposta, que foi entendida pela grande maioria dos cidadãos europeus como uma prova de vida e de capacidade de resposta da União às suas necessidades. Essa aprovação sem entorses é uma condição para que o fundo possa receber o consentimento do Parlamento Europeu.

A forma excecional como foi possível ultrapassar barreiras e limitações no desenho dos diferentes programas e mecanismos de resposta tem que se transmitir aos procedimentos de concretização, de forma a que os recursos comecem a chegar o mais depressa possível a quem mais deles necessita.

As recomendações para o processo negocial do BREXIT são adequadas e devem ser escrupulosamente cumpridas. O acordo de saída tem que ser respeitado, bem como os compromissos assumidos na declaração política. É preciso também assegurar o alinhamento regulatório e defender os interesses do sector europeu das pescas e os direitos dos cidadãos da União.

(The sitting was suspended at 18.40)

VORSITZ: KATARINA BARLEY
Vizepräsidentin