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Mercoledì 17 giugno 2020 - Bruxelles Edizione provvisoria
1. Ripresa della sessione
 2. Apertura della seduta
 3. Dichiarazione della Presidenza
 4. Comunicazione della Presidenza
 5. Approvazione del processo verbale della seduta precedente: vedasi processo verbale
 6. Composizione del Parlamento: vedasi processo verbale
 7. Composizione delle commissioni e delle delegazioni : vedasi processo verbale
 8. Calendario delle tornate: vedasi processo verbale
 9. Rettifica (articolo 2431 del regolamento): vedasi processo verbale
 10. Negoziati precedenti alla prima lettura del Consiglio (articolo 72 del regolamento): vedasi processo verbale
 11. Atti delegati (articolo 111, paragrafo 6, del regolamento): vedasi processo verbale
 12. Firma di atti adottati secondo la procedura legislativa ordinaria (articolo 79 del regolamento): vedasi processo verbale
 13. Atti delegati (articolo 111, paragrafo 2, del regolamento): vedasi processo verbale
 14. Misure di esecuzione (articolo 112 del regolamento): vedasi processo verbale
 15. Seguito dato alle posizioni e alle risoluzioni del Parlamento: vedasi processo verbale
 16. Presentazione di documenti: vedasi processo verbale
 17. Interrogazioni con richiesta di risposta orale (presentazione): vedasi processo verbale
 18. Ordine dei lavori
 19. Le proteste antirazzismo a seguito della morte di George Floyd (discussione)
 20. Primo turno di votazioni
 21. Le proteste antirazzismo a seguito della morte di George Floyd (seguito della discussione)
 22. Preparazione della riunione del Consiglio europeo del 19 giugno 2020 - Raccomandazioni per i negoziati su un nuovo partenariato con il Regno Unito di Gran Bretagna e Irlanda del Nord (discussione)
 23. Ripresa della seduta
 24. Conferenza sul futuro dell'Europa (discussione)
 25. Comunicazione della Presidenza
 26. Proteggere i settori strategici europei dalle acquisizioni straniere in un mondo post Covid (discussione)
 27. Comunicazione dei risultati della votazione: vedasi processo verbale
 28. Proteggere i settori strategici europei dalle acquisizioni straniere in un mondo post Covid (seguito della discussione)
 29. Secondo turno di votazioni
 30. Turismo e trasporti nel 2020 e oltre (discussione)
 31. Dichiarazioni di voto: vedasi processo verbale
 32. Correzioni e intenzioni di voto: vedasi processo verbale
 33. Ordine del giorno della prossima seduta: vedasi processo verbale
 34. Chiusura della seduta


PRESIDENZA DELL'ON. DAVID MARIA SASSOLI
Presidente

1. Ripresa della sessione
Video degli interventi
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  Presidente. – Dichiaro ripresa la sessione del Parlamento europeo interrotta mercoledì 27 maggio 2020.

 

2. Apertura della seduta
Video degli interventi
 

(La seduta è aperta alle 15.02)

 

3. Dichiarazione della Presidenza
Video degli interventi
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  Presidente. – A nome del Parlamento e personalmente, desidero esprimere le mie più sentite condoglianze alla famiglia e agli amici di George Floyd. La sua morte il 25 maggio ha suscitato, come sapete, sia negli Stati Uniti ma anche in Europa, molte proteste che dimostrano a tutti che il rispetto dei valori democratici e dei diritti umani è un compito fondamentale, quotidiano, impegnativo e necessario.

Possiamo riposare solo quando il sogno di Martin Luther King diventerà realtà e le persone non saranno mai giudicate dal colore della loro pelle ma dal contenuto del loro carattere. Questo Parlamento ha sempre condannato fermamente qualsiasi forma di violenza e di discriminazione e si impegna al rispetto dello Stato di diritto.

Inizieremo oggi la nostra plenaria – e poi avremo un dibattito su questo – con questo importante invito: voglio chiedervi di osservare un minuto di silenzio in ricordo di George Floyd e di tutte le vittime di violenza, di razzismo e di discriminazione. Grazie.

(Il Parlamento, in piedi, osserva un minuto di silenzio)

 

4. Comunicazione della Presidenza
Video degli interventi
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  Presidente. – Colleghe e colleghi, vorrei ricordarvi che la sala Spaak 3 C050 è pienamente collegata all'emiciclo, al fine di consentire ai deputati che non trovano posto in Aula di partecipare ai nostri lavori.

I deputati il cui nome è nell'elenco degli oratori sono invitati a prendere posto nell'emiciclo, dove troveranno, nel posto che è stato loro attribuito, un cartellino con il loro nome e cognome. I deputati che non sono nell'elenco degli oratori saranno guidati dagli uscieri verso altri posti.

Vi informo che un registro delle presenze è collegato in entrambe le sale.

Vi ricordo, inoltre, che l'uso di maschere che coprono la bocca e il naso è obbligatorio. Gli oratori che preferiscono intervenire nel dibattito senza la mascherina saranno autorizzati a farlo per la sola durata del discorso.

Vorrei inoltre invitare i colleghi a inserire la carta di voto quando prendono posto, così da rendere più agevole il funzionamento dei microfoni e la loro identificazione.

Do il benvenuto alla Presidente della Commissione Ursula von der Leyen. Grazie per essere qui con noi.

 
  
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  Manon Aubry (GUE/NGL). – Monsieur le Président, permettez-moi d’intervenir en cette ouverture pour faire référence à la résolution de l’extrême droite déposée sur le débat qui va nous animer sur la mort de Georges Floyd, qui instrumentalise cette mort pour accuser nommément notre groupe politique et la France insoumise d’encourager et de perpétrer des actes de violence dans toute l’Europe.

Nous savons que la haine et la calomnie sont la marque de fabrique du Rassemblement national, mais j’espère pouvoir compter, ici, sur le soutien et la condamnation par chaque force républicaine de cette diffamation indigne. Cette manœuvre abjecte masque en réalité les actes glaçants des suprémacistes blancs et des racistes qui sont ancrés dans l’idéologie de l’extrême droite et du Rassemblement national depuis sa fondation.

Nous sommes fiers, au contraire, ici, d’être les héritiers de résistants communistes qui ont donné leur vie contre le nazisme, pendant que votre formation politique était fondée par un ancien SS pour que cette idéologie survive à la guerre. La violence est votre fonds de commerce, à l’extrême droite: celle des violences policières que vous couvrez, celle des groupuscules fascistes que vous couvez.

Votre violence nous rappelle l’amère certitude qui nous anime: là où il n’y a pas de justice, il n’y a pas de paix. Nous continuerons donc de marcher contre le racisme et contre vous, avec pour horizon la justice et la paix.

 
  
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  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Г-н Председател, вземам думата по начина на водене на основата на член 157 и член 171 член от Правилника за дейността на Европейския парламент. Г-н Председател, остро възразявам срещу начина, по който е разпределено времето за изказване. За толкова важни дебати като бъдещето на Европа, като сделката за Брексит, като транспорта, на групата на Европейските консерватори и реформисти са отделени четири минути.

За четири минути, г-н Председател, ако трябва да ги разпределям, на всички колеги трябва да им дам по 17 секунди изказване. Това е проформа дебат. Вие сте пръв сред равни и Ваша задача е да осигурите възможността на всеки един европейски представител да се изкаже, да защити своето мнение, защото това е работата на представителите – да говорят.

Знам, че има тези, които не искат да чуят част от колегите. Знам, че има тези, които не приемат част от колегите, но трябва да имат свободата да го кажат. На левицата на комунистите ще кажа да престанат да злоупотребяват и да търсят политически дивиденти от полицейско насилие или от вандализъм и грабежи.

 
  
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  Presidente. – Ricordo che io devo garantire, insieme alla collaborazione dei presidenti dei gruppi, l'esercizio del diritto di parola.

 
  
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  Pierrette Herzberger-Fofana (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, je tiens tout d’abord à remercier toutes les personnes qui, en Europe, ont manifesté leur solidarité.

En ce qui me concerne, je souhaiterais vous informer, ainsi que les collègues, que j’ai été victime de violences policières de la part de la police belge. Je considère cela comme un acte discriminatoire à tendance raciste.

Hier, en sortant de la gare du Nord, j’ai vu neuf policiers harceler deux jeunes Noirs. J’avais mon téléphone en main, j’ai fait une photo de la scène avec mon téléphone, ce qui est légal. Les policiers se sont dirigés vers moi, ils m’ont arraché mon téléphone des mains. Quatre des neuf policiers armés m’ont brutalement poussée contre le mur, ils ont violemment pris mon sac à main, ils m’ont plaquée au mur, jambes écartées, et un policier voulait me palper et me fouiller. Ils m’ont traitée de façon humiliante.

Quand j’ai dit au policier que j’étais députée au Parlement européen, il ne m’a pas crue, alors qu’il avait en main mes deux passeports, à savoir mon laisser-passer du Parlement européen et mon passeport allemand. Il m’a ensuite demandé la carte de résidence de la Belgique. Je la lui ai donnée. J’ai pris dans mon sac mon badge et j’avais le badge autour de moi.

J’ai porté plainte aujourd’hui car on ne peut pas laisser passer ces violences policières. Cette expérience, à l’heure où le monde entier a vu les conséquences fâcheuses de la brutalité policière, est pour moi traumatisante, mais je suis là, bien que j’aie passé toute la nuit ici au Parlement pour écrire, et je n’ai pas eu le courage de sortir avant 6 heures du matin. J’étais ici hier, on peut le vérifier avec nos badges.

Nous devons donc prendre des mesures concrètes pour bon nombre de personnes qui ne sont pas ici et qui n’ont pas pu échapper à la violence policière.

 
  
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  Presidente. – Grazie onorevole per la sua segnalazione. Naturalmente le siamo vicini in questo momento. La invito a venire nel mio ufficio per raccontarmi nei dettagli quello che è avvenuto e poter chiedere un chiarimento alle autorità belghe. Credo che dovranno delle spiegazioni. La ringrazio.

 
  
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  Philippe Lamberts (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, comme président du groupe Verts-ALE, auquel appartient Pierrette Herzberger-Fofana, mais tout simplement aussi comme citoyen de l’État belge, je voudrais vous dire mon indignation face aux faits dont a été victime notre collègue.

Mme Fofana n’a commis aucun délit. Si elle a été molestée par une escouade de policiers, c’est tout simplement parce qu’elle a pris en photo ces policiers en train de molester deux jeunes. Ceci, n’en déplaise aux partisans de l’État policier, est légal en Belgique et doit le rester. Et je ne peux m’empêcher de penser que la couleur de la peau de notre collègue n’est pas étrangère au fait même qu’elle ait été interpellée et à la brutalité et au manque de respect qu’elle a subis.

Nous savons tous combien est difficile et exigeant le métier de policier, mais c’est précisément parce que la police est un des bras par lesquels l’État utilise et exerce son monopole de la violence légitime que toutes celles et ceux qui en portent l’uniforme doivent en tout moment faire preuve de retenue et de discernement. C’est à ce prix que le respect de toutes et tous leur sera acquis. Aussi, il est juste que nos sociétés se lèvent en masse contre les violences policières qui gagnent en ampleur et en intensité, et ce d’autant qu’elles frappent en particulier les personnes de couleur ou encore celles et ceux qui se lèvent contre l’ordre établi.

Quel que soit le statut de la victime, et Pierrette l’a très bien dit, des faits comme ceux d’hier sont intolérables. Aussi, Monsieur le Président, je vous demande, en notre nom à tous, de protester avec vigueur auprès des autorités belges et d’exiger que toute la lumière soit faite sur ces événements et que des sanctions appropriées soient prises.

 
  
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  Presidente. – Grazie presidente, raccolgo il suo invito.

 

5. Approvazione del processo verbale della seduta precedente: vedasi processo verbale
Video degli interventi

6. Composizione del Parlamento: vedasi processo verbale
Video degli interventi

7. Composizione delle commissioni e delle delegazioni : vedasi processo verbale
Video degli interventi

8. Calendario delle tornate: vedasi processo verbale
Video degli interventi

9. Rettifica (articolo 2431 del regolamento): vedasi processo verbale
Video degli interventi

10. Negoziati precedenti alla prima lettura del Consiglio (articolo 72 del regolamento): vedasi processo verbale
Video degli interventi

11. Atti delegati (articolo 111, paragrafo 6, del regolamento): vedasi processo verbale
Video degli interventi

12. Firma di atti adottati secondo la procedura legislativa ordinaria (articolo 79 del regolamento): vedasi processo verbale
Video degli interventi

13. Atti delegati (articolo 111, paragrafo 2, del regolamento): vedasi processo verbale

14. Misure di esecuzione (articolo 112 del regolamento): vedasi processo verbale

15. Seguito dato alle posizioni e alle risoluzioni del Parlamento: vedasi processo verbale

16. Presentazione di documenti: vedasi processo verbale

17. Interrogazioni con richiesta di risposta orale (presentazione): vedasi processo verbale

18. Ordine dei lavori
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  Presidente. – Il progetto definitivo di ordine del giorno fissato dalla Conferenza dei presidenti, ai sensi dell'articolo 157 del regolamento, nella riunione di giovedì 11 giugno 2020 è stato distribuito. Sono state presentate le seguenti proposte di modifica.

Vorrei innanzitutto informarvi che ho ricevuto tre richieste di applicazione della procedura d'urgenza, a norma dell'articolo 163 del regolamento, per aggiungere i seguenti documenti legislativi relativi alla Covid-19, da adottare durante la seduta del 17 e 19 giugno. I documenti riguardano:

– la cooperazione amministrativa nel settore fiscale: rinviare determinati termini a causa della pandemia di Covid-19;

– il sostegno temporaneo eccezionale nell'ambito del FEASR in risposta alla pandemia di Covid-19;

– l'iniziativa dei cittadini europei: misure temporanee circa i termini per le fasi di raccolta, verifica ed esame in considerazione della pandemia di Covid-19.

Vi comunico inoltre che ho ricevuto una mozione di procedura, a norma dell'articolo 200, paragrafo 4, del regolamento, per aggiornare la votazione sulla relazione dell'onorevole Deli relativa alla conclusione dell'accordo euromediterraneo UE-Israele nel settore del trasporto aereo. Tale mozione sarà posta in votazione alla prima sessione di voto di oggi.

Inoltre, per quanto riguarda le due posizioni del Consiglio su "Istituzione di un quadro che favorisce gli investimenti sostenibili" e "Statistiche comunitarie in materia di migrazione e di protezione internazionale", vi informo che non è stata presentata alcuna proposta volta a respingere le posizioni del Consiglio e non sono stati presentati emendamenti ai sensi degli articoli 67 e 68 del regolamento. Gli atti proposti si considerano pertanto adottati.

A seguito delle consultazioni con i gruppi politici, desidero sottoporre all'Aula la seguente proposta di modifica del progetto definitivo di ordine del giorno.

Mercoledì

Le dichiarazioni del Consiglio e della Commissione sulla preparazione della riunione del Consiglio europeo del 19 giugno 2020 e la relazione dell'on. Piri e dell'on. Hansen sulle raccomandazioni per i negoziati su un nuovo partenariato con il Regno Unito di Gran Bretagna e Irlanda del Nord saranno esaminate in una discussione congiunta, che si terrà come secondo punto del pomeriggio dopo le dichiarazioni del Consiglio e della Commissione sulle proteste antirazzismo in seguito alla morte di George Floyd.

Giovedì

Le tre dichiarazioni del Vicepresidente della Commissione/Alto rappresentante dell'Unione per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza su:

– Ripercussioni della crisi della Covid-19 sulla politica estera;

– La legge della RPC sulla sicurezza nazionale per Hong Kong e la necessità che l'Unione europea difenda l'elevato grado di autonomia di Hong Kong;

– La risposta dell'UE all'eventuale annessione israeliana di territori della Cisgiordania;

saranno esaminate in una discussione congiunta, che si terrà come primo punto al mattino.

In seguito, vi saranno due brevi presentazioni delle seguenti relazioni:

– la relazione dell'on. Auštrevičius sulla raccomandazione del Parlamento europeo al Consiglio, alla Commissione e al vicepresidente della Commissione/alto rappresentante dell'Unione per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza sul partenariato orientale, in vista del vertice di giugno 2020;

– la relazione dell'on. Picula sulla raccomandazione del Parlamento europeo al Consiglio, alla Commissione e al vicepresidente della Commissione/alto rappresentante dell'Unione per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza concernente i Balcani occidentali, a seguito del vertice del 2020.

Tali relazioni saranno esaminate in una discussione congiunta, che si terrà come terzo punto al mattino dopo le dichiarazioni del Consiglio e della Commissione sulla lotta contro le campagne di disinformazione durante la crisi della Covid-19 e impatto sulla libertà di espressione.

Infine, desidero informarvi che, tenuto conto del numero di emendamenti presentati e del numero di richieste di votazione per parti separate e distinte, le votazioni sono distribuite in diverse sessioni di voto. Le informazioni relative alla distribuzione delle votazioni sono disponibili sul sito web del Parlamento europeo nella sezione "Informazioni e documenti prioritari".

(Il Parlamento accoglie le richieste)

Per quanto riguarda la mozione di procedura per aggiornare la votazione sulla relazione dell'onorevole Deli relativa alla conclusione dell'accordo euromediterraneo UE-Israele nel settore del trasporto aereo, ai sensi dell'articolo 196 del regolamento, oltre all'autore della mozione, possono intervenire unicamente un oratore contrario e il presidente o il relatore della commissione competente per il merito.

C'è qualcuno in Aula che desidera intervenire?

Do la parola all'on. Clare Daly che presenterà la mozione di procedura sull'aggiornamento della votazione.

 
  
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  Clare Daly, on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. – Mr President, yes, I would like to support the request to postpone the vote on the ratification of the Euro-Mediterranean Aviation Agreement with the State of Israel. This ratification has no actual practical implications as the agreement has been provisionally applied since 2013, but to adopt it now in the context of the announcement by the new Israeli Government of their imminent plans to annex one third of the occupied Palestinian West Bank, in flagrant breach of international law, is of substantial symbolic and political importance.

To ratify this agreement now would send an inconsistent message from the European Parliament. It would be perceived as an upgrade in bilateral relations with the State of Israel, a positive for them and a complete shift in the EU’s long-standing policy of linking any upgrade in the relationship with Israel to progress on conflict resolution. Clearly this latest move from Israel is only going to accelerate the conflict and the hardship on the Palestinian people. We should not normalise Israel’s violation of international law by ratifying this agreement now, and I’m asking colleagues to please support the postponement of this decision.

 
  
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  Presidente. – C'è un oratore contrario? Do la parola al relatore.

 
  
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  Andor Deli, Rapporteur. – Mr President, as the rapporteur, I must say that this agreement has been waiting for its approval for way too long. We all know how difficult the situation in the aviation sector is right now, so agreements such as this one will bring, first of all, legal certainty to the workers and will also help businesses and help protect passengers. We mustn’t forget about those either. All Member States have already ratified it so I cannot say anything but state as a fact that all Member States have already done it.

I think that what we are doing is the last checkpoint and I must say that the European Parliament mustn’t become an obstacle. We are always part of the solution, not part of the problem. So please save this agreement and keep it on the agenda.

 
  
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  Presidente. – Grazie al relatore. C'è un oratore contrario? No, non c'è.

Andiamo avanti. Per quanto riguarda le tre richieste di applicazione della procedura d'urgenza ai sensi dell'articolo 163, che saranno votate oggi nella prima sessione di votazione, potranno essere ascoltati soltanto gli autori delle richieste di applicazione della procedura d'urgenza e un oratore contrario, nonché i presidenti o i relatori delle commissioni competenti.

C'è qualcuno in Aula che desidera intervenire sulla richiesta della commissione ECON?

 
  
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  Derk Jan Eppink (ECR). – Mr President, I was requested by the Chair of the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs (ECON) to read out the following text concerning the urgent procedure:

On 8 May, the Commission adopted a proposal modifying the Directive on Administrative Cooperation by deferring by three plus three months the deadlines imposed on financial institutions and tax advisers to comply with their obligations under the Directive. The entry into application of this directive is currently on 1 July 2020. This proposal follows a consultation procedure. The Council cannot adopt its position at unanimity without having received the EP position. The Council processed this proposal very quickly with the Coreper general approach agreed early in June. The Secretary-General of the Council has sent a letter to the President of the European Parliament in which he kindly invites the European Parliament to deliver its opinion by the end of June. The ECON coordinators have therefore agreed to follow the urgent procedure under Rule 163 for this file.

 
  
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  Presidente. – Do la parola all'onorevole Manon Aubry per un intervento contrario alla richiesta della commissione ECON.

 
  
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  Manon Aubry (GUE/NGL). – Monsieur le Président, sous la pression du lobby bancaire, la Commission nous demande de voter en procédure d’urgence le report de mesures de transparence fiscale dont nous avons pourtant cruellement besoin pour lutter contre l’évasion fiscale.

Ce mépris du Parlement, qui est sommé de s’exprimer dans la précipitation et sans passage en commission sur un dossier aussi important est, je crois, et on doit le dire fermement, inadmissible. Notre groupe votera évidemment contre cette procédure d’urgence et interpelle l’ensemble des groupes aujourd’hui.

Cette manière de faire détestable est symptomatique de la place qu’accorde actuellement la Commission européenne à la lutte contre l’évasion fiscale. La crise sanitaire a bon dos, car elle n’est en réalité qu’un prétexte pour retarder encore et toujours la mise en place des outils qui permettraient enfin d’avancer. Selon la Commission, on doit donc en déduire qu’il est urgent d’attendre. Urgent d’attendre et de ne rien faire pour lutter contre l’évasion fiscale. Pourtant, les États membres doivent dépenser maintenant, tout de suite, des milliards d’euros pour sauver leur économie, pour sauver les emplois, pour sauver des entreprises et c’est plus que jamais le moment de récupérer les centaines de milliards d’euros perdus à cause de l’évasion fiscale partout en Europe. Les puissances de l’argent trouveront toujours de bonnes raisons de repousser toute régulation aux calendes grecques. L’urgence aujourd’hui n’est pas de faciliter leur travail. C’est nous, chers collègues, qui faisons la loi européenne, pas les lobbies européens.

Ce qui est urgent, enfin, c’est de commencer à résister aux lobbies et à agir dans l’intérêt des peuples européens.

 
  
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  Presidente. – C'è qualcuno in Aula che desidera intervenire sulla richiesta della commissione AGRI?

Do la parola all'on. Waitz per un intervento contrario alla richiesta della commissione AGRI.

 
  
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  Thomas Waitz (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident! Es steht außer Zweifel, dass es an der Zeit ist, auch unseren bäuerlichen Betrieben in Europa hier Unterstützung zukommen zu lassen – in dieser Krise und bei ihren Einnahmeausfällen.

An sich gibt es dazu aber die in unserer Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik vorgesehene Krisenreserve. Allerdings haben sich sowohl der Rat als auch – denke ich – mein eigener Mitgliedstaat Österreich gegen die Auszahlung der Krisenreserve entschieden. Ich vermute, das liegt daran, dass Großbetriebe im Verhältnis hier deutlich weniger bekommen hätten als kleinere Betriebe. Aber ich kann hier nur vermuten, was der Hintergrund ist.

Was bleibt, ist, dass wir das Geld hier jetzt aus der zweiten Säule verwenden, dass wir das Geld verwenden, das an sich für Klimaschutz, für Umweltschutz und für die Unterstützung von regionalen Gemeinschaften vorgesehen ist. Das halten wir – auch von der Grünen-Fraktion – für zu kurz gegriffen.

Nachdem die Kommission aber klargemacht hat, dass, wenn wir Abgeordnete hier in diesem Haus Änderungsanträge stellen, dieses Ansuchen bzw. dieser Vorschlag zurückgezogen wird, was bedeutet hätte, dass unsere Bäuerinnen und Bauern gar keine Hilfe von der Europäischen Union bekommen, möchte ich trotz ernster Bedenken gegen dieses Dringlichkeitsverfahren meine Fraktion dazu aufrufen, nicht dagegen zu stimmen.

 
  
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  Presidente. – C'è qualcuno in Aula che desidera intervenire sulla richiesta della commissione AFCO?

Do la parola all'on. Vincze.

 
  
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  Loránt Vincze, Rapporteur. – Mr President, the pandemic has had a serious impact on ongoing European citizens’ initiatives – organisers and citizens were not able to lead effective signature collection campaigns. We need to support them and make sure that the EU’s main instrument for participatory democracy gets back on track as quickly as possible. Engagement of citizens is an essential tool to strengthen our Union.

I kindly request that the House accepts to follow the urgent procedure under Rule 163 to deal with the Commission’s proposal, that we welcome, for a regulation laying down temporary measures concerning the time limits for the collection, verification and examination stages provided in Regulation (EU) 2019/788 on the European citizens’ initiative in view of the COVID-19 outbreak, as agreed with the large majority of the political groups.

 
  
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  Presidente. – Grazie al relatore. Ci sono interventi contrari? No.

(L'ordine dei lavori è così fissato)

 

19. Le proteste antirazzismo a seguito della morte di George Floyd (discussione)
Video degli interventi
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  Presidente. – L'ordine del giorno reca la discussione sulle dichiarazioni del Consiglio e della Commissione sulle proteste antirazzismo a seguito della morte di George Floyd (2020/2685(RSP)).

Ricordo agli onorevoli deputati che per questa discussione non è prevista la procedura "catch-the-eye", né saranno accettate domande "cartellino blu".

Darei la parola, ringraziandola per la sua presenza, alla ministra Brnjac, a nome del Consiglio.

 
  
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  Nikolina Brnjac, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, thank you for inviting the Presidency to share its views on the crucial topic of racism. The brutal killing of George Floyd was shocking and it has provoked a tide of emotions and protest, not only in the United States but around the world.

I would like to start by using this forum to express, on behalf of the Croatian Presidency and of the Council, my deepest condolences to the family and friends of George Floyd. Let me say loud and clear that we stand in solidarity with victims of racial discrimination across the world. Black lives do matter and systematic racism and discrimination have no place in our society.

The events that triggered the recent protests raised, first and foremost, the issue of police treatment of African-American people and, more broadly, their place in society. Because of each country’s history and social and political context this situation cannot be transposed to Europe one to one. Equality, human dignity, respect for human rights, together with tolerance, gender equality and the prohibition of discrimination are founding values of the European Union.

Among the tools we have to fight racism, the main one is the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, which protects citizens against any discrimination on the grounds of race, colour, ethnic origin and religion or belief. The Racial Equality Directive, as the first new-generation equal treatment instrument extending legal protection against discrimination beyond the grounds of gender, is the key instrument at EU level. Not only did it pave the way for extending protection to new grounds and fields, it changed the European human rights infrastructure forever by requiring all Member States to designate national equality bodies to promote equal treatment.

The Presidency is strongly committed to fighting racism. Therefore, it gives me great pleasure to announce the marking of the 20th anniversary of the adoption of this crucial legislative instrument, organised by the Croatian Presidency and in cooperation with the European Network or Equality Bodies, the Commission and the Council on 29 June, the exact date of the adoption of the directive by the Council.

The EU has so far developed a robust legal framework, including specific legislation on combating intolerance and hatred, such as the 2008 Framework Decision on combating racism and xenophobia. In June 2016, the Council invited Member States to ensure the effective transposition and implementation of the Framework Decision and other relevant hate-crime laws at national level. In addition, it asked all Member States to develop effective methods to report and ensure proper recording of hate crimes.

In conclusions adopted in October 2017, the Council also welcomed the measures coordinated by the Commission’s High Level Group on combating racism, xenophobia and other forms of intolerance. All these countermeasures need to be accompanied by anti-racist education and youth work and, more precisely, the need to develop democratic resilience, tolerance and conflict-resolution skills in the learning process.

To sum up, we have the tools, legislation, knowledge, education, counter-narratives, but also condemnation of any form of racially motivated violence, hate speech and discrimination. At the same time, however, we in Europe must be vigilant in the face of a worrying increase in the number of manifestations of hate speech and racism affecting minorities.

The Fundamental Rights Agency report, ‘Being Black in the EU’, released in November 2018, revealed the unacceptable challenges black people still face in our countries. The inclusion of black people is hampered by several obstacles: discrimination against them during their job search, mismatch between individuals’ educational level and their current jobs and access to housing. We are therefore compelled to take such matters extremely seriously. It is our obligation to lead an uncompromising fight against racism in our Union.

The European Union is deeply committed to fighting all forms of discrimination within its borders as well as in the world at large. In March 2019, the Council adopted EU human rights guidelines on non—discrimination in external action. This provides guidance to enhance the effectiveness of EU human rights policy in combating discrimination on any grounds, including race, and to increase the visibility of awareness of EU values and action in combating discrimination in its external action.

Abuse of power has to be denounced and combated everywhere. Societies which pride themselves on representing the rule of law, democratic principles, fundamental freedoms and human rights should set an example in this respect. All societies must remain vigilant against the excessive use of force and ensure that incidents such as the killing of Mr Floyd are addressed swiftly, effectively and in full respect of the rule of law and human rights.

We trust in the ability of the American people to come together to heal as a nation and to address these important issues. Racism is not just a problem in the United States, as I said, and as the protests in many European countries and across the world have shown. The responsibility for combating racism rests with all of us: politicians, teachers, civil servants, students, parents, policemen, citizens. With all of us.

 
  
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  Ursula von der Leyen, President of the Commission. – Mr President, I do not know what it is to be black. I do not know what it is to be black, or a member of any minority, be it ethnic, religious or sexual, in the places I’ve lived.

Je n’ai jamais fait l’expérience d’être traitée différemment pour la seule raison de mon apparence. Je ne sais pas ce que c’est que d’être traitée avec soupçon jour après jour dans la rue ou en faisant mes courses, à la recherche d’un emploi ou d’un nouveau logement, comme notre collègue nous l'a tout juste raconté. C'est incroyable! La plupart d’entre nous dans cette salle ne le savent pas, mais nous savons une chose: beaucoup de gens, eux, le savent et ils nous disent à pleine gorge que nous tolérons le racisme depuis beaucoup trop longtemps. Cela doit cesser.

Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, les gens qui manifestent dans nos rues, dans nos pays, des deux côtés de l’Atlantique et dans le monde entier élèvent leur voix, désireux de se faire entendre. Il est grand temps de faire plus qu’écouter, plus que condamner, il est temps de parler du racisme ouvertement et honnêtement et voilà pourquoi je tiens à vous remercier d’avoir inscrit ce point à l’ordre du jour de la session plénière et de l’avoir mis à la première place de votre session.

Honourable Members, as a society, we need to confront reality. We relentlessly need to fight racism and discrimination: visible discrimination, of course, but also more subtle racism and discrimination – our unconscious biases. All sorts of racism and discrimination! In the justice system and law enforcement; in our labour market and the housing market; in education and healthcare; in politics and migration.

We should join forces at all levels: European, national, regional, local, public and private, business and civil society, and each of us individually, as citizens, to build a Europe that is more equal and more humane, more fair. And let me be very clear: in our Union there is no place for racism or any kind of discrimination. This is for sure.

(Applause)

And honourable Members, together, we need to answer difficult questions: why do racism and discrimination endure in our societies? Why are there political parties supporting xenophobia and racism that win elections? Why are members of ethnic and religious minorities underrepresented in political, social and academic institutions – and overrepresented in poverty, illness and law-enforcement statistics? What can we do in the fields of education, employment, healthcare, housing and more, to build an open, fairer and more conscious society? What can we do so that our institutions better represent the diversity of our European societies?

This is not the work of a sectoral policy, of a single person, or of a single Commissioner. This is why I am here, as President of the European Commission. I want to get to the bottom of these questions.

Next week, we will have a structured debate on racism in the College and let us look around here in this very Chamber. The diversity of our society is not represented and I will be the first to admit things are not better in the College of Commissioners or among the European Commission staff. And this is why I say we need to talk about racism and we need to act. It is always possible to change direction if there is a will to do so.

Let me take one small example of a small step in the right direction that I witnessed when I was Defence Minister in my home country. At the time, in the German armed forces, a recruiting system had been in place for decades that always favoured the same. We had some excellent candidates who would bring valuable assets to our armed forces – sometimes rare assets, like speaking Arabic or Farsi – and yet, somehow, those assets were not valued. Not at all. And in a mission abroad, such skills could save comrades’ lives. But at the time, the attitude was: ‘Ah, but the system does not allow for this and we have never done this before.’ But then, analysis and reflection started and finally led the German armed forces to change the recruiting system and it was for the better of the German armed forces, it was for the better for society! It has now become a fairer system for those soldiers, so we can change if there is the political will behind it. There is a way to do it.

We need to talk about racism with an open mind. The good news is: we do not start from scratch. In the European Union, discrimination is prohibited at the highest possible legal level: I mean our Treaty, our Charter of Fundamental Rights, both on grounds of race and ethnic origin. We also have European laws against racism, ethnic discrimination and hate speech: our Racial Equality Directive; our Framework Decision on combating forms of expressions of racism and xenophobia, to name just a few. We have cooperation tools involving experts from all Member States, a High-Level Group on combating racism, xenophobia and other forms of intolerance, and a European Network of Equality Bodies. Here again, to name just a few.

And we have European funds. But we need to try harder.

I am glad to live in a society that condemns racism. But we should not stop there. If we encounter it, we must sound the alarm and act immediately. And we must be aware that vigilance and awareness begin on a very small scale, with each and every one of us. Awareness includes examining ourselves. Awareness includes speaking up in cases of discrimination. Awareness includes questioning privileges we may take for granted, which are anything but.

The motto of our European Union is: ‘United in diversity’. Our task is to live up to these words, and to fulfil their meaning, and this is why I am looking forward to listening to you for a better Europe. United in diversity. Unie dans la diversité. In Vielfalt geeint.

 
  
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  Isabel Wiseler-Lima, au nom du groupe PPE. – Monsieur le Président, se lever, s’insurger, refuser de toutes ses forces avec l’esprit, le cœur et les entrailles toute forme de racisme. C’est ce que je ressens, mais c’est aussi à mes yeux notre devoir de députés au sein de cet hémicycle. C’est pourquoi il était si important d’avoir un texte commun pour parler d’une seule voix haute et forte de ce qui est essentiel. Notre refus et notre condamnation absolue du racisme, notre solidarité avec tous ceux qui subissent et souffrent de discriminations, un message fort du Parlement européen.

La mort violente de George Floyd a ravivé, à travers le monde entier, le besoin d’affirmer le refus du racisme et le refus de l’abus de la force policière. Ce mouvement de toutes les couleurs et rassemblant tellement de jeunes donne espoir pour l’avenir. Mais je voudrais aussi exprimer mon admiration pour tous ces autres officiers de police qui font leur travail de manière exemplaire et pour qui être policier n’est pas seulement un métier mais une vraie vocation.

Quant à notre histoire, nous n’allons sûrement pas la réécrire et si nous pouvons être fiers de nombreux aspects, nous ne pouvons pas en tant qu’êtres humains, non, nous ne pouvons pas ne pas aussi avoir honte.

Cette honte est évidente, quand nous pensons aux camps de concentration de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Elle doit être tout aussi évidente quand il s’agit des bateaux remplis d’esclaves.

Fiers, je crois, nous pouvons l’être des valeurs qui fondent de notre Union européenne, des règles que nous nous donnons pour aujourd’hui et pour un meilleur avenir.

Encore faut-il que le quotidien y corresponde, que nous nous donnions tous les moyens de mettre en œuvre une politique qui saura donner à tous, sans aucune discrimination, les mêmes opportunités et éradiquer le racisme.

 
  
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  Iratxe García Pérez, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor presidente, «No puedo respirar». Las palabras de George Floyd durante una larga agonía de más de ocho minutos y 46 segundos no solo son el grito de un instante, sino la injusticia y la realidad de nuestra época. ¿Por qué la violencia policial asfixia más a los negros que a los blancos? ¿Por qué la crisis sanitaria y socioeconómica de la COVID-19 asfixia más a los negros que a los blancos? ¿Por qué el cambio climático asfixia más a los negros que a los blancos?

Rosa Parks acabó en la cárcel por negarse a ceder su asiento a un blanco y no quedarse en la parte de atrás del autobús.

Martin Luther King pagó con la muerte una vida dedicada a terminar con la discriminación racial en los Estados Unidos. Pero la desigualdad y el dolor causados por la discriminación no han impedido que décadas después sus sueños sigan vivos: el grito por la igualdad y la justicia social de los millones de personas que, en las últimas semanas, en todas las calles del mundo, nos han devuelto la esperanza. Una esperanza que pide compromiso. Y, como representantes de la ciudadanía europea, tenemos la obligación de erradicar el racismo estructural todavía latente en nuestras ciudades y en nuestros pueblos.

Resulta inaceptable que, desde el año 2008, esté bloqueada en el Consejo la Directiva antidiscriminación. Veo aquí a la comisaria Helena Dalí. Espero tener con ella una buena cómplice para conseguir que esta cuestión se desbloquee, porque necesitamos instrumentos legislativos para poder acabar con el racismo, también en Europa, en un momento en el que renacen partidos políticos en Europa que se declaran racistas.

Sabemos que los pueblos que no conocen su historia están condenados a repetirla. Una ciudadanía sometida a discriminación por su color de piel, sexo, religión, está condenada al fracaso. Solo podremos alcanzar el progreso de nuestras sociedades si antes garantizamos que todos los seres humanos sean libres e iguales. Y, gracias a que las voces de millones de ciudadanos y ciudadanas nos han recordado que las vidas negras importan, desde la Unión Europea debemos hablar alto y claro: «Quiten para siempre las rodillas blancas de los cuellos negros». Al fin, iguales.

 
  
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  Dacian Cioloş, au nom du groupe Renew. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, Black lives, all lives matter. La mort de Georges Floyd a été terrifiante. Ce crime brutal a prouvé que, dans nos sociétés, il existe encore un manque réel de respect pour la vie humaine.

Mais nous devons être honnêtes, le racisme n’est pas un problème exclusivement américain, c’est aussi un problème européen. Ce qui se passe aux États-Unis avec Georges Floyd, l’agressivité de sa mort et le manque de respect pour la vie humaine que cela reflète devraient nous permettre de regarder plus attentivement dans notre cour européenne. Avec des racines socio-historiques différentes, le racisme et la discrimination existent à l’ouest comme à l’est de notre Union.

Trop souvent, la peur de l’autre s’accompagne de discriminations profondes, structurelles, institutionnelles, des inégalités socio-économiques qui finissent par nuire à l’ensemble de notre société. Et malheureusement certains politiciens jouent aussi avec cette peur pour entretenir ce sentiment et l’utiliser à des fins électorales. Une société dans laquelle on doit avoir peur si on est différent des autres n’est pas une société qui permet l’épanouissement humain.

L’Europe que je souhaite est une Europe qui fait de la diversité un atout et une force d’évolution. Il ne suffit pas de légiférer le respect pour la diversité, la non-discrimination, mais il faut surtout la cultiver, non pas l’imposer par la force, mais la cultiver avec bon sens. Je crois qu’avant tout nous devons commencer par nous-mêmes et, au nom de mon groupe politique, je voudrais proposer que les trois institutions européennes travaillent ensemble sur cette question. Le Parlement, la Commission et le Conseil doivent s’asseoir autour d’une même table et se demander si nos institutions à l’intérieur reflètent suffisamment la diversité de notre Union.

Donc, je demande au Conseil, ainsi qu’à vous, Madame la Présidente, de soutenir l’initiative d’une task force sur ce sujet. Parce que nous devons contribuer à la construction d’une société inclusive, en commençant par nous-mêmes. Et quand nous aurons donné l’exemple, nous pourrons aussi demander aux autres de respecter ces principes.

Le racisme et la discrimination sont une partie honteuse de notre histoire commune et malheureusement aussi de notre présent. C’est notre devoir et notre responsabilité de nous assurer que le racisme et la discrimination ne feront pas partie de notre futur.

 
  
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  Susanna Ceccardi, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la morte di un uomo in seguito a violenza merita giustizia. E così, giustamente, tutto il mondo, ha espresso il proprio cordoglio intorno alla morte di George Floyd.

Ma per la stampa internazionale e il mainstream, forse alcune vite valgono meno di altre. È il caso di David Dorn, che voglio ricordare, l'afroamericano di 77 anni, ufficiale della polizia in pensione, morto il 2 giugno, in diretta Facebook, mentre cercava di difendere il negozio di un amico dopo l'assalto dei manifestanti violenti a St. Louis. Anche lui era nero e innocente. Per la sua morte, però, nessuna marcia, nessuna protesta, né indignazione.

Le manifestazioni in tutta l'America sono diventate sempre più violente e sono dilagate anche in Europa. Alla furia contro i poliziotti si è aggiunta la furia iconoclasta contro le statue e i simboli del passato. Sono stati tacciati di razzismo Cristoforo Colombo, i leader confederati, Indro Montanelli, conquistatori del passato, addirittura il film "Via col Vento".

Abbattere delle statue non salverà il mondo dalla lotta al razzismo. Oltre al razzismo c'è una piaga dilagante che si sta diffondendo nel mondo e dobbiamo combatterla: è l'ignoranza e la stupidità di chi vuol cancellare la nostra storia.

 
  
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  Alice Kuhnke, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, a few days after the killing of George Floyd I was putting my youngest daughter to bed. She chatted away and then went silent and asked me: ‘will they kill me too?’

Colonialism has defined American and European societies for centuries. It has created deeply rooted prejudices and inequalities that still prevail and de facto kill people. Of course, structural racism in the EU is different from the US. We don’t have the same horrific history of slavery and lynching, but we do have documented atrocities in our colonial history, which still resonates today through discrimination and police brutality. In addition, we have a recent history of systematic persecution and mass murders of minorities, of Jews, of LGBTI persons and of Roma people, to name a few. No one is free unless all are free. We need to send a strong signal to the US, but also to sweep in front of our own door.

This Parliament and your Commission will define how the EU steps up to create a sustainable society that leaves no one behind. There can be no room for racism and discrimination. A first step would be to unblock the anti-discrimination directive that has been stuck in Council since 2008. Madam President, I call on you and the incoming German Presidency to take this historic opportunity for action. Tonight, I want to put my daughter to bed, and reassure her – ‘you will be safe’. Because in the EU we refuse to be silenced by hate, by fear, by ignorance. I ask, on behalf of my daughter, if not now, when?

(Applause)

 
  
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  Hermann Tertsch, en nombre del Grupo ECR. – Señor presidente, cuánta soberbia europea se está escuchando aquí. Qué buenos somos los europeos. Qué malos. Qué buena ocasión para hacer una gran campaña, una gran operación antiamericana, que tanto nos gusta.

Les voy a leer una cosa escrita y dicha por un europeo. Por un europeo actual, un europeo que tiene aliados en esta Cámara y que tiene un miembro de su partido en esta Cámara. Es: «Son las bestias, las bestias carroñeras, víboras, hienas, bestias con forma humana que destilan odio, un odio perturbado, nauseabundo, como de dentadura postiza con verdín, contra todo lo que representa la lengua, la lengua catalana».

Esto está dicho por Torra. Torra es el presidente de la Generalidad. Torra es el presidente del partido del señor Puigdemont, que está aquí, en esta Cámara. Torra es un aliado del presidente del Gobierno Sánchez dentro de lo que es la legislatura actual. Aliado con los comunistas, aliado con los socialistas. Un racista que está gobernando parte de España contra los españoles. Eso pasa en Europa, no hay que irse a América.

En América hemos tenido un capítulo muy trágico. El 25 de mayo murió, por una acción criminal de un policía, un negro; un negro que había huido de la policía, que tenía muchos antecedentes, que había estado en la cárcel... Ese negro murió, y de repente ha desatado una oleada de racismo, de racismo contra el sistema americano. Una oleada de odio hacia lo que es la nación norteamericana, utilizada políticamente contra los Estados Unidos y contra su presidente, contra el cual se ha hecho una operación de fake news terrorífica. Y, ahora, otra manipulación más.

 
  
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  Younous Omarjee, au nom du groupe GUE/NGL. – Monsieur le Président, c’est l’honneur de notre Parlement européen d’ouvrir cette session plénière par ce débat et, au nom de tout notre groupe, je vous en remercie.

Un fait divers tragique est devenu un événement politique majeur. Les huit minutes glaçantes de l’assassinat de George Floyd ont mis en mouvement des centaines de milliers de personnes à travers le monde pour faire reculer le racisme structurel et les violences policières. Et notre indignation cet après-midi dit combien ces actes offensent les valeurs que nous partageons, et c’est pourquoi nous nous tenons aux côtés de ce mouvement et des victimes du racisme et des violences policières pour qu’une réponse concrète soit donnée aux demandes de respect et d’égalité.

Devant cet événement, nous devons aussi regarder avec lucidité notre histoire et nous devons voir que cet événement renvoie à des siècles de domination des Noirs aux États-Unis et d’inégalité des conditions en Europe. Gardons à l’esprit que notre histoire européenne a toujours oscillé comme un pendule entre la barbarie et la civilisation, que c’est en Europe, malgré la raison, malgré les Lumières, que les pires théories de hiérarchisation des races sont nées pour justifier les conquêtes, pour justifier l’esclavage, pour justifier la colonisation et pour justifier l’holocauste. C’est donc, si nous voulons extirper le mal, tout un continent mental qu’il faut continuer à déconstruire et c’est aussi tout un système de violences économiques qu’il faut combattre parce que, nous l’observons, les inégalités sociales continuent toujours de recouper des inégalités raciales.

Dans ce travail que nous devons accomplir, Monsieur le Président, les symboles, comme la mémoire, ont leur importance, et c’est pourquoi nous devons proclamer depuis ce Parlement européen, comme le demande notre résolution, que l’esclavage est un crime contre l’humanité, et ensemble, faire acte de civilisation.

 
  
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  Laura Ferrara (NI). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la brutale uccisione di George Floyd ha sollevato in tutto il mondo un'onda di indignazione, di rabbia e di protesta. Quanto accaduto a George Floyd non è purtroppo un episodio isolato e di fronte alla violenza del razzismo non si può restare indifferenti.

Occorre affrontare questo fenomeno con franchezza, senza ipocrisia, e bisogna contrastare tutte le forme di razzismo, quelle più evidenti e violente, ma anche quelle meno evidenti e per questo più insidiose. E il riferimento va a quel razzismo che si nasconde dietro la compassione o che si cela nell'approccio caritatevole o nell'ostentare anche una superiorità morale, tradita poi da una concezione utilitaristica di coloro che hanno la pelle nera. Atteggiamenti tutti che offendono la dignità umana.

Nella lotta contro questo fenomeno abbiamo ancora molte battaglie da vincere, da quella culturale contro ogni forma di pregiudizio verso gruppi sociali a quella politica, per garantire a tutti il pieno godimento dei diritti in materia di lavoro, di istruzione, di sanità, di giustizia e di partecipazione politica e sociale. È questa la risposta ad ogni forma di disparità di trattamento che ci si attende dalle istituzioni europee e dagli Stati membri.

 
  
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  Esteban González Pons (PPE). – Señor presidente, escuchándonos a todos, todos somos antirracistas. Me alegro. Los racistas siempre son los otros. Pero el rostro de George Floyd es un espejo que refleja a aquel que se mira; y los campos de concentración en los que se exterminaron millones de judíos hace 75 años están en Europa.

El racismo no se cura solo con leyes; el racismo no se cura con propaganda; el racismo no se cura derribando estatuas; el racismo no se cura insultando a los policías; el racismo no se cura cerrando los ojos; el racismo no se cura con racismo.

Solo cuando toda iglesia, toda mezquita, toda sinagoga, sean mi iglesia, mi mezquita y mi sinagoga, habremos curado el racismo. El racismo se cura con educación y con cultura. El racismo es la pandemia más antigua que sufre la humanidad. Llevamos siglos sufriendo esta pandemia y aún no ha llegado el día en que hemos decidido someter definitivamente a cuarentena a los infectados por racismo, invertir lo que sea necesario en diseñar una vacuna.

 
  
  

IN THE CHAIR: MAIREAD McGUINNESS
Vice-President

 
  
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  Evin Incir (S&D). – Fru talman! En människas hudfärg, födelseland och religion är aldrig ett hot. Hotet stavas rasism, rädsla och okunnighet. Mordet på George Floyd är inte en isolerad händelse i USA. Vi har även fall på vår kontinent. ”Black lives matter”-demonstrationerna spred sig som en löpeld i solidaritet med alla svarta som dagligen utsätts för strukturell rasism i USA. Men demonstrationerna bottnar också i en frustration över den strukturella rasism och diskriminering som svarta personer, migranter och andra grupper utsätts för även i vår union.

Vi ska dock veta att den strukturella rasismen inte alltid uttrycks genom dunkla rasteorier. Snarare syns den i det vardagliga. I samtalet med samhällsinstitutioner, i samtalet med kollegorna, på skolorna. Våra medborgare förtjänar bättre. Vårt EU-motto ”förenade i mångfalden” kan inte bara innebära en nationell mångfald, det måste innefatta andra grunder också. Det måste innefatta alla människor i vår union. Det är dags att inte bara prata antirasism. Det är dags att agera antirasist genom att rösta ja till resolutionen här i parlamentet, men också att rådet antar förslagen och att kommissionen implementerar dem.

 
  
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  Samira Rafaela (Renew). – Madam President, George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Rayshard Brooks, Mitch Henriquez, Adama Traoré: many have fallen victim and many will follow if we do not act. I stand with everyone who is protesting against police violence, systematic injustices, discrimination and institutional racism. People demand action from our own institutions and our own Member States.

Haven’t we learned from history? We hear that we need to embrace progress, but if my ancestors would see society now, would they see real equality and true respect for human dignity? ‘United in diversity’ is what we say in the EU, so let’s walk the talk. We need a fundamental change in our institutions so that they represent all of Europe’s citizens. A new generation of Europeans wants a seat at the table. They will show up, they will be loud, and they will break through. Black lives matter.

(Applause)

 
  
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  Jérôme Rivière (ID). – Madame la Présidente, Madame von der Leyen, l’instrumentalisation de la mort d’un homme, aussi tragique soit-elle, pour imposer la fausse idée d’un racisme systémique en Europe est immorale et scandaleuse.

Débattre dans cette enceinte du décès dramatique de George Floyd, c’est importer sur notre continent des sujets, des luttes et des concepts qui lui sont étrangers. La ségrégation raciale est le contraire de l’esprit de notre continent et de la France en particulier. Plutôt que de déboulonner des statues et de débaptiser le nom des rues, comme cela a été fait à quelques centaines de mètres de ce Parlement, je préfère célébrer l’histoire de mon pays. Plutôt que de condamner sans cesse nos ancêtres, je préfère rappeler que la civilisation européenne a été la première du monde à abolir l’esclavage quand il se pratiquait partout. Plutôt que d’accuser, comme en France, les forces de l’ordre de racisme, je préfère les soutenir face aux multiples agressions barbares de plus en plus violentes dont elles sont les victimes. Plutôt que de classer les gens en fonction de leur race, je préfère ne reconnaître que la citoyenneté.

L’indignation à géométrie variable qui pleure la mort d’un homme parce qu’il est noir, mais ne s’émeut jamais du racisme anti-blanc, est injuste et scandaleuse. Ce sont tous les racismes qui doivent être condamnés.

 
  
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  Pierrette Herzberger-Fofana (Verts/ALE). – Madame la Présidente, pour ma part en tant que femme noire en Europe, je n’ai pas seulement pris conscience de la réalité raciste chez nous, j’ai vécu la réalité raciste de l’Europe pendant les 40 dernières années. Ce qui se passe dans le monde aujourd’hui est le résultat de structures colonialistes d’oppression qui sont en place depuis des centaines d’années. Il ne s’agit pas d’individus, il s’agit d’un racisme systémique et institutionnalisé qui vise les Noirs et toutes les minorités ethniques.

Je ne veux pas entendre parler seulement de la formation policière, je veux qu’il y ait des conséquences aux violences policières. Je veux que justice soit rendue pour tous ceux qui ont perdu leur vie, ceux qui ont perdu des proches et tous ceux qui ont été traumatisés par la police. Il ne s’agit pas seulement des Noirs européens mais de tous les Noirs et de tous leurs descendants, les people of color, y compris ceux qui continuent à se noyer en Méditerranée en raison d’une politique d’immigration raciste. Je veux être claire: all Black lives matter, qu’ils soient citoyens européens ou non, Black trans lives matter, Black women lives matter, nos vies comptent.

En tant que professeur, j’ai vu comment l’âme des enfants a été détruite par le racisme latent ou bien par le racisme ouvert, par ce mot, le mot «haine», qui rentre dans l’âme de l’enfant et qui aboutit finalement à des échecs. Il est temps de renouer le dialogue afin de ne laisser personne en rade et, comme l'a dit Martin Luther King, nous devons apprendre à vivre ensemble comme des frères, sinon nous allons tous mourir comme des idiots ensemble.

 
  
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  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Г-жо Председател, г-жо Председател на Европейската комисия, всички животи имат значение. Да отричаш това и да твърдиш, че животът само на една раса има значение – това, уважаеми левичари, е расизъм. Да твърдиш, че една раса е виновна за всичко – това също е расизъм. Да твърдиш, че само една раса е важна, отново, познайте, и това е расизъм. Изберете си, уважаеми колеги, коя теза защитавате.

Или трябва да уважавате всички животи, или защитавате по същността си расистки тези. И нещо повече, когато използвате една смърт и една трагедия, за да трупате политически капитал – това, уважаеми, е лицемерие. И това отдавна е похват на комунисти, на левичари и на анархисти. И ви напомням на всички вас, които носите тези фланелки, че когато размахвате знамето със сърпа и чука – червеното знаме – трябва да се замислите колко човешки животи погуби комунизмът и болшевизмът в целия свят, когото така възхваляват.

Когато оправдавате вандализма - това също, уважаеми, е расизъм и лицемерие. И още нещо важно искам да ви кажа. Когато моите предци са се борили срещу турското робство в България, те са се борили честно с оръжие в ръка, а не са грабили магазини и не са крадяли обувки и дрехи.

Вменяването на вина заради произхода е нечестно, непочтено и нередно, уважаеми. Вменяването на вина на една раса е изключително подло политическо действие. Опитвате се и да накарате някого да се чувства виновен заради произхода си. Не, това няма да се случи. Аз не се срамувам от своя произход и от своята нация. Напротив, гордея се с древната и велика нация, на която принадлежа.

 
  
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  François-Xavier Bellamy (PPE). – Madame la Présidente, George Floyd est mort interpellé par trois policiers dans le Minnesota et trois semaines plus tard, on dégrade des statues de Winston Churchill, de Charles de Gaulle et nous voilà ici, je vous entends ici accuser toute l’Europe de racisme.

Mais que nous est-il arrivé? On ne combat pas l’injustice par une autre injustice. On ne rend pas justice à George Floyd en mettant en accusation tous les policiers et gendarmes d’Europe. La justice commence par refuser tout amalgame. Chaque année, des policiers, des gendarmes donnent leur vie pour notre sécurité et pour notre paix et ils n’ont pas droit à un seul mot, ici. Est-ce que leur vie à eux ne compte pas? On ne combat pas le racisme en alimentant par des fictions dangereuses la poudrière du ressentiment. Comment peut-on affirmer que partout dans nos pays, l’Europe applique des politiques de racisme structurel dans tous les domaines? Je ne laisserai pas insulter l’immense effort des citoyens qui, partout en Europe, contribuent aux politiques éducatives, sociales, migratoires les plus généreuses au monde – et ce n’est pas une question théorique, parce qu’en entrant dans cette spirale du ressentiment, vous ajoutez aux réserves de violence qu’accumulent depuis longtemps ceux qui rêvent de fracturer nos sociétés. On ne combattra pas le racisme en ressuscitant des divisions raciales. L’histoire de l’Europe est faite de grandeur, elle est faite de faiblesses aussi, comme toute l’histoire du monde, mais notre civilisation a formé depuis 24 siècles l’idée de l’universel. Avons-nous oublié cela en votant aujourd’hui une résolution qui sépare les vies noires des autres? Un Parlement authentiquement européen ne devrait avoir qu’un seul combat: toute vie compte.

 
  
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  Kati Piri (S&D). – Madam President, this month we have seen thousands of people taking to the streets demanding justice for the killing of George Floyd. A police officer pressed his knee into Mr Floyd’s neck for a breath-taking eight minutes as he lay pinned on the ground in handcuffs, and Mr Floyd’s killing is not an exception. He’s one out of many unarmed black men who has died at the hands of law-enforcement officers.

People are rightfully demanding justice for Mr Floyd but also for all the other innocent lives that have been taken before. The call for justice against institutional racism is not new, but the movement is stronger and broader than ever. Young, old, black, white: everyone is demanding systemic change.

The call for racial justice quickly moved to Europe too. This highlights that racism is not exclusively an American problem. Also in Europe, racial discrimination against people of colour runs deep in our institutions and societies. Black lives matter, and that means we have work to do as well.

And lastly, our healing cannot succeed without acknowledgment. We need to recognise the injustices of our dark colonial past and how it still influences much of today’s society, and especially the lives of black and brown people. The protests fill me with hope and together we have the momentum to change.

 
  
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  Hilde Vautmans (Renew). – Madam President, can you imagine what it does to a mother’s heart when your daughter asks you every day, ‘Mama, I don’t want to have my colour. I want to be white. Can you make me white?’ Can you imagine? Well I can, because it happens to me. I have a beautiful black husband and two beautiful coloured children, so this debate is a very important one. Let the death of George Floyd be a game-changer. Let us fight against racism, online hate speech, discrimination, all together and harder than we did in the past.

Europe is the most progressive continent on human rights, on values, but Ms von der Leyen, over the last days, I was a little bit disappointed. Today you made a very strong statement, but these last days the Commission and the Council were too silent. That’s why we speak out loud today, why we vote a strong resolution, to come out and speak and not speak but to act, so that every child of every colour can grow up safe in Europe. Black lives matter.

(Applause)

 
  
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  Nicolaus Fest (ID). – Frau Präsidentin! Struktureller Rassismus in Europa, das scheint mir etwas seltsam.

Wir sehen illegale Einwanderer in europäischen Städten für ein dauerhaftes Bleiberecht demonstrieren. Das wirkt nicht unbedingt wie struktureller Rassismus. Wir sehen in Dijon Straßenschlachten zwischen Maghrebinern und Tschetschenen, ohne dass die Polizei eingreift. Auch das wirkt nicht wie systematische staatliche Unterdrückung. In vielen deutschen, belgischen, niederländischen oder französischen Städten traut sich die Polizei kaum noch in bestimmte Migrantenviertel. Auch das wirkt nicht wie struktureller Rassismus.

Und obwohl hier überall behauptet wird, es gebe diesen Rassismus, wollen weiterhin Hunderttausende Afrikaner nach Europa. Aber es gibt ein ganz einfaches Mittel, wenn Sie wirklich glauben, dass Europa vom strukturellen Rassismus beherrscht wird: Stoppen Sie den Global Compact on Migration für mindestens zehn Jahre, bis Sie sichergestellt haben, dass dieser angebliche strukturelle Rassismus aus den europäischen Institutionen verschwunden ist.

 
  
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  Gwendoline Delbos-Corfield (Verts/ALE). – Madame la Présidente, la mort de George Floyd le 25 mai à Minneapolis nous indigne et cela est normal. Elle fait partie d’une liste, une très longue liste de morts de personnes de couleur noire aux mains de la police américaine depuis des décennies et pour lesquelles le plus souvent justice n’a pas été rendue.

Oui, à bien des niveaux, il existe un racisme structurel dans le système américain, mais un racisme systémique existe aussi dans nos démocraties européennes, nos sociétés. Des citoyens européens souffrent quotidiennement dans leur accès au logement, à l’éducation, à l’emploi du fait de la couleur de leur peau, de leur origine, de leur origine supposée, de l’origine de leurs parents. Il n’y a pas assez de diversité dans nos institutions, quasiment pas, nous le voyons dans ce Parlement. Il n’y a pas assez de diversité dans nos administrations. Mais surtout, certains de nos concitoyens subissent tous les jours, souffrent tous les jours lors d’interpellations par la police. Ils souffrent de violences policières parfois, de contrôles au faciès répétés, et nos gouvernements continuent d’ignorer l’aspect systématique de ces incidents.

Il y a eu en France, en Allemagne, en Belgique et ailleurs des morts comme celle de George Floyd et il y en aura encore si nous refusons d’affronter ce problème et d’oser poser la question de ces interpellations quotidiennes.

 
  
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  Željana Zovko (PPE). – Madam President, Nassim Nicholas Taleb, a Lebanese—American writer, describes in his books the asymmetries in our daily lives. He recalls that violent revolutions with good intentions in order to change dictatorship have sadly resulted in today’s cases of active slave markets, such as in Libya, and the persecution of innocent minorities like the Yazidis and Christians in the Middle East.

All minorities who did not have a police or state force supporting their rights had to pay the price for changing systems that resulted in uncertainty. We have seen similar cases after wars and revolutions when totalitarian ideology replaced the menace of the other and persecuted those who did not fit in and obey, sadly, in my part of the world. Persecution led to the slaughter and suffering of thousands of people.

Sadly, the brutal killing of George Floyd spoilt the American dream that we had and we witnessed this with our own eyes via modern technologies. This woke us up and we understood that similar cases need a quota for every group, religion and member of society in order for everybody to feel equal and not like second-class citizens.

For many years, we have tried to explain this to our partners outside Europe. We need to export the European way of thinking and show that the EU has the best model as a peace project in the last 70 years. So let us really export the European model to the whole world and try to be honest with ourselves because that is the only one that has worked so far.

 
  
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  Tonino Picula (S&D). – Madam President, I want to join a clear condemnation of the excessive use of force on George Floyd that resulted in a tragic outcome. He, unfortunately, is not the only victim of the systematic, deeply-rooted, institutional racism that has not disappeared for a century and half since the abolition of slavery and 50 years since the civil rights movement.

Condemning racism in America is not complete if we do not look at everything we, as the European Union, do wrong. The Non-Discrimination Directive has been blocked in the Council for 12 years. There is a proposal for a further reduction of the Justice, Rights and Values Fund, and school curriculums are often selective and overlook the less glorious part of the past.

In the context of foreign policy and transatlantic relations, the European Union should remain committed to improving its partnership with the United States, which will be based on the rule of law, human rights and common understanding of democracy. It’s time to clearly condemn all those within our society who are actively working on additional divisions for political opportunism and together stand up for a Europe united in diversity but also equality for all.

 
  
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  Monica Semedo (Renew). – Madam President, I want to share with you an essay I wrote when I was eight years old. ‘I am Monica Semedo. I have beautiful black skin. My family came from Cape Verde to Luxembourg. We almost had to go back to our island because we should be expelled from the country. In the beginning, I was at the Saint-François Institute. Now, our mother found a beautiful large apartment. I am happy with everyone.’ My teacher laughed when I said, ‘We’re all just Luxembourgers!’. She added, ‘We are all just human beings!’

However, colour is not invisible. I have experienced racism. I’ve been surrounded by 40 neo-Nazis shouting at me. I frequently get stopped at airports. Once I was even separated from my friends for hours. I hear prejudiced remarks about black people, and then: ‘But you’re an exception!’ And I say ‘No, I’m not!’ This is why we must support this resolution and call on the Council to unblock the anti-discrimination directive. The time for silence is over.

(Applause)

 
  
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  Tom Vandendriessche (ID). – Voorzitter, all lives matter, elk mensenleven doet ertoe. Wat tot voor kort een normale uitspraak was, is nu taboe geworden. De elite van journalisten, politici en professoren proberen een Amerikaans probleem met politiegeweld te projecteren op Europa en te misbruiken voor hun eigen linkse politieke agenda.

Maar dat gaat helemaal niet op. Wij hebben geen probleem van politiegeweld tegen zwarten, wel integendeel! Agenten worden hier net excessief aangevallen door allochtonen. Wij hebben geen probleem van structureel racisme, integendeel! Nergens op de wereld bestaat er een plek waar mensen zoveel kansen krijgen. We zijn niet geprivilegieerd omwille van onze blanke huidskleur, integendeel. Onze samenleving is het resultaat van het harde werk en het genie van onze voorouders.

Juist die samenleving willen ze kapot maken: links handelt uit zelfhaat en wil onze geschiedenis en onze cultuur uitwissen. Wij gaan ons nooit verontschuldigen om wie we zijn. Wij gaan nooit toestaan dat mensen moeten knielen omwille van hun huidskleur, want dit is puur anti-blank racisme. Wij maken deel uit van een unieke beschaving en daar mogen we met recht en reden trots op zijn.

 
  
 

(The debate was suspended)

 

20. Primo turno di votazioni
Video degli interventi
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  President. – Colleagues, before we continue with the speakers’ list, I need to make an announcement, which is to open the first voting session. We will vote on the files as indicated on the agenda adopted today at the opening. The voting session will open from now, at 16.30, until 17.45. The same voting method will be used as during the May I part-session.

For the two immunity reports, voting will be by secret ballot. Members will be able to cast their vote in the usual way, but the ballot paper that they receive for signature will not display the way they voted, only the fact that they have voted. All of the votes will be held by roll-call. Explanations of vote may be submitted in writing. Exceptionally, only explanations of vote containing a maximum of 400 words will be accepted.

I now declare the first voting session open, which runs until 17.45, and the results will be announced at 20.15. I do apologise for that brief interruption to this important debate.

 

21. Le proteste antirazzismo a seguito della morte di George Floyd (seguito della discussione)
Video degli interventi
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  President. – We now continue with the debate on the Council and Commission statements on the Anti-racism protests following the death of George Floyd (2020/2685(RSP)).

 
  
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  Othmar Karas (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin! Das Bild des rassistischen Mordes an George Floyd lässt mich nicht los – und sollte uns alle nicht loslassen. Rassismus ist ein globales, ein gegenwärtiges Problem.

Auch bei uns finden Formen des Rassismus statt, findet soziale Ungleichheit statt: Armut, Diskriminierung, Gewalt, auf dem Wohnungsmarkt, am Arbeitsplatz, in Bildungssystemen, bei ungleichen Löhnen, im Verhalten gegenüber Flüchtlingen, Ausländern und Minderheiten. Wir haben alle Hände voll zu tun, wenn wir unsere Grundrechtecharta in Europa und in der Welt ernst nehmen, als Handlungsauftrag verstehen: die Würde des Menschen, den Respekt, das Diskriminierungsverbot, die liberale Demokratie, die Rechtsstaatlichkeit, den Minderheitenschutz.

COVID-19 verstärkt die soziale Ungleichheit auf längere Sicht, daher muss der Aufbauplan, der Recovery-Plan, auch ein Kampf gegen die soziale Ungleichheit in Europa sein, denn nur so können wir die Demokratie stärken und damit auch den Kampf gegen Rassismus und soziale Not.

 
  
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  Sylvie Guillaume (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, je partage ce que de nombreux orateurs précédents ont dit de leur dégoût à l’égard du racisme et de la discrimination qui durent depuis de trop longues années, avec des indicateurs qui continuent d’être extrêmement inquiétants, comme la hausse du nombre de décès pendant une interpellation ou encore du nombre d’enquêtes pour injures ou discriminations.

Du coup, je me centre sur trois sujets. D’abord, le texte phare, la directive contre les discriminations, la directive anti-discrimination, qui est encalminée depuis onze ans car le Conseil ne veut pas évoluer au prétexte sans doute que lutter contre toutes les discriminations serait trop cher. Il faut que cela cesse, soit avec des États membres qui mesurent mieux la gravité des enjeux, soit avec une nouvelle proposition législative.

Ensuite, le texte de notre résolution manque, de mon point de vue, de référence à l’égard des acteurs indispensables que sont les ONG de lutte contre le racisme et les discriminations. Je crois qu’en les soutenant mieux, on pourrait éviter certaines dérives communautaristes.

Enfin, le texte aborde la question des statistiques ethniques. Je crois qu’il faut être très prudent, de ce point de vue, d’abord pour un souci constitutionnel dans certains États membres et aussi parce que ces statistiques sont des photographies à un moment T qui ne peuvent à aucun moment se substituer à de réelles propositions économiques et sociales de réduction des inégalités.

 
  
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  Irène Tolleret (Renew). – Madame la Présidente, mes chers collègues, je me félicite que nous ayons ce débat aujourd’hui.

Dans cette assemblée, trop souvent, des partis néofascistes ou néonazis, pourtant incroyablement minoritaires, profitent de n’importe quel débat pour déverser leur rhétorique de haine de l’autre.

Le débat d’aujourd’hui est donc très important pour rappeler un fait capital à nos concitoyens victimes de racisme en Europe: nous, eurodéputés, nous sommes là pour eux! Nous sommes là pour contrer ce discours de division. Nous sommes là pour parler plus fort que les mini-Trump, les demi-Bolsonaro, les ventriloques de Le Pen ou les Salvini au petit pied. Vote après vote, débat après débat, résolution après résolution, nous ne lâcherons pas une virgule, pas un mot, aux idéologies racialistes et xénophobes.

Le projet européen s’est construit sur la réconciliation avec l’autre, l’Europe est le meilleur bouclier contre les droites extrêmes racistes. Au centre de notre identité, nous reconnaissons la fierté et la force de notre diversité. Non au racisme, unis dans la diversité, nous sommes plus forts, nous sommes plus beaux.

 
  
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  Věra Jourová, Vice-President of the Commission. – Madam President, thank you very much for this very important debate. I think it was very obvious from what the President of the Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, said in her opening speech: no place for racism in our Union.

The Commission condemns all instances of racist or xenophobic hatred and violence. But let me also be clear that we condemn violence in general, wherever it comes from, and that the police needs to do its demanding job but always within clear limits of the law. Racial or ethnic profiling and selective approaches should not be tolerated. And, by the way, our Fundamental Rights Agency already published, I think two years ago, very useful guidelines which would serve as a training for the police and for the armed forces to avoid this kind of treatment.

Yes: black lives matter because all lives matter. Everyone, black, white or any other race or nationality, deserves the same chance to be able to participate and pursue happiness in our social environment. We all should be able to say to our children and grandchildren: ‘do not worry, nobody will kill you because of the colour of your skin’.

But this debate is also about where we are in Europe with racism and xenophobia, and we have a lot of data, for instance, from the already mentioned Fundamental Rights Agency in its latest report which brings clear evidence that people with minority backgrounds continue to experience harassment, violence and ethnic and racial discrimination in different areas of life in the EU.

Indeed, As Members said several times here, we have strong legislation but the legislation cannot do the whole job. We have legislation at the highest possible level, as President von der Leyen mentioned, the Charter of Fundamental Rights. We have 20 years since the adoption of the Racial Equality Directive and over 10 years after the adoption of the framework decision on racism and xenophobia.

We have strong legislation and the situation is still worrying, remains worrying. We indeed need to promote and to get adopted the Equal Treatment Directive, which was mentioned here many times. It’s a shame, I would say, that this directive waits 12 years for adoption and I fully rely on my colleague, Helena Dalli, who was here a while ago, that she will be very determined to convince the Member States to take a unanimous decision, because this this directive requires unanimity.

The legislation itself is so important, its implementation and proper enforcement, but we need much more, because what’s our problem? It’s deep-rooted prejudice and thinking grounded in stereotypes. We need awareness-raising, we need education, we need culture and we need equality bodies, which were strengthened by our legislation in the last mandate and which should do the good job.

We need trust from the people belonging to minorities to report on the cases of harassment and violence against them. They do not trust, they do not report and next week we will also update our strategy on implementation of the Victims’ Rights Directive to encourage victims to report. But we should do much more not to have the victims. It’s late to respond only with criminal justice.

We have problems in all the Member States. I would say this is a pan-European problem but with country-specific symptoms. We only have 15 Member States at this moment which have a strategy against racism. We have to talk seriously about that; it has to be changed. We also had to work much more with the digital world because we saw a lot of increase of hatred online. We have quite efficient instruments against hate speech and we have the platforms cooperating, but we need to do much more in this direction.

This year, as you know, as per the work programme of the Commission, we want to uphold our European Charter of Fundamental Rights by adopting the strategy on charter implementation. We will also update the strategies on Roma inclusion and LGBTI equality later this year. And, if you noticed, also in the proposal for the EU New Generation budget, there is a very clear line that it must have social dimension and nobody should be lagging behind, and everybody should get the chance to avail themselves of EU funding. We will have the European Social Fund, which is also hopefully well equipped to help minorities.

We cannot trivialise the matter. This is not about which political colours we are wearing, but about very basic human rights, the right to be treated equally, regardless of colour of skin, our religion or sexual orientation.

We politicians should be put more under pressure. We politicians and opinion leaders who have the influence on what society thinks and how the people approach matters related to minorities, we have to refrain from spreading racially charged hatred for political gains and invest in long-term education and culture and do many more long-term measures.

As Ursula von der Leyen said, I can also confirm I don’t have a clue how it feels to be black. I have never experienced any kind of discrimination. That’s why, whenever I go to the Member States and I speak, for instance, to young Roma people, I always ask those who managed to study at secondary school, who managed to study at university. My question is: ‘how did you manage that’, because I know that their starting line is so difficult, much more difficult than the starting line of my children or the children of many of us here.

And they always tell me there were three moments: ‘at some moment I realised I do not want to live the life of my parents. I want to do something more. I want to get out of the trap of, usually, poverty’, poverty was the problem. The second very important thing and condition: ‘I needed to find a helping hand’. Those who managed always found a helping hand. In their local community it was the mayor, it was the NGO, it was the teacher or director of the school. They could not manage without the help.

So, zero tolerance for discrimination and zero tolerance for racism cannot be enough. We have to take proactive actions and support people to get out of trouble.

 
  
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  Nikolina Brnjac, President-in-Office of the Council. – Madam President, this has been a useful and emotional debate. I would like to thank you for this opportunity to participate in it. I believe that our institutions are largely on the same line with regard to these important issues. Respect for human dignity and human rights, freedom, democracy, equality and the rule of law are the very foundations of the European Union. The Council is committed to upholding these values in the EU’s external relations, including with our like-minded partners such as the United States.

Let me assure you once again that the Presidency, and the Council as a whole, rejects any form of racism and racial discrimination and supports your fight to make sure our values endure. We have a solid legal framework in place which needs to be complemented by effective implementation, enforcement and targeted measures such as education, public debate and counter-narratives.

I can assure you that the Council will continue to follow this debate very closely and that I listened closely to your views today. We must hear the voice of young people peacefully demanding a better and more just world.

 
  
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  President. – The debate is closed.

The vote will take place on Friday, 19 June 2020.

Written statements (Rule 171)

 
  
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  Carlo Fidanza (ECR), per iscritto. – Dopo la morte di George Floyd tutti a dire ''black lives matter'', dimenticando che ''all lives matter'', tutti pronti a scagliarsi contro le polizie di mezzo mondo accusate di razzismo. Non una parola di condanna contro la feccia che con questa scusa ha devastato, saccheggiato e aggredito persone inermi con il solo torto di essere bianche. Nemmeno una parola sulle immagini di Digione dove bande di ceceni e maghrebini si sono scontrate con armi da fuoco. Nemmeno una parola per i barbari attacchi ai monumenti che rappresentano personaggi che hanno fatto la storia dell'Occidente. L'oscurantismo dei nuovi Talebani dell'antirazzismo non ha risparmiato Churchill, Cristoforo Colombo, Giulio Cesare, Indro Montanelli e persino Via col Vento e marche di cioccolatini. Una furia iconoclasta, sostenuta dalle più grandi multinazionali, dalle lobby apolidi dei Soros, che serve ad annientare le radici della nostra civiltà e ad aumentare il nostro senso di colpa per favorire nuova immigrazione. Chi si oppone a questo disegno perverso è ovviamente un razzista fascista nazista. Deve averlo pensato anche quel fenomeno di Sergio Sylvestre, il cantante americano adottato dall'Italia, il quale troppo preso dalla voglia di imitare i black power si è persino dimenticato le parole del nostro inno nazionale.

 
  
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  Илхан Кючюк (Renew), в писмена форма. – 57 години след значимата реч „Имам една мечта“ на Мартин Лутър Кинг, произнесена от стълбите на Линкълн Мемориал, в която той призовава към световен мир и зачитане на правата на хората от всички раси, религии и държави виждаме, че расовият проблем в САЩ не отстранен, въпреки положените усилия. Но Америка не е сама и не прави изключение в тази битка. За съжаление езикът на омразата, крайният национализъм и расизмът извират все по-често в нашите общества. В това число и в Европа – тази, която претендира, че е стожер на свободата, равенството и демокрацията. Могат да бъдат изтъквани редица причини, но е факт, че правораздавателните органи често проявяват апатията към проблема, особено когато крайният национализъм бива овластен, какъвто е случаят с моята страна България. Ето на това усещане за безнаказаност трябва да се сложи край, в противен случай няма да изкореним езика на омраза и расизма, а ще наблюдаваме безмълвно случващото се.

 
  
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  Gheorghe-Vlad Nistor (PPE), în scris. – Rezoluția pe care o dezbatem astăzi condamnă uciderea cetățeanului american de culoare, George Floyd, susține protestele pașnice antirasiste și reafirmă cu tărie valorile antidiscriminatorii ce animă Uniunea Europeană și statele membre. Un cadru instituțional pentru a dezbate aceste provocări contemporane este absolut necesar pentru ca asemenea evenimente să nu se mai repete; numeroase proteste au degenerat în violență și vandalism, abordări ce nu pot aduce schimbările pozitive pe care ni le dorim cu toții.

Continuarea proceselor educaționale prin care valorile pozitive pot fi conferite generațiilor tinere, recunoașterea și discutarea episoadelor negative petrecute în istoria recentă pe întregul mapamond și eforturile sincere și susținute ale instituțiilor europene de a eradica efectele nocive ale acestor evenimente sunt căile de urmat.

Trebuie dezavuate pornirile violente și distructive ale unor protestatari, ce, fie nu înțeleg că singura modalitate prin care putem îndrepta aceste injustiții istorice este respectarea legilor și proceselor democratice, fie sunt motivați de agende politice extremiste. Aceste reacții, plasate în afara cadrului legal, facilitează alunecarea către societăți mult mai inegalitare, intolerante și polarizate. Susțin procesul de vindecare a acestor răni adânci din societățile noastre prin măsuri echilibrate, adoptate și implementate în urma unor dezbateri serioase, nu sub presiunea momentului.

 
  
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  Sandra Pereira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. – Nos EUA, ondas de protesto têm ecoado um pouco por toda a parte. Vêm confirmar que mesmo na mais poderosa potência capitalista há resistência e luta! Ainda que persistam todas as incertezas e dificuldades em construir uma alternativa ao férreo domínio do partido bicéfalo de Republicanos e Democratas, é cada vez mais evidente que, se os de cima ainda podem, o campo dos que debaixo já não querem alarga-se.

Numa atitude de condenação do racismo e da violência policial e de exigência de justiça perante o vil assassinato de George Floyd, os manifestantes (de todas as cores, origens e etnias, de todas as idades, mas sobretudo jovens) estão a condenar uma ordem social profundamente injusta e desumana, a expor ao mundo a mentira e a podridão da «democracia americana» e a pôr em causa o próprio sistema de exploração capitalista.

Estas manifestações aconteceram igualmente por toda a Europa, em parte em solidariedade com o sucedido nos EUA e condenando o racismo, mas também apontando o dedo à natureza discriminatória e exploratória do sistema capitalista no «Velho Continente» e, em particular, o da União Europeia.

Continuaremos a denunciar e a repudiar quaisquer expressões de racismo e a combatê-las firmemente.

 
  
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  Guido Reil (ID), schriftlich. – Selbstverständlich ist jede Form von Rassismus zu verurteilen. Und selbstverständlich ist der Tod von George Floyd zu bedauern. Jedes Leben ist schützenswert. Was aber gerade in den USA passiert und nach Europa übergeschwappt ist, geht am eigentlichen Problem vorbei. In den USA gehören über 40 Prozent aller Schwarzen der Mittel- und Oberschicht an. Sie sind kein Opfer der Gesellschaft. Die Zeiten, in denen die USA ein rassistisches Land waren, sind zum Glück vorbei. Schwarzen steht genauso wie Weißen der Weg an die Spitze der Gesellschaft offen. Condoleezza Rice, Colin Powell und natürlich Barack Obama sind nur einige Beispiele. Aus diesem Grund sendet diese Entschließung das falsche Signal. Die Behauptung, Rassismus gäbe es überall, ist nicht nur falsch, sondern auch zersetzend. Sie perpetuiert eine imaginierte Unmündigkeit und entlastet Menschen von ihrer Pflicht, ein eigenes Leben aufzubauen und selbstbestimmt zu leben. Die Linke, unterstützt von den anderen sozialistischen Parteien, missbraucht und instrumentalisiert den Tod von Floyd, um ihre eigenen politischen Zwecke zu verfolgen. Sie definiert schwarze Menschen als Opfer, die ihnen als williges Elektorat dienen. Zugleich versucht sie mit immer undemokratischeren Gesetzen, jede Debatte über die schädlichen Folgen der Massenimmigration zu verhindern. Diese Entwicklung schadet Deutschland und der EU.

 
  
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  Sylwia Spurek (S&D), na piśmie. – To, co wydarzyło się w USA, to, co robi Orbán na Węgrzech, to, co mówi Prezydent RP w Polsce, ma to samo źródło – uprzedzenia, nienawiść, brak nowoczesnej, równościowej edukacji. Nie możemy stać bezczynnie, kiedy w Stanach Zjednoczonych Afroamerykanie są bardziej brutalnie traktowani i częściej giną z rąk policji, a rasizm nadal nie jest skutecznie zwalczany. Nie możemy stać bezczynnie, kiedy na Węgrzech odbiera się ludziom prawo do decydowania o swojej tożsamości. Nie możemy stać bezczynnie, kiedy Prezydent w Polsce nazywa ludzi ideologią, a ruch walczący o prawa człowieka porównuje do bolszewizmu. Fundamentalną wartością Unii Europejskiej jest równość. System praw człowieka jest częścią naszego DNA. Albo nauczymy się bronić tej wartości, albo Unia Europejska, o jakiej marzymy, jakiej chcemy, przestanie istnieć. Być może czas najwyższy na pytanie, czy edukacja, w szczególności edukacja obywatelska, antydyskryminacyjna, prodemokratyczna, nie powinna być po prostu wyłączną kompetencją Unii Europejskiej. Bo jak inaczej chcemy chronić ludzi przed dyskryminacją, wykluczeniem, przemocą, jeżeli nie mamy wpływu na to, czego europejscy obywatele i obywatelki uczą się w szkole, na to, jak szkolona jest europejska policja, prokuratura, sędziowie? Czas najwyższy na europejską edukację!

 
  
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  Monika Vana (Verts/ALE), schriftlich. – Wir müssen strukturellem Rassismus und Hass gegen Minderheiten auch in der EU den Kampf ansagen. Auch in der EU sind Polizeigewalt und Rassismus eine Alltagserfahrung schwarzer Menschen und anderer Minderheiten. Die EU ist gefragt, entschiedene Maßnahmen zur Bekämpfung von strukturellem Rassismus und Polizeigewalt vorzulegen. Verbale und körperliche Attacken auf Minderheiten sind Angriffe auf uns alle und wir müssen dagegenhalten. Rassismus und Hass auf Minderheiten dürfen nie wieder salonfähig werden. Wegschauen ist keine Option!

 
  
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  Bettina Vollath (S&D), schriftlich. – Am 25. Mai 2020 wurde der 46-jährige George Floyd brutal ermordet. Der Polizist, der über acht Minuten auf seinem Hals kniete und ihm die Luft nahm, wurde erst nach massivem öffentlichen Druck verhaftet. Floyds einziges „Verbrechen” war es, in den USA eine schwarze Hautfarbe zu haben. George Floyd ist nur einer von vielen Namen, in den USA sterben jedes Jahr überproportional viele Amerikaner*innen mit dunkler Hautfarbe an Polizeigewalt. Aber auch wir in Europa leben mit zwei Pandemien: Der COVID-19-Krise und der immerwährenden Pandemie des Rassismus. Dieser greift tief in die Lebensrealität vieler Bürger*innen und unser Handeln ein. Und auch uns Politiker*innen muss bewusst sein: In der heutigen Welt muss jede*r von uns Verantwortung übernehmen und aktiv daran arbeiten, antirassistisch zu sein. Denn Schweigen und Nichtstun unterstützt nur rassistische Strukturen und „Gewohnheiten“, die heute noch präsent sind. Politik darf sich nicht aus der Verantwortung ziehen! Solange es rassistische nationalistische Politik gibt, die sich gegen Minderheiten, Migrant*innen und Geflüchtete stellt, trägt das zu einer Struktur des Leidens bei. #Blacklivesmatter ist mehr als ein Hashtag, es ist Aktivismus für eine lebenswertere, fairere Realität für unsere Mitbürger*innen mit dunkler Hautfarbe. Es braucht nicht nur Worte, sondern Maßnahmen wie eine verpflichtende Antirassismus-Bildung für alle Verantwortlichen. #blacklivesmatter. Today. Tomorrow. Every day.

 
  
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  Bernhard Zimniok (ID), schriftlich. – George Floyds Tod war ein vermeidbares Unrecht. Er hätte, wie in einem Rechtsstaat üblich, eine faire Gerichtsverhandlung verdient gehabt. Sein Tod rechtfertigt jedoch keine Gewaltausbrüche oder das Niederreißen von Statuen. Dass nun Geschichte umgeschrieben werden soll oder der westlichen Gesellschaft eine Kollektivschuld, beispielsweise für historische Begebenheiten wie die Kolonialzeit, untergejubelt werden soll, ist nicht akzeptabel. Gleiches gilt für die Tatsache, dass eine laute Minderheit ihre Ideologie einer stillen und teilnahmslosen Mehrheit aufdrücken will. Dagegen muss sich jeder anständige Demokrat wehren! Die Behauptung, dass die westliche Gesellschaft ein Hort des strukturellen Rassismus sei, ist blanker Unsinn. Das wird von den Linksextremisten als Vorwand benutzt, um unsere Kultur zu zerstören und unseren Widerstand gegen ihre antidemokratischen Bestrebungen im Keim zu ersticken. Nur, um ihre Utopie eines multikulturellen Staates ohne Grenzen zu etablieren. Wer sie dabei nicht unterstützt, wird als Rassist denunziert. Wir müssen unsere Kultur und die Wurzeln unserer Identität bewahren. Die ANTIFA ist eine Terrororganisation, die die Zerstörung der Demokratie, des Rechtsstaats und dessen Werte, wie die Meinungsfreiheit, zum Ziel hat. Sie gehört daher zwingend verboten, um die Gesellschaft zu schützen. Und dafür stehen AfD und ID – im Gegensatz zur allen anderen Fraktionen.

 
  
  

PRESIDENZA DELL'ON. DAVID MARIA SASSOLI
Presidente

 

22. Preparazione della riunione del Consiglio europeo del 19 giugno 2020 - Raccomandazioni per i negoziati su un nuovo partenariato con il Regno Unito di Gran Bretagna e Irlanda del Nord (discussione)
Video degli interventi
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  Presidente. – L'ordine del giorno reca, in discussione congiunta:

– le dichiarazioni del Consiglio e della Commissione sulla preparazione della riunione del Consiglio europeo del 19 giugno 2020 (2020/2656(RSP)), e

– la relazione di Kati Piri e Christophe Hansen, a nome della commissione per gli affari esteri e della commissione per il commercio internazionale, sulla raccomandazione del Parlamento europeo per i negoziati su un nuovo partenariato con il Regno Unito di Gran Bretagna e Irlanda del Nord (2020/2023(INI)) (A9-0117/2020).

 
  
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  Nikolina Brnjac, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, the coronavirus pandemic continues to create extraordinary challenges for our societies. As we emerge from the height of the health crisis, we now face a different, yet pressing, task: creating the conditions for a successful economic and social recovery.

We need to support the sectors and regions most affected by the pandemic to kick-start the economy and lay the ground for a sustainable recovery across Europe. Yet we also need to ensure that other vital priorities for our Union, such as the green and digital transition, are met and matched by the right resources.

That is why the EU recovery plan, presented by the Commission at the end of May, is so important, and why it will be the main focus of our efforts in the weeks ahead. We will shortly be called on to agree not only on the instruments of the recovery, but on the entire Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF) for the coming years, and this is no small task.

The Council and the European Council are fully mobilised behind this common effort. Members of the European Council will hold an orientation debate on the EU recovery package on Friday through video conference. The President of the European Council wants to give leaders an opportunity to discuss the various aspects of the overall packages and prepare the subsequent summit, which should, if possible, be a physical meeting.

While the President of the European Council launched the political consultations at the highest level, following the Commission’s proposal, we also immediately started work in the Council. The Croatian Presidency has organised a series of meetings, both at technical and political levels, in order for the delegates to closely examine and present their views on the building blocks of the package. This technical and political work on the proposals is needed to pave the way for the leaders’ discussion. These discussions in the Council have helped clarify many issues and were held in a positive atmosphere. Delegations are willing to look at both the MFF and the recovery plan as a package, taking into account the effects of this crisis.

Continuous cooperation with the European Parliament will remain crucial if we want the package to enter into force already in January 2021. The ambition is for the European Council to provide its political guidance to the Council before the summer break, which would allow us to promptly seek the European Parliament’s consent. Let us be honest: this is a very ambitious approach. Positions are still apart on a number of issues, but together we have to make sure and do our utmost so that the MFF and the Recovery Instrument swiftly bring tangible positive effects for our citizens and businesses.

While the EU recovery package will be the main focus of the leaders’ discussions on Friday, they will also touch upon other issues. In particular, let me note that President Michel will update the leaders on the state of play of the EU—UK negotiations on the future partnership. Unfortunately, so far we have not have not achieved as much as we had hoped for. That is the case in all four crucial areas: the level playing field, fisheries, governance and internal security, as well as foreign policy and external security, to which you rightly devote a section in your recommendation.

Since the UK Government has confirmed that they will not consider an extension of the transition period, what is ahead of us is about four months of further negotiation, taking into account the time necessary for a proper ratification process. The fact that we are left with so little time is not the choice of the Council, nor of the Parliament, but we have to respect it. The mandate and political declaration that are guiding our negotiator, as well as your resolution on the subject, are anchored into the situation created by the United Kingdom. The UK has a choice: either to preserve enough alignment with the Union and retain substantial access to the single market, or choose its own path – not only in terms of sovereignty, but also in regulatory terms, which would reduce the scope and the depth of the partnership that can be concluded.

We believe that the negotiating mandate, adopted by the Council last February and largely echoed by your resolution, provides for enough flexibility to find an agreement in the little time left. This is also why we support the decision of the negotiators to intensify the pace of negotiations over the summer so that, by October, we can see a draft partnership emerging.

Before I conclude, let me finally stress that, as also pointed out in your draft recommendation, we have causes for concern in the current implementation of the Withdrawal Agreement. Needless to say, progress in the partnership negotiations has to go hand in hand with progress in the implementation of the Withdrawal Agreement.

 
  
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  Ursula von der Leyen, President of the Commission. – Mr President, the negotiations with the United Kingdom always promised to be difficult, and they have not disappointed.

On Monday, President Sassoli, President Michel, and I discussed the way forward with Prime Minister Johnson. The Prime Minister confirmed that he does not want to extend the transition period beyond the end of this year. We, on our side, have always been ready to grant an extension, but it takes two to tango. This means that we are now half-way through these negotiations with five months left to go, but we are definitely not half-way through the work to reach an agreement, with little time ahead of us.

We will do all in our power to reach an agreement; we will be constructive, as we’ve always been, and we are ready to be creative to find common ground where there seems to be none. What we are not ready to do is to put into question our principles and the integrity of our Union because it is our duty to protect the interests of the European citizens.

Michel Barnier has done an outstanding job over the last month and has explained many times why the four outstanding issues are so crucial. First of all, the level playing field. The fundamental issue at stake here is fair competition. We are ready and willing to compete with British firms. They are excellent and our firms are excellent too; but it cannot be a downward competition. Just think of labour standards or environmental protection. It should be a shared interest for the European Union and the UK to never slide backwards and always advance together towards higher standards.

Second, on fisheries: no one is questioning the UK’s sovereignty in its own waters, without any question. But we ask for predictability and we ask for guarantees for fishermen and fisherwomen who have been sailing in those waters for decades. It is very clear that there cannot be a comprehensive trade agreement without fisheries, without a level playing field or without strong governance mechanisms. Governance may sound like an issue for bureaucrats but it is not. It is central for our businesses and our private citizens, both in the UK and in the European Union. It is crucial to ensure that what has been agreed is actually done.

Finally, on police and judicial cooperation: we want our citizens’ liberties, fundamental rights and data to be safeguarded in all circumstances and this is why we expect a role for the European Court of Justice where it matters. These are objectives, not only in our discussions with the UK but in any relationship with any partner because these are principles at the heart of the European Union. Fair competition, rising social standards, the protection of our citizens and the rule of law, this is who we are and it is not going to change.

Honourable members, I am particularly glad for the unity that all institutions have shown and for this Parliament’s full support throughout this process. This will be even be more important than the next phase of the talks. No one can say with certainty where these negotiations will be at the end of the year, but I know for sure that we will have done everything to reach an agreement and to have a good start with the UK as a third-country neighbour.

Meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren Abgeordneten! Unsere britischen Freunde sind leider entschlossen, einen Schritt zurückzugehen. Sie wollen die Europäische Union und den Gemeinsamen Markt verlassen. Wir werden weiter daran arbeiten, die wirtschaftlichen Folgen für unsere Union abzufedern, und gleichzeitig fordert uns die Gesundheits- und Wirtschaftskrise in einer noch nie dagewesenen Form heraus.

Die Europäische Kommission ist in die Verantwortung gegangen. Mit Next Generation EU haben wir einen ambitionierten, einen mutigen Vorschlag präsentiert. Next Generation EU ist ausgewogen, es hilft jenen, die viele Kranke und Tote zu beklagen haben, aber es hilft ebenso den Staaten, die indirekt schwer betroffen sind, weil Lieferketten gerissen sind, weil Fabriken stillstehen, weil die Arbeitslosigkeit steigt.

Next Generation EU ist aber weit mehr als ein Rettungspaket. Es ist ein Beschleuniger für Wissenschaft, innovative Forschung und Investitionen in Zukunftstechnologien. Wenn wir es richtigmachen, wird Next Generation EU nicht nur zur Erholung unseres Binnenmarkts führen, sondern seine Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und seine Innovationskraft voranbringen. Was uns wichtig ist, ist, dass wir damit die längst überfällige Modernisierung beschleunigen. Wir wollen nicht in den Zustand vor der Krise, sondern wir wollen nach vorne gehen in einer modernen Wirtschaft, in einer innovationsfähigen Wirtschaft, die uns nach der Krise stärker macht, als wir vorher waren.

Next Generation EU ist auch ein Vertrag zwischen den Generationen. Ja, es stimmt, wir müssen jetzt gewaltige Investitionen tätigen, um uns aus der Krise zu wuchten, aber wir bauen mit dem Geld ein besseres, ein nachhaltigeres und ein digitaleres Europa. Europa geht voran. Andere Regionen in der Welt verfolgen ganz genau, was gerade hier passiert, und auch deswegen haben wir Next Generation EU so ausgerichtet, dass es Europas Position in der unmittelbaren Nachbarschaft ebenso stärkt wie auf der großen Bühne. Wir haben jetzt die Chance und die Verpflichtung, ein Europa zu bauen, das besser in der Lage ist, den globalen Stürmen zu trotzen und künftigen Generationen eine sichere Heimat zu sein.

Meine Damen und Herren, ich hatte schon mehrfach die Gelegenheit, Ihnen den MFR und Next Generation EU zu erläutern. Das werden wir auch am Freitag im Europäischen Rat tun. Next Generation EU wurde in seinen Grundzügen positiv aufgenommen, auch die Reaktion der Märkte darauf war sehr positiv, und mir ist klar, dass es gleichzeitig sehr wichtig ist, dass wir diese Aufgabe angesichts ihrer Größe und Komplexität ausführlich erklären und ausführlich diskutieren, auch hier in diesem Haus.

Mir ist insbesondere wichtig: die Rolle des Europäischen Parlaments, das richtige Verhältnis zwischen nationalen Reformanstrengungen in den Mitgliedstaaten und unseren europäischen Prioritäten – insbesondere dem European Green Deal, der Digitalisierung und der Resilienz – und drittens die Bedeutung neuer Eigenmittel für die Union in einem fundierten Rückzahlungsplan. Es ist meine feste Absicht, mit Ihnen dazu im intensiven Gespräch zu sein. Wir müssen alle an einem Strang ziehen, wir können uns keinen Verzug leisten. Lassen Sie uns das gemeinsam anpacken für Europa!

 
  
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  Kati Piri, Rapporteur. – Mr President, 204 days: that is the time we have left to reach a deal on our future relationship with the United Kingdom. We are now halfway through the transition period, we have held four rounds of negotiations, and it seems we have reached a stalemate. What is needed now is an injection of new energy and dynamism: a paradigm shift in these talks. And although the joint declaration of last Monday didn’t give us many clues, in this House we all hope that the high-level meeting did just that: create a new dynamism.

For this Parliament, a comprehensive agreement means guarantees on fair competition with clear social, environmental and labour protection, and this is what Prime Minister Johnson and the EU signed up to only months ago in the political declaration. None of this should be in any way controversial. With zero tariffs, zero quotas, comes – logically – zero dumping. An ambitious and comprehensive future partnership is in the best interest of both the UK and the EU citizens.

We, of course, welcome the latest enthusiasm and euphoria of Prime Minister Johnson and his drive to finalise a deal within six weeks – but the Prime Minister did not explain how. We very much look forward to hearing the details on that.

Over the past few months, the European Parliament has shown its commitment and has taken its responsibility in reaching this deal. With the UK Coordination Group, two lead committees and 17 opinion-giving committees, we have developed a unique and unprecedented procedure for the report, prepared by Christophe Hansen and myself, that reflects how serious we take our role as the European Parliament. Our President this week took part in the high-level meeting to also present our position, and I’m proud to say that Parliament stands united on a strong text with a clear political message. And that message is simple: yes, we want a deal, but we will not simply consent to just any deal. Our consent is conditional on the UK Government’s adherence to its own commitments. The UK must respect the political declaration and ensure the full implementation of the Withdrawal Agreement.

Let me be very clear: the UK’s expectation to keep the benefits and rights of a Member State, without agreeing to any obligations, is not realistic. It’s only logical that, if you want to have access to the market of 450 million citizens, this will come with conditions. The UK Government made a conscious decision to leave the Single Market. We respect this, but so should the United Kingdom, and without a level playing field and fisheries, there cannot be a trade agreement.

I do not see a divide between the people of the United Kingdom and those of the European Union. The division I see is between those that have a vision and seek a comprehensive deal, and a UK Government that backtracks on its commitment and continues to put ideology over the interests of its own people. The way forward is clear: we stand united in our demand for an ambitious and comprehensive future partnership with clear conditions and red lines, as formulated. The European Union is united and continues to stand ready to negotiate in good faith: constructively, as an honest broker. Our chief negotiator, Michel Barnier, has our full support, and we hope that finally the time has come for Mr Johnson and the UK Government to join us and deliver. We are ready.

 
  
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  Christophe Hansen, Rapporteur. – Mr President, almost exactly four years ago, on 23 June 2016, the Brexit referendum took place in the United Kingdom. Since then, we have been treated to four years of drama, witnessing the UK’s painful coming-to-grips with the reality of unwinding decades of membership of the largest single market in the world and, in my humble opinion, the best cooperation project – even with its imperfections – that mankind has so far created.

The Global Britain that Brexiteers dangled before the British people is no longer a viable project – if it even ever was – in a newly polarised world, where the institutions that underpin the multilateral order are being hollowed out and where protectionism is growing in the wake of the coronavirus. While the political Brexit happened last January, the economic Brexit still looms large at the end of this year, following the UK’s ideological decision not to extend the transition period.

Our message for the ongoing negotiations is crystal clear: the European Parliament stands behind our chief negotiator, Michel Barnier. The UK claims to seek an agreement rooted only in precedent, yet their proposals in areas such as financial services or professional qualifications go well beyond what the EU has ever conceded in any other FTA. The UK refuses to engage with the EU on topics such as public procurement – notwithstanding commitments taken in the Political Declaration – and refuses to speak about SMEs, yet they do so with other negotiating partners, the latest example being the UK’s objectives for negotiations with Australia, published today, and including government procurement and SME chapters. What a surprise!

Any agreement without robust guarantees for a level playing field or without an agreement on fisheries simply will not fly. And let’s be clear: a level playing field does not mean a copy/paste of our rules and regulations, but rather that we take our common point of departure as a point of no regression, following which we jointly managefuture divergence to guarantee equivalence, not necessarily identical rules for all players. We stand firmly behind the Commission’s approach to press for a comprehensive agreement. We reject the UK’s piecemeal, sectoral approach as it is well known that salami tactics lead to a cluttered spaghetti-bowl agreement. The implementation of the Withdrawal Agreement remains key and the European Court of Justice must remain the sole referee of EU law. Indeed, the EU is no less sovereign in its decision-making and decision-taking than the UK is.

Finally, allow me to thank my co-rapporteur, Kati Piri, for the excellent collaboration we have had in this exercise. I would also like to thank the 17 committees which gave an opinion for their valuable input. I sincerely hope that there will only be one last Brexit resolution: to consent to a balanced agreement no later than November this year. Personally, I remain confident that the legendary British pragmatism will prevail over ideology in the interest of all UK and EU citizens. The unilateral, staged introduction of border controls for EU goods coming into the UK, announced last Friday, to give corona-hit businesses time to adapt seems to indicate that. So let’s use this new momentum very wisely.

 
  
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  Nicolae Ştefănuță, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Budgets. – Mr President, compromise seems to mean that half a loaf is better than the entire loaf. It seems nowadays that that’s the position of the UK, whereas before, half a loaf was definitely not better than the entire loaf. Prime Minister Johnson said yesterday, in a press conference, that he wanted a more dynamic nature to these negotiations. He wanted more ‘oomph’. Well, that’s just a metaphor for the UK’s lack of cooperation in the last four rounds, the lack of transparency and also for its lack of commitment to the political declarations that were signed. Prime Minister Johnson: he who rides a tiger is afraid to dismount! Decisions have consequences, and the European Parliament is committed to protecting the best interests of its citizens.

The UK’s participation cannot be a Swedish buffet. We cannot allow cherry-picking. We cannot allow a piecemeal approach. Such decisions have consequences. But no one will take away the UK’s role in the unification of this continent. We all look around and know the fact that this Parliament is sadder without its British colleagues on the benches and we also know that four years ago Jo Cox was slain at the hands of a murderer, and Jo Cox said to us, ‘that which unites us is more important than that which divides us’.

 
  
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  Pedro Silva Pereira, relator de parecer da Comissão dos Assuntos Económicos e Monetários. – Sr. Presidente, ao fim de vários meses, as negociações entre o Reino Unido e a União Europeia continuam sem avanços significativos nas questões mais sensíveis, fazendo ressurgir o cenário de um não acordo.

Nestas condições, não é aceitável nem responsável que o Reino Unido recuse qualquer extensão do período de transição e, ao mesmo tempo, não tenha uma atitude construtiva nas negociações e insista em não cumprir sequer os compromissos que assumiu na declaração política e no acordo de saída, em especial quanto ao estabelecimento de controlos fronteiriços na Irlanda do Norte.

Portanto, se o Governo de Boris Johnson quer realmente um acordo, a sua atitude negocial tem de mudar. O Parlamento Europeu apoia integralmente a equipa de Michel Barnier na procura de um bom acordo e deixa também claro o que não quer: o mau acordo que não salvaguarde o mercado único nem os nossos padrões ambientais, sociais e laborais.

A ameaça de um mau acordo e a ameaça de um não acordo são jogos perigosos que têm tudo para correr mal.

 
  
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  Kris Peeters, Rapporteur voor advies van de Commissie interne markt en consumentenbescherming. – Voorzitter, de tijd tikt, maar de vraag dringt zich op of er werkelijk een affectio societatis - de wil om duurzaam te onderhandelen en tot een resultaat te komen - aanwezig is. Zowel de Europese bedrijven als de werknemers verwachten een akkoord. Zeker nu een economische orkaan als COVID-19 door Europa en het bedrijfsleven waart.

Falen is geen optie! Voor mijn land alleen al staan tweeënveertigduizend jobs op het spel en voor de EU is dat 1,2 miljoen in het geval van een harde brexit. Het ontwerpverslag dat hier vandaag voorligt, kan en moet een akkoord faciliteren. Deze tekst geeft de principes voor een nieuw partnerschap weer.

Ten eerste wil ik benadrukken dat het terugtrekkingsakkoord allereerst duidelijk en in zijn geheel moet worden uitgevoerd. De kmo’s moeten zekerheid krijgen. Ten tweede wil ik beklemtonen dat bij een nieuw partnerschapsakkoord de Europese interne marktregels gerespecteerd moeten worden. Ten derde moet de naleving van het akkoord blijvend zijn.

Collega’s, we hebben nog slechts enkele maanden te gaan. Maar ik hoop van harte dat het noodzakelijke akkoord tussen de EU en het VK zal worden gesloten met een grote affectio societatis.

 
  
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  Johan Danielsson, föredragande av yttrande från utskottet för transport och turism. – Herr talman! Tack till Michel Barnier, som är här idag, för allt hans arbete. Det är helt centralt att vi håller oss lugna och tillsammans fortsätter att förhandla efter de mandat som vi tidigare har kommit överens om. Jag har varit ansvarig i transportutskottet för den här frågan. Det är helt klart att det är viktigt att vi får på plats ett avtal som garanterar fortsatta bra förbindelser mellan EU och Storbritannien.

Varje år sker det över 4 miljoner lastbilstransporter med gods till och från Storbritannien. Över 54 miljoner passagerare reser mellan EU och Storbritannien varje år. Så det har en helt central betydelse att upprätthålla de här gods- och passagerartransporterna. Men samtidigt är det ju så att Storbritannien har valt att lämna unionen, och då kan man inte behålla samma rättigheter utan några som helst skyldigheter.

Det vi måste säkerställa är ett avtal som säkerställer fortsatt bra förbindelser men som också garanterar oss att Storbritannien inte kan underminera våra goda arbetsvillkor, våra miljöstandarder och på andra sätt underbudskonkurrera med Europeiska unionen.

 
  
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  Pascal Arimont, Verfasser der Stellungnahme des mitberatenden Ausschusses für regionale Entwicklung. – Herr Präsident, cher Monsieur Barnier, cher Michel! Machen wir uns nichts vor: Dieser Brexit ist und bleibt ein gewaltiger historischer Fehler – er wird nur Verlierer kennen.

Wie so oft in der Geschichte wird sich zeigen, dass Trennung und Abspaltung nur Verlust bringen können. Nur die Zusammenarbeit über die Grenzen hinweg kann wirklichen Mehrwert für die Menschen in Europa bringen. Das haben uns die letzten 70 Jahre eindrucksvoll gezeigt.

Nun steht aber sogar ein ungeordneter Brexit ins Haus. Dieser ist sogar sehr wahrscheinlich geworden. Für diesen Fall möchte ich unsere kleinen und mittleren Unternehmen geschützt sehen, denn sie und ihre Beschäftigten können für diese Situation rein gar nichts. Diese kleinen Unternehmen können auch nicht so einfach – so wie die großen Player – schnell und flexibel auf sich verändernde Handelsbeziehungen reagieren. Wir brauchen also schnelle Hilfsmittel für kleine und mittlere Unternehmen im Falle eines harten Brexits, den niemand wünscht.

Im Dezember haben wir im Ausschuss für regionale Entwicklung für diesen Fall den Rückgriff auf den Solidaritätsfonds vorgeschlagen und auch befürwortet. Ich rufe daher die Mitgliedstaaten dringend dazu auf, unseren kleinen und mittleren Unternehmen diesen Rückgriff auf den Solidaritätsfonds zu ermöglichen und ihnen zur Seite zu stehen, falls der harte Brexit tatsächlich bittere Realität wird.

 
  
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  François-Xavier Bellamy, rapporteur pour avis de la commission de la pêche. – Monsieur le Président, la résolution qui vous est proposée contient le texte que la totalité des groupes parlementaires ont soutenu au sein de la commission de la pêche pour redire ce principe fondamental que Michel Barnier porte avec force dans la négociation: il ne peut y avoir d’accord avec le Royaume-Uni qui n’intègre pas un accord de long terme, équilibré, durable sur la question de la pêche, permettant l’accès aux eaux et aux ressources de manière réciproque entre les partenaires que sont désormais l’Union européenne et le Royaume-Uni.

C’est un enjeu économique et social majeur car des dizaines de milliers d’emplois sont en jeu. C’est un enjeu pour nos territoires qui vivent de cette activité, de ces savoir-faire exceptionnels, et qui pourraient être fragilisés par une sortie sans accord. C’est enfin un enjeu écologique car la politique commune de la pêche nous a permis, depuis des années, de mettre en œuvre avec les Britanniques une pêche qui respecte la biodiversité.

Nous devons maintenir ces règles communes, c’est dans cet état d’esprit que nous souhaitons continuer de travailler et je voudrais remercier encore toute l’équipe de négociation et tous les parlementaires, nos collègues, d’avoir intégré cette position à ce texte important.

 
  
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  Loránt Vincze, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs. – Mr President, the United Kingdom should become the EU’s strongest ally and partner. This is as yet more of an ambition than a reality, but we all can agree: today we look to the future. Our proximity, the values we share and the common challenges we face make mobility, security, justice and home affairs cooperation as vital as trade.

The safety and security of European citizens is essential for us; so is the protection of their personal data. The message of Parliament is clear: we cannot compromise on our values, the continued adherence of the UK to the European Convention on Human Rights and on the role of the European Court of Justice.

The fight against terrorism, cybercrime, and cross-border criminality is one of the success stories in EU-UK relations. This should be continued. But let us not forget: by its own decision the UK will continue as a third country in this cooperation. We must hope that on the other side of the Channel the sense of reality will overcome and we will be able to obtain the closest partnership possible for our citizens’ benefit.

 
  
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  Danuta Maria Hübner, Rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Constitutional Affairs. – Mr President, it is good to see my good friend Mr Barnier again. I must say that for the last few months we – together with you, I think, Mr Barnier – have been disappointed with the lack of progress in the negotiations. We have been disappointed with the UK’s continued and final refusal to extend the transition period to avoid the risk of a cliff edge in January and to ensure full and effective implementation of the Withdrawal Agreement on which future relations will be built, but we respect this choice.

Monday’s political momentum and the decision to intensify talks in July is good news in this context. So now there is a physical space, and I personally believe also political space to finalise the process, but I also want to emphasise that what is at stake is the quality of our future relationship. The benefits of a single market cannot be reconstructed within even the most generous free trade agreement. Equivalence and voluntary regulatory cooperation on financial services cannot be put into a free trade agreement.

Let me finish by saying that London will continue as an important global financial centre. But at the same time it would greatly benefit from growing financial and capital markets in the European Union. So the best choice for completing the negotiations is to follow the path of a long-term cooperative strategy.

 
  
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  Gheorghe Falcă, Raportor pentru aviz, Comisia pentru petiții. – Domnule Președinte, dragi colegi, pentru mine, Brexitul a fost o greșeală. În schimb, acordul poate să corecteze din această greșeală. De patru ani, noi am arătat că suntem parte a soluției în această relație și așteptăm să vedem soluții și din partea Marii Britanii.

De patru ani, încercăm să găsim zona de compromis, dar de patru ani, garantăm cetățenilor Uniunii Europene din Marea Britanie că vom fi lângă ei, iar prin această rezoluție transmitem, încă o dată, că valorile noastre vor fi apărate, iar tot ceea ce înseamnă drepturile cetățenilor, atât ale celor europeni din Marea Britanie, cât și ale celor din Marea Britanie în Europa vor fi garantate de noi, de Parlament, de Consiliu și de Comisie. Mult succes pentru ceea ce înseamnă următoarele patru luni de zile.

 
  
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  David McAllister, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, it is now more than four and a half months ago since the United Kingdom decided to leave our European Union.

From the very beginning, we in Parliament’s UK Coordination Group followed the negotiations for a new partnership thoroughly and sought to ensure a strong political consensus. We have closely been in touch with our chief negotiator, Michel Barnier, whom I would like to thank personally for the excellent cooperation. I also would like to thank Maroš Šefčovič, and we will all be seeing each other again in about half an hour’s time for the next meeting of the UK Coordination Group.

This report incorporates the opinions of no less than 17 committees. This is unprecedented, and it delivers a clear and strong message of unity. That’s why I would like to thank the rapporteurs, Kati Piri and Christophe Hansen, for their tireless work, but also the Chairs and the rapporteurs of all the opinion-giving committees.

Yes, indeed, the high-level conference decided that new momentum is required for the negotiations. The EU is ready to intensify the talks in July to create the most conducive solutions for concluding an agreement soon. This should be in the interest of both sides.

 
  
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  Iratxe García Pérez, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor presidente, la mayoría de los diputados se han referido a las negociaciones del Brexit y, por lo tanto, creo que ha quedado un mensaje claro. Yo, en este sentido, deseo unirme a la apreciación del gran trabajo que está haciendo el señor Barnier y —como han dicho muchas de sus señorías—, evidentemente, tenemos que estar detrás de él en estas negociaciones, porque somos conscientes de que están en un momento fundamental.

Pero quiero referirme también al Consejo Europeo.

Señorías, el tiempo apremia. En la calle, la gente lo tiene claro. Y este Parlamento, también. Espero que los pocos Gobiernos reticentes en el Consejo también lo comprendan y lleguen a un acuerdo en julio, como muy tarde. No podemos irnos de vacaciones sin activar el plan de recuperación y acordar el presupuesto para que pueda empezarse a aplicar ya en enero. La cantidad propuesta por la Comisión, 750 000 millones de euros, es el mínimo. Lo mismo que la cantidad de 500 000 millones para subsidios.

Todos los organismos internacionales nos alertan de que no es momento de escatimar esfuerzos sino de invertir para reactivar la economía. Hasta nuestros compañeros conservadores y liberales que en 2008 abogaban por la austeridad reconocen ahora que sería un gran error. Está bien, porque rectificar es de sabios, y ahora es el momento de remar todos en la misma dirección. Podemos aprovechar este impulso para transformar nuestras economías y adaptarlas al nuevo contexto digital y a la emergencia medioambiental y garantizar una sociedad más justa, con políticas públicas más fuertes.

La ruta está clara: invertir en transición ecológica y digital para modernizar nuestras economías. Ahora falta que los Gobiernos en el Consejo tengan la visión y la valentía, porque donde no hay visión el pueblo sufre. Este Parlamento tiene la visión, y no vamos a ceder. Porque no podemos permitírnoslo y porque la ciudadanía no lo permitiría. Por eso, no vamos a aceptar un mal acuerdo en el Consejo. Y, además, porque tenemos que seguir insistiendo en el papel del Parlamento en estas decisiones. Me refiero a cuestiones fundamentales como es la gestión del Instrumento Europeo de Recuperación Next Generation EU.

Ninguna crisis puede ser excusa para socavar la democracia. Muy al contrario, para resolverla son precisas más democracia y más rendición de cuentas. Y, por eso, la única condicionalidad que se debe imponer al plan de recuperación es el respeto del Estado de Derecho.

Señorías, es momento de saber combinar nuestros objetivos y principios con la realidad de los hechos. No podemos ir de ingenuos en este mundo cada vez más complejo en el que antiguos socios parecen haber perdido la fe en el multilateralismo y la cooperación. Firmeza, principios y visión. Es más importante que nunca que defendamos una Unión fuerte, capaz de marcar el rumbo.

 
  
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  Marco Zanni, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, per la prima volta, credo che questa settimana ci sarà un Consiglio europeo di cui sappiamo già le conclusioni. Non ci sarà un accordo sul cosiddetto Recovery Plan e probabilmente ci sarà uno scontro tra gli Stati membri che abbiamo già visto e anticipato in questi giorni. Questa è ancora una volta la dimostrazione dell'inefficienza e dell'insufficienza delle istituzioni europee nella risposta alla crisi.

Snoccioliamo la proposta della Commissione, che è già una proposta altamente insufficiente. Parliamo di 400 miliardi di euro di sovvenzioni pure, e tre quarti di questo denaro arriverà solo nel 2023, cioè 3 anni dopo lo scoppio di questa crisi, quando già aziende, quando già lavoratori avranno perso il posto.

Io credo che, ancora una volta, questa sia la dimostrazione di come il processo decisionale all'interno dell'Unione europea non sia adatto a dare una risposta ai cittadini e alle imprese e, oltretutto, questo sforzo, questo denaro verrebbe dato in cambio di nuove tasse europee, tasse che andranno a gravare sulle imprese, circa settantamila imprese all'interno dell'Unione europea, quindi non solo le multinazionali, e andranno a gravare sui consumi, perché ovviamente le imprese le ribalteranno sui consumi.

Lasciatemi concludere con uno statement, con una considerazione: non vorrei che questo piano, come nel 2012 fu il piano sul MES, sia un piano per far convertire le industrie di alcuni paesi con i soldi di altri paesi. Fu con il MES con le banche di Francia e Germania, e questo rischia di esserlo con l'industria tedesca e di altri paesi.

 
  
  

IN THE CHAIR: MAIREAD McGUINNESS
Vice-President

 
  
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  Ska Keller, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, let’s be honest. No one really expects anything to happen at this European Council with regard to the recovery plan. We all think there will be some haggling and insisting on own positions, and afterwards everyone will go to the national press and say how well they have defended the national interest. Even the President of the European Council gave up on any outcome even before the summit had started. It’s quite shameful really that, when our Heads of State and Government come together, no one expects anything much to happen.

Wouldn’t it be great though if, for once, the expectations of Europeans were over—fulfilled, if just once we didn’t wait until things were too late and until the mood was already really bad. We have an unforeseen crisis in the EU, and we all know that we need to act urgently in order to mitigate the economic impact. The EU as a whole needs to have, and provide, funds for this. The funds need to be targeted into the economy that we want to have tomorrow, not the one that puts profit over planet and people. A major effort is needed, but the benefits are great, especially if we link the investments to the challenges that we anyway have to face, namely the climate crisis, biodiversity loss, social inequality and digitalisation.

Imagine if, for once, governments could ditch the drama and go for bold and for courageous. It would be worthwhile because, in the end, it is in the national interest of every single Member State to have a strong European Union for their citizens and for their economy. Our union is not a zero-sum game. It is the boat in which we are all sitting together. We fail together or we win together. So let’s make sure that we make a win for the future of the European Union.

 
  
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  Derk Jan Eppink, namens de ECR-Fractie. – Voorzitter, de strijd over het herstelfonds lijkt op een pokerspel in het donkere casino. De EU beroept zich graag op Europese waarden. Maar wat we zien is een mengsel van corruptie en chantage. Landen van Zuid-Europa worden gekocht, landen in Midden- en Oost-Europa worden omgekocht en landen in Noord-Europa worden afgeperst!

Het gaat dus niet om COVID-19, maar om veel geld, te verdelen vanuit Brussel. Dat betekent meer macht voor de Commissie, een hogere EU-begroting en nieuwe Europese belastingen. Dat is het doel van het herstelfonds. Er wacht een lange ratificatieprocedure en ergens onderweg staat wel iemand met de hamer.

Ik kan me voorstellen dat de Britten blij zijn dat ze dit niet hoeven mee te maken. Ik verbaas me dan ook over de resolutie van het Europees Parlement over de brexit. Zij leest als een opsomming van eisen, als een ultimatum, en dat tegenover een land dat de vorige eeuw “Europa” twee keer uit de modder trok. Zonder de Britten hadden wij hier nu niet gezeten! Waar we wél gezeten zouden hebben, moet iedereen zelf maar invullen.

De resolutie ademt revanchisme. De Britten moeten worden gestraft omdat ze de EU verlieten. Maar dat was wel op basis van een democratische uitspraak, dames en heren. De EU ziet zichzelf als maatstaf voor de wereld, als een grote morele mogendheid. Maar de EU is vaak een pedant kereltje tussen de grote jongens. Zonder strategisch inzicht.

De Balkan wordt warm onthaald bij de ingang. De Britten krijgen een koude douche bij de uitgang. Dames en heren, resoluties zonder inzicht produceren politiek zonder uitzicht!

 
  
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  Martin Schirdewan, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Mittlerweile gewinnt man ja das Gefühl, dass nach jedem Treffen, das zwischen dem Vereinigten Königreich und der Europäischen Union stattfindet, die Widersprüche größer statt kleiner werden und dass ein gutes Abkommen in immer weitere Ferne gerückt ist. Das ist keineswegs eine Kritik an der hervorragenden Arbeit von Michel Barnier, die ich ausgesprochen zu schätzen weiß, sondern das ist eine Analyse der gegenwärtigen Situation, die aufgrund der britischen Position – das möchte ich betonen, der britischen Position – nur den Schluss zulässt, dass wir am Ende des Jahres entweder ein schlechtes Abkommen oder aber einen harten ökonomischen Brexit erleben werden.

Ich will hier im Namen der Linken sagen, dass für uns ein Abkommen, das Sozialdumping, das Umweltdumping, das Steuerdumping Tür und Tor öffnet oder das die Sicherheit privater Daten zum Jahrmarkt trägt, völlig inakzeptabel ist. Ein solches Abkommen will jedoch die Regierung Johnson. Das ist für uns keine Option, und ich hoffe, das ist für niemanden hier in diesem Haus eine reale Option.

Deshalb ist es jetzt aber auch an der Zeit, über einen Notfallplan nachzudenken, um die vom Brexit besonders betroffenen Regionen und Sektoren zu schützen, um den hunderttausenden Beschäftigten und Unternehmen den notwendigen Schutz zu gewähren.

Und zum Rat: Die Menschen warten immer noch auf ein klares Signal der Solidarität und Geschlossenheit. Next Generation EU ist ja bislang eher eine Wette auf die Zukunft als tatsächlich ein Generationenvertrag. Das klarste Signal wäre es doch, endgültig Abstand und Abschied zu nehmen vom Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt, der in der Zukunft nur zu weiteren Kürzungen der öffentlichen Daseinsvorsorge und in der sozialen Sicherung oder zu weiteren Privatisierungen führt.

Wir brauchen hingegen öffentliche Investitionen, Steuerschlupflöcher müssen geschlossen, Steuergerechtigkeit muss herbeigeführt werden. Die EZB sollte in die Lage versetzt werden, die Staatsfinanzen direkt zu stützen, und superreiche Spekulanten und Unternehmen sollen gefälligst ihren gerechten Anteil am Wiederaufbau leisten, indem eine umfassende Finanztransaktionssteuer, eine starke Digitalsteuer und eine Vermögensabgabe eingeführt werden. Das wäre ein Signal der Solidarität, auf das Europa wartet.

 
  
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  Dacian Cioloş, au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, alors que sur la crise sanitaire la situation semble se stabiliser, les défis économiques, eux, restent majeurs.

Pour moi, deux possibilités s’offrent aujourd’hui à nous: soit nous négocions au niveau national la sortie de la crise, et alors chaque État membre défend ses intérêts, soit nous acceptons que la seule solution est de construire ensemble. C’est là la logique du plan de relance et du budget pluriannuel que nous soutenons. Parce que, oui, il faut être clair, nous ne demandons pas du saupoudrage de fonds, il faudra cibler là où les fonds doivent être alloués. Il s’agira également de conditionner pour réformer, afin que cette solidarité européenne soit le moteur d’une véritable relance commune.

Je ne vous cache pas toutefois mon inquiétude. Nous nous apprêtons à emprunter 750 milliards d’euros sur les marchés financiers sans savoir exactement comment nous allons rembourser cet argent. En effet, envisager une hausse des contributions nationales ou une diminution des fonds affectés aux prochaines politiques européennes reviendrait à mettre à mal la totalité du projet européen. Donc, pour nous, seule la mise en place rapide de vraies ressources propres permettrait de renforcer la crédibilité de ce plan de relance, mais aussi de garantir la pérennité du projet européen.

Je ne vous cache pas que la proposition sur le budget pluriannuel européen est quant à elle bien moins ambitieuse que ce que nous attendions et l’existence même d’un plan de relance ne suffit pas à compenser la faiblesse de cette proposition car même s’il s’agit d’un paquet, les objectifs sont quand même différents. Alors que le plan de relance nous permettra de nous remettre en selle, le nouveau budget européen, lui, définira notre capacité à franchir la ligne d’arrivée.

Donc, seul un budget ambitieux permettrait d’apporter une réponse structurelle aux nombreux défis que nous traversons et fixerait notre capacité à assumer une indépendance tant économique que stratégique. Il permettrait de financer de grands projets européens à l’image du projet relatif aux batteries ou encore celui consacré à l’hydrogène. Il permettrait à ce genre de projets de voir le jour.

Or, aujourd’hui, je suis inquiet car certains programmes qui visent à financer des projets aussi essentiels que la recherche, le numérique, le marché unique ou la défense restent trop peu financés. Il en va de même pour des projets sociaux ou pour des projets qui concernent la jeunesse par exemple.

Donc je terminerai en rappelant que mon groupe ne soutiendra pas un budget européen qui continue d’apporter des financements à des gouvernements européens qui, chaque jour, tournent le dos à nos valeurs et mettent à mal la démocratie et l’État de droit. Cela doit cesser et rapidement.

 
  
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  Tiziana Beghin (NI). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il Recovery Fund è uno strumento mai visto prima. Con oltre 750 miliardi di euro è l'espressione stessa di una nuova era di solidarietà in Europa, e per questo dobbiamo ringraziare l'impulso del governo italiano e il contributo di altri Stati, quali quello spagnolo, francese e della Germania.

I prossimi Consigli europei, se avranno il coraggio di approvarlo, faranno la storia dell'Unione. Sappiamo che alcuni governi si opporranno ma ogni resistenza o compromesso al ribasso è inaccettabile, perché sottrae tempo prezioso.

Come ha ribadito oggi alle Camere il nostro premier Conte, l'Italia è pronta, e noi auspichiamo che anche l'Europa lo sia e approvi il "Next Generation EU" il prima possibile. I cittadini e le imprese europee si meritano che queste risorse siano disponibili subito, lo dobbiamo a tutti coloro per cui ogni giorno può fare la differenza.

Colleghi, la solidarietà è tornata a scorrere nelle vene dell'Europa. Ora dobbiamo solo assicurarci che giunga al suo cuore.

 
  
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  Dolors Montserrat (PPE). – Señora presidenta, el Partido Popular Europeo ha liderado e impulsado en este Parlamento y en la Comisión el plan de recuperación con las mayores ayudas europeas para combatir la COVID-19, y lo hemos hecho con unidad, solidaridad y responsabilidad. Ahora le toca Consejo estar a la altura. El tiempo apremia. Está en juego que muchos de los que han bajado las persianas de sus negocios las puedan volver a levantar. Para ello, los Gobiernos de los Estados miembros deben actuar con rapidez y con responsabilidad.

La solidaridad europea debe ir acompañada de reformas nacionales ambiciosas, para que nuestra economía sea más moderna, competitiva y sostenible; para que nuestros sistemas nacionales de salud sean más resilientes; y para proteger a todas las familias. Defender a los españoles, ser patriota es digitalizar y reindustrializar España; es saber negociar una PAC que haga del campo una oportunidad; es reactivar el sector turístico. En definitiva: crear empleo, que es la mejor política social. Esta es la verdadera Europa, la que defiende el Partido Popular, la España que queremos.

 
  
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  Simona Bonafè (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, nel prossimo Consiglio europeo finalmente i capi di Stato e di governo dovranno esprimersi sul piano di ricostruzione presentato dalla Commissione europea. Ci aspettiamo che arrivino a una decisione il prima possibile, ma non a una decisione qualsiasi, una decisione all'altezza della crisi che stiamo vivendo.

Come sapete, il nostro gruppo politico ha accolto fin da subito positivamente il "Next Generation EU". Per noi il piano della Commissione è il minimo sindacale o, se volete, un buon punto di partenza, e ha elementi che meritano attenzione.

Ne cito due per brevità. Il primo: i 750 miliardi, di cui una gran parte a fondo perduto, per fare ripartire le nostre piccole e medie imprese, per dare una mano ai nostri lavoratori, per dare una prospettiva alle persone che il lavoro l'hanno perduto. Il secondo: la possibilità di debito comune europeo, garantito dalle risorse proprie dell'Unione, che non sono, come qualcuno vuole far credere, nuove tasse per i cittadini, ma la possibilità di far pagare il costo della crisi anche a chi finora le tasse non le ha pagate per quanto avrebbe dovuto, o le ha pagate dove ha voluto – penso alle multinazionali –, o per combattere finalmente il dumping ambientale sui nostri prodotti.

I cittadini chiedono aiuto ad ogni latitudine. Questa emergenza ha colpito ovunque in Europa, ma ha colpito in maniera diversa. Non pensino però i cosiddetti Stati frugali che questa sia una buona ragione per lasciare al proprio destino i paesi più colpiti e per questo più fragili. Qui ci si salva tutti insieme. Le catene del valore sono integrate, le nostre economie troppo interdipendenti e, se anche il più piccolo Stato dell'Europa collassa, collassa tutto il mercato interno, e a farne le spese saranno anche le realtà produttive di paesi che oggi si sentono invulnerabili. Non è solo solidarietà e convenienza reciproca.

Pensando quindi a quanto abbiamo attraversato in questi mesi difficili di lockdown e alla strada che abbiamo davanti per una ripresa che è più lenta di quanto si creda, da quest'Aula voglio rinnovare un appello al Consiglio perché non indebolisca, né rallenti l'avvio di questo piano per la ripresa. Solo agendo per tempo e con risorse adeguate potremo rimetterci in careggiata. Il Parlamento è pronto.

 
  
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  Nathalie Loiseau (Renew). – Madame la Présidente, quatre mois, c’est le temps qu’il nous reste pour parvenir à un accord de partenariat entre le Royaume-Uni et l’Union européenne; c’est court. C’est court, mais c’est possible. Je suis certaine que comme les peuples européens que nous représentons ici, le peuple britannique veut que nous gardions des liens forts et mutuellement bénéfiques, qu’il souhaite que demain comme aujourd’hui, la planète soit préservée, les droits des travailleurs soient protégés, la santé et la sécurité alimentaire de tous fassent l’objet de toutes les attentions. Je ne doute pas que le peuple britannique soit attaché à la protection de ses données personnelles, je sais, parce qu’elles ne cessent de le dire, que les entreprises britanniques comme les entreprises européennes espèrent pouvoir poursuivre leur coopération industrielle et leurs échanges, parce que c’est l’intérêt de tous.

Ce que nous allons voter demain est un signal politique fort. Le signal que nous défendons les intérêts de tous les Européens, qui nous ont élus et qui comptent sur nous: nos agriculteurs, nos pêcheurs, nos entreprises, nos citoyens. Un signal fort d’unité des représentants des peuples européens sur ce qui forme la base d’un accord juste et équilibré, celui qu’il nous reviendra de ratifier, puisque de ce côté-ci de la Manche, c’est notre Parlement qui aura le dernier mot. Personne ne souhaite ajouter les conséquences négatives d’une absence d’accord à celle de la pandémie de COVID-19, personne n’est responsable de l’épidémie que nous subissons, mais nous avons une responsabilité commune pour éviter d’ajouter de la crise à la crise.

Nous avons peu de temps, mais nous avons un chemin, celui qu’a tracé la déclaration politique qu’Européens et Britanniques ont négocié ensemble, signé ensemble et qui, seul, peut nous éviter de perdre encore un temps précieux. Nous voterons demain et demain sera le 18 juin, date anniversaire de l’appel que le général de Gaulle lança depuis Londres lorsque nous étions unis pour lutter ensemble. Je le demande à nos amis britanniques, soyons à la hauteur de ce destin commun, de cette communauté de valeurs qui a fait notre grandeur, soyons ambitieux ensemble.

 
  
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  Laura Huhtasaari (ID). – Madam President, I would like to congratulate Great Britain: they just saved around EUR 80 billion because they were late on the corona package. So nobody in Britain would even dare admit voting against Brexit.

The European Commission’s proposal for a recovery fund is another step towards a centralised debt union. This proposal is illegal, according to Article 125. The Commission also wants EU own sources of taxation passed by the Member States. In the EU a large part of its economic problems would be reduced if the monetary union, the euro, were dismantled. According to a study, Finnish exports would be 40% higher in their own currency. I want my money back.

 
  
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  Heidi Hautala (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, I am saddened when I see that the negotiations are stalling. The EU and the UK have all the prerequisites to strike a bargain on the second-best trade and partnership agreement in the world. Never before has there been a situation where negotiating partners’ premises and interests are so aligned and so close to one another.

The agreement on the new relationship between the EU and the UK must acknowledge our common history, geographical proximity and the other connections we have between the Brits and the EU. Anything but a comprehensive and indivisible agreement that provides robust level-playing-field guarantees, both to the UK and the EU, would be a historical failure. What must be achieved is the second-best trade and partnership agreement in the world: an agreement so good that the only better deal is EU membership itself.

 
  
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  Zbigniew Kuźmiuk (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Komisarzu! Propozycja Komisji w sprawie WRF i funduszu odbudowy, jako wspólnego pakietu wsparcia dla inwestycji w krajach członkowskich, stanowi dobrą podstawę do negocjacji na posiedzeniu Rady. Po drugie, konieczne są jednak sprawne i skuteczne negocjacje, bo rzeczywistość gospodarcza i społeczna we wszystkich krajach członkowskich, mimo uruchomienia przez nie ogromnej pomocy publicznej, będzie się jednak pogarszać, a w drugim kwartale w niektórych krajach możemy się spodziewać nawet 20-proc. spadku PKB. Po trzecie, należy z uznaniem przyjąć zaproponowane przez Komisję wzmocnienie finansowe polityki spójności i WPR, bo to dwie najbardziej efektywne unijne polityki, a WPR i rolnicy zapewnili podczas pandemii bezpieczeństwo żywnościowe 500 milionom unijnych konsumentów. Po czwarte wreszcie, o skuteczności wykorzystania tak ogromnych unijnych środków finansowych będzie decydowała elastyczność ich wykorzystania, a także możliwość ich przeznaczenia na rozwiązanie rzeczywistych problemów gospodarczych państw, a nie tylko na kwestie cyfrowe czy klimatyczne.

 
  
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  Idoia Villanueva Ruiz (GUE/NGL). – Señora presidenta, se agota el tiempo: cinco meses. La relación entre el Reino Unido y la Unión Europea no puede ser un mero acuerdo de libre comercio. Hay oportunidades de un equilibrio entre derechos y obligaciones en el que tenemos que tener claro que la prioridad es la protección de la ciudadanía y las actividades estratégicas.

Johnson intenta deshacer compromisos, y lo está haciendo mediante la amenaza de no acuerdo. Es importante que lo haya. Millones de ciudadanos lo esperan: viven, trabajan en el Reino Unido, sus derechos y sus actividades van a depender de estas relaciones futuras. El aprendizaje del Brexit y el plan de reconstrucción que hagamos conjunto debe ser una manera de convertirnos en un proyecto por el que la ciudadanía esté dispuesta a apostar decididamente.

Hay aspectos positivos en las recomendaciones de este Parlamento: estándares medioambientales, evitar el dumping, la protección del sector primario o los derechos de ciudadanía que hemos conseguido incluir expresamente; pero también vemos insuficiencias. No podemos avanzar en un proyecto europeo si no somos un actor independiente internacional.

En estas recomendaciones corremos el riesgo de acabar subordinados a la política internacional de Johnson, es decir, a la agenda de Trump. Es el momento de apostar por una forma de ser y de estar en el mundo. Así, también tendremos futuro.

 
  
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  Dorien Rookmaker (NI). – Madam President, let’s be pragmatic and sensible. The British Nation is a much-loved and respected member of the European Family, and it will always be for generations to come. They no longer are a member of the EU. That is why we have to come to an agreement with our close neighbour and old friend. After four rounds of unsuccessful negotiations, we must conclude that the strategy has not worked so far. Circumstances have changed. We are looking at a huge economic crisis – the COVID-19 crisis. We cannot afford a no-deal in the current situation.

A divorce is painful for all parties involved. There is a price to pay on both sides. We have to think about the next generation. This is not a moral issue, but a situation in need of a sensible approach. When circumstances change, strategies have to change as well. Let’s not aim for the ultimate deal but for the best one possible at this moment. Think about the generations to come in Britain and in the EU. Let’s be pragmatic, and let’s be sensible.

 
  
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  Jeroen Lenaers (PPE). – Madam President, here we go again. Six months away from another Brexit cliff edge and, again, we have to conclude that no substantial progress has been made at all. Somehow ‘get Brexit done’ became ‘get nothing done’, and actually we have moved backwards, with Boris Johnson seeming to have forgotten about the political declaration that he himself agreed and signed last year; forgotten about the joint declaration that provides a basis, a foundation, for an ambitious partnership between the UK and the EU, founded on a level playing field. We said it many times: Brexit is a lose-lose situation. It’s bad for both the UK and the EU, but at least with a properly organised exit, we can mitigate some of those negative effects a little. Citizens and companies have a right to certainty, clarity and reassurance about their future.

I’m afraid to say that it seems like we’re running out of time and options. So maybe we need to get creative. Maybe, Michel Barnier, you could invite Marcus Rashford to the next negotiating round. He at least seems like someone who gets something done in the UK these days.

 
  
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  Bernd Lange (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! In der Diskussion über einen Handelsvertrag mit dem Vereinigten Königreich kommt häufig die Aussage: Lasst uns doch ein Abkommen machen wie CETA, das Abkommen mit Kanada! Auch Boris Johnson hat das ja nochmal formuliert.

Das ist die typische Wahrnehmung, die falsche Wahrnehmung, dass eine Sache immer das Gleiche bedeutet. In den Verhandlungen mit Kanada handelte es sich um zwei Partner, die weit voneinander weg waren, die sich aufeinander zubewegt und in bestimmten Bereichen Übereinstimmung erzielt haben. Das war ein großer Erfolg.

Mit dem Vereinigten Königreich haben wir eine gemeinsame Situation, einen gemeinsamen Markt, und jetzt wollen wir uns auseinanderdividieren, und wenn wir da in die Richtung des Kanada-Abkommens gehen, dann ist das ein schlechter Deal. Und wir brauchen keinen schlechten Deal, wir brauchen einen guten Deal im Interesse der wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen und im Interesse der Arbeitsplätze und der Bürgerinnen und Bürger.

Deswegen kann ich den Rat, der am 19. Juni tagen wird, nur ermuntern, keinem schlechten Deal zuzustimmen, sondern sich dafür einzusetzen, dass wir wirklich einen guten Deal bekommen. Ein schlechter Deal heißt: Wirtschaftliches Wachstum geht weg. Selbst die Briten haben gesagt: 4,6 % gehen weg, wenn wir einen CETA-Deal haben, und da sollte man Boris Johnson nicht folgen.

 
  
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  Jérôme Rivière (ID). – Madame la Présidente, un peuple a choisi, un pays a quitté l’Union européenne. C’est maintenant une réalité, et Boris Johnson vient de le dire à nouveau, il veut trouver un accord sans tarder. Le choix des Britanniques a démontré que lorsque le peuple veut, le peuple peut. Il a témoigné de son extraordinaire capacité à assumer ses choix par-delà les pressions et les manipulations. Cela est aussi vrai pour Boris Johnson. Refusant de se dédire, il a fait mentir les prophètes de malheur prévoyant les dix plaies de Londres sur son pays, en cas de confirmation du Brexit. Mieux, c’est l’Union européenne, aujourd’hui, qui s’inquiète de la concurrence dans tous les domaines de la Grande-Bretagne, enfin libérée de ses carcans.

S’il est certain qu’un accord équitable est nécessaire, on comprend aussi Boris Johnson qui va utiliser ses mains libres, comme il le dit, pour s’attaquer aux maux que traversent son pays, les mêmes que les nôtres. En matière d’immigration, par exemple, plus de muselière idéologique, seuls les étrangers bénéficiant de la garantie d’un emploi payé plus de 30 000 livres (35 000 euros) par an pourront frapper à la porte du pays pour y travailler.

Tous les problèmes, certes, ne seront pas résolus d’un coup de Brexit magique. La France n’est pas non plus la Grande-Bretagne, mais la direction est la bonne, celle d’un pays non plus soumis, mais, ami de l’Europe, privilégiant les siens sans s’isoler des autres, l’identité préservée et non la dilution programmée, le choix de la coopération contre celui de la suggestion, le choix de l’Europe des nations contre celui proposé de l’UE des technocrates froids et méprisants si bien incarnés par Michel Barnier.

 
  
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  Sergey Lagodinsky (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, they ask us why we are doing this; they ask us why we stand united and invest so much time in negotiating something that the British government has rejected and ignored again and again. The answer is: we are doing it for our common European future. Maybe not next year, maybe the year after that, maybe later, but this future will come. We are doing it for our common values and interests – values that don’t depend on the signature as a member of the EU: liberal democracy, climate policy, women’s and minority rights, human rights. These are values that we share with each other, regardless of membership of the EU. We are doing it for Europeans on both sides of the Channel, for those who share families, jobs, love stories, biographies. We are doing this for their rights. We are doing this for you, our British friends: British citizens who believe in the wisdom of the EU much more than you believe in the wisdom of your Brexiteer government. Because if they go low, we aim high, and we aim high with this resolution. We won’t ever see Britain as a third country and we will never see British citizens as citizens of a third country.

To paraphrase a famous Brit: a Brexit with a deal is the worst form of future for Great Britain, except for all other forms of Brexit. This resolution is our last attempt to prevent the worst. The ball is in your court, Mr Johnson.

 
  
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  Carlo Fidanza (ECR). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, inizia un negoziato molto difficile su una risposta finanziaria che, per quanto significativa, rischia di rimanere di gran lunga inferiore alle attese, gravata di condizionalità tutte da scoprire e soprattutto tardiva. Briciole nel 2020, poco più che briciole nel 2021.

Quando il grosso dei finanziamenti arriverà, troppe imprese in troppi settori, dal terziario al turismo e all'industria, avranno già chiuso e troppa gente sarà rimasta senza lavoro. Con la flessibilità sugli aiuti di Stato aumentano gli squilibri del mercato interno e soltanto gli acquisti della BCE, finché dureranno, sembrano rispondere davvero alla crisi. Allora qualche paese deciderà di attivare il MES, ma forse è proprio questo l'obiettivo.

Intanto, anziché preoccuparvi di questo, proseguite con l'ideologia perversa del Green Deal, imponendo alle aziende nuovi oneri e ai cittadini nuovi stili di vita. Avete riscoperto sì la parola solidarietà, ne siamo lieti, ma vi siete dimenticati la parola responsabilità.

 
  
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  Helmut Scholz (GUE/NGL). – Frau Präsidentin! Wir haben heute vielleicht zum letzten Mal eine Chance, Einfluss auf das Verhandlungsergebnis zu nehmen. Ich begrüße ausdrücklich die klaren Worte, die wir gemeinsam zu Sozialschutz, Umweltschutz, Bürgerrechten und auch der Situation auf der irischen Insel finden konnten. Ich will ganz klar sagen, auch an die Adresse des Verhandlungsführers: Danke für Ihre Arbeit!

Eine Absenkung der level playing fields, also der gleichen Wettbewerbsbedingungen und -standards, wird es mit der Linken nicht geben. Das betrifft auch die Fragen des Handels. Vielleicht habe ich aber auch – Dank auch an die Berichterstatter für ihre Arbeit – an uns selbst die Frage zu richten, warum wir nicht gemeinsam aus Corona-Krise und Klimakrise lernen und ein neues Denken in die gesamten Verhandlungen mit eingebracht haben. Der Abschnitt zu den Handelsbeziehungen schützt die Gesundheitsdienstleistungen eben nicht vor den Kräften des Marktes, sondern folgt herkömmlichen, neoliberalen Pfaden. Die Vorschläge zur Kooperation geben nicht Abrüstung und Armutsbekämpfung Priorität, und die konkreten Bedürfnisse der Menschen, die Bürgerinnen- und Bürgerrechte sind nach wie vor ungelöst.

Das heißt: Es ist schwierig für uns, sozusagen ohne Bedingungen diesem Ergebnis zuzustimmen, und deshalb glaube ich und hoffe ich, dass den Änderungsanträgen unserer Fraktion morgen noch Zustimmung gewährt wird.

 
  
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  Clara Ponsatí Obiols (NI). – Madam President, Scotland wanted to remain in the Union, but their voice has been silenced in the negotiations, and now they’re out with the rest of the UK. Across history, we have seen European borders changing by invasions and displacements of people, but when coercion is the base of stability, these only bridge the demise of Europe.

The only thing that Europe has not tried is the only thing that we can offer to our citizens and to the world: a better kind of freedom, based on democracy and consent. For us to be credible for Scots to return, Europe needs to address urgently the issue of internal enlargement. Otherwise, the Union will be doomed, like all European empires, for the same reason: for repressing the positive power of diversity. Self—determination of peoples is not a right that we don’t know how to deal with; rather, it is the moral compass that will save us from our blind spots and illusions. To my very dear friends in Scotland, I say: we are eager to welcome you back in the EU.

 
  
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  Paulo Rangel (PPE).(início da intervenção com o microfone desligado) Senhor Vice—Presidente da Comissão, Conselho, já que tantos colegas falaram sobre o Brexit e sobre as negociações para a parceria com o Reino Unido, deixem-me falar sobre o outro ponto importantíssimo deste Conselho, que é justamente a questão do plano de recuperação.

É fundamental que nós, como Parlamento, demos todo o apoio à Comissão neste plano porque ele prevê, pela primeira vez, a emissão de obrigações europeias, porque ele prevê uma recuperação baseada em subsídios e empréstimos, porque ele prevê dar prioridade àqueles que são os grandes objetivos da União Europeia para esta década, como a digitalização e, naturalmente, o green deal.

Temos também que lamentar o que aconteceu com o quadro financeiro plurianual onde há ainda reduções muito sérias. Queria fazer aqui, portanto, um apelo ao Conselho, ao Conselho Europeu e aos Estados-Membros, aos frugais, aos que lhes desagrada e a todos aqueles que têm posto algumas reticências a este plano da Comissão Europeia.

Esse apelo é o seguinte: se a vossa preocupação são as gerações futuras, então estejam ao lado do plano da Comissão, do plano apresentado pela Presidente von der Leyen. É isso que as gerações futuras esperam de todos vós.

 
  
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  Javier Moreno Sánchez (S&D). – Señora presidenta, tres mensajes en un minuto. El Parlamento y la Comisión ya hemos cumplido con la presentación de propuestas ambiciosas. Ahora le toca al Consejo llegar a un acuerdo para reconstruir Europa y para que lleguen los fondos cuanto antes a los ciudadanos, a las empresas, a las regiones que más los necesitan. También ha llegado el momento de introducir nuevos recursos propios de la Unión para rembolsar la deuda.

Segundo mensaje, al Partido Popular Europeo y a su líder Manfred Weber: no se preocupen, el Gobierno español presentará un plan de recuperación ambicioso que no deje a nadie atrás. Los socialistas no aceptaremos los planes del pasado. No queremos ni condicionalidad disfrazada ni austeridad.

Y, por último, a sus señorías del Partido Popular y sus aliados les pediría que no se equivoquen. Esta Cámara no es un anexo del Congreso de los Diputados. No utilicen esta Casa como una trinchera para atacar y derrocar al Gobierno de Pedro Sánchez. Defiendan a los ciudadanos españoles y no la «estrategia de los frugales». Aprendan a ser patriotas también cuando están en la oposición, por favor.

 
  
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  Jessica Stegrud (ECR). – Fru talman! Då står vi här igen. Det är återigen dags för svenska skattebetalare att rädda ekonomiskt misskötta stater och en valutaunion vi som röstat nej till. Ni talar om solidaritet, om gemenskap och om att hjälpa, om en framtid för kommande generationer. Men solidaritet kan inte bygga på att den ena sliter och den andra slösar.

Hade ni tagit ert ansvar hade ni nu krävt kraftiga reformer. I stället passar ni på att i skuggan av corona göra den ökande skuldbördan gemensam och flytta ännu mer makt till EU. Räddningspaketet kommer inte att hjälpa, inte lösa strukturella felaktigheter, inte öka konkurrenskraften eller skapa långsiktig tillväxt. Inte heller kommer det att främja den sköra sammanhållningen. Det skjuter problemen på framtiden och för över bördan på våra barn och barnbarn.

Detta är inte solidaritet, det är ansvarslöshet. Ni kallar det ”next generation-EU”. Jag kallar det ”we don't care about next generation-EU”.

 
  
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  Traian Băsescu (PPE). – Doamnă președintă, privind la Brexit, constatăm că pare a fi ajuns la stadiul unei confruntări. În realitate, noi avem nevoie de un acord echitabil între cele două părți. Faptul că, în ultimul timp, nu se fac progrese ne arată că este necesară o intervenție la nivelul șefilor de stat și de guvern. Este bine, cred, ca doamna Merkel, Președintele Franței și Boris Johnson să aibă o discuție pentru deblocare.

Este evident că Uniunii Europene nu i se poate cere să renunțe la criteriile pieței unice, cum nici britanicilor nu li se poate cere să accepte exact motivele pentru care au plecat din Uniunea Europeană. De aceea, atenționez că riscul lipsei unui acord este acela că fiecare stat membru va face acorduri separate cu Regatul Unit.

 
  
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  Margarida Marques (S&D). – Senhora Presidente, este Conselho Europeu é confrontado com dois desafios maiores.

Primeiro desafio: encontrar um acordo político que possibilite uma resposta europeia à crise e tem uma boa proposta em cima da mesa. O Parlamento Europeu foi exigente: pediu a revisão da proposta de orçamento plurianual, um fundo de recuperação a acrescentar ao orçamento da União Europeia, mutualização de responsabilidades, eurobonds, mais subvenções que empréstimos, aumentar e diversificar os recursos próprios como fonte de financiamento do orçamento da União Europeia.

Pediu uma resposta europeia.

Estes princípios são parte integrante da proposta da Comissão.

Segundo desafio: encontrar um acordo político sobre o futuro do orçamento da União Europeia e tem uma má proposta para o segundo período do quadro. A decisão sobre um e outro são urgentes. O Parlamento Europeu foi exigente e não deixará de o ser. Esperamos também que o Conselho esteja à altura.

 
  
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  Tomas Tobé (PPE). – . Fru talman! Det Europa behöver nu är att komma samman och enas om en flerårsbudget och ett återhämtningspaket. De svenska moderaterna vill stärka Europasamarbetet, men menar att det måste ske ansvarsfullt. Ska vi nu ta upp en historiskt hög belåning gemensamt så kan vi inte skicka notan till framtida generationer. Därför vill vi ställa krav på en mycket tuffare återbetalningsplan. Det är inte rimligt att återbetalningen ska börja 2028 och fortsätta i ytterligare 30 år.

Vi behöver hålla fast vid kravet på en rättsstatsprincip så att vi använder EU-medel på ett korrekt vis. Avslutningsvis, oavsett var kompromissen blir: Det är inte bidrag eller lån eller, för den delen, högre skatter som stärker vår konkurrenskraft, utan det är reformer. Europa behöver reformer. Då kommer Europa också att bli starkare.

 
  
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  Петър Витанов (S&D). – Г-жо Председател, видно е, че проведените до момента преговори не носят необходимия напредък. Британската страна възприема максималистичния подход, който й позволява да се възползва в пълен обем от единния пазар без да се обвързва с никакви задължения. А със съжаление отбелязваме, че свободното движение на хора няма да бъде продължено и ще бъде преустановено след преходния период.

Притесненията за правата на гражданите на Европейския съюз стават още по-големи, защото наблюдавам, че в хода на преговорите Великобритания приема национално законодателство, което е в посока на ограничаване на тези права. Нещо повече, заместващото законодателство тече по-бързо от самите преговори.

Считам, че при увеличен риск да няма споразумение Европейският съюз трябва да настоява за бъдещо партньорство с амбициозни разпоредби относно движението на хора, които се базират на пълна реципрочност и недискриминация и гарантират всички права на гражданите на Европейския съюз.

 
  
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  Radosław Sikorski (PPE). – Madam President, as deputy Chair of the EU-UK Friendship Group, I would of course like for there to be a deal, but I’m beginning to despair.

Our red line and our politics is that we want to preserve the integrity of the single market. The British prime minister has communicated to us that Britain cannot accept a deal which puts Britain under the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice or that binds the House of Commons in any way in future in determining Britain’s commercial arrangements.

That seems to me to make a deal impossible, because the nature of a treaty, any treaty, is that you will do in future what the treaty says, and not as you please. And, therefore, our red lines don’t seem to touch at any point.

Therefore, I would urge you to stop demanding the impossible from our negotiators and start preparing for what is regrettable but seems to be inevitable, which is a very hard Brexit indeed.

 
  
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  José Manuel García-Margallo y Marfil (PPE). – Señora presidenta, principio de igualdad de oportunidades, competencia leal; este principio básico ha sido clamorosamente desconocido por el acuerdo fiscal entre el Reino Unido y España, que parece permitir la continuación de un régimen fiscal que grava los beneficios obtenidos dentro del Peñón, pero no los obtenidos fuera, y que grava el juego con un impuesto simbólico.

De estos privilegios derivan consecuencias que hablan por sí solas: treinta mil empresas offshore en Gibraltar y el 60 % del juego online controlado por Gibraltar. Gibraltar tiene hoy la tercera renta per cápita del mundo, mientras que el Campo de Gibraltar adyacente tiene una renta que es seis veces inferior, una diferencia mayor que la que existe entre los Estados Unidos y México.

Hemos denunciado este régimen aquí en tantas ocasiones como hemos tenido, porque es contrario al código fiscal Monti y es contrario al código de ayudas de Estado. El Gobierno español podrá ignorar esta situación, pero la Unión Europea no puede tolerarlo, y eso debe dejarlo claro en las próximas negociaciones.

Sería bueno que en estas negociaciones nos obligásemos todos a cumplir la legalidad internacional en materia de descolonización, como unión de Derecho que somos.

 
  
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  Λευτέρης Χριστοφόρου (PPE). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, δραττόμενος της ευκαιρίας της παρουσίας του Ευρωπαϊκού Συμβουλίου και της Ευρωπαϊκής Επιτροπής και ευρισκόμενος στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο, αυτή την ισχυρή δύναμη των λαών της Ευρώπης, θα ήθελα, με όλη τη δύναμη της ψυχής μου, να καταγγείλω για ένα ζήτημα, το οποίο είναι αποκλειστικά και μόνο ευρωπαϊκό και θα εξελιχθεί σε τραγικό ζήτημα για την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, που είναι οι απειλές, οι εκβιασμοί και επεκτατικές επιθετικές πολιτικές της Τουρκίας ενάντια σε δύο χώρες μέλη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, την Ελλάδα και την Κύπρο. Οι παραβιάσεις της Τουρκίας στην Κύπρο, οι παραβιάσεις στην Ελλάδα, το παράνομο Τουρκολιβυκό μνημόνιο, δεν είναι υποθέσεις που αφορούν την Κύπρο αλλά αφορούν ολόκληρη την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Η ανοχή της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, που συνεχίζει μέχρι και σήμερα να χρηματοδοτεί αυτήν την παράνομη εκβιαστική χώρα που πλήττει δύο χώρες μέλη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, αποθράσυνε την Τουρκία. Δεν νοείται, την ώρα που βρίσκεται παράνομα στην κυπριακή ΑΟΖ και παραβιάζει τον εναέριο χώρο της Ελλάδας και τα θαλάσσια σύνορα, να συνεχίζεται αυτή η χρηματοδότηση. Κάνω έκκληση προς την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και προς τις ισχυρές χώρες μέλη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης να υπερασπιστούν τα θαλάσσια σύνορα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης με τον ίδιο τρόπο που υπερασπίζονται τα σύνορα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης απέναντι στους παράνομους μετανάστες και, εάν χρειαστεί, να στείλουν ακόμη και το πολεμικό τους ναυτικό για να υπερασπιστεί τα θαλάσσια σύνορα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης που βρίσκονται στην Κύπρο και στην Ελλάδα.

 
  
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  Jörgen Warborn (PPE). – Fru talman! Vi behöver en så nära relation med Storbritannien som möjligt. De förblir vår partner, våra allierade och vår vän. Vår geografiska närhet och våra djupa handelsförbindelser gör det omöjligt att fira nyår 2021 utan ett avtal på plats. Boris Johnson vill nu att Storbritannien ska bli bäst i Europa på business. De kommer att bli vassa konkurrenter till EU om kampen om jobb och investeringar.

Det här måste få EU att tagga till och sätta ännu högre mål för våra jobb och vår tillväxt. Precis som Storbritannien måste vi sätta fullt fokus på att kapa byråkratin och skapa bättre förutsättningar för våra europeiska exportföretag och småföretag. Det är olyckligt att de redan tidsbegränsade förhandlingarna nu sammanfaller med covid-19-pandemin. Jag måste säga att det naturligtvis vore bra med en förlängning av förhandlingsperioden, men jag välkomnar att man nu tar nya konstruktiva tag inför sommarens förhandlingar. EU och Storbritannien behöver varandra. Låt oss jobba tillsammans för ett bättre företagsklimat.

 
  
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  Peter van Dalen (PPE). – Voorzitter, een goede handelsovereenkomst is voor beide partijen van belang. Maar wat zien we? Het Verenigd Koninkrijk is gaan backtracken. Al overeengekomen aspecten gaan zij opnieuw ter onderhandeling stellen.

Ik vind dat echt afbreuk doen aan de politieke verklaring die nota bene ook door mijnheer Johnson is getekend. De vraag is dus: wil de Britse regering wel een overeenkomst? Het Britse bedrijfsleven wil die wel. De Confederation of British Industry, het overkoepelende Britse bedrijfsleven weet drommels goed dat onze interne markt essentieel is. Ze beseffen dat bij een no deal aan beide zijden van het Kanaal veel verliezers zullen zijn. En de nu al sterk krimpende Britse economie kan dat er onmogelijk bij hebben.

Ik wil een overeenkomst met faire afspraken over de visserij, toegang voor onze vissers tot de hele Noordzee, goede afspraken over het gezamenlijk beheer van de visbestanden. En komen die visserijafspraken er niet, dan geen handelsovereenkomst!

 
  
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  Μαρία Σπυράκη (PPE). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, Αντιπρόεδρε Šefčovič, οι χαμηλές προσδοκίες που καλλιεργούνται ενόψει του Ευρωπαϊκού Συμβουλίου υπονομεύουν το κλίμα αισιοδοξίας και εμπιστοσύνης που έχουν ανάγκη οι πολίτες μας και οι οικονομίες μας. Στη χώρα μου την Ελλάδα, αφού χάσαμε το 25% του Ακαθάριστου Εγχώριου Προϊόντος κατά τη διάρκεια της οικονομικής κρίσης, είμαστε τώρα αντιμέτωποι με βαθιά ύφεση εάν η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση δεν δράσει άμεσα. Γι’ αυτό και είναι απαραίτητο το Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο να αδράξει την ευκαιρία και να στείλει στις αγορές ένα σαφές μήνυμα εμπιστοσύνης, να δείξει ότι η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση είναι έτοιμη να εγγυηθεί το μέλλον της γενιάς της. Το Ταμείο Ανάκαμψης, σε συνδυασμό με τον κοινοτικό προϋπολογισμό, μπορούν να στηρίξουν την υψηλής ποιότητας πρωτογενή παραγωγή, τον εξηλεκτρισμό από ανανεώσιμες πηγές σε συνδυασμό με θέσεις εργασίας στην κυκλική οικονομία, την ψηφιοποίηση του δημοσίου τομέα και τη διασύνδεσή του με τις μικρομεσαίες επιχειρήσεις που τώρα δίνουν μάχη να ξανανοίξουν. Κυρίες και κύριοι συνάδελφοι, τα χρήματα από τις επιχορηγήσεις και τα δάνεια οφείλουν να δοθούν ώστε οι οικονομίες μας να μετασχηματιστούν. Πρέπει να δημιουργηθούν θέσεις εργασίας για τη γενιά μας και για την επόμενη γενιά.

 
  
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  Kati Piri, Rapporteur. – Madam President, I want to thank my colleagues for their contribution to this debate and for their continued support. Allow me also to say a special thanks to my colleague, co—rapporteur Christophe Hansen, and all the shadow rapporteurs who worked on this file. And of course, not to be forgotten, my gratitude also goes to Michel Barnier and his team for their full engagement with this House. We wish you patience and a good dose of humour in the coming weeks ahead.

As you have all clearly underlined, what we need with this deal are not short-term answers but a long-term vision, given the unprecedented challenges we are confronted with. If the UK Government does not immediately and radically change its approach to these negotiations, there is no way to reach any sort of comprehensive partnership before the end of the transition period. To be honest, under the current circumstances, I believe we must also prepare ourselves for a no—deal scenario.

Last week’s data from the UK Office for National Statistics and the Organisation for Economic Co—operation and Development show clearly the economic impact of the coronavirus crisis. It is time to turn the narrative to make the pandemic the reason for success and not the excuse for failure. That would be a disaster for citizens on both sides of the Channel. We need a deal, and we can have a deal that is good for all of us. A no-deal is neither rational nor responsible.

The next weeks are the moment of truth in many regards. The time has come for responsibility and courage. Citizens and the business community need certainty. They need predictability. The EU is ready to play its role and to fulfil their needs and their legitimate aspirations.

 
  
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  Christophe Hansen, Rapporteur. – Madam President, thank you, and I say to colleagues: thank you for all the contributions in this very long debate today. I wish I could respond to each and every one of your remarks, but given the time restrictions, I want to come back to the essentials, namely the many remarks I heard on the ‘level playing field’.

My father, who doesn’t speak English, always asks me: ‘when I hear you speaking about Brexit on the radio, why do you always insist on this level playing field? What does that even mean?’ So I told him, because we are both big cycling fans: ‘imagine the Tour de France, all cyclists competing with a common race bike, except for Chris Froome with his Sky Team riding with E-bikes. Do you believe this would allow for a fair competition?’

The answer was of course, ‘no, this is not what we want’. We want fair competition and fair play is what every good sportsman should aim for in a competition.

This Parliament wants the closest possible cooperation with the United Kingdom. This is in everyone’s best interest. We will remain constructive and will be ready to discuss the fair and balanced compromises that will hopefully emerge in the coming weeks here in Brussels and in London.

Of course, it takes two to tango, as the Commission President earlier said. And, you have to be aware, this Parliament will be ready for this last dance.

 
  
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  Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, dear esteemed colleague who negotiates for the EU, Michel Barnier, first a couple of remarks on the issue which was raised by Ms García Pérez, Ms Keller and Mr Cioloş, and this is of course the videoconference of the European Council this Friday and our proposal on MFF and Next Generation EU.

First and foremost, I would like to thank you for your support because it’s very important for our discussions with the European Member States, and also with the public, and I really would like to reassure you that we are not losing any minute from the time between now and what I hope will be a very important historic, unprecedented and ambitious deal on both the MFF and Next Generation EU in July.

We are not losing any minute because we are talking to the governments at different levels, we are engaging with the citizens, and I personally approached all representatives of the national parliaments on Tuesday in the format of COSAC when I was explaining to them the construction architecture of the proposal and the importance of national parliaments and the European Parliament’s approval ratification in the end.

Of course, for us solidarity is a must, and I believe that this European Council videoconference will allow us to narrow the differences which are still there on the table, and to prepare the ground well, what I believe will be a decisive move forward, an agreement in July.

On the second topic which was raised by the rest of the honourable Members, I would just like to inform you about how we are going to implement the Withdrawal Agreement. As you know, I am representing the European Union in this joint committee with Michael Gove, who is representing the British Government. And here we are talking about the agreement which was approved, signed and ratified by this Parliament and by the UK Parliament, and once there was a clear statement by Michael Gove that there will not be any extension of the transitional period, I did the same. And what I heard from our rapporteurs, Ms Piri and Mr Hansen, but also from Mr McAllister was that we need to accelerate our work and to make sure that the Withdrawal Agreement is properly implemented.

I’m very glad to report that the discussion of the joint committee was in a very positive atmosphere and that we could state that there is good progress in the area of the financial provisions, on the Protocol on Gibraltar, on the Protocol on the sovereign base areas of the UK in Cyprus and also on citizens’ rights where I know how important this issue is for the European Parliament and for our citizens and I believe we will be able to resolve our differences definitely before the end of the year.

What is the most challenging issue is of course the application of the Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland, and here I was very clear and I made it very clear also to the UK delegations that what we need is some more operation, because we understand the aspiration, which has already presented to us. But for us, it’s very important to have very concrete responses on how the UK is going to implement the VAT regime, excise and customs obligations, which are clearly stated in the Withdrawal Agreement.

I’m glad that the response I got from Michael Gove was that we will work very hard over the summer, that we will have another specialised committee session on the Irish Protocol in July, and we will come back overall what I believe will be progress in early September. So there is a lot of work, but I believe that when it comes to the Withdrawal Agreement, both sides are realising that the proper implementation is the key to trust-building, to confidence-building which we need for the good future relationship between European Union and the United Kingdom.

And how will this future relationship look? If you allow, Madam President, I will pass the floor to Michel Barnier because he’s negotiating day and night with our UK colleagues and he will be able to give you the best picture.

 
  
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  Michel Barnier, chef de la task-force pour les relations avec le Royaume-Uni. – Madame la Présidente, bonsoir à chacune et chacun d’entre vous et merci à Maroš de la bonne coopération entre nous.

Je voudrais dire quelques mots en conclusion à ses côtés sur le dossier de cette négociation très complexe, extraordinaire du Brexit. D’abord remercier très sincèrement votre Parlement, Madame la Présidente, les 17 commissions qui se sont engagées et leurs rapporteurs. Comme l’a dit David McAllister, c’est la première fois, et je pense que c’est le moment, et donc je voudrais à ce titre remercier très chaleureusement Kati Piri et Christophe Hansen pour ce travail assez compliqué de synthèse qu’ils ont fait et les en féliciter.

Nous avons besoin de la vigilance, de la détermination du Parlement européen dans cette période. C’est d’ailleurs cette détermination que votre président David Sassoli a exprimée lundi à l’occasion de la conférence de haut niveau organisée avec la présidente de la commission, Ursula von der Leyen, Charles Michel, le président du Conseil européen, vous-même, et Boris Johnson. Et puis, je crois que c’est Nathalie Loiseau qui l’a dit, vous aurez le dernier mot, une fois de plus, lorsque nous aurons trouvé, je l’espère, un accord avec le Royaume-Uni.

Maroš Sĕfčovič vient de le rappeler, nous avons pris note de la position négative du gouvernement britannique pour prolonger éventuellement, comme nous en avions, comme nous en avons toujours la possibilité jusqu’au 30 juin, cette période de transition qui est en fait la période de négociation. Et donc cela nous place au milieu du gué: il y a quatre mois de négociations derrière nous, il y a seulement quatre mois de négociations devant nous, Kati Piri disait 204 jours tout à l’heure.

C’est donc difficile. Cela reste possible, le temps est très court et je partage le sentiment d’urgence exprimé par Boris Johnson et voilà pourquoi nous avons décidé, avec mon counterpart, David Frost et son équipe de négociation, qui est, comme la nôtre, très professionnelle, d’intensifier au mois de juillet, au mois d’août et au mois de septembre, ces négociations, d’avoir des discussions plus concentrées, plus ciblées, avec l’objectif et l’obligation pour nous, mais vous savez que c’est ma règle, d’avoir la même transparence avec votre Parlement, votre groupe de coordination, vos commissions et aussi avec les 27 États membres au nom desquels nous négocions.

Quelles sont les prochaines étapes? Une chose est claire, comme l’ont rappelé les trois présidents des trois institutions lorsqu’ils ont rencontré Boris Johnson lundi, ce qui compte pour nous, avant même le processus, c’est une avancée sur le fond.

C’est au Royaume-Uni de choisir ce qu’il veut et s’il veut un accord. Vous l’avez très bien dit, Madame la Ministre Nikolina Brnjac, tout à l’heure au début de cette session, c’est le choix du Royaume-Uni de vouloir ou de ne pas vouloir un accord car les conditions d’un accord sont déjà connues. Nous les avons agréées avec Boris Johnson et chaque virgule, chaque mot a été négocié âprement dans la déclaration politique pour nous engager vers un partenariat ambitieux et durable auquel votre Parlement est aussi attaché.

Non seulement un partenariat commercial sans précédent, zéro tarif, zéro quota sur tous les biens – c’est une première dans l’histoire commerciale de l’Union – mais avec un accord sur la pêche, M. Bellamy l’a rappelé, et avec un accord sur le level playing field, qui concernera les aides d’État, les questions fiscales, mais aussi les droits sociaux et les droits environnementaux. Christophe Hansen l’a dit à l’instant, un accord sur le fair-play, économique et social, et cet accord devra couvrir aussi l’énergie, les transports, les questions de sécurité et de défense, et sur la base de cette offre sans précédent, nous souhaitons aussi que les conditions d’accès à notre marché soient justes.

Cette déclaration politique, ces principes, nous les avons faits nôtres dans notre mandat et notre projet d’accord publié le 18 mars et cela n’est pas ouvert à la négociation.

Après quatre ans de négociations, nous voyons bien, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, quelle est la stratégie du gouvernement britannique. D’abord, il a refusé toute discussion sur des sujets importants, la défense, la sécurité, le développement. J’ai interprété cela comme l’idée de concentrer toute la négociation sur les seules questions économiques et donc sur la défense de ses intérêts économiques.

Et puis ensuite, dans cette stratégie, le Royaume-Uni cherche à négocier, dans certains domaines, un statut très proche de l’adhésion au marché unique, de quasi-membre du marché unique de l’union douanière et de Schengen sans en avoir aucune des contraintes ou des disciplines. C’est ce que nous appelons le cherry picking, sur les règles d’origine, sur la reconnaissance mutuelle, les services financiers, les qualifications professionnelles, les flux de données ou les échanges d’électricité. Nous n’accepterons pas le cherry picking.

La deuxième partie de la stratégie britannique c’est de refuser tous les engagements clairs et forts en matière de level playing field afin de pouvoir garder la liberté de s’écarter des règles actuelles de l’Union et de faire de la compétition réglementaire, certains disent même que c’est la raison d’être du Brexit et l’on voit bien cette stratégie sur les données.

Je sais la position très ferme du Parlement sur ce sujet, sur les services financiers, sur les aides d’État, où le Royaume-Uni n’a jusqu’à présent donné aucune indication sur le futur cadre national des aides d’État, je le vois aussi sur les normes alimentaires et, dans ce contexte, le Royaume-Uni a souhaité même rouvrir la question des indications géographiques, qui sont pourtant protégées clairement dans l’accord de retrait qu’a évoqué Maroš Sĕfčovič.

Tout cela n’est pas compatible avec les bases d’un accord durable, ambitieux avec un grand pays qui restera, en toute hypothèse, notre ami, notre allié et notre partenaire. Et pourtant je reste convaincu, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, qu’un accord est possible pour le long terme, comme l’a dit Danuta Hübner. Nous le souhaitons depuis le début et nous souhaitons donner toutes ses chances à cette négociation, comme en témoigne ce processus intensifié.

Mais, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, comme vous m’en avez fixé la direction dans votre résolution, nous ne ferons pas d’accord à tout prix, c’est ce qu’a dit Bernd Lange tout à l’heure. Nous ne sacrifierons jamais – je reprends les mots de notre présidente Ursula von der Leyen – l’intérêt économique et politique à long terme des consommateurs et des entreprises de l’Union au profit du Royaume-Uni.

En parallèle, nous voulons voir des progrès tangibles sur la mise en œuvre de l’accord de retrait évoqué par Maroš Sĕfčovič, à la fois la garantie des droits des citoyens et, Madame la Présidente, cette question si importante pour la paix en Irlande qu'est la bonne application du protocole.

Enfin, si notre priorité reste et restera de parvenir à un accord, nous avons aussi la responsabilité, M. Arimont et M. Schiderwan l’ont dit tout à l’heure, de nous préparer collectivement à tous les scénarios possibles, à la fin de l’année, en cas d’accord ou en cas de désaccord. En toute hypothèse, nous devons nous préparer et nous allons nous préparer.

Je voulais vous remercier de votre confiance, celle que vous faites à l’équipe de négociation de la Commission européenne, qui est, ne l’oubliez jamais, votre équipe de négociation. Dans les prochaines semaines, qui vont être décisives, nous allons devoir démontrer certaines qualités. Mme Piri m’a demandé de faire preuve d’humour; là, je reconnais que j’ai une certaine marge de progrès, mais c’est important à mon âge de garder des marges de progrès. Le calme auquel m’a invité M. Danielsson, notre patience; le calme et la patience de mon côté sont inépuisables. Notre fermeté, qui est claire et nette sur la base des principes pour défendre nos consommateurs et nos entreprises. Et enfin notre unité, dont le Parlement va donner une nouvelle preuve aujourd’hui, dont je vous remercie.

 
  
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  President. – Thank you very much, and I hope your reserves do not run out, Mr Barnier, so good luck with the negotiations.

 
  
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  Nikolina Brnjac, President-in-Office of the Council. – Madam President, I’ll first say a few words regarding negotiations on a new partnership with the UK, to which many of you devoted your comments.

With the adoption of your recommendation, our negotiator should be in a better position to engage in the very intense phase of negotiating that is coming, as it is clear for both our institutions that progress in the partnership negotiations had to go hand in hand with progress in the implementation of the Withdrawal Agreement. This means that we will have to remain vigilant as regards, first and foremost, the preservation of citizens’ rights, be it during the transition period or under whatever future relationship with the United Kingdom.

But our vigilance will have to be no less thorough when considering the intended economic partnership, where strong, safeguarded and robust governance will be called for to protect the integrity of the EU single market and the competitive position of EU firms. We will therefore count on your cooperation in this respect as well. In negotiation with the UK on our future relationship and partnership, our common efforts and commonality of purpose will provide the support required by our negotiator and help ensure an outcome to the benefit of the Union and its citizens.

Coming back to the MFF and recovery, the President of the European Council wants to pave the way for a deal by providing the leaders with an opportunity to discuss the MFF and the recovery package. Therefore, the Friday meeting will be an orientation debate, during which the leaders will have the opportunity to explain how they see the Commission’s new proposals and whether the overall package meets their expectations. This debate will inform the work of the President of the European Council and help him bring together the necessary elements to prepare the final stretch of negotiations and build a successful compromise.

I take from this debate that we will share a sense of urgency and of ambition. We are actually aware that there is still a lot of work to be done to reconcile different interests and points of view in order to build a compromise. Ultimately, our goal is to agree as soon as possible on what is an unprecedented financial package to face an unprecedented crisis. In the remaining days of our Presidency, we will continue to be fully committed to doing our utmost to facilitate all the steps leading to such an agreement, and to do so in a way that is mindful of Parliament’s views. For it has been clear since the onset of the pandemic that we can only overcome this crisis if we act jointly in solidarity.

 
  
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  President. – The joint debate is closed.

We have already voted on the amendments of the report by Ms Piri and Mr Hansen. The final vote takes place tomorrow morning.

Before I suspend the sitting, I would like to thank the interpreters very sincerely, because the debates were longer than we had anticipated. So my sincere thanks to our interpreters.

Written statements (Rule 171)

 
  
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  Gunnar Beck (ID), schriftlich. – Die Forderungen der EU in den Handelsverhandlungen mit Großbritannien sind hart und unangemessen. Unangemessen sind die Weigerung, London ein Handelsabkommen nach dem Muster des EU-Kanada-Abkommens zu gewähren, und die EU-Forderung, der EuGH solle das letzte Wort über die Auslegung eines EU-UK-Handelsabkommens behalten. Vor allem diese Forderung, dass sich Großbritannien, als nun wieder souveräner Staat, nicht einem unabhängigen Schiedsgericht, sondern dem höchsten Gericht seines Vertragspartners, der EU, unterwerfe, widerspricht sowohl der Praxis des Völkerrechts als auch der Praxis der EU selbst. Denn in nahezu allen anderen EU-Handelsabkommen erfolgt die Beilegung von Rechtsstreiten über unabhängige Schiedsgerichte. Hinzu kommt, dass der Machtanspruch und die Unparteilichkeit des EuGH selbst innerhalb der EU umstritten ist. Nach Ansicht des Bundesverfassungsgerichts darf der EuGH zwar über die Einhaltung der EU-Verträge wachen, das letzte Wort darüber aber, ob die EU sich noch innerhalb der ihr vertraglich gesetzten Grenzen bewegt, ist die Prärogative der nationalen Verfassungsgerichte. Bislang weigert sich London, auf die überzogenen EU-Forderungen einzugehen. Sollten die Handelsverhandlungen scheitern, schadet dies nicht nur britischen, sondern ebenfalls europäischen Exporteuren, Konsumenten und Arbeitnehmern. Nach dem Brexitvotum und Austritt Großbritanniens ist es an der Zeit, dass die EU endlich ihre Strafexpedition gegen das ehemalige EU-Mitglied beendet.

 
  
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  Enikő Győri (PPE), írásban. – Az Európai Unió következő többéves pénzügyi keretének és Helyreállítási Alapjának minden tagállam számára elfogadható megoldást kell kínálnia; a javaslat senkit sem hagyhat hátra. Így a költségvetésnek méltányosnak és kiegyensúlyozottnak kell lennie, a pénzeket igazságosan kell elosztani. A költségvetésben a pénzek felhasználásának rugalmasnak kell lennie, hiszen nem létezik általános, mindenkire alkalmazható válságkezelési megoldás. Másra kell a pénz az egyes országokban, mások a prioritások Európa déli részén, mások északon és megint mások Közép-Európában. A kelet-közép-európai tagállamok helyreállításának egy megerősített kohéziós politikára kell épülnie, amely már korábban is bizonyított; hozzáadott értéket teremtett Európában, és szerződéses céljai ugyanúgy aktuálisak, mint a válságot megelőzően: kiegyenlíteni a fejlettségbeli különbségeket, s ezáltal erősíteni az Unió versenyképességét.

Magyarország jelentős reformokat valósított meg az elmúlt évek során, és erőfeszítéseinek köszönhetően sikeres a felzárkózásban. A Helyreállítási Eszköz forrásainak javasolt elosztási kritériumai azonban a pandémiát megelőző statisztikákon alapulnak, ezért nem tükrözik a válság valós gazdasági hatásait. Ezenkívül büntetik a jó növekedéssel és alacsony munkanélküliséggel rendelkező országokat. A jelenlegi javaslatban egy morális probléma jelenik meg: a gazdag országok több pénzt kapnának, mint a szegényebbek. Ez nem maradhat így; a fegyelmezett gazdaságpolitikát folytató tagállamok és a sikeres védekezés nem büntethető források megvonásával. A szegényebb országok nem kerülhetnek hátrányos helyzetbe a gazdagabb tagállamokkal szemben.

 
  
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  Alfred Sant (S&D), in writing. – At this week’s European Council, participants should be laying the foundations for a mutually acceptable agreement on the upcoming multiannual financial framework and the recovery package as presented by the Commission on the 27 May. It is essential that the recovery package achieves its target to help relaunch the European economy. Meanwhile, the longterm goals of the Union, especially those focused on cohesion between its territories, must be upheld. We face an unprecedented crisis, in the amplitude and depth of the peril it entails for the European economic system. That should be recognised in deeds, not just in words. To deal with the crisis satisfactorily, the criteria of the recent past hardly apply. Unless some way is found for effective European action that really addresses head on the dangers of the ongoing recession where they are being experienced, the negative social and economic impacts will multiply. With all its flaws, the plans presented by the von der Leyen Commission go a good way towards meeting this vital challenge. Its thrust has to be endorsed. Arguments about, among others,whether loans or grants should be deployed; how recovery projects should be selected and conditioned etc. should be subordinated to this overall priority.

 
  
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  Christine Schneider (PPE), schriftlich. – Ich hoffe, dass es den Verhandlungsführern gelingen wird, die Verhandlungen jetzt zu intensivieren, damit letztendlich doch noch ein „no Deal Brexit“ vermieden werden kann. Vergleichbare Umwelt- und Sozialstandards sind zur Gewährleistung eines fairen Wettbewerbs ebenso dringend notwendig wie Vereinbarungen zur Fischereipolitik oder zur polizeilichen und justiziellen Zusammenarbeit.

 
  
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  József Szájer (PPE), írásban. – Igazságos pénzelosztás rendszert akarunk. Érvényesíteni kell az alapszerződés célját, hogy az uniós finanszírozás a kohéziót, a szegényebbek felzárkózását szolgálja. Igazságtalan, ha a szegények és a fegyelmezetten gazdálkodók finanszírozzák meg a gazdagokat és a fegyelmezetleneket. Magyarország saját példájából tanulta meg, hogy nem szabad eladósítani a jövő nemzedékeket. Ezt nálunk az Alaptörvény is tiltja. A magyar Országgyűlés tegnap megszüntette a rendkívüli jogrendet. A kormány alkotmányos felhatalmazása és a magyar emberek összefogása gyors, hatékony cselekvést tettek lehetővé.

Magyarország elkerülte a velünk azonos méretű Belgium sorsát, ahol sajnos húszszoros az áldozatok száma. A tegnapi döntés bizonyította, hogy sajtó, Maxová európai képviselő és társai hazudtak, mikor Magyarországot támadták. Nincs alantasabb, mint a mindenkit fenyegető veszély idején hátbatámadni a frontvonalban életekért küzdőket. Ha már segíteni nem tudtak, jobban tették volna ha nem akadályozzák a harcot a vírus ellen. Életük végéig szégyellhetik magukat ezért. Mindenki megveti azokat, akik a bajban a közös mentőcsónak fenekét fúrják.

 
  
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  Valdemar Tomaševski (ECR), raštu. – Vėl kalbame apie partnerystės susitarimą su Didžiąja Britanija po Brexito. Turėtume paspartinti su tuo susijusius veiksmus, kad būtų užtikrintas mūsų šalių ir piliečių saugumas. Atkreipkime dėmesį į keletą dalykų. Tolesnės derybas reiktų grįsti politine deklaracija, kuri dabar yra derybų nuoroda ir apibrėžia lanksčios partnerystės parametrus. Tarpinstitucinis bendradarbiavimas turi užtikrinti mūsų piliečių, gyvenančių JK, saugumą. Labai svarbu, kad abi būsimo susitarimo šalys išlaikytų dabartinius ES vartotojų apsaugos ir piliečių teisių standartus pagal ES teisinius pasiekimus. Susitarimas turėtų užtikrinti abiejų šalių piliečių apsaugą įgyvendinant verslininkų, įdarbinančių darbuotojus ne iš JK, ypač iš Vidurio ir Rytų Europos, kurių nemaža dalis gyvena Britų salose, įsipareigojimus. Taip pat turime padaryti viską, kad laisvo asmenų judėjimo tarp ES ir JK principai būtų taikomi ir po pereinamojo laikotarpio. JK pranešimas apie nukrypimą nuo šios taisyklės kelia didelį nerimą. Į būsimą partnerystę turėtų būti įtrauktos nuostatos dėl asmenų judėjimo, grindžiamos visišku abipusiškumu ir valstybių narių nediskriminavimo principu, o JK galimybė patekti į Sąjungos vidaus rinką turi būti proporcinga įsipareigojimams, prisiimtiems tam, kad palengvinti asmenų mobilumą, atsižvelgiant į abipusiškumo principą dvišaliuose santykiuose. Susitarimas turi apsaugoti ES ir JK piliečius, įskaitant jų šeimos narius. Jie turėtų gauti visą reikiamą informaciją apie savo teises ir procedūras, kurių turi būti laikomasi, kad būtų įmanoma toliau gyventi ir dirbti buvimo šalyje arba laisvai keliauti į ją.

 
  
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  Henna Virkkunen (PPE), kirjallinen. – Euroopan talouden elpyminen on jokaisen jäsenmaan etu. Historiallisessa kriisissä on perusteltua, että käytämme kaikki EU:n mahdollistamat keinot yhteisten sisämarkkinoidemme elvyttämiseksi. Paketissa on kuitenkin vielä paljon parantamisen varaa. Itse pidän tärkeänä, että rahastosta myönnettäisiin jäsenmaille ehdotettua enemmän lainaa ja vain pieneltä osin suoria tukia.

Jotta jäsenmaiden keskinäiset vastuut eivät hämärry, sitoutuminen hyvään taloudenpitoon on sisällytettävä varojen jakamisen kriteereihin. Samalla kun sovimme menoista, on päätettävä selkeästi myös lainan takaisinmaksun suunnitelmasta. EU:n omien varojen kasvattaminen on kannatettava ehdotus, pidän hyvänä esimerkiksi ajatusta kierrättämättömän muovin verosta. Verotus vaatii kuitenkin jäsenmaiden yksimielisen päätöksen, mitä ei tähän mennessä ole saavutettu. Nyt on tärkeää, että jäsenmaat löytävät yhteisen kannan tulevista omista varoista ja niihin suunnattavista veroista. Jos lainan takaisinmaksu jää auki, se voi johtaa EU-budjetin leikkauksiin seuraavilla kausilla pienentäen rahoitusta kaikilta EU-ohjelmilta.

Elpymisen kannalta ratkaisevinta on ohjata varat siten, että ne tukevat teollisuuden uudistumista, digitalisaatiota ja kestävää kasvua. Mahdollisimman suuri osa paketista kannattaa kanavoida jo olemassa olevien EU-ohjelmien kautta. Tämä on tärkeää paitsi tehokkuuden myös läpinäkyvyyden ja parlamentaarisen kontrollin varmistamiseksi.

On hyvä, että komission uusimmassa ehdotuksessa osin lisätään varoja ilmastoneutraaliuuden saavuttamiseen. Samalla olen kuitenkin pettynyt siihen, että esitys leikkaa rajat ylittävää liikenne-, energia- ja digitaalista infrastruktuuria rahoittavasta CEF-ohjelmasta. Jotta taloutemme pysyy kilpailukykyisenä, tarvitsemme investointeja moderneihin yhteyksiin.

 
  
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  Carlos Zorrinho (S&D), por escrito. – Na sequência das posições robustas e largamente consensualizadas no Parlamento Europeu, a Comissão Europeia apresentou um fundo de recuperação de nova geração, forte, de largo espectro e com um modelo solidário. É fundamental que o Conselho adote com celeridade e sem distorções inaceitáveis essa proposta, que foi entendida pela grande maioria dos cidadãos europeus como uma prova de vida e de capacidade de resposta da União às suas necessidades. Essa aprovação sem entorses é uma condição para que o fundo possa receber o consentimento do Parlamento Europeu.

A forma excecional como foi possível ultrapassar barreiras e limitações no desenho dos diferentes programas e mecanismos de resposta tem que se transmitir aos procedimentos de concretização, de forma a que os recursos comecem a chegar o mais depressa possível a quem mais deles necessita.

As recomendações para o processo negocial do BREXIT são adequadas e devem ser escrupulosamente cumpridas. O acordo de saída tem que ser respeitado, bem como os compromissos assumidos na declaração política. É preciso também assegurar o alinhamento regulatório e defender os interesses do sector europeu das pescas e os direitos dos cidadãos da União.

 
  
 

(The sitting was suspended at 18.40)

 
  
  

VORSITZ: KATARINA BARLEY
Vizepräsidentin

 

23. Ripresa della seduta
Video degli interventi
 

(Die Sitzung wird um 19.05 Uhr wieder aufgenommen)

 

24. Conferenza sul futuro dell'Europa (discussione)
Video degli interventi
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  Die Präsidentin. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärungen des Rates und der Kommission zur Konferenz zur Zukunft Europas (2020/2657(RSP)).

Ich weise die Mitglieder darauf hin, dass es bei dieser Aussprache keine spontanen Wortmeldungen gibt und keine blauen Karten akzeptiert werden.

 
  
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  Nikolina Brnjac, President-in-Office of the Council. – Madam President, thank you for the opportunity to once again discuss with you the conference on the future of Europe; a reflection that today seems more important than ever in view of the unprecedented challenges our Union is facing.

The situation has no doubt radically changed since we last had a chance to discuss the issue in this plenary back in January. The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic has, in the meantime, left deep marks on our societies and economies, leaving no one and nothing unaffected, including the plans we had for the conference.

For obvious reasons over the last few weeks and months, we had to focus our attention on the most pressing priorities for our citizens; foremost the health emergency and its economic and social consequences. If anything, however, the crisis has shown us how important it is to reflect together on the future of our Union. The Presidency therefore remains strongly committed to reaching a consensus in the Council as soon as possible, with the aim of finding an agreement with Parliament and the Commission on the timing and manner of launching the conference and on its overall concept.

However, I want to strongly underline that we are doing our best to find swift agreement in the Council on this important issue. That work is still ongoing and has intensified over the last week at COREPER, ministerial and other high political levels. On 9 May, in his address to mark Europe Day, the Croatian Prime Minister, Mr Plenković, stressed the paramount value of the future of Europe open debates with our citizens and other stakeholders for shaping the vision of our common European future. He invited all EU Member States to reach a consensus as soon as possible, as well as the agreement with Parliament and the Commission.

On 26 May, the Presidency also included a discussion on the conference on the agenda of the informal videoconference of Ministers of European Affairs. As it emerged from these exchanges, the design of the conference will of course need to take into account the recent developments. The Presidency is therefore working on the revised text of the Council’s position in order to also reflect the COVID-19 reality.

We take note of Parliament’s new resolution on the conference on which you will vote in this plenary which similarly seeks to reflect the new reality. At the same time, we believe that the nature of the conference should not fundamentally change in the light of the pandemic. The conference should contribute to the development of our policies in the medium and long term, so that we can better tackle current and future challenges while taking into account as many views of different stakeholders as possible.

While the lessons of the COVID-19 crisis should be included in our reflection, we also consider that the crisis has further highlighted the importance of the already identified priorities of the 2019-2024 strategic agenda. These priorities range from strengthening our single market to successfully delivering the green and digital transition, and delivering concrete results for the benefit and well-being of our citizens. Most importantly, we remain convinced that the upcoming conference should be an inclusive process involving our three institutions in full respect of the interinstitutional balance and of our respective roles. Likewise, Member States should be involved equally, including their national parliaments, and shared ownership remains important.

Finally, let me reiterate that to deliver on our priorities, as well as defining a vision of Europe in 10 to 20 years, cooperation among institutions will be imperative. As the coronavirus crisis has reminded us all, divisions make us weaker. Only by overcoming them will we be able to proactively shape our future.

 
  
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  Dubravka Šuica, Vice-President of the Commission. – Madam President, last time I had the opportunity to address this House on the Conference on the Future of Europe was on 15 January, a few short months ago. Since then, our world has changed significantly.

We are not yet out of the crisis, so we cannot be certain of the impact that this will have on our work for the moment. My key message to you today is that the Conference on the Future of Europe is now more important than ever before. It is an exercise in democratic participation, which showcases the European way. Our common rights and values are central to the resilience of our societies and will be the basis on which we build our recovery from the corona crisis. I am convinced that we must continue to move forward together with ambition and vision.

I see my job as reaching out to each and every European citizen. The COVID—19 pandemic shows us the importance of solidarity. It has also shown how together we can recover, repair and come out stronger from this crisis, as President von der Leyen recently said here in this very Chamber. I agree and would add that only together can we build the present and the future that citizens deserve. And please note this: the present and the future.

The Commission has proposed a clear, structured plan that aims to lead us out of crisis and into sustainable and long-term economic growth, based on a green transition and a digital transformation, as requested by the European Council. The recently-announced comprehensive package for European recovery, with its overall budget of EUR 1.85 trillion, will help Europe recover from the crisis and support multiple European sectors as we emerge from this period of constraint. This includes major initiatives like Next Generation EU, which will boost the European budget in the first crucial years of the recovery and contribute, together with the reinforced budget for 2021—2027, to making it sustainable, inclusive and fair for everyone, including those in disadvantaged areas and those who were hit hard by the crisis. Together we will come out of the crisis.

The Conference on the Future of Europe is an excellent tool to engage and involve all Europeans. I look forward to the joint declaration by the Parliament, the Council and the Commission and later – as soon as possible – to launching the Conference on the Future of Europe. Let’s be honest. Politics is no longer business as usual. We must be brave, have the courage of our convictions and deliver for the citizens. They demand it of us and we have a mandate to respond. We need to strengthen our representative democracy even more by offering an opportunity for enhanced participative democracy.

I rely on your support for making this joint declaration a reality as soon as possible. We need to agree on the structure, scope and main principles of the Conference and establish principles for those who want to become our partners in this exercise. Yesterday, at the COSAC meeting, the national parliaments made it clear that they want to be partners in this joint endeavour, and we need to consolidate this partnership approach. We are not competing for influence here. We need to work together to be able to reach out to as many citizens as possible. They count upon the Council of Ministers to reach an agreement on a mandate to enable us to start as soon as possible the negotiations on the joint declaration so that the Conference can be launched as soon as possible. This is the Commission standpoint.

In this context, I would like to say a few words on democracy and the Conference on the Future of Europe. During these times, people feel left behind. They blame democracy itself sometimes. While unfortunate, this also shows the importance of democracy and its relevance in our daily lives. Who present here today could have imagined the way in which COVID—19 has infected our European Union in so many different ways at so many different levels? Surely this current crisis shows now more than ever that democracy and democratic institutions have a key role to play.

We understand that citizens’ trust in democracy cannot and should not ever be taken for granted. Citizens have been asking for greater participation in policy-making, and we need to listen to this call. By involving citizens and civil society even more, we will help to reinforce democracy in the European Union. Let us have the courage to put innovative tools to work for democracy and citizens, starting with the Conference on the Future of Europe.

To conclude, I will end by reminding you why we are having the Conference on the Future of Europe. It is for the current and the next generations of Europeans. Together we – citizens and institutions – will find ways to give Europeans a greater say on what the Union does and how it works for them. Let us have the courage to make a success of the Conference on the Future of Europe.

 
  
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  Paulo Rangel, em nome do Grupo PPE. – Senhora Presidente, ao Conselho e em particular à Senhora Vice-Presidente da Comissão, queria também agradecer as palavras.

Primeiro ponto, que acho que é essencial dizer aqui, é que é muito bom o entendimento que os grupos, eu diria pró-europeus desta casa, foram capazes de encontrar para dar um novo impulso à Conferência sobre o Futuro da Europa e, portanto, este era o primeiro ponto que queria sublinhar. É que nós estamos claramente unidos e temos uma visão que é uma visão partilhada sobre aquilo que deve ser a conferência.

Segundo ponto, queria também dizer que hoje, como aliás o Conselho parece ter descoberto agora mais recentemente, é mais importante a Conferência sobre o Futuro da Europa do que era há 6 meses atrás e há 6 meses atrás ela já era muito necessária, mas agora é mais importante. Porquê? Porque a pandemia não é que tenha criado problemas novos, ela tornou muito mais patentes os problemas que já existiam e, portanto, é necessária agora.

Há uma consciência por parte das populações, dos cidadãos, dos problemas que a Europa vive, nomeadamente os problemas que têm a ver, por um lado, com aquilo que devem ser os grandes objetivos do projeto europeu, quais os novos grandes objetivos e, por outro lado, também os problemas de democracia, os problemas de Estado de Direito, os problemas de participação dos cidadãos e, portanto, estes que eram, digamos assim, os grandes objetivos e princípios da conferência são hoje, claramente, mais necessários do que antes.

Segundo ponto que é muito importante: é fundamental perceber que, nestas circunstâncias, nós temos de envolver os cidadãos na mesma e temos de dar um follow-up e tirar consequências desta conferência.

São dois pontos que estão também na resolução, mas o ponto mais importante, e aqui tenho de me dirigir ao Conselho e acompanhar a Comissão: pedir ao Conselho que tome uma decisão, pedir ao Conselho que finalmente tome uma posição sobre esta matéria, porque, meus caros amigos, não bastam apenas palavras bonitas. Nós ouvimos sempre da Presidência palavras muito belas, mas não vimos nenhum avanço, nenhuma ação e continuamos a ver uma grande hesitação no Conselho.

Ora isto também é um sinal para os cidadãos europeus. Não pode o Conselho queixar-se da falta de democracia e depois estar a atrasar cada vez mais a Conferência sobre o Futuro da Europa.

As gerações presentes e as gerações futuras merecem outro tratamento e, por isso, o Conselho deve rapidamente tomar a sua posição e nós levarmos este processo democrático, como não tem precedentes, por diante.

 
  
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  Iratxe García Pérez, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señora presidenta, la gran mayoría de los retos de nuestros días no conocen fronteras. Las desigualdades, las pandemias, el cambio climático, la digitalización, son desafíos a los que nos enfrentamos sin tener en cuenta el lugar donde vivimos. También necesitamos acelerar el cambio en el sistema de toma de decisiones de la Unión, pasando de la unanimidad al sistema de mayoría en algunos aspectos cruciales. Ya antes de la crisis de la COVID-19 lo estábamos planteando: una conferencia europea que refleje y defina su futuro.

Esta conferencia es ahora más necesaria que nunca. La COVID-19 ha puesto de manifiesto algunas carencias serias de la Unión, que deben de ser abordadas, entre ellas, la falta de competencia en materia sanitaria, el caótico cierre de fronteras y, también, la falta de solidaridad. Si a esto le añadimos el riesgo de que no haya ningún acuerdo entre los Estados miembros para aprobar el plan de recuperación, entonces nos enfrentaremos a una crisis económica y social sin precedentes.

Lamentablemente, el Consejo sigue dando largas. Mientras que el Parlamento y la Comisión han estado listos desde enero para lanzar esta conferencia, el Consejo aún no ha sido capaz de lanzar un acuerdo. Señorías, necesitamos tener una Unión Europea más fuerte en el futuro, y esto no podemos hacerlo solos en la burbuja de Europa. Necesitamos abrir un gran debate, y en esto tiene una gran responsabilidad el Consejo. Pueden contar con un Parlamento consciente de la responsabilidad que tenemos para abordar los cambios, los desafíos y para construir una Europa más fuerte con la ciudadanía.

 
  
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  Guy Verhofstadt, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Madam President, the reason for this resolution is very simple: it is not a resolution to the Commission, it is not a resolution to the colleagues in the Parliament, it is a resolution that is in fact made for the Council. I hope that the Council this time can reach an agreement so that we can launch this conference, because let’s be honest, it becomes more and more like the monster of Loch Ness. From time to time it appears, then it disappears, it is more like an illusion, like a fantasy and we must avoid that.

This is serious business, this conference is not one or other little instrument for the European Parliament. This conference is vital, it is crucial for the future of our European Union, because let’s face it, this Covid crisis is another illustration of it. This Covid crisis will change the world. It is a world that will be completely different, a world that will no longer be dominated, I think, by the United States of America who is withdrawing from the international scene for the moment. It may well be dominated by China who wants to become, and who already is, a world power and who wants to dominate the world and international scene.

Between America and China there will be Europe stuck between them and if we don’t want to be stuck between the US at the one hand and China on the other hand, and if we want really the instruments to defend the interests of our citizens, we need another European Union. This European Union is not fit for purpose. Not fit for the future and we all know it. The Council knows it, the Commission knows it and certainly our citizens know it. So it’s time now to start really this exercise because we have not a lot of time, maybe we can tell that to your colleagues in the Council. There is the Covid crisis, there are precedent crises, tomorrow there could be another challenge.

So my hope is that we can take a decision to make this common declaration between the three institutions and we can start this conference as early as possible in September.

 
  
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  Hélène Laporte, au nom du groupe ID. – Madame la Présidente, mes chers collègues, la Commission européenne a lancé une réflexion sur l’avenir de l’Europe, qu’elle envisage comme un dialogue direct entre elle-même et les citoyens.

Il est vrai que le traité de Rome et ses pays signataires étaient pleins d’espoir devant le projet européen, mais tout cela semble si loin. Et si les crises que nous connaissons marquaient le chant du cygne de cette Europe fédéraliste et technocratique? L’Union européenne tombe de Charybde en Scylla: échec sanitaire face à la pandémie de COVID‑19, échec autour des questions des frontières et du déconfinement, échec à ce jour également d’un consensus sur le plan de relance. Mais ne nous y trompons pas, les échecs ne datent pas, hélas, d’aujourd’hui.

Alors quel avenir pour l’Europe? Pour décider d’où l’on va, il faut savoir d’où l’on vient. Les racines de l’Europe, sa culture, ses blessures et sa grandeur ne sont pas un héritage négociable, la mondialisation a fait de notre continent une terre de passage et de repentance. Les peuples sont attachés à leur terroir, leur pays, leurs grands hommes. Le dogme ultralibéral a vécu, le fédéralisme doit être revu à l’aune des leçons du passé. L’Europe des nations, que nous appelons de nos vœux, constituera un chemin d’espoir pour les peuples désireux de retrouver enfin leur souveraineté.

 
  
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  Daniel Freund, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, I have 90 seconds of speaking time today. That’s the same amount that the European Council took to discuss the outcome of the last major exercise of citizen consultation. We talked to hundreds of thousands of Europeans in over 1 600 citizens’ dialogues. When I read now the draft Council mandate, I have to say that I am shocked the outcome of the two-year debate on the conference should simply be another discussion of the Council behind closed doors. How do you explain to citizens that we are having a debate on the future of Europe, but that you don't really want them to change anything, that we’re excluding the possibility of treaty change, of real change, before the debate has even started? I think that’s absurd.

So we are in a situation where, for the second time in a decade, we are slipping into the worst economic crisis. Millions of Europeans are losing their jobs, particularly young people. Many of them had just gotten out of the last crisis. The question now is: can we or do we want to afford losing another decade, or are we finally going to address the structural shortcomings of this Union, and make sure that we get out of this crisis faster than the last one.

I hear in the Council that the conference has become a bit of a running joke, a running gag. I think this House has made it very clear that citizen participation is not a joke, that meaningful reform of the Union is not a joke, and that coming out of this crisis stronger and more united is not a joke. So the Council really needs to stop joking around now. Let’s start working on the future of Europe, I think it is about time.

 
  
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  Zdzisław Krasnodębski, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Moja grupa polityczna także uważa, że niezbędna jest głęboka reforma Unii, szczególnie – i tu się zgadzamy – w świetle ostatnich doświadczeń z pandemią, która pokazała, jak bardzo jesteśmy nieprzystosowani, nieprzygotowani na sytuację egzystencjalnych zagrożeń. Popierany również ideę organizacji konferencji o przyszłości Unii Europejskiej, jeśli ta konferencja miałaby mieć rzeczywiście otwarty charakter i dopuszczała do głosu także tych, którzy nie hołdują federalistycznej ortodoksji. Niestety po wypowiedziach kolegów trudno mieć taką nadzieję i uznawać za uzasadnioną.

My uważamy, że należy dążyć do przywrócenia Unii jako europejskiej wspólnoty suwerennych narodów opartej na eurorealistycznej wizji konfederacyjnej Europy, która szanuje prawa i legitymację demokratycznych państw członkowskich. Musimy wzmocnić jej duchowe fundamenty. Jeśli czegoś powinniśmy się nauczyć z historii XX w., to tego, jak niebezpieczne są próby totalnej przebudowy społeczeństwa.

Pani przewodnicząca von der Leyen przypomniała w swoim dzisiejszym wystąpieniu o zasadzie „jedność w różnorodności” jako podstawie europejskiej integracji. Jednak w rzeczywistości od dawna zamiast różnorodności mamy w Europie do czynienia z postępującą uniformizacją kultur, opinii i zbiorowości. Narody czują, że powoli odbiera się im prawo stanowienia o sobie. A więc Unia Europejska staje się coraz bardziej aeuropejska, odwracając się od swoich tradycji filozoficznych i religijnych, od swojej przeszłości. Musimy na nowo uczynić ją europejską we właściwym sensie tego słowa.

 
  
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  Helmut Scholz, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Ich schließe mich meinen Vorrednerinnen und Vorrednern an, die alle sagen: Jawohl, wir brauchen endlich eine Positionierung des Rates, gemeinsam mit Parlament und Kommission diese Konferenz aufzunehmen.

Acht Monate sind vergangen, seit die Präsidentin der Kommission den Menschen in Europa diese Konferenz versprochen hat. Das Europäische Parlament hat sofort angefangen, sehr intensiv daran zu arbeiten, wie wir diese Konferenz bewegen können. Viele Fragen bezüglich der künftigen organisatorischen und institutionellen Ausgestaltung und des Verfassungsauftrags dieser Konferenz sind auch noch zu klären, also die Zeit drängt einfach und wir müssen uns bewegen, oder wir machen uns als EU-Institutionen nicht nur lächerlich, sondern erschüttern das Vertrauen in Demokratie und Mitgestaltungsfähigkeit der Europäischen Union weiter.

Das Regierungssystem der EU leidet unter einer Reihe von schwerwiegenden Mängeln – das wissen wir alle –, die im letzten Jahrzehnt deutlich zutage getreten sind: Euro-Krise, Migrationskrise, Defizite bei der Rechtsstaatlichkeit. Darüber hinaus ist die EU mit dem Brexit mit weiteren Krisen konfrontiert. Sicherlich haben wir auch Meinungsverschiedenheiten: über die Erweiterung, über den neuen Mehrjährigen Finanzrahmen, über die EZB oder auch darüber, wie der COVID-19-Pandemie begegnet werden soll.

Sowohl die alten wie auch die neuen Krisen werden durch die institutionellen Schwächen der gegenwärtigen Verfassungsarchitektur der EU nur verstärkt. Und das verlangt dringend, mit den Bürgerinnen und Bürgern die Handlungsfähigkeit der EU auf den Prüfstand zu stellen und effektive und legitime Veränderungen in transparenter Weise vorzunehmen.

Deshalb – glaube ich – brauchen wir diesen Selbstreflexionsprozess. Deshalb brauchen wir die Konsultation mit Bürgerinnen und Bürgern in dieser Konferenz, damit nicht wieder nur ein Konsultationsmechanismus und noch ein Dialog aufgesetzt werden, sondern wir zu realen Veränderungen kommen, um diese Zukunftsfragen zu bewältigen.

Also lieber Rat, lassen Sie uns nun bitte mit der Organisation der Konferenz beginnen! Denn wir brauchen diese Konferenz dringender denn je.

 
  
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  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (NI). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, cara Commissaria, la crisi socioeconomica causata dal Covid-19 ha reso ancora più chiara ed evidente la necessità di riavvicinare i cittadini alle istituzioni europee. In un recente sondaggio commissionato proprio dal nostro Parlamento, si è evidenziato come il 57 % dei nostri concittadini sia insoddisfatto della solidarietà dimostrata dagli Stati membri durante questa emergenza.

Colleghi, è tempo di agire e di trasformare una difficoltà in opportunità. Dobbiamo superare una volta per tutte quegli ostacoli e quei paradossi giuridici, come l'unanimità per superare l'unanimità delle clausole passerella, per rafforzare la base giuridica e l'azione concreta dell'Unione per il sociale, per la salute, per ridurre le diseguaglianze crescenti e per difendere tutti quei diritti e quella solidarietà che ci chiedono a gran voce i cittadini. Dobbiamo farlo dal basso, dobbiamo farlo anche modificando i trattati, se serve, senza precluderci alcuno strumento.

Il mondo è cambiato, l'Unione deve cambiare. Il Parlamento è pronto a giocare questa partita globale per difendere i nostri valori e il nostro progetto e al Consiglio diciamo: con questa risoluzione svegliatevi e non perdete più tempo, perché quel capitale è il più prezioso che non possiamo permetterci di svilire in alcun modo.

 
  
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  Danuta Maria Hübner (PPE). – Madam President, I would agree with all of you that we have been involved in debating the Conference on the Future of Europe for so long that I believe the time has come to make it happen. We are Members of the European Parliament, whose obligation, actually, is political courage and political bravery, and we have been elected by citizens. But we are also citizens of the European Union and we can see, as citizens in our daily life across Europe, citizens’ attachment to a Europe that cares about her own citizens and a Europe that is open to the world. The pandemic has also shown disparities between what we as citizens expect from Europe and what it can do for us today. There are empty spaces in Europe’s capacity to act which can be captured again by anti-European populists. That is why this conference and the direct engagement of citizens is so important. The conference is potentially a ground-breaking opportunity to achieve a more democratic and legitimate union, but it can also help us make Europe more effective.

Let me finish by saying that it would be a shame if this conference did not open up the path towards making our Treaties future—proof, adjusting the Treaties to citizens’ expectations, with a view to boosting their chances in an entirely changed global world. As citizens said to me, ‘the boat of history has just arrived on our shores and we cannot miss it’. I wanted to share this with you.

 
  
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  Domènec Ruiz Devesa (S&D). – Señora presidenta, tenemos la oportunidad, tenemos la obligación, señorías, de hacer que Europa sea más democrática, más transparente, más eficiente y más cercana a los ciudadanos.

Hace veinte años —y el señor Verhofstadt lo recordará muy bien—, con la Declaración de Laeken, iniciamos el último debate oficial sobre el futuro de Europa. Sus señorías han enumerado los distintos retos a los que nos enfrentamos; la pandemia es solamente el último.

Señora representante del Consejo, usted ha visto la posición de la Comisión ⸻muy clara⸻ y la posición del Parlamento, respaldada por el 80 % de la Cámara ⸻hasta el señor Castaldo, de los no inscritos, nos apoya⸻. ¿A qué están esperando ustedes, señores y señoras del Consejo? ¿A qué están esperando?

Nosotros tenemos una posición desde el mes de enero. Han pasado seis meses. Sabemos que el Consejo se toma su tiempo, que es más lento, pero hasta ese punto parece excesivo.

Se lo pido de verdad. Necesitamos que el Consejo tenga una posición y que en septiembre podamos empezar esta Conferencia sobre el Futuro de Europa, y que lo hagamos —como ha dicho la señora Hübner— sin exclusiones, también abordando, si es necesario, el debate sobre la reforma de los Tratados.

 
  
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  Gunnar Beck (ID). – Frau Präsidentin! In Straßburg sprach ich von Sigmund Freud und neurotischer Flucht in die Krankheit: Krankheit befreit von Mühsal der Gesundung und verheißt Entlastung und Urlaub von der Realität. Prophetische Worte! Die Corona-Krise ist die jüngste zahlloser EU- und Euro-Krisen: Politiker ringen die Hände, wie stets nicht wissend, was tun. Nur eines wissen hier alle: mehr EU nun!

Die Bühne dazu – die Konferenz zur Zukunft Europas: Die EU soll effektiv, demokratisch und bürgernah werden. Geplant sind aber nicht Bürgerentscheide, sondern strukturierte Bürgerdialoge, orchestriert von EU und Pro-EU-NGOs. Und effektiv heißt hier: Bevormundung, Umverteilung und Überschuldung. Im Ergebnis: nicht Gesundung, sondern der Sinkflug. Denn das Problem der EU ist, dass ihr irgendwann das deutsche Geld ausgeht. Deutschland und die EU gehören auf die Freud’sche Couch.

 
  
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  Mairead McGuinness (PPE). – Madam President, can I just say to Mr Beck that you must not have read the memo, because these are not orchestrated dialogues with citizens; these are citizens’ dialogues, we don’t orchestrate and we will not orchestrate. In fact, this Parliament is saying very clearly to the Council, and is frustrated by the Council’s lack of ability to come to a decision. We want to engage with our citizens and it’s not for today or tomorrow, it’s for the future.

None of us has predicted the pandemic and yet look how it has changed how we work. Look at the impact on citizens, on families and societies. Why can’t we discuss this openly? Can I just say the words ‘as soon as possible’ were used by the Council — asap. When I hear that, to me it means now, not in a year’s time, today. So please, you are hearing the frustrated voices of this Parliament collectively, except for one or two, who want you to move forward and to sit down with the Parliament to engage with national parliaments, with citizens, with the Commission and create a better Europe. It is not about more, it is about better.

 
  
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  Gabriele Bischoff (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin! Sie hören das hier: Wir haben hier ein Parlament, das sich wundert, warum eine einzige Institution der Europäischen Union nicht den ersten Schritt schafft zur Zukunft Europas. Denn wir entscheiden im Moment nicht über Vertragsänderungen, es ist kein komplexes Mandat, es ist eine Einigung auf ein Mandat, in Verhandlungen zu treten, diese Konferenz überhaupt zu gestalten. Deshalb ist diese Entschließung da, um einen klaren Appell zu formulieren und zu sagen: Wie kann das sein? Seit sechs Monaten – Januar, Februar, März, April, Mai, Juni – gelingt es nicht, sich auf ein einfaches Mandat zu einigen.

Stattdessen bleibt man in den Schützengräben, hat sich da eingegraben, die Blockaden dauern an, und man kriegt es nicht hin, den ersten Schritt zu tun. Wenn wir es nicht schaffen, diesen ersten Schritt zu gehen, und wenn der Rat das nicht schafft, dann hängen wir alle mit drin und dann werden wir Europa nicht stabilisieren können. Deshalb sagen wir hier nochmal: Wir haben es gehört, es ist auch für uns hier, dass wir sagen: Wie kann das sein, dass man diesen ersten Schritt nicht schafft? Der Appell auch an die deutsche Ratspräsidentschaft: Kriegt das hin, kriegt das in Bewegung, wir müssen jetzt endlich anfangen!

 
  
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  Peter Kofod (ID). – Fru formand! Konferencen om Europas fremtid bliver udelukkede én stor hyldest til EU. Konklusionen vil ende med at være mere EU og flere penge til EU. Nu er det efterhånden et år siden, jeg blev valgt til Europa-Parlamentet. Dengang var jeg EU-skeptiker, nu er jeg EU-modstander. Jeg have Danmark ud af EU. Vi skal ikke tvinges til at dele børnepenge, dagpenge eller alle mulige andre vedfærdsydelser ud. Jeg vil ikke betale mere for bureaukratiet, flyttecirkusset, det gigantiske EU-budget eller blive ved med at dele milliardgaver ud. Jeg vil ikke have EU’s åbne grænser og masseindvandring, og jeg vil ikke lade EU underminere vores arbejdsmarked eller give råderet over vores socialpolitik, sundhed eller udlændingepolitik. Jeg vil have kontrollen tilbage, friheden tilbage - jeg vil have Danmark tilbage. I har overbevist mig om, at dette system hverken kan rettes eller reddes. Dette system er dømt til historiens mødding, og jeg er sikker på, at en dag ude i fremtiden, vil Danmark forlade EU.

 
  
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  Dubravka Šuica, Vice-President of the Commission. – Madam President, many thanks for this opportunity to engage with you on the Conference on the Future of Europe. I think that your feedback is very important to our work and I really do appreciate what I heard today. I appreciate your contributions and your will to make the Conference happen, so thank you once again.

Let me remind ourselves that when the Commission communication shaping the Conference was adopted on 22 January earlier this year, the Union was in the seventh consecutive year of growth and forecasts pointed to an expansion in 2020-2021. Today, with millions of citizens slowly coming out of confinement and the global recession unfolding, the perspective has radically changed. However, our determination to engage with citizens and ensure their voice is heard has not changed from that moment.

A key message from me today is that the Conference on the Future of Europe remains crucial. In fact, I would go so far as to say that because of the pandemic, it is now more important than ever before. European citizens should have greater say on what the Union does and how it works for them. Answering the difficult questions helps to save lives. Let me stress that we want the Conference to be an open, inclusive and transparent and structured debate.

I referred earlier to the Commission communication on the Conference. The principles stated in it are still valid. The Conference should allow citizens to focus on what they consider to be important. The Commission’s political priorities and the European Council Strategic Agenda provide a broad framework. Having already held many dialogues with citizens, I am convinced that issues such as healthcare and the European Union’s response to the public health crisis will now have a more prominent role in the dialogues among citizens.

Despite challenging circumstances, we aim to launch the Conference on the Future of Europe as soon as possible. Or, as Ms McGuinness said just now, once the Council has adopted its mandate, we can agree on a joint declaration. We are committed to follow up on what is agreed by the Conference. This will be the measure of our success and I commit to it fully.

Prior to the Coronavirus outbreak, I was on a listening tour of the European Union. I had planned to visit all 27 Member States but I did only 10. In the first six months of my mandate, in my mission, I was focusing on national and regional examples of where citizens are structurally involved in decision-making processes because getting the feedback mechanism will be key for the Conference on the Future of Europe this time. A feedback mechanism is one of the most important things in this Conference and this is different from previous consultations.

We need to make sure that ideas found in local discussions can be meaningfully discussed at European level. Just like the honourable Members today said, I insist that the Conference on the Future of Europe must be representative of geography, gender, age, socioeconomic background and level of education of citizens. It must also be inclusive of minority populations. All are part of our Europe’s diversity.

It is important to keep an open mind. As I have said to you before, I believe that we should not predetermine the outcome. This is what we agreed many, many months ago, so we should not predetermine outcome or restrict the issues for discussion.

This is an important moment for us. We have the potential to lay the ground for a new type of politics, for a new dynamic to complement representative democracy together. Only together can we do this. Together, we can reinforce the link between European Union policymaking and the citizens’ increased trust. Increased trust, increased legitimacy. Let us make the Conference on the Future of Europe a real success for our citizens.

Thank you once again for your contributions and I’m looking forward to the Council agreeing on a joint declaration and then we can start; I think September would be the best timing to start this. Thank you once again.

 
  
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  Nikolina Brnjac, President-in-Office of the Council. – Madam President, to conclude I wish to thank you once again for the useful debate we have had today. I have listened carefully to your views on this important subject and I have taken good note of them.

The Presidency is completely dedicated to finding common ground in the Council. The conference is very important to all of us, but personally I regret very much that we were not able to launch it in Dubrovnik during our Presidency. Before the outbreak of the pandemic, the Croatian Presidency spared no effort when it came to facilitating an agreement towards the Council mandate on this issue. Let me reassure you that we will continue to work with vigour and ambition in this direction.

The conference is a new project and some of the stakeholders have far-reaching ambitions for this exercise. It is expected that Member States approach it with different ideas, views, experiences and priorities. In any case, we are seeking consensus.

As this is a very important and emotional debate for the Presidency, and my last plenary as minister-delegate, allow me a few words in my native Croatian.

Poštovani predsjedavajući, u prvom hrvatskom predsjedanju Vijećem suočili smo se s izazovom kakav nije viđen od osnivanja Europske unije.

Ponosna sam na našu zajedničku brzu reakciju, na predanost svih kolega, ponosna sam što smo osigurali kontinuitet donošenja odluka u Vijeću, ali i stalnu komunikaciju ministara u svim formacijama Vijeća.

Danas posebno želim zahvaliti svim zastupnicama i zastupnicima u Europskom parlamentu koji su nastavili raditi zajedno s kolegama u Vijeću i Komisiji, na vrhuncu krize, kako bi se usvojili prvi paketi mjera za suočavanje europskog zdravstva, gospodarstva i društva u cjelini s pandemijom COVID-a 19. Nadam se da ćemo zajedno jednako uspješno raditi na planu oporavka za Europsku uniju. Hvala vam što ste s entuzijazmom podržali hrvatski program i prioritete predsjedanja. Vaša suradnja bila nam je neprocjenjiva u ovih šest mjeseci.

Dopustite da završno izrazim svoje čvrsto uvjerenje da ćemo do kraja mjeseca pronaći konsenzus oko stajališta Vijeća o Konferenciji o budućnosti Europe.

Zdrava, otporna, odgovorna, snažna i sigurna Europa, po mjeri naših građana, mora biti naš prvi prioritet. Želim vam svima puno uspjeha u daljnjem radu na dobrobit europskih građana i vidimo se ponono. Bila mi je iznimna čast predstavljati prvo hrvatsko predsjedništvo Vijećem u Europskom parlamentu.

 
  
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  Die Präsidentin. – Herzlichen Dank, Frau Präsidentin, für die Arbeit der vergangenen sechs Monate, die für Sie sicherlich sowohl aufregend als auch anstrengend waren, und für die gute Zusammenarbeit.

Gemäß Artikel 132 Absatz 2 der Geschäftsordnung wurden zwei Entschließungsanträge eingereicht.

Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Abstimmung über die Änderungsanträge findet heute, 17. Juni 2020, und die Schlussabstimmung findet am Donnerstag, 18. Juni 2020, statt.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 171)

 
  
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  Margarita de la Pisa Carrión (ECR), por escrito. – Para evitar los peligros de una Europa demasiado centralizada o una Europa totalmente fragmentada, el Grupo ECR cree imprescindible que el factor de cohesión fundamental se base en responder a las necesidades reales de concordia y prosperidad de los Estados miembros. Necesidades que tienen que ver con seguir un pragmatismo de corte humanista y trascendente donde los principios y valores —pilares de nuestras leyes— se fundamenten en derechos humanos como la defensa de la vida, la libertad y la dignidad.

Estos, a su vez, no pueden florecer sin fomentar políticas encaminadas a fortalecer la institución de la familia. Una familia como medida y criterio de una sociedad sana y centrada en las necesidades reales de todos sus miembros, porque es donde se educa y protege mejor a hombres y mujeres, jóvenes y niños, en un permanente ejercicio creativo de liberar sus competencias y capacidades.

Bajo esta perspectiva de fortalecimiento de esta unidad básica y primaria lograremos una verdadera coherencia en nuestra propuesta de una comunidad de naciones soberanas, donde rijan los principios de subsidiariedad, proporcionalidad y transferencia y puedan respetarse plena y coherentemente.

 
  
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  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR), в писмена форма. – Конференцията за бъдещето на Европа се организира от Парламента, Съвета и Комисията, като се очакваше тя да започне през май 2020г., както и да продължи 2 години. Факт, Конференцията е изключително нужна, особено в свят, коренно променен от кризата, в който Европа ще търси своето място между САЩ и Китай. В тази ситуация ЕС ще има нужда от ясни цели, каквито тъкмо Конференцията за бъдещето на Европа може да начертае. Безспорно е, че провеждането на Конференцията е шанс да се проведат така нужните реформи в ЕС, за да може той да бъде по-близо до гражданите. За да се прекратят практиките на разделение на Източна и Западна Европа. За да се сложи край на лицемерието и на практиката на Европа на две скорости. За тази цел е задължително да бъдат чути всички гледни точки. Засега се дава предимство на крайно-федералистките утопии, доказано провалили се по време на пандемията и истерията, свързана с нея. По всичко личи, че Парламентът е застанал изцяло и категорично зад организирането и провеждането на Конференцията, докато Комисията и особено Съветът не са на същото ниво на готовност. Призовавам организирането и провеждането на Конференцията да се проведе, спазвайки принципа на субсидиарност и уважавайки суверенитета на страните членки.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. – A «Conferência sobre o Futuro da Europa» pretende atribuir uma aparência democrática a um processo de integração que desprezou e afrontou a vontade dos povos, sempre que esta se revelou contrária aos intentos daqueles que determinaram e determinam o rumo da UE.

Recorde-se o processo da «Convenção sobre o Futuro da Europa», que lançaria as bases para uma «constituição europeia», numa operação de mistificação então dinamizada e que agora se pretende, em traços gerais, repetir.

Tal como se verificou com a «Convenção», a «Conferência sobre o Futuro da Europa» procura impor de novo um roteiro e objetivos políticos pré-determinados, escondendo as responsabilidades da UE na atual situação económica e social e visando o aprofundamento das suas políticas, que estão na origem do agudizar das desigualdades sociais, do aumento das assimetrias de desenvolvimento e do incremento de relações de domínio versus dependência entre países. Uma vez mais, procuram criar ou aprofundar mecanismos de controlo e de condicionamento das políticas orçamentais e económicas de Estados – como são a “União Económica e Monetária”, o “Tratado Orçamental”, a “Governação Económica”, o “Semestre Europeu” ou a “União Bancária” –, que representam um inaceitável e grave obstáculo ao pleno exercício de competências soberanas de países como Portugal, fundamentais ao seu desenvolvimento económico e social.

 
  
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  Εμμανουήλ Φράγκος (ECR), γραπτώς. – Η παρούσα συζήτηση λαμβάνει χώρα σε μια κρίσιμη στιγμή για την ΕΕ. Μετά την επέλαση του Covid-19, τα κράτη μέλη αγωνίζονται για την οικονομική τους ανάκαμψη και η ΕΕ οφείλει να διαδραματίσει ηγετικό ρόλο. Η Διάσκεψη για το Μέλλον της Ευρώπης, τώρα περισσότερο από ποτέ, πρέπει να είναι μια ανοικτή διαδικασία, που να εμπλέκει όσους περισσότερους κοινοτικούς και εθνικούς φορείς είναι εφικτό, ώστε να εκφραστεί αμεσότερα η βούληση των πολιτών και να ενισχυθεί η δημοκρατική νομιμοποίηση της Ένωσης. Για τον ίδιο λόγο, θεωρούμε πως σημαντικότερο ρόλο πρέπει να διαδραματίσουν τα Εθνικά Κοινοβούλια, λόγω της ισχυρότερης δημοκρατικής εντολής, καθώς και το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο και ο θεσμός της Κοινωνίας των Πολιτών. Στόχοι της Διάσκεψης θεωρούμε πως πρέπει να είναι, ιδίως, η ενεργητικότερη συμμετοχή των πολιτών στην διοίκηση, η ενίσχυση του ρόλου του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου και των άμεσα εκλεγμένων οργάνων της Ένωσης, η πρόβλεψη περισσότερων μέσων και θεσμών άμεσης δημοκρατίας, η ενίσχυση του ρόλου των Εθνικών Κοινοβουλίων, η διάχυση και αποκέντρωση των εξουσιών. Πιστεύουμε, επίσης, πως προτεραιότητα πρέπει να αποτελέσει ο πλήρης έλεγχος των μεταναστευτικών ροών και η δίκαιη κατανομή του βάρους του προβλήματος, ο σεβασμός της κυριαρχίας των κρατών μελών, καθώς και η αποτελεσματική προστασία των ευρωπαϊκών συνόρων.

 
  
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  Cindy Franssen (PPE), schriftelijk. – Het wordt stilaan tijd om eens grondig na te denken over de Europese Unie in zijn huidige vorm. Het Verdrag van Lissabon is inmiddels al 10 jaar geleden in werking getreden, de Schumanverklaring vierde dit jaar zijn 70e verjaardag. De vraag over de toekomst van Europa werd door de coronacrisis alleen maar pertinenter. Corona heeft duidelijk bepaalde pijnpunten in de constructie van onze Unie blootgelegd. Ondanks de sterke inhaalbeweging nadien, kreeg de EU in het begin van de crisis geen grip op de uiteenlopende maatregelen van de lidstaten. We mogen hier niet blind voor zijn en moeten durven lessen te trekken. Ook om de socio-economische gevolgen - die de grootste zijn sinds WO II - te boven te komen is er veel veerkracht nodig en een sterke Unie die daadkrachtig kan optreden. Ik pleit vandaag voor een grondig debat over de rol van de Europese Unie bij grensoverschrijdende gezondheidscrises, zodat we in de toekomst beter voorbereid zijn. De gereedschapskist van de Europese Unie is op dit vlak te beperkt gebleken voor de grote werken die men van de Unie verwacht. We moeten dit momentum aangrijpen om te reflecteren over hoe we de EU efficiënter en vooral daadkrachtiger kunnen maken.

 
  
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  Leszek Miller (S&D), na piśmie. – W ostatnich kilku latach Unia Europejska jak nigdy wcześniej jest poddawana próbie. Głównie ze względu na brexit i inne następujące kolejno kryzysy związane z zadłużeniem strefy euro, niekontrolowanym napływem migrantów, łamaniem rządów prawa czy wreszcie z wybuchem pandemii koronawirusa. Ujawniły one liczne niedostatki zarówno w systemie zarządzania Unią, jak i w zakresie posiadanych przez nią kompetencji. Jestem przekonany, że znajdujemy się zatem w sytuacji wymagającej zdecydowanej reakcji, i liczę na to, że efektem mającej się rozpocząć niedługo konferencji ws. przyszłości Europy będą rekomendacje zasadniczych zmian o charakterze konstytucyjnym. Powinny one przewidywać, w mojej ocenie, przekazanie na poziom Unii większego zakresu kompetencji oraz zamiany instytucjonalne zakładające m.in. zniesienie zasady jednomyślności w Radzie, powierzenie Komisji Europejskiej roli rzeczywistego unijnego rządu poprzez ograniczenie roli Rady Europejskiej, zmniejszenie składu Komisji i uzależnienie go od wyników wyborów do PE. Istotne znaczenie ma ponadto wzmocnienie pozycji Parlamentu Europejskiego, przyznanie mu większych kompetencji kontrolnych, uprawnień budżetowych na równi z Radą czy skutecznego prawa inicjatywy legislacyjnej (niezależnego od decyzji Komisji). Uważam też, że jeśli nie wszystkie państwa członkowskie będą zainteresowane dokonaniem głębokich reform i dalszym zacieśnianiem współpracy (jednomyślność), to pogłębienie integracji mogłoby nastąpić dzięki zawarciu nowego traktatu pomiędzy zainteresowanymi państwami członkowskimi, w oparciu o istniejący system instytucjonalny UE.

 
  
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  Bogdan Rzońca (ECR), na piśmie. – Europa przechodzi trudności, wciąż walczymy z pandemią COVID-19, której konsekwencją będą problemy gospodarcze. Popieram prace nad Konferencją w sprawie przyszłości Europy. Może to być forum do refleksji nad odpowiedzią UE na pandemię, ale właśnie z uwagi na ten kryzys konferencja nie powinna być priorytetem. Ważne, aby nad przyszłością Europy miały okazje pochylić się wszystkie instytucji UE z poszanowaniem ich traktatowych kompetencji oraz – w równym stopniu – państwa członkowskie. Nie możemy zapomnieć o parlamentach narodowych, ich udział wzmocni demokratyczną legitymację konferencji. Przyszłość Europy to wspólnota narodów, gdzie doceniane są poszczególne tradycje, świadoma swej historii i korzeni. Cele, które mamy na horyzoncie, to kryzys gospodarczy po COVID-19, demografia, powrót do wartości.

Europa nie może negować wartości uniwersalnych i absolutnych. Potrzebujemy Europy, która chroni i broni najsłabszych, których głos jest niesłyszalny. Nie wystarczy, aby Europa miała tylko chrześcijańskie korzenie, taką musi mieć przyszłość. Parafrazując słowa papieża Franciszka, trzeba powiedzieć, że nadeszła pora, aby wspólnie budować Europę, która obraca się wokół gospodarki tak samo mocno, jak wokół świętości osoby ludzkiej, wartości niezbywalnych. „Europę śmiało obejmującą swoją przeszłość i z ufnością spoglądającą na swoją przyszłość, aby w pełni i z nadzieją żyć swoją teraźniejszością. Nadeszła chwila, aby (...) krzewić Europę uczestniczącą, niosącą wiedzę, sztukę, muzykę, wartości humanistyczne, a także wartości wiary”.

 
  
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  László Trócsányi (PPE), írásban. – Egyetértek a képviselőtársaimmal abban, hogy az Európa Jövőjéről szóló Konferencia megindítása időszerű. A 2008-as gazdasági válságtól kezdődően a hosszú 2010-es évek gyakorlatilag különböző krízisek sorozatát jelentették – gazdasági, pénzügyi, migrációs válságokét, a terrorista támadások elszaporodását, valamint a jelenlegi járványhelyzetét. Európának, az európai államoknak ellenállóbbá és hatékonyabbá kell válniuk a válságok kezelése terén. Olyan problémák megoldásán kell dolgozni, amelyek az európai nemzetek és az európai polgárok javát szolgálják. Nem szabad hagyni, hogy az ideológiai tartalmú „ever closer union” elve kösse le az Európa jövőjéről való gondolkodást.

Az európai államok jelenleg számos kihívással néznek szembe. Versenyképessé kell válniuk világpiacon és biztonságot kell nyújtaniuk a polgáraiknak. Választ találniuk a társadalmaik elöregedéséből fakadó demográfiai kihívásra. Nemet kell mondaniuk az európai kultúra értékeit tagadó tömeges migrációra. Újra kell indítaniuk gazdaságaikat, amiben együttműködésre vannak ítélve. Olyan Unióra van tehát szükségünk, amely ebben nyújt segítséget az európai nemzeteknek. A Konferencia jó keretet szolgáltat a viták lefolytatásához, de eredményes csak akkor lehet, ha senki sem sajátítja ki magának. A vélemények szabad ütköztetése megköveteli, hogy a nemzeti parlamentek is részt vehessenek ebben a gondolkodásban. A nemzeti parlamentek egyfelől a népszuverenitás hordozói, másfelől az európai szerződések urai, így nélkülük nem remélhető sikeres európai jövőkép felvázolása.

 
  
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  István Ujhelyi (S&D), írásban. – Történelmi időket élünk, amelyek történelmi változásokra sarkallnak mindannyiunkat. A globális koronavírus-járvány világosan és egyértelműen át kell, hogy alakítsa gondolkodásunkat és viszonyulásunkat olyan betokosodott, szent tehénnek gondolt dogmákhoz is, mint például a tagállami hatáskör. A járvány megmutatta, hogy nem ismer sem határokat, sem időzónákat, a vele szembeni hatékony fellépés csak mélyen integrált és koordinált lehet. Amikor Európa jövőjéről beszélünk, az egyik első és legfontosabb kérdés, amit asztalra kell tennünk, az a következő: meddig hagyjuk, hogy a tagállamok közegészségügyi rendszerei között ilyen mély szakadék legyen? Milyen európai közösség az, amelyiknek az egyik polgára háromszor nagyobb eséllyel kap kórházi fertőzést, mint alig párszáz kilométerre lakó európai polgártársa?

Amikor Európa jövőjéről gondolkodunk, akkor meg kell tudnunk válaszolni: rendjén van-e az, hogy egy kelet-európai tagállamban a hatályos protokollok és ellátás-minőségi különbségek miatt kevesebb eséllyel diagnosztizálják időben egy európai polgár daganatos betegségét, mint tőle nyugatabbra. Szerintem nincs rendjén. Szerintem egy felvilágosult, szolidáris európai közösség nem tűrheti ezeket a mély különbségeket. Tarthatatlannak tartom, hogy az egészségügy szervezését tagállami hatáskörben hagyva az Európai Unió csak megvonni tudja és megvonni szokta a vállát az ilyen állapotok miatt. Éppen ezért felül kell vizsgálni a tagállami hatásköröket és elsőként minőségi minimum-sztenderdeket kell meghatározni a közegészségügy területén! Én ezen dolgozom! Ezt vállalom!

 

25. Comunicazione della Presidenza
Video degli interventi
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  Die Präsidentin. – Ich habe noch eine kurze Mitteilung zu machen: Ich möchte Sie informieren, dass die Ergebnisse der ersten Abstimmungsrunde um 20.00 Uhr statt um 20.15 Uhr bekannt gegeben werden.

 

26. Proteggere i settori strategici europei dalle acquisizioni straniere in un mondo post Covid (discussione)
Video degli interventi
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  Die Präsidentin. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärungen des Rates und der Kommission zum Schutz strategischer europäischer Sektoren vor ausländischer Übernahme in der Zeit nach COVID (2020/2663(RSP)).

Auch zu dieser Aussprache gibt es keine spontanen Wortmeldungen und keine blauen Karten.

 
  
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  Nikolina Brnjac, President-in-Office of the Council. – Madam President, the members of the European Council, in their joint statement on 26 March, underlined that the COVID—19 pandemic constitutes an unprecedented challenge for Europe and the whole world, requiring urgent, decisive and comprehensive action at EU, national, regional and local levels. They pledged to do everything that is necessary to protect our citizens and overcome the crisis by preserving our European ways and way of life.

Members of the European Council also welcomed the Commission guidelines on the screening of foreign direct investment and called on the Member States to take all the necessary measures to protect strategic assets and technology from foreign investments that could threaten legitimate public policy objectives. In the words of the leaders, this will contribute to the EU’s strategic autonomy during the crisis and afterwards.

It is clear that the European Union will not get out of this crisis by closing its doors to international trade and investment. Many European companies are fully integrated in the global supply chain and a significant share of our employment is made possible thanks to international trade and investment. Global trade and investment will therefore remain fundamental for Europe’s recovery and growth. The European Union needs to diversify and solidify its global supply chains to ensure the continuous flow of goods and services and to be better prepared for future crises. However, at this time the European Union also needs to be particularly vigilant to ensure that we preserve those assets that are crucial to our security and that are part of the backbone of our economy. This will directly affect our capability to recover fast.

The economic crisis resulting from COVID—19 has weakened many European companies who have seen their stock prices fall. The danger of predatory takeovers by foreign companies, in particular those in state hands or with strong state support, is very real. The EU’s openness to foreign direct investment therefore has to be balanced with adequate tools and protection. EU rules already provide a framework to guarantee the protection of legitimate public objectives and Ministers for the internal market and industry regularly discuss the competitiveness of the EU economy and in particular its industry.

The discussion focused on strengthening the European strategic economic sectors and value chains and, in this context, also the protection from foreign takeovers. Ministers have welcomed the new industrial strategy for Europe that was presented by the Commission in March. They support the action announced by the Commission to reinforce the EU’s strategic digital infrastructures, to develop synergies between civil, defence and space industries, to secure the supply of pharmaceuticals and their ingredients, and to broaden EU access to raw materials, to give just a few examples.

At the informal video conference last Friday, 12 June, Ministers from the internal market and industry also discussed the Commission’s communication on the recovery plan package adopted on 27 May. They welcomed the measures proposed by the Commission to strengthen EU resilience and strategic autonomy across key technologies and value chains, while preserving the benefits of an open economy.

Ministers also welcomed a new European Strategic Investment Facility under InvestEU to support European resilience and investment in strategic industrial chains, notably those linked to the green and the digital transition. The Ministers took note of the Commission’s intention to propose a reinforced foreign direct investment screening mechanism, which would help the EU to protect its strategic assets, infrastructure and technologies from foreign direct investments that could threaten the security of the public order.

The existing FDI screening regulation was already a priority file for the three institutions during the past legislature. This regulation was agreed very swiftly and in a very consensual manner by the co—legislators. Our collective engagement in this dossier has made the EU better able today to face the challenge in front of us. As you know, a significant and increasing number of Member States already have a screening mechanism in place and many others are accelerating the creation of their national contact points. The cooperation and exchange of information among Member States and with the Commission about potential foreign takeovers affecting our security or public order has increased sharply.

The Commission is regularly analysing and reporting on investment trends in an expert group, as foreseen in the regulation. Moreover, the upcoming Commission White Paper on an instrument on foreign subsidies will be a good opportunity to address the issue of state subsidies from third countries that have the potential of further disrupting the level playing field in the EU single market. The examples I have just mentioned show how institutional cooperation has improved the situation on the ground for our companies.

Finally, allow me to reiterate that the Council and the Member States will take all the necessary measures to protect strategic assets and technology from foreign investments that could threaten legitimate public policy objectives.

 
  
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  Margrethe Vestager, Executive Vice-President of the Commission. – Madam President, Honourable Members, this debate today in the European Parliament is extremely timely, protecting Europe’s strategic sectors from foreign takeovers in a post-Covid world.

And I think we all realise that the current geopolitical context, the global economic environment, is probably the most difficult in recent history. Openness to trade and investments and to a rule-based multilateral order, they are all being challenged.

So today, the European Commission has adopted a White Paper, which launches a public consultation on ideas for future rules to make sure that foreign subsidies won’t undermine the level playing field in Europe’s single market.

Right now, as we start to rebuild from the damage that the coronavirus is doing, we need the single market more than ever.

Foreign investment is an important source of jobs and growth and very much welcome in Europe, but when foreign governments give subsidies to support investment and operations in the single market, that can affect our level playing field in several ways.

To give you a couple of examples: if businesses are being subsidised that are already in Europe; if businesses are being helped by foreign subsidies to buy European businesses; subsidies can help foreign companies to outbid rivals in public tenders and some subsidised companies can even get access to money from the European budget.

In this White Paper, we produce three different modules with three different ways to deal with these situations.

Module 1 is a general market scrutiny instrument to capture all market situations where foreign subsidies would distort the single market.

The competence would be shared between Member States and the Commission and if a subsidy is found to distort the single market then redressive measures could be imposed. Or if the subsidy investment or economic activity has a positive impact that outweighs the distortion, the Commission could decide not to pursue it further. And this is what we call the EU interest test.

Module 2 specifically addresses distortions caused by foreign subsidies facilitating acquisitions of EU companies.

The Commission would be the competent supervisory authority and a transaction could not be closed whilst the Commission’s review is still pending. Here, commitments might be accepted to allow for the acquisition and also here an EU interest test could be applied.

Module 3 addresses the issues that might arise in public procurement and sets out a mechanism where bidders would have to notify any financial contribution received from third countries.

The competent authorities would then assess whether there is a foreign subsidy and whether that has made the procurement procedure unfair. The bidder would be excluded from the procurement process on this basis.

Finally, we also propose to look at access to EU funding in the context of foreign subsidies, both when EU funds are implemented by the Member States and when they’re implemented by the European Commission directly. Obviously, these are complex matters.

So, we are launching a public consultation. It will be open for 14 weeks until 23 September. And we hope to get a wide range of views and suggestions and this obviously is the best possible way of starting this consultation by getting the views of the European Parliament.

 
  
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  Phil Hogan, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, as my colleague, Executive Vice-President Commissioner Vestager, has said, the debate in the European Parliament this evening is very timely, for the reasons that she has just outlined, but also, we are living in a global public health challenge that is having profound consequences on our economies and on our daily lives. The COVID-19 emergency has exposed our vulnerability in many respects, and one of them is the resilience of our strategic industries in their capacity to respond to the vital needs of the European people.

We all agree that investment, including foreign direct investment (FDI), will play a central role in our economic recovery in each Member State, but foreign direct investment will also contribute to bridging the gap of domestic financing for the EU’s economic recovery and future ambitions, including greening our economy and making it fit for the digital age. In addition, foreign direct investment turbocharges research and innovation. Foreign—owned firms account for a quarter of business in terms of R&D in France, Germany and Spain, between 30% and 50% in Portugal and Sweden, and more than 50% in Austria, Belgium and Ireland.

But foreign investments should not happen at the expense of our own internal security. This is where our FDI Screening Regulation plays a very important role in addressing the concerns when foreign investment may put European security or public order at risk. The Commission is closely following developments in the European Union, and at the end of March, we issued, as the Council President has said, special guidance to Member States on the protection of Europe’s strategic assets, ahead of the full application of the FDI Screening Regulation in October 2020. It reminds Member States of the interdependencies that exist in the European single market. It calls on all of them to seek advice and coordination in cases where foreign investments could, actually or potentially, now or in the future, have an effect on public order or security. Those Member States that have screening mechanisms should take full advantage of that and use them, and those that do not should certainly put them in place as soon as possible.

Europe has a strict and unique system of state aid control and transparency in place, but there is increasing concern that some third countries do not shy away from intervening in our markets with massive amounts of subsidies, and such third—country subsidies will then distort the European Union’s internal market. So investors receiving such subsidies could aim to acquire EU companies and could, thanks to their state financing, outbid other companies, including European companies. As Executive Vice-President Vestager said, the Commission has today adopted a white paper, which launches a very important public consultation on the ideas for future roles to make sure that foreign subsidies don’t undermine the level playing field in Europe’s single market. I look forward to hearing your views.

 
  
  

VORSITZ: OTHMAR KARAS
Vizepräsident

 
  
  

(Die Aussprache wird unterbrochen)

 

27. Comunicazione dei risultati della votazione: vedasi processo verbale
Video degli interventi

28. Proteggere i settori strategici europei dalle acquisizioni straniere in un mondo post Covid (seguito della discussione)
Video degli interventi
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  Der Präsident. – Wir setzen nun unsere Aussprache über die Erklärungen des Rates und der Kommission zum Schutz strategischer europäischer Sektoren vor ausländischer Übernahme in der Zeit nach COVID (2020/2663(RSP)) fort.

 
  
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  Christophe Hansen, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, China is not the only state on a shopping spree for companies weakened by the impact of the pandemic. Yet, it is definitely the proverbial elephant in the room in this debate. It leaves no doubt that our China policy could do with a healthy dose of realism. We should not adopt the approach of President Trump, who acts more like the proverbial elephant in the china shop.

The white paper on foreign subsidies gives good options, but actions speak louder than words. Actions such as the pioneering countervailing duties levied on imports of fibreglass stemming from Chinese state-subsidised companies producing abroad in Egypt. But more can be done: a China taskforce, to speak with China with one single voice on all different levels; secondly, we can beef up our FDI screening instrument; thirdly, we can move forward on the instrument for public procurement.

If we are to keep up public support for our trade policy, we must equip it with the tools to enforce fair competition.

 
  
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  Agnes Jongerius, namens de S&D-Fractie. – Voorzitter, de economische effecten van de coronacrisis mogen niet gebruikt worden om winst te maken over de rug van verzwakte bedrijven. Miljoenen banen in Europa zijn al afhankelijk van de grillen van buitenlandse investeerders. De werknemers van Apollo Vredestein en Tata Steel kunnen daarover meepraten. Zij boksen op tegen besluitvorming op directietafels, ver ver weg.

Er moet een herziening komen van de regels rond buitenlandse investeringen, met daarin een duidelijke definitie van wat strategische sectoren zijn. Zijn dat alleen de fabrieken die medische hulpmiddelen maken, bijvoorbeeld, of zijn we bereid om andere strategische sectoren voor ons continent veilig te willen stellen? We mogen niet toekijken hoe bedrijven met oneerlijke subsidies de crisis aangrijpen om op koopjesjacht te gaan. Het is aan ons allemaal om banen en bedrijven te beschermen.

 
  
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  Stéphanie Yon-Courtin, au nom du groupe Renew. – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Vice-présidente exécutive, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers représentants du Conseil, chers collègues, en décembre 2019, la Présidente Ursula von der Leyen annonçait que la Commission qu’elle présidera jouerait un rôle géopolitique fort.

Le livre blanc que vous présentez aujourd’hui sur les subventions étrangères est vraiment un pas dans cette direction, et je tiens à le saluer, d’autant plus dans le contexte actuel où la Commission européenne travaille intensément à la gestion de la crise, notamment via l’encadrement temporaire des aides d’État.

Dans le rapport annuel sur la politique de concurrence, dont je suis rapporteure et qui sera voté demain, nous appelons, avec les collègues, la Commission européenne à renforcer la politique de concurrence dans la mondialisation et à assurer la réciprocité avec les États tiers en matière de marchés publics et d’aides d’État. Notre constat est clair, nous devons adapter nos règles à la situation actuelle pour remédier à deux vides juridiques.

D’abord, nos règles d’aides d’État ne s’appliquent pas aux opérateurs non-européens qui ont pourtant pleinement accès à notre marché unique et, enfin, ni les règles antitrust, ni le contrôle des concentrations de l’Union européenne ne prennent en compte les subventions étrangères. Imaginez, Mesdames et Messieurs, un match de football où les règles de l’équipe étrangère accueillie seraient beaucoup plus clémentes que celles de l’équipe qui joue à domicile. Inutile de regarder le match, parce que sans être voyant, on sait déjà à l’avance qui le remportera, mais de façon totalement injuste!

La crise de la COVID-19 nous a alertés sur la nécessité de préserver nos secteurs clés pour parvenir à une Europe résiliente. Les rachats hostiles d’entreprises affaiblies par cette crise ne peuvent être monnaie courante, sous prétexte que nous n’avons pas su les empêcher, et je me réjouis des pistes avancées ce jour par la Commission, qui permettront d’investiguer et d’empêcher ce type de comportement prédateur.

Toutefois, le chemin est encore long, et j’espère que la consultation publique répondra à ces questions, en particulier: quelle répartition des pouvoirs entre la Commission et les États membres, quelle liberté pour les États membres qui, dès maintenant, acceptent volontiers les investissements étrangers ou les rachats de leurs fleurons nationaux par des entreprises étrangères largement subventionnées?

Une chose est sûre, si nous voulons que cela fonctionne, nous devons rester unis, sinon nos partenaires commerciaux joueront davantage sur notre diversité que notre unité.

 
  
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  Kim Van Sparrentak, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, President Trump’s alleged interest in buying the German biotech company CureVac was an eye—opener. I welcome the initiatives taken by the Spanish and German Governments to better screen foreign direct investment and create the possibility to veto hostile foreign takeover bids on health care companies. The further steps taken by the Commission are also a good step in the right direction.

The health and pharmaceutical sector is crucial for the public health of Europeans. We must put public health before shareholder profits and that’s why we need an increase in public funding with clear guidelines. We need a change in the research and development model for pharmaceuticals, based on open science and cost transparency. Changing the pharmaceutical sector for the benefit of everyone will be a lot harder if European pharmaceutical companies fall into foreign hands. That’s why this sector in particular needs to be protected from hostile foreign takeovers, especially the ones that come from a very nationalistic interest.

 
  
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  Johan Van Overtveldt, namens de ECR-Fractie. – Voorzitter, elk initiatief om onze ondernemingen te beschermen tegen overnames, niet in het minst door Chinese groepen die staatssubsidies genieten, verdient alle lof en steun. China speelt het inderdaad niet volgens de internationale regels. De interne markt wordt continu afgeschermd. De juridische willekeur ten aanzien van buitenlandse investeerders is alomtegenwoordig en dat land speelt een vrij dominante rol in de steeds meer om zich heen grijpende cyberspacecriminaliteit.

Bescherming is goed, bescherming is prima, maar onvoldoende om ons ondernemingsweefsel zijn oude elan terug te geven, dat toch wel zwaargehavend is door deze crisis. Ik denk dat er op dat vlak twee maatregelen of twee ingrepen absoluut structureel noodzakelijk zijn. Een: versterking van de interne markt. Zonder die interne markt kunnen ondernemingen onmogelijk concurreren op de internationale markt. En twee, de realisatie van de interne kapitaalmarkt, die nodig is om de nodige fondsen voor bedrijven te genereren en om er ook voor te zorgen dat die middelen efficiënt gebruikt worden.

 
  
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  Emmanuel Maurel, au nom du groupe GUE/NGL. – Monsieur le Président, que de temps perdu! Il a fallu attendre 2020 et une crise d’une ampleur inédite pour que la Commission et le Conseil s’émeuvent des pratiques agressives de certaines puissances et de leurs multinationales en matière commerciale sur les marchés publics sur les acquisitions étrangères dans les secteurs stratégiques.

Il a fallu attendre 2020 pour que certains découvrent qu’à l’OMC, par exemple, la Chine ou les États-Unis ne sont pas vraiment des fanatiques de la réciprocité. J’ai vu que Mme Vestager et M. Breton avaient dit qu’ils avaient été naïfs. C’est bien de le reconnaître, mais maintenant, il faut cesser de l’être et il faut réagir. J’ai lu avec attention votre Livre blanc. Tout d’abord, je le trouve compliqué: vous avez trois niveaux d’enquête, des formulaires innombrables, etc. Je pense qu’il faut aller à l’essentiel, il faut être clair, simple, pragmatique. Il faut arrêter, comme vous le faites trop souvent, de vouloir restaurer à tout prix le marché pur et parfait. Il n’a jamais existé et il n’existe pas.

Allons à l’essentiel: il faut protéger nos entreprises, nos emplois, nos savoir-faire; il faut un Buy European Act. Il faut qu’en matière d’acquisitions d’entreprises étrangères, ce soit non pas la règle, mais l’exception. Il faut défendre les entreprises et les salariés européens.

 
  
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  Mislav Kolakušić (NI). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, poštovane kolege, pravo na istinu i pravo na istinite činjenice jedno je od temeljnih prava čovječanstva.

Da bismo mogli donijeti ispravne odluke mi moramo saznati činjenice. 10. ožujka 2020. godine zatražio sam da ne zatvaramo vrata Europskog parlamenta, da ostanemo ovdje i saznamo istinu o virusu, o jednoj od bezbrojnih mutacija virusa iz porodice Corona i bolesti COVID-19. Umjesto toga, mi smo zatvorili vrata Parlamenta i time dali pravo i drugima da zatvaraju vrata svojih parlamenata, nadalje, trgovina, da ukinemo prijevoz, da ukinemo kompletnu ekonomiju.

Što se dogodilo? Dogodila se neviđena ekonomska katastrofa. Nama sada slijedi drugi val, mi moramo saznati činjenice, moramo pozvati najpoznatije epidemiologe i virusologe u ovaj dom, postaviti im pitanja da znamo kako ćemo reagirati u 10. mjesecu.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. – Herr Kollege! Darf ich aber schon klarstellen, dass das Europäische Parlament die Türen nie zugemacht hat, sondern wir die einzige internationale, multinationale Organisation sind, die mehrsprachig und remote die Arbeit ständig weitergeführt hat und ihre Handlungsfähigkeit als Bürgerkammer Europas unter Beweis gestellt hat?

 
  
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  Lídia Pereira (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, a pandemia da Covid-19 está a provocar consequências devastadoras na economia europeia com as exportações da União a poderem cair perto de 470 mil milhões de euros até ao final deste ano. A volatilidade dos mercados deixa as empresas europeias suscetíveis a ofensivas estrangeiras.

É, por isso, urgente tomar medidas concretas que as protejam e, sobretudo, quando protagonizadas por empresas participadas ou detidas por Estados. A velha máxima de que o capital não tem nacionalidade é válida apenas e até ao momento em que esse capital deixa de ter como motivação a sua remuneração e passa a ser uma arma política, cultural e civilizacional. Este tipo de ameaça é ainda maior quando incide sobre sectores estratégicos, infraestruturas ou tecnologias.

Precisamos de uma União pragmática, uma economia atrativa e um quadro regulamentar que permita monitorizar a origem do capital estrangeiro em todo e qualquer processo de fusão e aquisição.

 
  
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  Raphaël Glucksmann (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, port du Pirée, aéroport de Toulouse, Alstom. Jusqu’ici, tout chez nous était à vendre.

La Commission réagit enfin avec ce Livre blanc. Le filtrage des investissements étrangers est en effet vital, mais c’est insuffisant. Je vais vous raconter l’histoire d’une usine française, celle de Gerzat, la dernière usine capable de produire en Europe des bouteilles d’oxygène pour nos hôpitaux et nos sapeurs-pompiers. Il y a un an, la direction anglo-américaine de Luxfer, a décidé de fermer cette usine, malgré des bénéfices en augmentation de 55 %, et nous voici aujourd’hui totalement dépendants, pour produire cela, des États-Unis ou de la Turquie. Luxfer est le nom d’un abandon de solidarité et d’un abandon de souveraineté.

Alors, chers collègues, nous avons un bras armé de 2 000 milliards d’euros: la commande publique. Il faut aujourd’hui un Buy European Act. Nous ne pouvons pas rester comme cela, incapables de produire des bouts de tissu ou des médicaments de base. Les citoyens européens ne nous le pardonneraient pas, et ils auraient raison.

 
  
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  Reinhard Bütikofer (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, in protecting Europe’s strategic sectors there is no single silver bullet – we need the whole toolbox. That’s why I welcome the White Paper that looks at ways of reining in foreign subsidies, but we also will need to strengthen our investment screening approach vis-à-vis predatory takeovers. Even though the volume of capital invested has decreased recently, the number of investments has grown, which means that investment from China is going after smaller companies that still might have a strategic role. So I think we should try to start amending our investment screening mechanism once it comes into force in October and we could learn a lesson from this.

In addition, I think in order to protect our strategic sectors we must also protect their supply chains, and there it would be interesting to learn from Japan where they’re investing into relocating in order to protect supply chains, and they do that together with ASEAN countries. We could think of doing that with Western Balkan countries and other partners too.

 
  
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  Tom Berendsen (PPE). – Voorzitter, de komende jaren bepalen hoe wij als Europa de toekomst ingaan. En we keren de rest van de wereld niet de rug toe. Een uitgestoken hand blijft belangrijk, maar we moeten wel duidelijke regels stellen om onze eigen belangen te dienen. Niet meer naïef zijn! Wie op onze markt actief wil zijn, moet zich aan de regels houden en die regels moeten de Europese belangen dienen.

Een Amerikaanse overheid die hier op zoek is naar een coronamedicijn alleen voor Amerikanen, dient ons belang niet. Chinese staatsbedrijven die hier op zoek zijn naar strategische koopjes, of dat nu om havens, hoogwaardige technologiebedrijven of orders voor elektrische bussen gaat, dienen ons belang niet.

Om ons belang te dienen, moeten we ervoor zorgen dat op onze markt ook onze regels, onze normen en waarden gelden. Zo beschermen we onze plek in de wereld en zo zorgen we er ook voor dat de banen van de toekomst ook hier in Europa worden behouden. Ik roep de Commissie dan ook op: zet uw plannen van vandaag snel om in actie!

 
  
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  Phil Hogan, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, first of all can I thank all of the contributors to this important issue. I want to make some concluding remarks by insisting on the fact that the European Union has an open market. It welcomes foreign investments. But foreign investments certainly need to be screened, and I agree with the speakers Glucksmann, Bütikofer and Hansen who have advocated that we need to be looking at an even stronger measure than we have in place for foreign direct investment, but this was the will of the co-legislators to have a light-touch, data-driven data-collection mechanism, and therefore we in the Commission would certainly advocate a stronger measure here, if this is possible.

So in that respect the foreign direct investment screening mechanism that will come into effect in October needs to be strengthened. Also I think if there were two issues that we need your assistance on, then it would first of all be to respond in a very clear way and in a very strong way to the White Paper that has been issued by my colleague Commissioner Vestager today, in terms of getting a good response about how we need to do more in dealing with the issue of farm subsidies and that they are competing on an uneven playing field with the European companies.

And secondly your strong political support would be very welcome for moving on the international procurement instrument, which has been left a little bit in abeyance by a certain institution, so I call on the Council and Parliament and the Commission to work more closely together in order to ensure that we get this particular piece of legislation enacted as quickly as possible.

 
  
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  Margrethe Vestager, Executive Vice-President of the Commission. – Mr President, let me just echo what my colleague just said – and what Mr Bütikofer suggested – we need a toolbox. There’s no such thing as a silver bullet when it comes to these matters. They are complicated matters. But there are solutions to be found. And what we’re doing here is to express the fact that we will not – at the cost of businesses in Europe and consumers in Europe – sacrifice fair competition. Because it serves us well. It gives us choice, it gives us affordable prices, it gives us innovation. But in the same vein, of course we will not let go of fair competition. We will stand up for European businesses when they are being unfairly challenged by businesses who get foreign subsidies for acquisitions, maybe even for their operating costs – the most harmful subsidy of all is to have someone pick up your bills in doing that.

I hope that we can continue a strong cooperation on this. I really hope that you will encourage the co-legislator on the international procurement instruments, because here we need reciprocity and we need tools for that. I also hope that you will insist that we get better procurement rules, because procurement is a competition, and those who are the most efficient, with the highest quality, they should win: not those who come with a subsidy in their luggage.

Right now, European governments are doing the best they can to help businesses come through the damage that the coronavirus is doing, but they do that in a controlled way, they do that in a transparent way, they do that in a way that preserves the single market that will help us recover and create the jobs that have been lost. The reason why we’re dealing with foreign subsidies is that we have no control, no transparency, and that is why we stand up against this today. So thank you very much for the very broad support. I very much look forward to our future cooperation, also on these files.

 
  
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  Nikolina Brnjac, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, this has been a very useful debate for all of us and I would like to thank you for Parliament’s continuous engagement and interest in this topic. I have taken good note of all your comments and interventions, and I will convey them to my colleagues in the Council. As I mentioned earlier, the economic crisis resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic has made many European companies vulnerable to hostile takeovers by foreign companies. For this reason, the EU has to ensure that we preserve those assets that are crucial to our society and to our economy, and those that assist the post-crisis recovery.

The new EU legislation to create the first EU-wide framework for the screening of foreign direct investment was adopted by the European Parliament and the Council in March 2019 has now entered into force and can be fully applied from 11 October 2020.

Finally, allow me to reiterate that the Council and the Member States will take all the necessary measures to protect strategic assets and technology from foreign investments that could threaten legitimate public-policy objectives.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 171)

 
  
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  Beata Mazurek (ECR), na piśmie. – Negatywne skutki kryzysu związanego z COVID19 jeszcze długo będą odczuwane w Europie i na świecie. Choć małymi krokami staramy się powrócić do normalności, to nie możemy zapomnieć o wyzwaniach, jakie czekają na nas w nowej „pokoronawirusowej rzeczywistości”. Musimy zrobić wszystko, by chronić naszą gospodarkę przed czynnikami zewnętrznymi, które mogą oddziaływać na jej osłabienie. Musimy wspierać nasze firmy, stwarzając odpowiednie mechanizmy zabezpieczające je przed przejęciami przez podmioty z krajów trzecich. Strategiczne gałęzie przemysłu, m.in. przemysł obronny, przemysł informatyczny czy medyczny, powinny pozostać domeną państw członkowskich. Trzeba wzmocnić rynek wewnętrzny, wzmocnić politykę konkurencyjności, byśmy byli lepiej przygotowani na kolejne kryzysy.

Musimy działać rozsądnie. Nie możemy zamykać się na inwestycje zagraniczne, które przysłużą się do szybszej odbudowy gospodarczej. Nie mogą one jednak zagrażać naszemu bezpieczeństwu. Potrzebny jest ich stały monitoring, potrzebna jest kooperacja pomiędzy państwami członkowskimi i bieżąca wymiana informacji. Nie możemy działać hermetycznie. Poprzez dobrą współpracę lepiej zabezpieczymy nasze interesy. Nasze działania muszą być zdecydowane. Pamiętajmy o tym, że chroniąc naszą gospodarkę, chronimy rynek wewnętrzny oraz konsumentów, a przede wszystkim obywateli Unii Europejskiej.

 
  
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  Andżelika Anna Możdżanowska (ECR), na piśmie. – Kryzys związany z COVID -19 to zagrożenie przejęciami przedsiębiorstw z sektorów strategicznych przez inwestorów z państw trzecich. Rozporządzenie PE i RE dotyczące monitorowania bezpośrednich inwestycji zagranicznych w UE zacznie obowiązywać dopiero od października 2020 r. Polska jako jeden z 14 krajów ma regulacje na szczeblu krajowym i stosuje ustawę z dnia 24 lipca 2015 r. o kontroli niektórych inwestycji. Rząd Polski, wspierając polskich przedsiębiorców, wprowadził pakiet rozwiązań „Tarcza antykryzysowa” na ponad 312 mld zł, który ma ochronić polskie państwo i obywateli przed kryzysem wywołanym pandemią koronawirusa. Wchodzenie inwestorów z krajów trzecich na teren Europy już się dzieje. Na celowniku są firmy strategiczne z punktu widzenia bezpieczeństwa publicznego (np. energetyka), ochrony zdrowia, nowych technologii i firmy z kluczowych branż, w Polsce m.in. sektor meblowy. Trzeba pamiętać, że nie tylko płynność finansowa jest powodem łatwych przejęć. Przepływ danych know-how, pozyskiwanie środków unijnych na B+R przez firmy z krajów członkowskich stanowią łakomy kąsek, a ich utrata może mieć bardzo negatywne skutki. Musimy być szczególnie czujni i chronić sektory strategiczne. Sprawdzanie źródła pochodzenia kapitału firm, które chcą inwestować w UE, oraz powiązań z rządami państw trzecich to podstawowe działania. Europa nie może stać się narzędziem w globalnej „wojnie handlowej”.

 
  
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  Edina Tóth (PPE), írásban. – A koronavírus-járvány után számos európai cég piaci értéke csökkent, meggyengült likviditási helyzetük miatt befektetőkre lehet szükségük. Sajnos hosszú ideje vonzó befektetési célpontok például EU-kívüli országok cégeinek az európai technológiai vállalatok. A távol-keleti érdeklődés most ismét felerősödött. Úgy tűnik, hogy e vállalatok a koronavírus-járvány miatti helyzetet ki is használják, különösen hiszen így fejlett technológiához juthatnak. Úgy vélem, hogy a hatékony védekezés érdekében mindenképp összehangolt európai választ kell adni e kérdésre, a tagállamoknak pedig a helyi sajátosságoknak megfelelve a koronavírus-járvány miatt intézkedések egyik elemének kell tekinteni a felvásárlások elleni intézkedések meghozatalát.

Meggyőződésem, hogy a magyar és a lengyel kormány intézkedése kijelölte a helyes utat és jó példával szolgálnak. A visegrádi országok két tagállamának válságkezelési intézkedéscsomagjának ugyanis egyik célja az volt, hogy megelőzzék a stratégiai vállalatok külföldi felvásárlását. A kelet-európai döntéshozók tehát egyre inkább aggódnak amiatt, hogy unión kívüli országok államilag támogatott vállalatai túlságosan nagy befolyást szerezhetnek a kontinens kulcsfontosságú cégekben és ezen keresztül az érzékeny infrastruktúrához, miközben ugyanezen országok továbbra is a saját gazdaságukat védik a hasonló külföldi befektetésektől. Nyomatékosan kérem a Bizottságot, hogy kellő gondossággal figyelje az ambiciózus felvásárlási terveket, s azonnal tegye meg a szükséges lépéseket, s alakítsa ki a szükséges uniós eszköztárat a belső piac torzító hatásainak kiküszöbölése véget.

 

29. Secondo turno di votazioni
Video degli interventi
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  Der Präsident. – Bevor wir in den nächsten Punkt der Tagesordnung eintreten, kommen wir zur zweiten Abstimmungsrunde. Die Dossiers, über die wir nun abstimmen, sind der Tagesordnung zu entnehmen, die heute zu Beginn der Sitzung angenommen wurde. Die Abstimmungsrunde ist von 20.32 Uhr bis 21.45 Uhr geöffnet. Es kommt dasselbe Abstimmungsverfahren zur Anwendung, das wir schon kennen. Alle Abstimmungen erfolgen namentlich, und die Mitglieder können ihre Stimmabgabe und die Ergebnisse der Abstimmungen in dem Dokument einsehen, das auf der Website der Plenartagung veröffentlicht wird.

Ich erkläre damit die zweite Abstimmungsrunde für eröffnet, und ich betone noch einmal, dass Sie bis 21.45 Uhr abstimmen können. Die Ergebnisse dieser Abstimmungsrunde werden morgen zu Beginn der Sitzung um 9.00 Uhr bekannt gegeben.

 

30. Turismo e trasporti nel 2020 e oltre (discussione)
Video degli interventi
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  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärung der Kommission zu Tourismus und Verkehr im Jahr 2020 und darüber hinaus (2020/2649(RSP)).

Wie die letzten Vorsitzenden darf ich noch einmal wiederholen, dass es keine spontanen Wortmeldungen gibt und dass keine blauen Karten akzeptiert werden.

 
  
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  Adina-Ioana Vălean, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, thank you very much for inviting the Commission for this debate to discuss what is of course on the mind of everyone nowadays. The vision of the Commission for the recovery of tourism and transport, as we gradually emerge on the other side of the Coronavirus pandemic. I am sincerely happy to be back with you.

As the summer holidays approach, it is clear that we need to consider transport and tourism together. How would we physically go on holiday if no trains, boats, planes or cars were moving, or indeed moving across borders?

However, getting the economy moving requires people moving too, and that requires trust and coordination. What we need to offer citizens is clarity, non-discrimination and seamless connectivity.

We all know too well that the transport and tourism sectors have been the hardest hit by the pandemic, and particularly passenger transport. Traffic across modes has been down by at least 80% compared to the previous year. Transport is a vital enabler for many sectors, including tourism, and ensures the transport of goods that we all depend upon. It is in fact the backbone of the single market and economic activity as such. So restoring transport in the EU and beyond must be accelerated, while keeping health requirements in mind.

Our guidelines of 13 May set out a common framework for the progressive and safe restoration of transport services and connectivity. They provide general principles applicable to all transport services and specific recommendations for each transport mode. We have also proposed guidelines on the safe resumption of tourism services across the entire ecosystem, such as in hotels and restaurants, or for tour operators.

Additional guidelines were presented for restoring free movement and for making vouchers more attractive. With these guidelines we have all the necessary tools at hand to restart with this important part of our economy, as of now, well ahead of the economically so important summer of 2020.

No endeavour can ever be risk free. However, our guidelines and the protocols developed by our agencies take all precautionary measures and provide the best available practices for reducing risks, all while making the resumption of passenger transport possible.

These guidelines should be complemented by widespread information about the measures taken, so that each European can make responsible and well-informed decisions about how to limit health risks while travelling.

Any measures imposed in the transport sector have to be proportionate and risk-based. It is very important that Member States are, as of this week, leaving the general transport bans or internal borders restrictions behind and favour instead more targeted measures. This means increasing cleaning, using protective equipment, prioritising electronic ticketing or avoiding crowding in hubs. Cumulatively, these targeted measures can provide the much needed trust for people to restart travelling.

Because of the unique nature of aviation, the EU Aviation Safety Agency and the European Centre for Disease Control have published additional operational recommendations based on the Commission’s general guidelines. It clarifies that a number of appropriate measures should be taken. This can, in conjunction with inbuilt features in aircraft, such as hospital grade filters, permit the reduction of risks to acceptable levels.

Acting together is key, since transport is by nature a cross-regional and cross-border activity. It goes without saying that restoring links must always be coordinated, in particular we need to ensure that any measures applied at points of arrival and departure are mutually acceptable, otherwise travel will become prohibitively burdensome, expensive and in some cases impossible.

In this regard, we will also continue our good cooperation with Member States through our network of transport contact points established at the beginning of the COVID-19 crisis in the context of the Green Lanes guidelines.

Safety is not the only thing needed to inspire trust. Trust is also built on precedent and the precedent we wanted to defend is that consumers should be protected in the EU at all times. The Commission has been clear throughout this crisis that the rights of passengers to reimbursement shall not be restricted. Consumers, especially those who have been hit economically by the crisis, will only get back to travelling for leisure and tourism if they can rest assured that their travel packages and flights are to be reimbursed if cancelled.

In addition to all that, resuming passenger transport and tourism requires business continuity for all the sectors. Securing working capital, funding of operations, public support for businesses to maintain investment pipelines are all vital economic prerequisites for regaining connectivity and building a transport system that is fit for the future.

The Commission has therefore proposed a robust and comprehensive package for the recovery of the EU economy. Although specific economic sectors do not have ring-fenced funding in the recovery package, it is clear that those economic ecosystems, such as transport and tourism, will be able to benefit from several funding opportunities.

I therefore seek your support in adopting this package swiftly. It provides a unique window of opportunity for funding in transport, tourism, automotive, aeronautics, and ship manufacturing, as well as all other industries needed to ensure sustainable, resilient and affordable connectivity for 2020 and beyond.

I will devote all my efforts in convincing Member States and private stakeholders in using the EU instruments available, to increase liquidity and to get firmly on a recovery path.

The Commission’s proposed recovery package to kick-start the European economy contains an array of opportunities for transport under the EUR 1.1 thousand billion MFF and the EUR 750 billion in the Next Generation EU programme.

The recovery package includes a reinforced budget for the Connecting Europe facility, with an additional EUR 1.5 billion for the general envelope to stimulate further infrastructure investment. It will accelerate the completion of the Core TEN-T network due by 2030. It will stimulate the Digital and Green Transition with clear priority given to the most decarbonised modes, rail and inland navigation, and it will accelerate the deployment of clean technologies such as alternative fuel infrastructure, in line with our Green Deal agenda.

We are also proposing an enhanced InvestEU with an increased budget of EUR 31.6 billion. This will include a new Strategic Investment Facility, the InvestEU’s fifth window to support critical infrastructure and the development of resilient value chains, including for new clean technologies that are essential for the transport sector.

In addition, the sustainable infrastructure window has almost doubled in size in our proposal and now has a EUR 20 billion guarantee which can stimulate private investment in sustainable transport infrastructure and fleet renewal.

With a total budget of EUR 560 billion the recovery and resilience facility can benefit all sectors of the economy, including transport. Member States will submit their plans — recovery and resilience plans — by April next year in order to receive grants or loans. I am sure that investment in sustainable transport systems will be high on the recovery agenda of Member States, as this is mentioned in almost all country reports of the EU Semester on which the national plans will have to be based.

Of course there is also the solvency support instrument under the European Fund for Strategic Investment with EUR 26 billion which can mobilise additional private capital to support eligible companies in the sectors most impacted by the Coronavirus.

All these instruments will continue to support our priorities of sustainability and digitalisation — the focus of our upcoming Strategy in Transport communication. The Coronavirus changed a lot, but not the need for smarter sustainable mobility. 80% of the CEF budget for transport is already contributing to climate action. For the entire MFF and the Next Generation EU we propose an overall target of 25% climate mainstreaming. For transport it could be even higher.

I would like to conclude by commending you for the European Parliament resolution highlighting many of the challenges and solutions taken. As we look forward, we are of course learning lessons from our experiences over the last few months. The situation was unprecedented, and I would dare to say that we are now wiser and better prepared. I am looking forward to your questions and comments. Thank you very much.

 
  
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  Rosa Estaràs Ferragut, en nombre del Grupo PPE. – Señor presidente, el sector turístico, sin duda, y el sector del transporte han sido los sectores más castigados por la pandemia: un tercio de la humanidad en confinamiento, el tráfico aéreo por debajo del 90 %, la actividad turística prácticamente nula. El sector turístico es el pilar de nuestro crecimiento económico. De hecho, ha sido el aliado más potente de la economía europea. Europa es el primer destino turístico del mundo. Hablar de turismo es mucho más que hablar de ocio; es hablar de cohesión, de solidaridad, de cultura, de vertebración, de futuro. Urge, por tanto, una respuesta europea.

El Grupo popular europeo, y el español, concretamente, ha querido ser locomotora en la respuesta. Y por esto pedimos, en primer lugar, que sea prioritario en el plan de recuperación y, en segundo lugar, una hoja de ruta clara. Necesitamos certezas, necesitamos coordinación y necesitamos seguridad.

Necesitamos seguridad en los protocolos sanitarios y en los protocolos, también, de seguridad ÷que sean comunes; que las medidas europeas se reconozcan por unos y otros÷; necesitamos ayuda a las pymes, porque el tejido productivo del turismo está compuesto en más del 90 % por pymes; necesitamos conectividad ÷volver a poner en marcha la conectividad para las Islas Baleares o para las Islas Canarias, para las regiones ultraperiféricas, es clave.

Y necesitamos también una estrategia para el futuro del turismo europeo. Hacemos un llamamiento a la acción. No podemos perder ni un minuto, porque está en juego el futuro de Europa. No hay solidaridad. Europa no existe sin solidaridad, pero tampoco Europa existiría sin el turismo.

 
  
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  István Ujhelyi, a S&D képviselőcsoport nevében. – Elnök Úr! Szociáldemokrata képviselőként 27 millió, és benne több mint ötszázezer magyar munkavállaló nevében és érdekében szólok most Önökhöz. Igen, a balatoni borászat pincére, a budapesti hotel recepciósa, a máltai utazásszervező, de a német légitársaság stewardesse is azt kérdezi, hogy mit tesztek konkrétan értünk. Merthogy a tagállami kormányok ez idáig leginkább úgy tekintettek a turizmusra, mint egy örökké gyümölcsöt adó fára. Nem akarták táplálni, a maga természetességében gondolták, hogy adóbevétel mindig lesz, munkát mindig terem. Most jöhetünk rá mindannyian, hogy ez mennyire nem így van.

Ezért a szociáldemokrata frakció követeli, hogy azonnali segítségnyújtás kell, és konkrét eszközökkel, az újjáépítési tervből. Kríziskezelő mechanizmus kell, amit hosszú távon bármikor elő tudunk venni, ha hasonló helyzetbe kerülünk. Kell egy európai utasgarancia rendszer, és ami nagyon fontos: hosszan fenntartható és okos, új európai turizmusstratégiára van szükség. Mi erre tettünk javaslatot, most lélegeztetőgépre kell tenni a szakmát és a munkaadókat, a munkavállalókat és azután pedig egy fenntartható okos terv kell, hogy mindig gyümölcsözzön az európai turizmus.

 
  
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  José Ramón Bauzá Díaz, en nombre del Grupo Renew. – Señor presidente, señora comisaria, llevamos meses escuchando hablar de datos y de compromisos abstractos: que el turismo representa el 10 % del PIB de la Unión Europea, que es un sector estratégico para la Unión, que la Comisión está totalmente comprometida con los países que más dependemos de él...

Pero la Unión Europea no puede conformarse simplemente con eso. No podemos simplemente recibir recomendaciones a sabiendas de que no están siendo seguidas por el resto de los países miembros. ¿Por qué la Comisión Europea pide el 13 de mayo que se acabe con las cuarentenas obligatorias cuando otros países, como España, imponen su propia cuarentena?

¿Por qué la apertura de fronteras se ha producido de una manera descoordinada, de modo que países con características epidemiológicas similares se han diferenciado y han espaciado la apertura en el período de un mes?

¿Por qué, dentro de la propia Unión Europea, se están vetando unos países a otros?

¿Por qué un sector que emplea a veintidós millones de personas y que supone el 12 % del total de trabajadores de la Unión no recibe ni un solo céntimo de euro como partida presupuestaria dedicada al turismo?

Que el turismo es un sector absolutamente relegado y secundario para la Comisión lo hemos oído en esta Cámara demasiadas veces, y, desgraciadamente, me temo que lo seguiremos oyendo. Ya con la crisis de la quiebra de Thomas Cook dijimos que era necesario, más que nunca, elaborar una estrategia común que nos permitiera adelantarnos a las desgracias y no improvisar. Y desgraciadamente, otra desgracia ha venido y se ha vuelto a improvisar.

Querida señora comisaria, como portavoz de Renew Europe, como eurodiputado de Ciudadanos y como expresidente del Gobierno de las Islas Baleares, una región absolutamente vinculada al turismo, les he propuesto nuestro concepto de marca Europa, basado en tres pilares: la apertura de fronteras, los estándares de calidad y de seguridad comunes y, también, la promoción de la Unión Europea como destino turístico.

Señora comisaria, tiene nuestro total y absoluto apoyo para ejercer el liderazgo político que la Unión Europea necesita. Estaremos siempre y en todo momento a su lado. Por el turismo y, sobre todo, por Europa y también por los europeos.

 
  
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  Roman Haider, im Namen der ID-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Leider ist ja der Tourismus die von der Krise am stärksten betroffene Branche überhaupt, und deswegen ist es wirklich sehr bedauerlich, dass Kommissionspräsidentin von der Leyen heute in ihrer Rede mit keinem einzigen Wort auf den Tourismus eingegangen ist.

Was es jetzt braucht, um der enorm wichtigen Tourismusbranche im Speziellen, aber auch dem für Europa vitalen Transport- und Verkehrswesen im Allgemeinen wieder auf die Beine zu helfen, sind einerseits unbürokratische Finanzhilfen, die auch wirklich bei den Unternehmen ankommen. Andererseits ist es aber auch gerade jetzt fatal, wenn die Kommission in diesem Bereich auf besonders strenge Einhaltung von Klimazielen pocht.

Der Green Deal wird sich im Bereich Transport – gerade dort – und auch für den Tourismus als massiver Hemmschuh erweisen, wenn hier nicht gravierende Änderungen vorgenommen werden. Anstatt den Tourismus- und Transportunternehmen weiterhin Prügel zwischen die Beine zu werfen, sollte die Kommission bei den Finanzhilfen und beim Aufbau eines leistungsfähigen Hochleistungsnetzes, das auch umweltgerecht ist, ansetzen.

 
  
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  Tilly Metz, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Frau Kommissarin! Nach den COVID-19-Sperrmaßnahmen müssen wir eine sichere, nachhaltige und koordinierte Wiedereröffnung des Tourismus- und Verkehrssektors sicherstellen.

Ich begrüße in dem Sinne die Leitlinien und Empfehlungen der Kommission. Lassen Sie uns auch nach vorne schauen, um uns auf den Transport und den Tourismus vorzubereiten, den wir in Zukunft wollen. Die Klimakrise wird auch mit dem Ende der Pandemie nicht verschwinden, und der Verkehrs- und Tourismussektor muss seinen Beitrag zur Verringerung unseres ökologischen Fußabdrucks leisten.

Die Krise hat uns gelehrt, dass Gesellschaften und Menschen ihre Gewohnheiten drastisch ändern können. Wir sind zu Hause geblieben, haben aufgehört zu fliegen und begonnen, mehr Rad zu fahren und mehr spazieren zu gehen. Wir haben jetzt eine einmalige Möglichkeit, das Konzept Tourismus neu zu gestalten und in nachhaltige Verkehrsträger wie den Zug – insbesondere Nachtzüge – und das Rad und die dazugehörige Infrastruktur zu investieren. Es ist auch eine Gelegenheit, die Agrarökologie und die Entwicklung der ländlichen Gebiete im Sinne des Tourismus zu fördern.

Ich fordere einen Plan für nachhaltigen Tourismus in Europa und somit eine Win-win-win-Situation: gute Arbeitsbedingungen, volle Kassen für die Anbieter, eine gesunde Umwelt – und somit ein sicheres Reiseerlebnis für die Reisenden.

 
  
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  Kosma Złotowski, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Niewiele branż poniosło w wyniku tego kryzysu tak duże straty jak transport i turystyka. Z dnia na dzień firmy operujące w tych sektorach musiały po prostu całkowicie zawiesić działanie. Odbudowanie potencjału zajmie im lata i będzie wymagało ogromnego wysiłku organizacyjnego i finansowego, który dziś spoczywa przede wszystkim na barkach państw członkowskich. Dlatego same wytyczne opublikowane przez Komisję to za mało. Potrzebne jest rzeczywiste wsparcie, które nie będzie obwarowane niemożliwymi do spełnienia celami klimatycznymi. Wdrażanie nowych przepisów, takich jak niezwykle kosztowny i szkodliwy pakiet mobilności, powinno zostać zawieszone. Komisja powinna także dokonać przeglądu przepisów, które mogą w tych nadzwyczajnych warunkach stanowić dodatkowe obciążenie. Właściwy kierunek wskazało piętnaście państw członkowskich, apelując w kwestii voucherów w transporcie lotniczym. Szkoda, że w tej kwestii Komisja zignorowała rozsądne argumenty.

 
  
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  Έλενα Κουντουρά, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας GUE/NGL. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, ο τουρισμός είναι ισχυρός επιταχυντής της ανάπτυξης και είναι ο οικονομικός κλάδος που χτυπήθηκε περισσότερο από την υγειονομική κρίση. Κινδυνεύουν εκατομμύρια θέσεις εργασίας με υποβάθμιση των εργασιακών δικαιωμάτων και με οριζόντιες μειώσεις μισθών και εισοδημάτων. Ο τουρισμός είναι οι άνθρωποι της φιλοξενίας και δεν μπορεί να υπάρξει χωρίς αυτούς. Οφείλουμε να στηρίξουμε τις μικρομεσαίες επιχειρήσεις που ασφυκτιούν από έλλειψη ρευστότητας για να επιβιώσουν στην κρίσιμη αυτή περίοδο. Οφείλουμε να αποτρέψουμε χρεοκοπίες και εξαγορές τους από ισχυρούς, καθώς και σοβαρές στρεβλώσεις στις τιμές που θα πλήξουν τον υγιή ανταγωνισμό, την αγορά και τους ίδιους τους καταναλωτές. Σήμερα λοιπόν ζητούμε την ασφαλή επανεκκίνηση των ταξιδιών, με μαζικά τεστ, χωρίς την οικονομική επιβάρυνση των πολιτών, την άμεση στήριξη της εργασίας και των επιχειρήσεων για να παραμείνουν ανταγωνιστικές την επόμενη μέρα, καθώς και ουσιαστικά εργαλεία για το μέλλον, προϋπολογισμό για τον τουρισμό, ευρωπαϊκό μηχανισμό διαχείρισης κρίσεων που να περιλαμβάνει προστασία και αποζημίωση των ταξιδιωτών σε περίπτωση πτωχεύσεων, καθςώς και μία ολοκληρωμένη ευρωπαϊκή στρατηγική για τον βιώσιμο τουρισμό.

 
  
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  Dorien Rookmaker (NI). – We are in the midst of the COVID crisis and transport has problems, but transport is the solution as well.

Why should we go for an HSPRN – a high-speed passenger rail network – connecting all major cities in the European Union amidst a COVID-19 crisis? Because public spending makes sense to combat the economic crisis. It is logical, because to invest in a green project for a sustainable future that is beneficial for all makes sense; because infrastructure investment is needed for economic growth; because future generations would like to know where the money we are spending today went. That is why we need an ambitious, tangible programme with a budget that makes it possible. That is why we should go for an HSPRN – a high-speed passenger rail network.

 
  
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  Massimiliano Salini (PPE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signora Commissaria, grazie per questa discussione. È una discussione che dà la possibilità di lavorare su una risoluzione che tocca un punto, come i colleghi hanno detto e ripetuto più volte, nevralgico. L'impatto della crisi ha compiutamente indebolito il settore turistico.

Il settore turistico ha una caratteristica imponente: intercetta molti altri settori, come spesso accade. Il turismo intercetta i trasporti, la cultura, lo sviluppo economico. C'è un tema in particolare – non mi ripeterò –, un tema che mi colpisce e che credo debba essere oggetto di attenzione e debba essere oggetto di specifici finanziamenti nel Recovery Fund, sarebbe un errore non prevederli: la tutela della professionalità del capitale umano delle miriadi di piccole imprese, che nel settore turistico, con fatica, negli anni, hanno costruito un personale capacissimo e che oggi potrebbero perdere.

Una piccola impresa educa per anni nel settore alberghiero, nel settore della ristorazione, un personale che oggi rischia di perdere. Su questo l'impatto sociale potrebbe essere molto grave, e lo pagheremmo tutti, anche a livello culturale. Interveniamo a questo proposito, prontamente.

 
  
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  Johan Danielsson (S&D). – Herr talman! Det är passande att det är just den här veckan som vi i Europaparlamentet antar vår resolution om turism, en vecka som inleddes med att många av våra landsgränser nu återigen öppnades. Nu går också startskottet för sommarledigheter och semestrar. Det är ju viktigt att vi klarar av att öppna upp för turism och resande i Europa, dels för turister som får möjlighet att se nya saker, uppleva saker, men framför allt för de 22 miljoner européer som är beroende av turismen i sitt arbete och för sina inkomster.

Som så många har var inne på: Ska det här fungera så kräver det att de som reser, de som ska turista är trygga. På flyget, på tågen, på bussen, på hotellanläggningar och så vidare. Men det kräver också att de som arbetar på hotellen, de som arbetar på restaurang eller i butiker, de som städar, är trygga när de går till sitt arbete.

Så vi måste säkerställa att vi när vi nu successivt öppnar upp våra ekonomier också garanterar hälsa och säkerhet för alla de miljontals människor som arbetar inom de här sektorerna. För ekonomin är viktig, men det är också viktigt att vi garanterar människors hälsa på arbetet.

 
  
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  Marco Campomenosi (ID). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, grazie signora Commissaria Vălean per essere qua, le occasioni di confronto con lei e con il suo collega Breton sono diverse e abbiamo già avuto modo di parlare di che cos'è l'impatto sul turismo e sul trasporto di questa crisi e di quanto sia ampio.

Io interverrò questa sera soprattutto sul tema del turismo proprio perché, l'hanno detto i miei colleghi, è un settore importantissimo. Solo nel mio paese, l'Italia, esso rappresenta il 13 % del prodotto interno lordo. Si è parlato molto di come intervenire a livello economico. In verità si potrebbe anche intervenire a costo zero, semplificando a livello normativo attraverso il potere legislativo che, a Bruxelles, la Commissione ha.

Mi riferisco, per esempio, alla direttiva servizi, ne abbiamo parlato anche con il Commissario Breton. Si può intervenire sul campo di applicazione. Da anni gli investimenti per il settore balneare in Italia sono bloccati proprio per il rischio e le problematiche che possono derivare dall'applicazione di una direttiva che data 2006 e oggi siamo nel 2020. Si può intervenire per escludere quel settore.

 
  
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  Peter Lundgren (ECR). – Herr talman! Jag anser att turism inte är något som EU egentligen ska blanda sig i. Turism är ofta en nationell, regional och väldigt ofta lokal fråga. Jag tror vi måste inse att denna sommar framför allt inte kommer att bli ett turismår som det brukar se ut. I Sverige, till exempel, har vi en regering som hanterat pandemin så fruktansvärt illa att vi inte är välkomna till vissa länder helt enkelt. Svenskar släpps inte in.

Därför tror jag att vi måste inse att det kommer att ta tid innan vi kommer tillbaka igen, när turismen kommer att bli som den var förr. Vi kommer inte se slutet på den här pandemin på ganska lång tid framöver, är jag rädd. Men turismen behöva hållas under armarna, hjälpas, och det gör man bäst från de olika medlemsländernas regeringar, inte från EU, som har en iver att stoppa fingrarna i precis allting som en nationstat sköter bättre.

 
  
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  Ismail Ertug (S&D). – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Frau Kommissarin! Ich denke, dass uns die Corona-Krise unsere Grenzen deutlich aufgezeigt hat. Sie hat uns gezeigt, dass diese Europäische Union leider doch nicht die Union ist, die wir uns wünschen. Aber das heißt, dass wir daran arbeiten müssen, dass diese Europäische Union besser wird. Wir haben 27 Millionen Menschen in der Europäischen Union, die im Tourismusgewerbe arbeiten und – die Zahlen kennen Sie, Frau Kommissarin – 10,3 % des europäischen BIP erwirtschaften. Allein der Pauschaltourismus hat im Jahr 2017 130 Milliarden EUR an Umsatz eingebracht.

Daher müssen wir die Probleme der Gegenwart lösen, denn die kleinen Unternehmen, die Reisebüros und die Leistungsanbieter haben Liquiditätsprobleme, und diese Liquiditätsprobleme müssen wir angehen. Wir als sozialdemokratische Fraktion schlagen eben einen European Travel Guarantee Fund vor, der würde ungefähr fünf bis sieben Milliarden EUR kosten. Verglichen mit den 32,9 Milliarden EUR, die die Mitgliedstaaten derzeit aufwenden, um allein die Airlines zu retten, ist das ein mickriger Betrag. Daher unsere Aufforderung, und dann die Aufforderung an die Kolleginnen und Kollegen im Parlament, diesem Fonds so zuzustimmen.

 
  
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  Adina-Ioana Vălean, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, well, thank you all very much for your comments. I think we are all on the same page here. We all recognise the importance of the sector of tourism and the sector of transport for all our economies. We are all worrying about how this is going to unfold in the future and how we are going to emerge from this crisis.

I said in the beginning, I gave some hints, well, you know, I’m thinking, and I’m sure many of you are doing the same thing, that we need to develop a sort of an emergency plan so that next time if, God forbid such a thing will come again, we will be prepared, for the second one.

And then we have to debate the lessons learned and I think this is also something very important that needs to be done very soon. We have to learn from the lessons that this crisis taught us in order to become better, and as has been said, it showed us our limits.

But on the other hand, now we are talking about tourism because it’s been hit so hard. It’s true that it’s a long debate on subsidiarities and what each of the Member States of the European Union should deal with and what is the degree of implication.

Of course, usually, when problems occur, everyone is looking towards Brussels and I would really have wished that we would have had the money to step in, but we didn’t have the money, at European level, to step in for the liquidity crisis. So we had to ask the Member States.

We put forward this flexible framework for State aid, to step in and help with liquidity. We had to protect the consumers while we were helping the companies with liquidity.

I heard several of you - and this is a floating idea going around - because it is a lesson learned, that what you do with the liquidity issue - if a huge amount of reimbursement or compensation would be asked for in case of cancellation. And I know there is this idea of a European fund. But it has to be in a budget and of course if the Member States would like to put money together for such a fund that’s one thing, on the other hand, with all the complicated discussions we have with the budget, with the MFF and everything, I haven’t seen any true appetite for creating new things at the European level.

We have to admit the fact that there are several - at national level - several schemes of guaranteeing these kind of packages and I think that here, this can be shared, and lessons learned by Member States should include also the fact that we cannot live without having a fund to guarantee all of this, or else it won’t work and the liquidity problem will be very difficult to solve.

There are, and probably you are right, we are thinking about this, that by using State aid, it might create disparities or imbalances in the competition in the market because of some Member States having a larger fiscal capacity to step in and help companies, others less. Then we feared creating an unbalanced situation for the future.

But that’s why, for example, we imagine that we proposed the solvency instrument, which would be aimed through the European Investment Fund, especially to step in and help, including by buying equity, those companies which were less helped and they would be in need of better help at the European level because they didn’t receive it at the national level.

So, we are advanced and we are engaged with the European financial institutions, with the EIB, to map and see how all the instruments we have put in place, which is quite an exhaustive list, can be used for various situations.

But anyway, our aim is to support those who are not helped and there are viable companies to be helped through this financial instrument at European level.

Transport workers are critical and I think from the very beginning, from the very first guidelines we put forward, we stressed the importance of them being treated as critical workers. So that’s why we didn’t have them put in quarantine when they’re crossing the border or one or the other.

We, in all the guidelines we had for each mode, we insisted on the protective measures to be taken, especially for workers in transport. And I think this is the same for tourism and for the hospitality industry, because if the workers are getting sick or if they are not protected, it makes it a no-brainer.

So, I think everyone started that. We have to have them safe in order to have them providing services. So this is something I’m totally supporting.

For small and medium-sized enterprises, we had put very quickly in place some instruments - by my colleagues, of course, in the Commission.

For example, we have the SURE programme, which is an instrument to support, especially jobs. We put in EUR 100 billion in loans for SURE, especially to support short-time work schemes and to help the Member States to protect the jobs, the employees and the self-employed against the risk of dismissal and loss of income. Is it enough? I don’t know.

We are of course in a continuous process of evaluating how all these proposals we have had are actually working.

And also, the idea behind the creation of the Next Generation EU fund is especially for the recovery, it is foreseen for recovery. We have been thinking of front-loading a lot of money at the beginning of next year or so from the MFF. So this will be an injection of capital and funds, which would translate ultimately into jobs and profitability for the companies in economic sectors.

I think this would cover more or less some of the issues you have raised. Of course, we would love to see simplified procedures.

There are also messages from you, which I will take to my colleagues in the college, so that we can further reflect on the situation.

While we are talking about the future, you will receive our strategy; you will see that we are aiming at putting it to consultation. By the end of the year, you will receive our strategy for sustainable and smart transport. I would add also resilient.

So that will be a great opportunity for us to look to the future. But the future cannot be but sustainable and smart. So also when we are talking about tourism, I think, for tourism itself, the future has to be sustainable, and this is a debate we will have to have, because I don’t want to forget about that.

There are also lots of schemes at regional level for tourism - because we saw, in relation to the situation with the crisis, it has a footprint, which is regional and the necessities and challenges are different from one region to another. So, through the regional funds, I know that financing was made available.

Finally, let’s not forget that this is a health crisis. This is a health crisis. And the situation with the virus and the epidemiological situation is so different from one place to another. We need to trust. We need to make people understand that as long as we don’t have a vaccine or a viable treatment, there is a risk. And we have to continue to live with the virus.

So this is the situation and a most unfortunate one. But we need to adapt and try to be safe and restart the connectivity and the services in tourism and in transport.

Thank you very much for having me this evening and I’m looking forward to our next encounter.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. – Gemäß Artikel 132 Absatz 2 der Geschäftsordnung wurden sieben Entschließungsanträge eingereicht.

Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Abstimmung über die Änderungsanträge findet am Donnerstag, 18. Juni 2020, und die Schlussabstimmung am Freitag, 19. Juni 2020, statt.

Wir bereits erwähnt, wird am Donnerstag um 9.00 Uhr das Ergebnis der zweiten Abstimmungsrunde bekannt gegeben.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 171)

 
  
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  Magdalena Adamowicz (PPE), na piśmie. – Rozprzestrzenianie się wirusa COVID-19 na terenie Unii Europejskiej doprowadziło do niemal załamania się branży turystycznej w Europie. Dlatego pilnie potrzebne jest wsparcie dla przedsiębiorców, w szczególności osób samozatrudnionych oraz małych i średnich firm, aby pomóc im w zarządzaniu płynnością finansową, utrzymaniu miejsc pracy i zmniejszeniu niepotrzebnych obciążeń administracyjnych. Tysiące przedsiębiorstw, zwłaszcza tych mniejszych, walczy dzisiaj o przetrwanie, a wiele z nich zmaga się z niewypłacalnością. Pomoc potrzebna jest natychmiast. W tym kontekście należy po raz kolejny zwrócić uwagę na obecny brak konkretnego instrumentu finansowego Unii Europejskiej, który pomógłby w odbudowie branży turystycznej po pandemii. Co więcej, w kolejnych wieloletnich ramach finansowych na lata 2021–2027 również zabrakło specjalnej linii budżetowej dla turystyki. Uważam, iż, biorąc pod uwagę doświadczenia ostatnich miesięcy, należy podjąć szeroką dyskusję na temat całościowej polityki Unii Europejskiej w dziedzinie turystyki, która jest niezwykle ważnym sektorem europejskiej gospodarki.

 
  
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  Pablo Arias Echeverría (PPE), por escrito. – La Resolución común aprobada por el Parlamento Europeo propone medidas concretas a la Comisión Europea para afrontar la recuperación de los sectores turístico y del transporte y salir de la crisis causada por la pandemia de la COVID-19. Estos dos sectores son de los más afectados y es fundamental una respuesta ágil y coordinada por parte de las instituciones europeas. La confianza sanitaria y económica y la seguridad jurídica es lo que da certidumbre al sector del turismo y transporte para reactivar su actividad.

En esta línea, la Resolución común incluye varias propuestas de la Delegación Española del Partido Popular en el Parlamento Europeo, como la elaboración de un label europeo que garantice los máximos protocolos de higiene en infraestructuras y medios de transporte, con el fin de generar confianza entre los turistas, la aplicación de medidas para la recuperación del turismo en las regiones insulares y en las regiones ultraperiféricas (RUP), o la necesidad de una línea presupuestaria dedicada al turismo sostenible dentro del próximo marco financiero plurianual (2021-2027). También incluye, a petición nuestra, la necesidad de elaborar una estrategia a largo plazo para el turismo que siente las bases para que el sector esté preparado ante posibles crisis futuras.

 
  
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  Josianne Cutajar (S&D), bil-miktub. – It-turiżmu kien l-aktar qasam milqut mill-pandemija. Minn hawn ’l hemm dmirna huwa li naraw li ma jkunx l-aktar wieħed li jdum iħoss l-impatt. Dan fl-interess tal-istabbiltà ekonomika tal-istati membri, kif ukoll għall-ġid tal-miljuni ta’ ħaddiema Ewropej li ħobżhom jiddependi mit-turiżmu. Ir-riżoluzzjoni hija f’lokha, għax tieħu kunsiderazzjoni tad-diffikultajiet kbar li esperjenza l-qasam turistiku Ewropew fix-xhur li għaddew imma ma tieqafx hemm. Tħares lejn kif is-settur jista’ jissaħħaħ u jsir aktar reżiljenti għal kriżijiet potenzjali fil-futur. Żgur li s-settur ma joħroġx mill-kriżi jekk f’qasir żmien nerġgħu nispiċċaw f’emerġenza ta’ saħħa pubblika. Għaldaqstant l-Ewropa teħtieġ aktar koordinament ta’ regoli l-aktar fejn jidħlu vawċers u rimborsi ta’ vjaġġi kkanċellati, tixrid ta’ informazzjoni u kriterji ta’ eżaminazzjoni tal-kundizzjoni medika li jiddeterminaw persuna titħalliex taqsam fruntiera. Filwaqt li dan il-Parlament qed jitlob strateġija Ewropea komprensiva, is-settur turistiku fil-pajjiżi membri jeħtieġ jibbenefika minn aktar flessibbiltà fl-infiq tal-gvernijiet nazzjonali biex mill-aktar fis joħroġ mill-kriżi. Wasal iż-żmien li nimplimentaw minnufih il-Mekkaniżmu ta’ Kontroll tal-Kriżi (CMM) li ilna niddiskutu xhur sħaħ. B’koordinament Ewropew u b’implimentazzjoni mill-awtoritajiet pubbliċi tal-pajjiżi membri, dan il-mekkaniżmu għandu jagħti l-garanziji neċessarji lill-konsumaturi, inkluż f’każ ta’ falliment tal-kumpaniji tat-turiżmu u l-ivjaġġar. Azzjonijiet f’waqthom issa biss jistgħu jsaħħu l-fiduċja tal-pubbliku fl-ivjaġġar.

 
  
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  Miriam Dalli (S&D), in writing. – The COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact on the tourism and travel sectors. Travel restrictions have already distressed the entire tourism value chain and affected approximately 27 million employees. To counter the devastating impact of COVID-19, we need to use the crisis as an opportunity to develop a comprehensive and future-proof European strategy that stabilizes and rebuilds the sector and incorporates the European Green Deal. We must re-establish our citizens’ trust by ensuring consumer and passenger rights and protection. The European Commission has already clarified the voluntary nature of travel vouchers, but enforcement and widespread communication of this rule is lacking. A European Travel Guarantee Fund would address this issue by securing the financial liquidity of the tourism and travel sector while also guaranteeing consumer rights. Further, the establishment of uniform EU health guidelines along with Member State specific guidelines is vital for passenger protection. We must also develop a roadmap for sustainable tourism and travel by focusing on the creation of a non-toxic circular economy, urgently pushing the aviation and maritime industries to cut emissions, investing in digitalization, and investing in sustainable tourism schemes for businesses, particularly SMEs which must be guaranteed immediate access to liquidity and support.

 
  
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  Andor Deli (PPE), in writing. – Tourism is extremely important and Member States are doing their best to help their companies, small and family businesses and the EU must help and supplement these efforts, through the Recovery program. But true recovery can only happen if we rebuild the trust of travellers. To achieve this, coordination between the Member States is key. The Commission should facilitate this process, but it must remain within the remits of the national authorities to decide on lifting or introducing travel restrictions in view of their own assessment of the situation. There cannot be a one-fits all solution, because it can backfire through increasing number of infections. In the light of social distancing and lower capacities I am convinced that we must broaden the variety of European travel destinations. Therefore in the coming weeks we must promote a much wider range of cities and regions. I am counting on the Commission to support such efforts. That would not only broaden the number of destinations and help the local hospitality sector, but it would make European tourism more sustainable and balanced, stopping overtourism at certain locations.

 
  
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  Tomasz Frankowski (PPE), na piśmie. – Kryzys spowodowany pandemią Covid-19 odbił piętno na nas wszystkich. Obostrzenia spowodowane kwarantanną, zakazem przemieszczania się oraz dramatyczne w skutkach spowolnienie gospodarki przyczyniło się do upadku wielu przedsiębiorstw z sektora transportu i turystyki. Chciałbym podziękować Komisji Europejskiej za szereg rekomendacji umożliwiających stopniowe i skoordynowane udostępnianie usług i placówek turystycznych oraz usług transportowych. Ważne jest, aby podczas reaktywacji europejskiej gospodarki, przyjąć za priorytet ochronę przedsiębiorstw oraz jak najaktywniejsze wspieranie miejsc pracy. Małe i średnie przedsiębiorstwa stanowią 99% wszystkich firm w Europie, tworząc 2/3 ogółu miejsc pracy. W tej kwestii potrzebne są bardziej elastyczne wymagania administracyjne oraz lepszy dostęp do pomocy finansowej, gdyż to właśnie te przedsiębiorstwa są w stanie ożywić europejską turystykę. Chciałbym również zaapelować do Komisji Europejskiej o zwiększenie wsparcia dla sektorów kultury oraz sportu, które pełnią istotną rolę dla rozwoju turystyki. Na popularności zyskuje szczególnie turystyka sportowa, zwłaszcza w postaci uczestnictwa w wielkich wydarzeniach sportowych, która przyciąga kibiców oraz sportowców nawet do najbardziej odległych regionów.

 
  
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  Karol Karski (ECR), na piśmie. – Sektor podróży i turystyki wytwarza 3,9% PKB UE oraz zatrudnia 5,1% całej siły roboczej, czyli obejmuje ok. 11,9 mln miejsc pracy. W powiązaniu z innymi sektorami gospodarki wartości te wzrastają do 10,3% PKB i 11,7% ogólnego zatrudnienia, co oznacza 27,3 mln pracowników. W Polsce branża transportowa wypracowuje około 15% PKB. Sektory transportu i turystyki to sektory najbardziej dotknięte kryzysem wywołanym przez koronawirusa. Ograniczenia nałożone na przemieszczanie się i podróże w następstwie pandemii spowodowały spadek międzynarodowych przyjazdów o 60%–80%. Szacuje się, że spadek dochodów hoteli i restauracji może wynieść 50%, operatorów turystycznych i biur podróży – 70%, a linii żeglugowych i linii lotniczych – 90%. W konsekwencji pandemii zagrożonych jest 6,4 mln miejsc pracy w UE. Przedsiębiorstwa walczą o przetrwanie. Dlatego tak ważne jest, aby zagwarantować im szybkie wsparcie szczególne, zapewniając linie kredytowe w celu utrzymania płynności, a także pożyczki obrotowe, finansujące wypłatę wynagrodzeń. W długofalowej perspektywie natomiast konieczne jest wdrożenie środków, które dadzą turystom pewność, że będą mogli znów podróżować do Europy i w jej obrębie. Niezbędne jest również utrzymanie strategicznej infrastruktury transportowej, takiej jak porty i koleje, tak aby uchronić ją przed zagranicznymi przejęciami. Należy również odrzucić nowelizację pakietu mobilności, którego przepisy dodatkowo pogrążą przedsiębiorstwa.

 
  
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  Łukasz Kohut (S&D), in writing. – There are many factors which influence the choice of a holiday destination. Among them, very importantly, cultural heritage. Sixty-eight percent of Europeans point to this factor. Cultural tourism accounts for forty percent of European tourism. European projects, such as the European Capital of Culture, provide a great drive for cultural tourism. The 2020 Capitals - Rijeka and Galway - have sadly missed out in a special predicament, because of the pandemic. They need to rapidly adjust their programmes prepared for years in advance. A second wave or future virus could follow. We do not know if coronavirus will not come back with a second wave. Or some other new virus. However, being prepared is crucial. We must have preparedness, action plans, contingency all in place in advance for projects such as the European Capital of Culture for the future. Only in this way will we encourage future applicants for the title, among them the Silesian city of Katowice with the surrounding Metropolis of Zagłębie Dąbrowskie and Upper Silesia. Thank you very much!

 
  
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  Ondřej Kovařík (Renew), písemně. – Cestovní ruch je nejen jedním z klíčových sektorů evropské ekonomiky, ale také jeden z nejvíce zasažených pandemií COVID-19. I když aktuálně čelí řadě různých problémů, má také možnost vytvořit či chopit se nových příležitostí. Nyní je nutné vynaložit úsilí ze strany všech členských států ke společné obnově cestovního ruchu. Bezpečnost, veřejné zdraví a expertní doporučení by měly být klíčovými faktory. Občané by také měli být dostatečně informováni o podmínkách a hygienických opatřeních, které byly zavedeny a jsou v platnosti v jednotlivých destinacích.

 
  
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  Julie Lechanteux (ID), par écrit. – Face à la crise de la COVID–19, la Commission présente une série de mesures totalement insuffisantes. Par contre, les députés du Rassemblement national proposent des mesures concrètes: un Plan Soleil immédiat de 50 milliards d’euros et une grande campagne de sensibilisation au tourisme local; l’annulation des charges fiscales et sociales pour l’année 2020 pour les entreprises de la filière touristique qui ont réalisé moins de 70 % de leur chiffre d’affaires habituel; la suppression de la CFE pour 6 mois; l’accélération de la procédure de remboursement du chômage partiel; l’obligation pour les banques d’accorder les prêts garantis par l’État; la mise à contribution des assurances dans la perte d’exploitation des entreprises; l’aide et le conseil à la mise aux normes sanitaires des établissements et des activités; l’aide à la formation des personnels sur les nouveaux protocoles sanitaires; l’aide à l’adaptation des entreprises à la nouvelle donne: clientèle locale, mise en avant de produits locaux; l’extension des terrasses sur la voie publique en liaison avec les maires, sans coût supplémentaire; la reconduction automatique en 2021 de tous les contrats de concession.

 
  
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  Marian-Jean Marinescu (PPE), în scris. – Turismul este un sector important ca număr de lucrători și ca produs intern brut, în unele state depășind 15 %, dar și ca punte socială. Din păcate, politicile care vizează cel mai mare număr de cetățeni, educație, sănătate, turism nu sunt în competența Uniunii. Comisia Europeană a elaborat deja recomandări pentru turism care să ajute acest sector să iasă cu bine din criza Covid-19.

Pentru a rezista la alte crize, pentru a avea o abordare comună, pentru a atrage cât mai mulți turiști din afara Europei, este necesar să avem o politică comună în domeniul turismului, cu reguli armonizate, cu categoriile de entități turistice care se bucură de aceleași standarde privind funcționarea și infrastructura.

În acest moment nu avem o abordare similară în ceea ce privește protecția turistului sau a personalului din domeniu, pentru că toate aceste lucruri sunt la latitudinea fiecărui stat membru. În acest caz, trebuie găsită o soluție care să nu implice o schimbare de tratat, ci mai degrabă căi indirecte.

În turism avem la dispoziție prevederile legate de protecția consumatorului, care este un sector de competență partajată. Plecând de la asigurarea protecției turistului, am putea ajunge chiar la niște drepturi ale acestuia, ca în cazul pasagerilor.

 
  
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  Ελισσάβετ Βόζεμπεργκ-Βρυωνίδη (PPE), γραπτώς. – Οι αρνητικές επιπτώσεις της πανδημίας στον τομέα του τουρισμού συνεχίζονται σε πανευρωπαϊκό επίπεδο και έχουν πλέον αποτυπωθεί στα ποσοτικά μεγέθη του πρώτου τριμήνου 2020. Στην Ελλάδα, που αποτελεί έναν από τους δημοφιλέστερους τουριστικούς προορισμούς, έχει καταγραφεί ήδη μείωση στον εισερχόμενο τουρισμό κατά 5,6% ενώ στις αντίστοιχες εισπράξεις η πτώση φτάνει το 17,1% σε σύγκριση με την ίδια περίοδο του 2019. Η Ελληνική κυβέρνηση απέδειξε ότι κάνει πρωταθλητισμό στον έλεγχο της πανδημίας, γεγονός που είναι αισιόδοξο προανάκρουσμα για την επανέναρξη της τουριστικής περιόδου, σημαντικού παράγοντα στην οικονομία της Ελλάδος και της ΕΕ. Εντούτοις, στο πολύ κρίσιμο αυτό χρονικό σημείο, ένα βήμα πριν από το καθολικό άνοιγμα της τουριστικής περιόδου, η ρευστότητα παραμένει ακόμα ζητούμενο. Η Ελλάδα έχει εξαρχής υποστηρίξει το Ευρωπαϊκό Πρόγραμμα Ανάκαμψης αλλά ο τουριστικός κλάδος έχει ανάγκη από άμεσες χρηματοδοτήσεις, με επιδοτήσεις που θα επιτρέψουν σε όλες τις τουριστικές επιχειρήσεις να επαναλειτουργήσουν κανονικά και σε εκατοντάδες χιλιάδες ανθρώπους να επιστρέψουν στις θέσεις εργασίας τους. Είναι χρέος μας να ανατρέψουμε την κρίση ρευστότητας, που έχει θέσει σε σοβαρό κίνδυνο τη βιωσιμότητα του κλάδου την επόμενη μέρα. Η ΕΕ επιβάλλεται να ηγηθεί αυτής της προσπάθειας με τα απαραίτητα κεφάλαια υπό μορφή προχρηματοδοτήσεων, που θα οδηγήσουν στη διατήρηση της ανταγωνιστικότητας του ελληνικού και ευρωπαϊκού τουρισμού.

 
  
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  Iuliu Winkler (PPE), în scris. – UE face acum primul pas către elaborarea unei strategii europene pentru turism. Aceasta ar trebui să asigure o abordare coordonată la nivelul întregii Uniuni și a tuturor statelor membre într-un domeniu care este esențial pentru economia noastră. PE a solicitat în dezbaterile din lunile aprilie și mai acțiune imediată, deoarece turismul, împreună cu transporturile, reprezintă cele mai greu afectate sectoare economice de pandemia de coronavirus. O strategie în domeniul turismului trebuie să dispună și de resurse financiare, de aceea solicitarea formulată în rezoluția PE cu privire la o linie bugetară dedicată turismului sustenabil în MFF 2021-2027 este crucială.

Salut comunicarea Comisiei cu privire la turism și transport, precum și pachetul de măsuri destinate depășirii crizei provocate de coronavirus în aceste domenii. Am convingerea că, pe lângă intervenția de urgență, avem nevoie de o abordare pe termen lung. Acum, 6,5 milioane de locuri de muncă din domeniul turismului sunt în pericol, zeci de mii de IMM-uri riscând să-și înceteze activitatea. Momentele cele mai critice sunt încă în fața noastră, iar măsurile imediate propuse de Comisie, implementate în strânsă cooperare cu statele membre, ar putea asigura revenirea în sectorul turistic și salvarea a numeroase întreprinderi și locuri de muncă.

 

31. Dichiarazioni di voto: vedasi processo verbale

32. Correzioni e intenzioni di voto: vedasi processo verbale
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33. Ordine del giorno della prossima seduta: vedasi processo verbale
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34. Chiusura della seduta
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(Die Sitzung wird um 21.15 Uhr geschlossen.)

 
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