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Středa, 16. září 2020 - Brusel Předběžné znění

3. Stav Unie (rozprava na aktuální téma) (rozprava)
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  Presidente. – L'ordine del giorno reca in discussione la dichiarazione della Presidente della Commissione sullo stato dell'Unione (2020/2696(RSP)).

Si tratta di un appuntamento molto atteso. Tante cose sono cambiate in questo anno sotto il cielo dell'Europa e naturalmente c'è molta attenzione per quanto ci dirà la Presidente von der Leyen.

 
  
MPphoto
 

  Ursula von der Leyen, Présidente de la Commission. – Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, l’un des esprits les plus courageux de notre époque, Andreï Sakharov, un homme tant admiré par ce Parlement, parlait toujours de sa foi inébranlable dans la force cachée de l’esprit humain. Au cours de ces six derniers mois, les Européens ont fait preuve de toute cette force. Nous l’avons vu avec les soignants qui ont déménagé dans les maisons de retraite pour s’occuper des malades et des personnes âgées, avec les médecins et les infirmières qui sont devenus membres de famille pour les malades arrivés à leur dernier souffle, et avec tous les travailleurs de première ligne qui, jour et nuit, semaine après semaine, ont pris des risques pour nous tous. Leur empathie, leur courage et leur sens du devoir nous inspirent et je voudrais commencer ce discours en leur rendant hommage.

(Applaudissements)

Their stories also reveal a lot about the state of our world and the state of our Union. They show the power of humanity and the sense of mourning which will live long in our society. And they expose to us the fragility all around us. A virus a thousand times smaller than a grain of sand exposed how delicate life can be. It laid bare the strains on our health systems and the limits of a model that values wealth above wellbeing. It brought into sharper focus the planetary fragility that we see every day through melting glaciers, burning forests and now through global pandemics. It changed the way we behave and communicate – keeping our arms at length, and our faces behind masks. It showed us just how fragile our community of values really is, and how quickly it can be called into question around the world and even here in our Union.

But people want to move out of this Corona world, out of this fragility, out of this uncertainty. They are ready for change and they are ready to move on. And this is the moment for Europe. The moment for Europe to lead the way from this fragility towards a new vitality, and that is what I want to talk about today.

Honourable Members, I say this because in the last months we have rediscovered the value of what we hold in common. As individuals, we have all sacrificed a piece of our personal liberty for the safety of others. And as a Union, we all shared a part of our sovereignty for the common good. We turned fear and division between Member States into confidence in our Union. We showed that it is possible and what is possible when we trust each other and we trust the European institutions. And with all of that, we choose to not only repair and recover for the here and now, but to shape a better way of living for the world of tomorrow.

This is NextGenerationEU. This is our opportunity to make change happen by design, and not by disaster or by diktat from others in the world. To emerge stronger by creating opportunities for the world of tomorrow, and not just building contingencies for the world of yesterday. We have everything we need to make this happen. We have shaken off the old excuses and home comforts. We have the vision, we have a plan, we have the investment. It is now time to get to work.

This morning, I sent a Letter of Intent to President Sassoli and Chancellor Merkel, on behalf of the German Presidency, outlining the Commission’s plans for the year ahead. I will not present every initiative today but I want to touch on what our Union must focus on in the next twelve months.

Honourable Members, the people of Europe are still suffering. It is a period of profound anxiety for millions who are concerned about the health of their families, the future of their jobs, or simply getting through to the end of the month. The pandemic and the uncertainty that goes with it is not over. And the recovery is still in its early stage. So our first priority is to pull each other through this and to be there for those that need it. And thanks to our unique social market economy, Europe can do just that. It is above all a human economy that protects us against the great risks of life – illness, ill-fortune, unemployment and poverty. It offers stability and helps us better absorb shocks. It creates opportunities and prosperity by promoting innovation, growth and fair competition. Never before has that enduring promise of protection, stability and opportunity been more important than it is today.

Allow me to explain why. First, Europe must continue to protect lives and livelihoods. This is all the more important in the middle of a pandemic that shows no sign of running out of steam or intensity. We know how quickly numbers can spiral out of control, so we must continue to handle this pandemic with extreme care, responsibility and unity.

In the last six months, our health systems and workers have produced miracles. Every country has worked to do its best for its citizens. And Europe has done more together than ever before. When the Member States closed borders, we created green lanes for goods. When more than 600 000 European citizens were stranded all over the world, the EU brought them back home. When some countries introduced export bans for critical medical goods, we stopped that and ensured that critical medical goods should go where they were needed.

We worked with European industry to increase the production of masks, of gloves, of tests, of ventilators. Our Civil Protection Mechanism ensured that doctors from Romania could treat patients in Italy, or that Latvia could send masks to its Baltic neighbours. And we achieved all that without having full competences. So for me, it is crystal clear: we need to build a stronger European Health Union. It is time to do that.

(Applause)

And to start making this a reality, we must now draw the first lessons from the health crisis. We need to make our new EU4Health programme future proof. This is why I had proposed to increase funding and I am grateful that this Parliament is ready to fight for more funding and remedy the cuts made by the European Council. And we need to strengthen our crisis preparedness and management of cross-border health issues.

As a first step, we will propose to reinforce and empower the European Medicines Agency and ECDC, our centre for disease prevention and control. As a second step, we will build a European BARDA, an agency for biomedical advanced research and development. This new agency will support our capacity and readiness to respond to cross-border threats and emergencies, whether of natural or deliberate origin. We need strategic stockpiling to address supply chain dependencies, notably for pharmaceutical goods. And as a third step, it is clearer than ever that we must discuss the question of health competences. I think it is a noble and urgent task to do this for the Conference on the Future of Europe.

(Applause)

And finally – and because this was a global crisis – we need to learn global lessons. This is why, along with Prime Minister Conte and the Italian G20 Presidency next year, I will convene a Global Health Summit next year in Italy. This will show Europeans that our Union is there to protect them all, and this is exactly what we have done when it comes to workers. When I took office, I vowed to create an instrument to protect workers and businesses from external shocks. Because I knew from my experience as a Minister for Labour and Social Affairs that these schemes work. They keep people in jobs, they keep the skills in companies and of course they keep SMEs in business. These SMEs are the motor of our economy and they will be the engine of our recovery.

This is why the Commission created the SURE programme, and I want to thank this House for working on it in record time. If Europe has so far avoided mass unemployment seen elsewhere, it is thanks in large part to the fact that around 40 million people applied for short-time work schemes. The speed and unity of purpose means that 16 countries will soon receive almost EUR 90 billion from SURE to support workers and companies. From Lithuania to Spain, it will give peace of mind to families who need that income to put food on the table or to pay the rent. And it will help protect millions of jobs, incomes and companies right across our Union.

This is real European solidarity in action and it reflects the fact that in our Union the dignity of work must be sacred. But the truth is that for too many people, work no longer pays. Dumping wages destroys the dignity of work, penalises the entrepreneur who pays decent wages and distorts fair competition in the Single Market, and this has to stop. This is why the Commission will put forward a legal proposal to support Member States to set up a framework for minimum wages. Everyone must have access to minimum wages either through collective bargaining or through statutory minimum wages.

I personally am a strong advocate of collective bargaining and the proposal will fully respect national competencies and traditions. We have seen in many Member States that introduced collectively-bargained minimum wages how a well-negotiated minimum wage secures jobs and creates fairness – both for the workers and for the companies really value them. Minimum wages work, and it is time that work paid.

(Applause)

The second promise of the social market economy is that of stability. By showing it was united and up to the task, Europe provided the stability that our economies needed. I will not forget when the crisis hit, the Commission immediately triggered the general escape clause for the very first time in our history. We flexibilised our European funds and State aid rules. Authorising more than EUR three trillion in support to companies and industry: from fishermen in Croatia to farmers in Greece, from SMEs in Italy to freelancers in Denmark. The European Central Bank took decisive action through the PEPP programme. The Commission proposed NextGenerationEU in record time, thus combining investment with much needed reforms. The Council endorsed it in record time. This House is working towards voting on it with maximum speed.

Honourable Members, for the first time – and for exceptional times – Europe has put in place its own common tools to complement national fiscal stabilisers. This is a remarkable moment of unity in the European Union, and this is an achievement we should take collective pride in. We made that!

(Applause)

Now is the time to hold our course. We have all seen the forecasts. We can expect our economies to start moving again after a 12% drop in GDP in the second quarter. But as the virus lingers so does the uncertainty here in Europe and around the world. So this is definitely not the time to withdraw support. Our economies need continued policy support and a delicate balance will need to be struck between providing financial support and ensuring fiscal sustainability.

In the longer-term there is no greater way to stability and competitiveness than through a stronger Economic and Monetary Union. Confidence in the euro has never been stronger. The historic agreement on NextGenerationEU shows the political backing that it has. And we must now use this opportunity to make structural reforms in our economies and complete the Capital Markets Union and the Banking Union.

Deep and liquid capital markets are essential to give businesses access to the finance they need, and they need it to grow and invest in recovery and in the future, and they are also a pre-requisite to further strengthen the international role of the euro. So let’s get to work and finally complete this generational project.

The third enduring promise is the promise of opportunity. The pandemic reminded us of many things we may have forgotten or we may have taken for granted. We were reminded how linked our economies are and how crucial a fully functioning Single Market is to our prosperity and to the way we do things. The Single Market is all about opportunity – opportunity for consumers to get value for money, opportunities for a company to sell everywhere in Europe and opportunities for industry to drive global competitiveness.

And for all of us, it is about the opportunity to make the most of the freedoms we cherish as Europeans. It gives our companies the scale they need to prosper and a safe haven for them in times of trouble. We rely on it every day to make our lives easier, and it is crucial for managing the crisis and recovering our strength.

So let’s give it a boost. We must tear down the barriers of the Single Market. We must cut red tape. We must step up implementation and enforcement. And we must restore the four freedoms in full and as fast as possible. The linchpin of this is a fully functioning Schengen area of free movement. We will work with Parliament and Member States to bring this high up on our political agenda and we will propose a new strategy for the future of Schengen.

Based on this strong internal market, the European industry has long powered our economy, providing a stable living for millions and creating the social hubs around which our communities are built. We presented a new industry strategy in March to ensure industry could lead the twin green and digital transition. The last six months have only accelerated that transformation at a time when the global competitive landscape is fundamentally changing. We too, we have to keep up and this is why we will update our industry strategy in the first half of next year and adapt our competition framework, which should also keep pace.

Honourable Members, all of this will ensure Europe gets back on its feet. But as we pull through together, we must also propel ourselves forwards in the world of tomorrow. There is no more urgent need for acceleration than when it comes to the future of our fragile planet. While much of the world’s activity froze during lockdowns and shutdowns, the planet continued to get dangerously hotter. We see it all around us: from houses evacuated due to glacier collapse on the Mont Blanc, to fires burning through Oregon, to crops destroyed in Romania by the most severe drought in decades. But we also saw nature come back into our lives. We longed for green spaces and cleaner air, for our mental health and our physical wellbeing.

We know change is needed, and we also know it is possible. The European Green Deal is our blueprint to make that transformation. At the heart of it is our mission to become the first climate-neutral continent in 2050. But we will not get there with the status quo: we need to go faster and we need to do things better.

We looked in-depth at every sector to see how fast we could go and how to do it in a responsible, evidence-based way. We held a wide public consultation and conducted an extensive impact assessment. On this basis, the Commission is proposing to increase the 2030 target for emission reduction to at least 55%.

(Applause)

I recognise that this increase from 40 to 55 is too much for some, and not enough for others. But our impact assessment clearly shows that our economy and industry can manage this, and they want it. Just yesterday, 170 business leaders and investors, from SME’s to some of the world’s biggest companies, wrote to me calling on Europe to set a target of at least 55%. Our impact assessment clearly shows that meeting this target would put the European Union firmly on track for climate neutrality by 2050 and for meeting our Paris Agreement obligations. And if others follow our lead, the world will be able to keep warming below 1.5 degrees Celsius.

I am fully aware that many of our partners are far away from that – but we have to lead, and I will come back to the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism later. But for us, the 2030 target is ambitious, it’s achievable, and it is beneficial for Europe. We can do it, and we have already shown we can do it. While emissions dropped 25% since 1990, our economy grew more than 60%. The difference is we now have the technology, we have way more expertise and we have the investment, and we are already embarking towards a circular economy with carbon neutral production. We want to be leading in the world on that. We have more young people pushing for change. We have more proof that what is good for the climate is good for business and is good for us all. And we have a solemn promise to leave no one behind in this transformation. With our Just Transition Fund we will support the regions that have a bigger and more costly change to make. We have it all. Now it’s our responsibility to implement it, and to make it happen. And I want you at my side and I invite you in this endeavour because we can only do it together. This is our mission on the European level, honourable Members.

Meeting this new target will reduce our energy import dependency, will create millions of extra jobs and more than halve air pollution. To get there, we have to start now. By next summer, we will revise all of our climate and energy legislation to make it ‘fit for 55’. We will enhance emission trading, boost renewable energy, improve energy efficiency, reform energy taxation.

But the mission of the European Green Deal involves much more than cutting emissions. It is important, but it is about making systemic modernisation across our economy, society and industry. It is about building a stronger world to live in. Our current levels of consumption of raw materials, energy, water, food and land use are not sustainable. We need to change how we treat nature, how we produce and consume, how we live and work, eat and heat, travel and transport. So we will tackle everything from hazardous chemicals to deforestation, to pollution. This is a plan for a true recovery. It is an investment plan for Europe, and this is where NextGenerationEU will make a real difference.

Firstly, 37% of NextGenerationEU will be spent directly on our European Green Deal objectives. I will ensure that it also takes green financing to the next level. We are world leaders in green finance and we are the largest issuer of green bonds worldwide. We are leading the way in developing a reliable EU Green Bond Standard. And I can today announce that we will set a target of 30% of NextGenerationEU’s EUR 750 billion to be raised through green bonds.

(Applause)

Secondly, NextGenerationEU should invest in lighthouse European projects with the biggest impact: hydrogen, renovation and one million electric charging points. Allow me to explain how this could work. Two weeks ago in Sweden, a unique fossil-free steel pilot began test operations. It will replace coal with hydrogen to produce clean steel. This shows the potential of hydrogen to support our industry with a new, clean, licence to operate. I want NextGenerationEU to create new European Hydrogen Valleys to modernise our industries, to power our vehicles and to bring new life to our rural areas.

The second example are the buildings we live and work in. Our buildings generate more than 40% of our emissions. They need to become less wasteful, less expensive and more sustainable. And we know that the construction sector can even be turned from a carbon source into a carbon sink, if organic building materials like wood and smart technologies like AI are being used.

I want NextGenerationEU to kickstart a European renovation wave and make our Union a leader in the circular economy. But this is not just an environmental or economic project: it needs to be a new cultural project for Europe. Every movement has its own look and feel. And we need to give our systemic change its own distinct aesthetics to match style with sustainability.

This is why we will set up a new European Bauhaus – a co-creation space where architects, artists, students, engineers and designers work together to make that happen. This is NextGenerationEU. This is shaping the world we want to live in. A world served by an economy that cuts emissions, boosts competitiveness, reduces energy poverty, creates rewarding jobs and improves quality of life. A world where we use digital technologies to build a healthier, greener society, and this can only be achieved if we all do it together. And I will insist that recovery plans don’t just bring us out of the crisis, but also help us propel Europe forward into the world of tomorrow.

Sehr geehrte Damen und Herren Abgeordnete! Stellen wir uns für einen Moment diese Pandemie vor ohne das Digitale. Quarantäne – vollständig isoliert von Familie und Gemeinschaft, abgeschnitten von der Arbeitswelt, gewaltige Versorgungsprobleme. So oder so ähnlich muss es wohl vor 100 Jahren bei der letzten Pandemie ausgesehen haben.

Ein Jahrhundert später erlaubt uns moderne Technologie bei einer schlimmen Pandemie, dass junge Menschen aus der Ferne lernen, zu Hause, und Millionen von Menschen von zu Hause aus arbeiten. Sie ermöglicht Unternehmen, die Produktion am Laufen zu halten und ihre Produkte zu vertreiben, und sie ermöglicht öffentlichen Verwaltungen, wichtige Dienstleistungen für Bürgerinnen und Bürger zu erbringen.

Wir haben in wenigen Wochen mehr digitale Innovation und Transformation erlebt, als sonst in Jahren. Aber wir stoßen an die Grenzen dessen, was wir auf analogem Wege noch tun können. Und diese digitale Beschleunigung hat gerade erst begonnen.

Das kommende Jahrzehnt muss Europas Digital Decade sein. Und wir brauchen einen gemeinsamen Plan für das digitale Europa mit ganz klar definierten Zielen bis 2050. Wir brauchen Ziele bis 2030, unter anderem in den Feldern Konnektivität, digitale Kompetenzen, öffentliche Verwaltung und vieles anderes mehr.

Und wir brauchen klare Prinzipien: das Recht auf Privatsphäre, das Recht auf Zugang, freie Meinungsäußerung, freier Datenfluss und Cybersicherheit.

Um das zu erreichen, muss Europa jetzt führen. Oder es wird lange anderen folgen müssen, die dann für uns die Standards setzen. Deswegen müssen wir schnell handeln, und wir müssen entschlossen handeln.

Es gibt drei Bereiche, auf die wir uns meiner Meinung nach konzentrieren müssen:

Zuerst die Daten. Bei den personalisierten Daten, Business-to-Consumer, war Europa zu langsam und ist nun auf andere angewiesen. Das darf uns bei den Industriedaten nicht passieren. Und hier ist die gute Nachricht: Hier ist Europa in Führung – wir haben die Technologie, und wir haben vor allem die Industrie, die wir dazu brauchen. Aber das Rennen ist damit noch nicht gewonnen.

Die Menge der Industriedaten in der Welt wird sich in den nächsten fünf Jahren vervierfachen – und damit ebenso auch die verbundenen Chancen.

Das heißt, wir müssen jetzt unseren Unternehmen, jetzt unseren Mittelständlern, den Start-ups, den Forscherinnen und Forschern die Möglichkeiten eröffnen, aus dem Vollen zu schöpfen. Industriedaten sind Gold wert, wenn es darum geht, neue Produkte und neue Dienstleistungen zu entwickeln. Die Realität sieht aber noch anders aus: 80 % der Industriedaten, die gesammelt werden, werden leider nie genutzt. Das ist eine riesige Verschwendung.

Eine echte Datenwirtschaft wäre hingegen ein kraftvoller Motor für Innovation und für neue Arbeitsplätze. Und deshalb müssen wir diese Daten für Europa sichern und breit zugänglich machen. Dafür brauchen wir gemeinsame Datenräume – zum Beispiel im Energie- und Gesundheitswesen. Diese werden Innovationscluster stärken, in denen Universitäten, Unternehmen und Forschungseinrichtungen sicher auf die Daten zugreifen können und zusammenarbeiten können. Deshalb werden wir im Rahmen von NextGenerationEU eine europäische Cloud aufbauen – auf der Grundlage von Gaia-X.

Der zweite Bereich, auf den wir uns konzentrieren müssen, ist die Technologie – und hier insbesondere die künstliche Intelligenz. Ob es um den Präzisionsanbau in der Landwirtschaft geht oder um treffgenaue medizinische Frühdiagnosen oder ob es um sicheres autonomes Fahren geht – die künstliche Intelligenz eröffnet uns Welten, das ist fantastisch, aber diese Welten brauchen auch Regeln. Das heißt, Algorithmen dürfen keine Blackbox sein, und es muss klare Regeln geben, wenn etwas schiefgeht.

Die Kommission wird im nächsten Jahr ein entsprechendes Gesetz vorlegen.

Dazu gehört auch die Kontrolle über unsere persönlichen Daten, die wir heute viel zu selten haben. Jedes Mal, wenn eine Website uns auffordert, eine neue digitale Identität zu erstellen oder uns bequem über eine große Plattform anzumelden, haben wir in Wirklichkeit keine Ahnung, was eigentlich mit unseren Daten passiert. Und das muss aufhören. Aus diesem Grund wird die Kommission demnächst eine sichere europäische digitale Identität vorschlagen. Eine, der wir vertrauen und die Bürgerinnen und Bürger überall in Europa nutzen können, um alles zu tun, vom Steuernzahlen bis zum Fahrradmieten. Eine Technologie, bei der wir selbst kontrollieren können, welche Daten ausgetauscht und wie sie verwendet werden. Das ist unser Verständnis von einer menschenzentrierten Technologie, die wir beherrschen, die uns dient.

Der dritte Punkt ist die Infrastruktur.

Die Datenverbindungen müssen mit dem rasanten Tempo Schritt halten. Wenn wir uns ein Europa der gleichen Startchancen tatsächlich auf die Fahnen schreiben, dann kann es nicht sein, dass 40 % der Menschen in den ländlichen Räumen immer noch ohne Zugang zu schnellen Breitbandverbindungen sind. Breitbandverbindungen sind heute die Voraussetzung für Online-Learning, Homeoffice, Onlineshopping und viele, viele Dienstleistungen, die jeden Tag neu erstellt werden. Und ohne Breitbandverbindung lässt sich heute ein Unternehmen einfach nicht mehr führen, geschweige denn aufbauen.

Das heißt, diese schnellen Daten sind die Voraussetzung, aber sie sind auch eine Riesenchance für die Revitalisierung der ländlichen Räume. Nur dann können diese ländlichen Räume ihr Potenzial voll ausschöpfen und dann aber auch wieder Menschen und Investitionen anziehen.

Der Investitionsschub durch NextGenerationEU ist eine einmalige Gelegenheit, den Ausbau bis ins letzte Dorf voranzutreiben. Deswegen wollen wir bei den Aufbauplänen einen Schwerpunkt auf sichere Konnektivität, auf den Ausbau von 5G, 6G und Glasfaser setzen. NextGenerationEU ist ebenso eine einmalige Gelegenheit, die wir nutzen sollten, einen gemeinsamen europäischen Ansatz für Konnektivität und für den Ausbau der digitalen Infrastruktur zu entwickeln.

All dies ist kein Selbstzweck – es geht um Europas digitale Souveränität, im Kleinen wie im Großen. In diesem Sinne freue ich mich, Investitionen von 8 Milliarden Euro in die nächste Generation von Supercomputern ankündigen zu können. Das ist Spitzentechnologie made in Europe!

(Beifall)

Und wir wollen, dass die Europäische Industrie einen eigenen Mikroprozessor der nächsten Generation entwickelt, der uns erlaubt, die steigenden Datenmengen energieeffizient und sicher zu nutzen. All das und noch viel mehr gehört für mich zu Europas Digital Decade!

Sehr geehrte Damen und Herren Abgeordnete, wenn Europa jetzt aufs Tempo drückt, müssen wir aber vor allem unsere Zögerlichkeit ablegen. Es geht vor allem darum, dass wir mehr Kontrolle über unsere Zukunft haben, Europa mehr Kontrolle über seine Zukunft geben. Wir haben alles, was es dazu braucht, um sie Wirklichkeit werden zu lassen. Der Privatsektor wartet dringend auf einen Plan – der ist jetzt da. Es gab noch nie einen besseren Zeitpunkt, um in europäische Technologieunternehmen zu investieren, überall von Sofia über Lissabon bis Kattowitz neue digitale Cluster aufzubauen.

Wir haben die Menschen, wir haben die Ideen, wir haben die Investitionskraft, um als Europäische Union erfolgreich zu sein. Deshalb werden wir 20 Prozent von NextGenerationEU in das Digitale investieren. Wir wollen damit den europäischen Weg ins Digitalzeitalter gehen – basierend auf unseren Werten, unserer Stärke und unseren Ambitionen.

Honourable Members, Europe is determined to use this transition. To build the world we want to live in, and that of course extends well beyond our external borders. The pandemic has simultaneously shown both the fragility of the global system and the importance of cooperation to tackle collective change.

And in the face of the crisis some around the world choose to retreat into isolation. Others actively destabilise the system. Europe chose to reach out.

Our leadership is not about self-serving propaganda. It is not about Europe first. It is about being the first to seriously answer the call when it is needed.

In the pandemic, European planes delivering thousands of tons of protective equipment landed everywhere from Sudan to Afghanistan, Somalia to Venezuela.

We know none of us will ever be safe until all of us are safe and we know wherever we live, whatever we have, there has to be access, affordable and safe access, to vaccines, treatments and diagnostics.

At the beginning of the pandemic, there was no funding, there was no global framework for a COVID-19 vaccine, there was just the rush to be the first one to get one.

This was the moment when the European Union stepped up to lead the global response with civil society, with G20, with the WHO and others, we brought more than 40 countries together to raise EUR 16 billion to finance research on vaccines, on tests, on treatments for the whole world. And this is Europe’s unmatched convening power we can be so proud of. It is not enough to find a vaccine, we need to make sure that European citizens and those around the world have access to it.

And just this month the European Union joined the COVAX global facility and contributed EUR 400 million to help ensure that safe vaccines are available not only for those who can afford it but for everyone who needs it.

Because we know vaccine nationalism puts lives at risks, only vaccine cooperation saves lives.

(Applause)

Honourable Members, we are firm believers in the strength and value of cooperating and international bodies. It is with a strong united nation that we can find long term solutions for crises like Libya and Syria. It is with a strong World Health Organisation, that we can better prepare and respond to global pandemics or local outbreaks, be it Corona or Ebola. And it is with a strong World Trade Organisation that we can ensure fair competition for all.

But the truth is also that the need to revitalise and to reform the multilateral system has never been so urgent. Our global system has grown into a creeping paralysis. Major powers are either pulling out or they are taking the institutions hostage for their own interests, and neither road will lead anywhere.

Yes, we need change, but we need change by design and not by destruction of our international system.

(Applause)

And this is why I want the European Union to lead reforms on WHO and WTO so that they are fit for today’s world.

But we know that multilateral reforms take time, and in the meantime the world will not stop. Without any doubt there is a clear need for Europe to take clear positions and quick actions on global affairs.

Two days ago the latest EU-China leaders meeting took place. The relationship between the European Union and China is simultaneously one of the most strategically important and one of the most challenging we have.

And from the outset we have said China is a negotiating partner, an economic competitor and a systemic rival.

We have interests in common on issues such as climate change, and China has shown it is willing to engage through a high-level dialogue but we expect also China to live up to its commitments in the Paris Agreement and to lead by example.

In the economic field there is still hard work to do on a fair market access for European companies - reciprocity and overcapacity. And we continue to have an unbalanced trade and investment partnership. And there is no doubt that we promote very different systems of governance and society.

We believe in the universal value of democracy and the rights of the individual. Europe is certainly not without issues, think for example of growing anti-Semitism. But criticism and opposition, we discuss them here publicly. Criticism and opposition are not only accepted, but they are legally protected, there is an open debate about all these issues. So we must call out human rights abuses whenever and wherever they occur, be it in Hong Kong or be it with Uyghurs.

(Applause)

But what holds us back? Why are even simple statements on EU values delayed, watered down or held hostage for other motives?

When Member States say Europe is too slow, I say be courageous and finally move to qualified majority voting, at least on human rights and sanctions implementation.

(Sustained applause)

This House has called many times for a European Magnitsky Act and I can announce that we will now come forward with a proposal, we need to complete our toolbox.

(Applause)

Honourable Members, be it in Hong Kong, Moscow or Minsk, Europe must take a clear and swift position. And I want to say it loud and clear. The European Union is on the side of the people of Belarus.

(Applause)

We have all been moved by the immense courage of those peacefully gathering in the Independence Square or taking part in the fearless women’s march. The elections that brought them into the streets were neither free nor fair, and the brutal response by the government ever since has been shameful. The people of Belarus must be free to decide their own future for themselves, they are not pieces on someone else’s chess board.

(Applause)

And to those that advocate closer ties with Russia, I say that the poisoning of Alexei Navalny with an advanced chemical agent is not a one-off. We have seen the pattern in Georgia, and in Ukraine, in Syria and Salisbury, and in election meddling around the world, and this pattern is not changing and no pipeline will change that.

(Applause)

Turkey is and will always be an important neighbour. But while we are close together on the map, the distance between us appears to be growing.

Yes, Turkey is in a troubled neighbourhood and yes it is hosting millions of refugees for which we support them with considerable funding, but none of this is justification for attempts to intimidate their neighbours. Our Member States, Cyprus and Greece, can always count on Europe’s full solidarity on protecting their legitimate sovereignty rights.

(Applause)

De-escalation in the eastern Mediterranean is in our mutual interest. The return of exploratory vessels to Turkish ports in the past few days is a positive step in this direction. This is necessary to create the much needed space for dialogue, refraining from unilateral actions and resuming talks in good faith, is the only path forward. The only path to stability and lasting solutions.

Honourable Members, as well as responding more assertively to global events, Europe must deepen and refine its partnerships with its friends and allies and this starts with revitalising our most enduring partnerships.

We might not always agree with recent decisions of the White House but we will always cherish the transatlantic alliance, based on shared values and history and an unbreakable bond between our people.

So whatever may happen later this year, we are ready to build a new transatlantic agenda, to strengthen our bilateral partnership, be it on trade, on tech or taxation, and we are ready to work together on reforming the international system we built together, jointly with like-minded partners.

For our own interests and in the interest of the common good, we need new beginnings with old friends on both sides of the Atlantic and on both sides of the channel.

The scenes in this very room when we held hands and sang goodbye with Auld Lang Syne, spoke a thousand words, and they showed an affection for the British people that will never fade.

But with every day that passes the chances for a timely agreement do start to fade. Negotiations are always difficult and we are used to that and the Commission has the best and most experienced negotiator, Michel Barnier, to navigate us through that. But talks have not progressed as we would have wished and that leaves us very little time.

As ever, this House will be the first to know and it will be the one that has the last say, and I can assure you we will continue to update you thoroughly just as we did with the withdrawal agreement.

This withdrawal agreement took three years to negotiate and we worked relentlessly on it, line by line, word by word and together we succeeded and the result guarantees our citizens’ rights, financial interests, the integrity of the single market, and crucially, the Good Friday Agreement. And the European Union and the UK jointly agreed it was the best and only way for ensuring peace on the island of Ireland and we will never backtrack on that and this agreement has been ratified by this House and by the House of Commons. It cannot be unilaterally changed, disregarded or dis-applied. This is a matter of law and trust and good faith.

(Applause)

And that is not just me saying it. I remind you of the words of Margaret Thatcher. I quote, ‘Britain does not break treaties. It would be bad for Britain, bad for relations with the rest of the world and bad for any future treaty on trade’, end of quote. This was true then and this is true today.

(Applause)

Trust is the foundation of any strong partnership and Europe will always be ready to build strong partnerships with our closest neighbours. This starts with the Western Balkans.

The decision six month ago to open accession negotiations with Albania and North Macedonia was truly historical. Indeed the future of the whole region lies in the European Union. We share the same history. We share the same destiny. The Western Balkans are part of Europe and they’re not just a stopover on the Silk Road.

We will soon present an economic recovery package for the Western Balkans focusing on a number of regional investment initiatives. And we will be there for the Eastern Partnership countries and our partners in the southern neighbourhood, to help create jobs and kick-start their economies.

When I came into office, I chose for the very first trip outside the European Union to visit the African Union, and it was a natural choice.

It was a natural choice and it was a very clear message because we are not just neighbours, but we are natural partners. Three months later I returned with my entire college to set out the priorities for new strategies with Africa. It is a partnership of equals where both sides share opportunities and responsibilities. Africa will be a key partner in building the world we want to live in, whether it is on climate, digital or trade.

Honourable Members, we will continue to believe in open and fair trade across the world, not as an end in itself but as a way to deliver prosperity at home and promote values and standards. More than 600 000 jobs in Europe are tied for example to trade with Japan, and our recent agreement with Vietnam alone helped secure historic labour rights for millions of workers in the country.

We will use our diplomatic strength and economic clout to broker agreements that make a difference, such as designating maritime protected areas in Antarctica. This would be one of the biggest acts of environmental protection in history.

We will form high ambition coalitions on issues such as the digital ethics of fighting deforestation and we will develop partnerships with all like-minded partners from Asian democracies to Australia, Africa, the Americas and anyone else who wants to join.

We will work on just globalisation. We cannot take this for granted.

We must insist on fairness and a level playing field, and Europe will always move forward alone or with partners to do that.

I want to come back to the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism. Carbon must have its price because nature cannot pay this price anymore. And this Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism should motivate foreign producers and EU importers to reduce their carbon emissions, while ensuring that we level the playing field in a WTO compatible way.

The same principle applies to digital taxation. We will spare no effort to reach agreement in the framework of OECD and G20. But let there be no doubt, should an agreement fall short of a fair tax system that provides long-term sustainable revenues, Europe will come forward with a proposal early next year. I want Europe to be a global advocate for that.

(Applause)

Honourable Members, if Europe is to play a vital role in the world, it must also create new vitality inside, and to move forward we must now overcome the differences that held us back.

The historic agreement on NextGenerationEU shows that it can be done and the speed with which we took decisions on fiscal rules, state aid or SURE, all these show it can be done. So let’s do it!

Migration is an issue that has been discussed long enough. Migration has always been a fact for Europe and it will always be. Throughout centuries, it has defined our societies. It has enriched our cultures and it has shaped many of our lives and this will always be the case.

As we all know, the 2015 migration crisis caused many deep divisions between Member States, with some of those scars still healing today. A lot has been done since, but a lot is still missing. If we are all ready to make compromises, without compromising on our principles, we can find a solution.

Next week, the Commission will put forward its pact on migration. We will take a human and humane approach. And there are principles, saving lives at sea is not optional.

(Applause)

And those countries who fulfil their legal and moral duties or are more exposed than others must be able to rely on the solidarity of our whole European Union.

We will ensure a closer link between asylum and return. We have to make a clear distinction between those who have the right to stay and those who do not. We will take action to fight smugglers, strengthen external borders, deepen external partnerships and create legal pathways. And we will make sure that people who have the right to stay are integrated and made to feel welcome. They have a future to build and skills, energy and talent.

I think of Suaad, the teenage Syrian refugee who arrived in Europe dreaming of being a medical doctor. Within three years she was awarded a prestigious scholarship from the Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland. I think of the Libyan and Somalian refugee doctors who offered their medical skills the moment the pandemic struck in France. And last year I told you the story of Muaz, whom I had the honour to meet. He is studying physics today in Europe.

Honourable Members, if we think about what they have overcome and what they have achieved, then we simply must be able to manage the question of migration together. The images of the Moria camp are a painful reminder of the need for Europe to come together.

(Applause)

Everybody has to take a step up here and take responsibility, and the Commission will do just that. The Commission is now working on a plan for a joint pilot with the Greek authorities for new camp on Lesbos. We can assist with asylum and return processes and significantly improve the conditions for the refugees.

But I want to be clear. If we step up, then I expect all Member States to step up too. Migration is a European challenge, and the whole of Europe must do its part.

(Applause)

We must rebuild the trust among us and move forward together and this trust is at the very heart of our Union and the way we do things together.

It is anchored in our founding values, our democracies and in our community of law, as Walter Hallstein used to say.

This is not an abstract term. The rule of law helps protect people from the rule of the powerful. It is the guarantor of our most basic, everyday rights and freedoms. It allows us to give our opinion and to be informed by a free press.

Before the end of the month the Commission will adopt the first annual rule of law report covering all Member States. It is a preventive tool for early detection of challenges and for finding solutions. I want this to be a starting point for Commission, Parliament and Member States to ensure there is no backsliding.

The Commission attaches the highest importance to the rule of law and this is why we will ensure that money from our budget and NextGenerationEU is protected against any kind of fraud, corruption or conflict of interest. This is non-negotiable.

(Applause)

But the last months have also reminded us how fragile, it can be. We have a duty to always be vigilant, to care and nurture for the rule of law and breaches of the rule of law cannot be tolerated.

I will continue to defend it and the integrity of our European institutions, be it about the primacy of EU law, the freedom of the press, the independence of the judiciary, or the sale of golden passports, European values are not for sale.

(Applause)

Honourable Members, these values are more important than ever. I say that because when I think of the State of the Union, I am reminded of the words of John Hume, one of the great Europeans who sadly passed away this year.

If so many people live in peace today on the island of Ireland, it is in large part because of his unwavering belief in humanity and conflict resolution.

He used to say that conflict was about difference and that peace was about respect for difference. And as he so rightly reminded this House in 1998 and I quote, ‘The European visionaries decided that difference is not a threat. Difference is natural. Difference is the essence of humanity’. End of quote.

And these words are just as important today as they ever have been because when I look around we ask ourselves, where is the essence of humanity when three children in Wisconsin watched their father shot by the police while they sat in the car? Where is the essence of humanity when anti-Semitic carnival costumes are openly paraded on our streets? Where is the essence of humanity when every single day Roma people are excluded from society and others held back simply because of the colour of their skin, or their religious belief?

I am proud to live in Europe in this open society of values and diversity, but even here in this Union these stories are daily reality for so many people, and this reminds us that progress on fighting racism and hate is fragile. It is hard won but very easily lost. So now is the moment to make change, to build a truly anti-racist union that goes from condemnation to action, and the Commission is putting forward an action plan to start making that happen.

As part of this we will propose to extend the list of EU crimes to all forms of hate crime and hate speech, whether because of race, religion, gender or sexuality, hate is hate and no one should have to put up with that.

(Applause)

We must strengthen our racial equality laws where there are gaps. We will use our budget to address discrimination in areas such as employment, housing or health care. We will get tougher on enforcement when implementation lags behind, because in this Union fighting racism will never be optional.

We will improve education and knowledge on the historical, cultural causes of racism. We will tackle unconscious bias that exist in people, in institutions, well, yes, and even in algorithms, and we will appoint the Commission’s first ever anti-racism coordinator to keep this at the top of our agenda and to work directly with people, civil society and institutions.

Honourable Members, I will not rest when it comes to building a union of equality. A union where you can be who you are and love who you want without fear and recrimination.

(Applause)

Because being yourself is not your ideology, it is your identity, and no one can ever take it away. So I want to be crystal clear. LGBTQI-free zones are humanity free zones and they have no place in our union.

(Applause)

And to make sure that we support the whole community, the Commission will soon put forward a strategy to strengthen LGBTQI rights. As part of this I will also push for mutual recognition of family relations in the EU, because if you are a parent in one country you are of course a parent in every country.

(Applause)

Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, voici le monde dans lequel nous voulons vivre, le monde où nous sommes unis, dans la diversité et l’adversité, où nous travaillons ensemble pour surmonter nos différences et où nous nous soutenons dans les moments difficiles. Le monde plus fort, le monde plus respectueux et plus sain de demain que nous construisons aujourd’hui, pour nos enfants.

Mais pendant que nous essayons d’apprendre la vie à nos enfants, nos enfants nous apprennent ce qu’est la vie. Cette année nous a montré à quel point cela est vrai. Nous pouvons parler des millions de jeunes qui demandent un changement pour une planète plus saine, ou des centaines de milliers de magnifiques arcs-en-ciel de solidarité affichés dans les fenêtres de toute l’Europe par nos enfants.

Il y a une image qui m’est restée en tête au cours de ces six derniers mois, une image qui saisit le monde à travers les yeux de nos enfants. C’est l’image de Carola et de Vittoria, les deux jeunes filles jouant au tennis sur les toits de la Ligurie, en Italie, pendant le confinement. Il n’y a pas que le talent et le courage des filles qui ressort de cette image, c’est surtout la leçon qui se cache derrière, une leçon de ne jamais se laisser bloquer par des obstacles sur notre chemin, une leçon de ne jamais se faire freiner par les conventions et de toujours saisir le moment. Voici ce que Carola, Vittoria et tous les jeunes d’Europe nous apprennent chaque jour sur la vie. Cela, c’est la prochaine génération d’Europe, NextGenerationEU.

Et cette année, l’Europe a suivi leur exemple et a fait un bond en avant, ensemble. Quand il fallait trouver une voie pour notre avenir, nous n’avons pas laissé les vieilles conventions nous freiner. Quand nous avons senti la fragilité autour de nous, nous avons saisi le moment pour donner une nouvelle vitalité à notre Union. Et quand nous avons eu le choix de faire cavalier seul, comme par le passé, nous avons utilisé toute la force des 27 pour donner à tous les 27 une chance pour l’avenir. Nous avons montré que nous sommes ensemble dans cette histoire et que nous en sortirons ensemble.

Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, l’avenir sera ce que nous en ferons et l’Europe sera ce que nous voulons. Cessons donc de la rabaisser et travaillons pour la construire, pour la faire forte et pour bâtir le monde dans lequel nous voulons vivre. Vive l’Europe! Long live Europe! Lang Lebe Europa!

 
  
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  Manfred Weber, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, let me start first with a thank you. Your State of the Union speech today marks the end of the first year of your mandate and the mandate of all of us.

It was for sure a challenging year, but you managed it, and together with the whole Commission team, I want to thank you. I also want to thank the colleagues in the European Parliament, because in the last year we have shown unity and good cooperation in the house, despite all our political differences. We have shown Europeans that we speak with one voice when it matters most.

The State of the Union speech is an important point in our agenda, and we as the EPP fully support the main line of your speech. It is about health, migration, the rule of law and a Europe without hate.

I want to focus my contribution on our main title – how can we address the fears of Europeans after the crisis, or during the crisis? How can we answer this? And our main message is that we have to now show credibility.

For the European People’s Party, the headline of the upcoming weeks is jobs, jobs and jobs. Take Italy, where 40% of young people are still unemployed. We can never accept another lost generation in today’s European Union.

When we insist on a 5G network for Europe, and a project to fight against cancer, and the idea of a new battery technology, it’s not just about showing EU flags on billboards and how much money we spend, it’s about delivering on jobs.

You can spend recovery fund money only once, and our priority is the future of Europe’s young generation. Let us now use one-third of the recovery funds to finance a pact for European jobs.

For us, credibility means immediately starting the digital catch-up. You spoke about this. But, I must ask, where are the initiatives from the Commission? We have had green papers, we have had white papers, but no real progress has been made. And that is what we need. We can probably even have a kind of Digital Act like we do the Climate Act, to prioritise things – investment in infrastructure and investment in technologies.

For us credibility means finalising an ambitious but realistic Green Deal to stimulate new and innovative jobs. For us credibility means screening all EU legislation to check if it stimulates jobs or not. Now is again the time to cut the bureaucratic burden and to reinforce the single market. And credibility means that the recovery fund must protect and support European interests and – let me be frank – not Chinese ones. That’s why we need clear rules. No money from European taxpayers in the pockets of State-owned companies from China.

The second point I want to underline concerns the external dimension. Because credibility means that we have to speak with one voice in the world.

Belarus and Russia. 30 years ago, people in Budapest, Dresden and Warsaw went out and fought for democracy and freedom. 12 years ago Kiev and now Minsk. Lukashenko said in an interview a few days ago that if Belarus falls, Russia will fall. I say it in my words: the idea of free people is going to the east and no-one can stop it, neither Lukashenko nor Putin. We are credible, and the people out on the streets in Minsk see that Europe is on their side. After the Navalny case, all options of further sanctions must be on the table: as you yourself said, even stopping the Nord Stream 2 project.

And one word to our colleagues from Front National, Salvini and Syriza. We are here to serve European citizens. A true patriot is never Putin’s puppet.

And Turkey is the second subject for External Affairs. While the Greek government is ready to accept the decision of the International Court of Justice on the gas dispute, Turkey is sending warships, is breaking international law in Syria, suppressing free media and stoking religious tensions with its decision on Hagia Sophia.

So I ask, are we credible when Turkey still wants to join the European Union? I say no, that is not credible, and when Erdoğan attacks our family, we – especially the German Presidency – cannot be a fair mediator. We have to be close to our friends in Cyprus and Greece. That is why we are a union of values.

And finally, on Brexit, here too the need for credibility is really, really big. It makes no sense to negotiate a future agreement in the face of a British Prime Minister who is throwing out of the window the agreement that he himself signed. Great Britain, you are losing your credibility on the global level. What I can say is that the European Parliament can never vote for any trade agreement with Great Britain if we cannot trust each other.

So the upcoming months will be extremely challenging. They will shape Europe. Let’s show our citizens that Europe shows solidarity and first of all credibility.

(Applause)

 
  
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  Iratxe García Pérez, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor presidente, señora presidenta Von der Leyen, señorías, estamos aquí para analizar cuál es el estado de nuestra Unión. Debemos hacer un diagnóstico exacto para poder acertar con las recetas. La situación, digámoslo claramente, no es buena. Y no lo es, porque la pandemia nos ha sacudido de una forma imprevisible.

Pero también la COVID ha hecho más patente la necesidad de abordar otros problemas que llevamos mucho tiempo arrastrando. Y me refiero, por ejemplo, a la gestión común de la migración, que nos hubiera ahorrado la situación y el episodio vergonzoso de Moria. Me refiero a los instrumentos incompletos para gestionar el euro. Me refiero a unos recursos propios que hoy son minúsculos. Pero hay algo en lo que sin duda hemos acertado. Y es que la respuesta a esta crisis no va a ser la misma que en el 2008. Porque esta vez daremos una respuesta centrada en las personas y en la solidaridad. No en la austeridad, no en la macrocondicionalidad.

Este es su primer discurso, señora Von der Leyen. Y yo le agradezco los esfuerzos que ha hecho por escuchar a este Parlamento. Hace un año ni usted ni yo hubiéramos imaginado lo que iba a suceder. Al gran reto de la transformación ecológica y digital, se suma ahora la necesidad de afrontar los efectos sanitarios, sociales y económicos de la COVID, que son muchos, y además hacerlo en un contexto de total incertidumbre. Y si no lo gestionamos bien, corremos el riesgo de alimentar los discursos antieuropeos y antisistema.

Pronto comenzará la Conferencia sobre el Futuro de Europa y tenemos que ver cuáles son los resultados, pero no podemos esperar a sus conclusiones. La gente nos espera. Espera a Europa. Y lo peor que podemos hacer es decepcionarles. Llevamos décadas hablando de recursos propios y de fiscalidad europea, del impuesto de transacciones financieras, por ejemplo. Porque es totalmente inaceptable que el peso de la recaudación fiscal en Europa caiga sobre la renta y los bolsillos de los trabajadores y las trabajadoras, y no sobre los grandes movimientos financieros y los especuladores.

Hay otras propuestas también sobre las que debemos hablar. Pero tenemos que decidir, porque solo así podremos invertir en la transición ecológica y digital, atendiendo también a la dimensión social, sin dejar a nadie en el camino. Ahora es el momento de invertir en esa Europa resiliente que nos ha planteado la prospectiva estratégica. Nos alegra que haya asumido el objetivo vinculante de reducir al menos el 55 % de los gases de efecto invernadero antes del 2030. Mi Grupo lleva mucho tiempo luchando por eso.

Pero no olvidemos que el cuidado de las personas también forma parte de la sostenibilidad. Y, ahora más que nunca, debemos insistir en una estrategia contra la pobreza, que incluya la Garantía Infantil y una Directiva marco para el salario mínimo. La Presidencia alemana ha asumido nuestra propuesta del sistema de ingreso mínimo que esperamos salga adelante. Ahora debemos reformar la gobernanza económica. Suspender el pacto fiscal hasta 2022 fue una decisión acertada y ahora debemos abrirnos también a una posible regla de oro para la inversión sostenible. Esta crisis amenaza a nuestras sociedades porque puede abrir brechas insalvables. La cohesión social es una de nuestras señas de identidad, de la que nos orgullecemos en Europa, y debemos protegerla.

Así como debemos proteger a un sector de la cultura, muy castigado, que es otro elemento de cohesión social también y de identidad compartida y de integración. Usted ha hecho referencia, señora Von der Leyen, al Bauhaus europeo y yo le propongo hoy la creación de un bono o carné cultural europeo destinado a jóvenes y desempleados, en coordinación con los Estados miembros. Será un instrumento para reforzar el tejido cultural europeo y estimular una ciudadanía europea madura y crítica.

Señorías, hay una decisión fundamental que tenemos pendiente, con toda franqueza, y es la de nuestros valores. Es alarmante ver el deterioro del Estado de Derecho en algunos países miembros. No vale solo con levantar la voz, tiene que haber consecuencias. No hay democracia sin independencia judicial. Y es inadmisible que haya ciudades en la Unión que se declaren libres de LGTBI. Es una deriva muy peligrosa que hay que atajar y exigimos al Consejo que adopte una posición común de forma inmediata para empezar la negociación del mecanismo del Estado de Derecho.

Decía, al principio de mi intervención, que el estado de la Unión no es bueno, pero también, déjenme que sea sincera, no veo ningún otro lugar del mundo donde yo quisiera vivir en este momento. Precisamente porque tenemos la capacidad, los valores y las instituciones que pueden hacer frente a esta crisis de manera solidaria y eficaz, yo me niego a resignarme. Nosotros nos negamos a resignarnos. La ciudadanía tiene muchas esperanzas puestas en nosotros. Por favor, no les defraudemos.

 
  
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  Dacian Cioloş, în numele grupului Renew. – Domnule Președinte, doamna Președintă, Europa a făcut progrese considerabile în ultimele luni. Fără îndoială, planul de relansare este un pas istoric înainte și întruchipează forța Uniunii și capacitatea noastră de a depăși crizele împreună. Am început să construim o Europă cetățenească în adevăratul sens al cuvântului.

S-a mai auzit vocea naționaliștilor sau antieuropenilor în ultimele săptămâni? Au început să se încurce în propriile argumente care denigrau proiectul european și azi nu prea mai au nimic relevant de spus. Vor să ascundă faptul că au nevoie de acest plan de relansare - la fel ca toți ceilalți europeni - pentru că și ei au nevoie de Europa. Evident, nu o vor recunoaște niciodată, dar azi e tot mai clar că proiectul naționalist rămâne, încet-încet, fără obiect, pentru că Europa își face treaba și e concretă, și e directă. Este, deci, momentul să fim clari și când vorbim despre valorile noastre, nu doar când vrem bani de la Uniunea Europeană.

Nu există un compromis posibil între o Europă a investițiilor sau o Europă a valorilor. Europa nu este una sau cealaltă, nu poate fi decât amândouă. Statul de drept nu este o alternativă, este un principiu-cheie inclusiv pentru dumneavoastră, doamna Președintă, pentru Comisie, pentru Parlament și pentru Consiliu.

Pentru că ce se va întâmpla cu încrederea cetățenilor câștigată în aceste zile dacă, peste un an sau doi, vom citi articole în presă care arată cum bani din planul de redresare sau din bugetul viitor se scurg în buzunarele celor care și-au găsit vocație de autocrați în Uniunea noastră? O justiție slabă într-un singur stat membru subminează credibilitatea întregului stat de drept din Europa.

Consiliul a dorit o mai mare flexibilitate în utilizarea fondurilor europene, dar sumele implicate sunt colosale și sunt datorii făcute în numele cetățenilor europeni. De aceea, interesele financiare ale Uniunii trebuie protejate împotriva corupției și a conflictelor de interese. Statul de drept nu este abstract și este responsabilitatea dumneavoastră să stați alături de Parlament în această luptă, la fel ca în lupta pentru resursele proprii, pentru un nou buget, pentru că așa începem să construim Europa. Apoi, fiecare din deciziile noastre trebuie să le permită cetățenilor să câștige prosperitate durabilă.

Tocmai a fost făcut un pas important pentru legea europeană a climei cu setarea unui obiectiv ambițios de 55 % pentru reducerea emisiilor de carbon. Și ați răspuns aici, doamna Președintă, și unei solicitări de analiză de impact pe care a făcut-o Renew Europe și vă felicit, și vă mulțumesc pentru asta. Este o decizie exemplară și istorică ca atunci când luăm o astfel de decizie să avem și o analiză de impact.

Așteptăm acum o lege digitală care deschide calea către independență în ceea ce privește procesoarele, criptarea datelor, stocarea în cloud, așa cum ați spus-o. Aceste tehnologii de zi cu zi ne determină modul de viață viitor. Ar fi iresponsabil să ne bazăm pe state din afara Uniunii pentru astfel de lucruri strategice și salut decizia dumneavoastră de a rezerva cel puțin 20 % din buget pentru acest tip de investiții. Construcția unei Europe verzi și digitale trebuie să provoace încredere, nu teamă, dar, pentru asta, haideți să construim fără constrângeri administrative și fără îngrădiri de libertăți. Să creăm premisele unei tranziții pozitive către o nouă relație cu resursele naturale prin inovații digitale, sociale și economice. Să construim o Europă care nu se clatină în fața unui prim-ministru britanic care începe să-și piardă reperele sau a unui lider turc care are o vizibilă febră naționalistă și un Putin dornic să semene discordie. O Europă care nu lasă în urmă teritoriile rurale cu o agricultură în care digitalul și ecologizarea nu sunt acolo pentru a crea birocrație, ci pentru a genera venituri pentru fermieri și bunăstare pentru consumator.

Doamna Președintă, Europa trebuie să fie un reper de stabilitate în fața anxietății cetățenilor și să ofere soluții în fața incertitudinilor și temerilor. Am oferit câteva răspunsuri bune în ultimele luni, dar criza nu a trecut. Mai mult ca oricând, oamenii așteaptă o Europă concretă, reactivă și prezentă acolo unde e nevoie. Vom câștiga dacă vom ști să generăm solidaritate prin ceea ce decidem și facem. Vă mulțumesc.

 
  
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  Nicolas Bay, au nom du groupe ID. – Monsieur le Président, «ils entendent sans comprendre et sont semblables à des sourds. Le proverbe s’applique à eux: présents, ils sont absents.» Cette citation d’Héraclite, on la croirait, Madame von der Leyen, faite pour vous. Vous venez de parler de l’état de l’Union, mais l’état dans lequel se trouve l’Union européenne aujourd’hui est déplorable et, chaque jour, son impuissance apparaît plus flagrante.

L’Union européenne, soyons-en conscients, suscite déjà des sarcasmes sur la scène internationale. Elle ne suscite pas seulement la défiance de nos concitoyens, mais aujourd’hui, l’exaspération. L’exaspération légitime des peuples face à l’impréparation et au manque de coordination sur la crise sanitaire, et aussi face à cette autosatisfaction des institutions européennes, toujours aussi sûres d’elles-mêmes.

Votre plan de relance européen est une réponse conjoncturelle, éphémère, largement inopérante et surtout très coûteuse. La question, d’ailleurs, n’est pas de savoir combien nous allons toucher, mais combien nous allons payer et qui va payer. Encore et toujours, ce sont les mêmes qui paieront, les pays contributeurs nets, qui, évidemment, devront verser bien davantage qu’ils ne recevront.

Vous avez évoqué les ressources propres comme étant la solution miracle, mais vous n’en avez pas parlé lors de votre long discours, il y a quelques instants. Vous avez contracté, au nom de nos nations, une dette exorbitante de 750 milliards d’euros. Mais qui peut croire une seule seconde qu’une taxe GAFAM, une taxe carbone ou une taxe plastique seraient susceptibles de parvenir au remboursement de cette dette? Vous n’apportez ni le calendrier, ni la méthode, ni aucune garantie pour le remboursement. Vous évoquez les transformations économiques qui seraient nécessaires, vous ajoutez des charges, des normes, des contraintes environnementales notamment, pour nos entreprises, pour nos industries, pour nos agriculteurs. Ils seront donc moins compétitifs face à une concurrence mondiale d’autant plus féroce que vous concevez l’Europe comme un marché totalement ouvert à tous les vents.

A minima, il aurait fallu, en contrepartie, mettre en œuvre des protections de notre marché. C’est ce que vous refusez de faire: même pendant la crise sanitaire, vous avez continué les négociations vers des accords de libre-échange. Il faudrait libérer, c’est à dire faciliter la production, la créativité, les richesses et l’inventivité, et protéger, y compris d’ailleurs par des quotas, des droits de douane, des contingentements. Vous faites exactement le contraire, vous contraignez à l’intérieur et vous dérégulez à nos frontières.

Le pacte vert pour l’Europe et Next Generation EU, ne sont que des mots. Ils n’assureront en rien l’avenir, l’indépendance et la prospérité économique de l’Europe; ils fragiliseront encore davantage l’Europe sur la scène mondiale.

Où est maintenant l’Union européenne face au défi migratoire? Nous attendons, sans grande illusion, la semaine prochaine, votre pacte sur l’immigration. Là encore, le constat est accablant: l’asile est devenu une filière à part entière d’immigration clandestine. Depuis 6 ans, on compte 5,3 millions de demandeurs d’asile, dont l’immense majorité ne répondent pas aux critères de l’asile. Cela représente autant que la population du Danemark. Ils ne fuient pas la guerre, ils viennent pour des raisons économiques et ils savent que, par votre laxisme, ils pourront rester. Le laxisme provoque des drames et amplifie d’ailleurs la traite des êtres humains. Chaque drame humanitaire est devenu aujourd’hui le prétexte pour toujours plus de laxisme. Parce que vous annoncez aujourd’hui l’accueil de nombreux migrants de Moria, il y aura 100 Moria demain. C’est la fermeté et le contrôle des frontières, en amont, et l’expulsion systématique, en aval, qui permettront de protéger nos nations et surtout qui éviteront les drames et les morts en Méditerranée.

Et puis, où est l’Union européenne face à la Chine? La crise sanitaire a révélé notre dépendance, notre vulnérabilité face au géant asiatique. Le sommet de lundi dernier a accouché d’une souris. Mme Merkel a théorisé la politique du millimètre, mais pendant ce temps, la Chine avance de plusieurs kilomètres. Elle conquiert nos marchés et achète nos ports et nos aéroports. L’Union européenne, elle, n’obtient rien: rien sur l’accord d’investissement, rien sur les droits de l’homme, rien sur l’environnement. Vous faites de la morale; la Chine, elle, fait de la politique et elle vous donne quelques miettes avec l’accord sur les indications géographiques.

Où est l’Union européenne face à la Turquie? La Turquie occupe illégalement Chypre, fait des forages illégaux, multiplie les manœuvres militaires en Méditerranée orientale, transforme la basilique Sainte-Sophie en mosquée et organise la submersion migratoire. Pendant ce temps, nous avons versé 50 milliards d’euros en 20 ans, par la Banque européenne d’investissement, par les fonds de préadhésion, par les fonds de maîtrise de l’immigration, sans parler de l’union douanière, qui permet à la Turquie de faire son commerce extérieur largement à destination du marché européen. Bref, Erdoğan nous insulte, nous méprise et nous submerge, et vous continuez de payer.

Alors, Madame von der Leyen, vous avez dit tout à l’heure que vous refusez Europe first, mais alors, vous aurez Europe dead. Parce que la vérité, c’est que nos concurrents et nos adversaires sur la scène mondiale vont profiter de ce manque d’ambition, de ce manque de volonté, de cette incapacité à rayonner. Vous vous donnez bonne conscience avec des normes environnementales draconiennes, mais vous tuez nos entreprises. Vous vous donnez bonne conscience en voulant accueillir encore et toujours plus de migrants, mais vous menacez la cohésion de nos nations et la sécurité de nos peuples. Vous vous donnez bonne conscience en donnant des leçons d’état de droit aux États membres qui ont pourtant le courage de défendre une civilisation. Vous vous donnez bonne conscience par des leçons de droits de l’homme à la Chine à la Turquie, et vous les laissez nous mépriser et nous ruiner. Ces coups de menton n’aboutissent qu’à l’affaiblissement collectif, à l’impuissance européenne. Georges Bernanos disait que l’avenir est une chose qui se surmonte, mais il manque la volonté, malheureusement pour l’Europe.

 
  
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  Ska Keller, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, the state of this Union today is defined by our failure at the external borders, by the fact that we let children sleep on the streets, that we refuse to give water to those in need, that we send police against those fleeing from war and violence and that we knowingly let people down and drown at sea. This is a very shameful state that we’re in.

It was exactly the historic experience of people suffering from war, destruction and displacement that motivated Europeans in the first place to build the EU. What a sad moment in our common history that we stand idle in the face of so much suffering on our doorstep. This shameful situation is our collective responsibility as Europeans. Greece has failed for many years to produce conditions in refugee camps that would at least be acceptable. Countries like the Netherlands and Austria told Greece not to allow refugees on the mainland and actively wanted to see terrible conditions in order that it might deter people fleeing from war and terror, and countries like Hungary refused to accept anyone in need.

But it is also true that the EU itself has turned a blind eye, has not insisted and has given up hope. I urge you, Commission President, to take up the fight with the Member States, to make it a top priority to help people in need, and not to give in to this disastrous state we’re in. Let us demonstrate that we are courageous and that we’re wholeheartedly European, and we have demonstrated that we can be courageous and lead the way forward towards progress. Together, the European Union will mobilise the means and funds to counter the worst of the economic effects of the pandemic, proof that we can be a strong union indeed.

The agreement of July has a lot of shortcomings, but the signal of sticking together and finding a solution was very important. Now is the time to bring the Recovery Fund, as well as the long—term budget, into reality. Right now we set the standards for how we will spend the money and what we will spend it on. EU funds have to foster EU values and uphold the fundamentals of EU treaties. There can be no discount on the rule of law, not for Hungary, not for Poland, not for any other country.

I want to thank you for your strong words on the rights of LGBTI people and I would like to ask you to follow up on those strong words with a measure that the Commission has in its hands, namely an infringement procedure, because zones free of the essence of humanity cannot be accepted.

(Applause)

Public money should also not enhance the climate crisis. This sounds obvious, but unfortunately it is still the case that the EU budget subsidises fossil fuels. The common agricultural policy, as well as the trade policy, finally need to align with the Green Deal and the biodiversity strategy. For the next seven years, we need a European climate budget.

It is good to see, Commission President, that you have set out a new and higher emission reduction target of at least 55%. We welcome that and I’m sure there has been a lot of pressure to try to prevent you from doing so. These new targets are an important step forward, but any greenwashing with creative calculations would render them null and void. Even then, we know from a scientific point of view that at least -55% would not be enough. But luckily we have in this House in our Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety (ENVI) a good climate law that has been prepared. I hope this will come to a conclusion soon as time is of the essence. The climate cannot be negotiated with so we’d better move fast.

Let me finish by saluting the incredible courage that we see by the people in Belarus, who have demonstrated on the streets of the country in these weeks, especially the women. We see you, we see your wish for freedom, for democracy and to define your own future, and your courage is inspirational. From the freedom fighters in Belarus to the environmental activists in the Amazon, to the democracy protesters in Bulgaria, they are all looking at the European Union to uphold fundamental rights, to defend pluralism and to enforce the highest climate and environmental standards both in Europe and beyond. These are high standards to live by and it is up to all of us to make sure that we fulfil them.

(Applause)

 
  
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  Ryszard Antoni Legutko, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, the last decade has been rather turbulent for the European Union and the problems will of course continue. The EU today is in a worse shape than it was ten years ago.

I therefore find it rather puzzling that every year over the last decade we have heard from every Commission President that a radiant future is awaiting us and that the days of EU glory are just around the corner, provided of course that the European Commission and the European institutions get more competences. You must be aware, Madam President, that fewer and fewer people across Europe take this message seriously. The European Health Agency, the European Cloud, the European Bauhaus – I wonder if the new European architecture will resemble this building. What a frightening perspective.

Madam President, the gist of your argument today was that the pandemic crisis is a good opportunity to launch ambitious radical programmes, including the Green Deal. I’m sorry to say it, but this is a bad argument. This is bad logic and bad logic generates bad policy. What you are proposing is a great leap forward in a situation in which the future is more precarious than ever. The Green Deal with 55% – why not 60? – is a costly extravaganza, animated solely by a spirit of environmentalist crusade, not by a sober social and economic calculation.

Now a few words on the so-called rule of law provisions. I say ‘so-called’ because it has nothing to do with rule or with law. The whole idea, as you remember, was an iniquitous trick of the previous Commission, in complete disregard of the treaties, with the intention of bullying the governments that dissented from the mainstream. It is not what those governments do, because they don’t do anything objectionable, but what they are. The previous Commission let a malignant genie out of the bottle, a genie of political foul play, and they are not interested in putting it back. This so—called conditionality is another step towards complete lawlessness, the prospect of which makes the majority of my colleagues almost ecstatic.

Madam President, do not be deluded by the sanctimonious rhetoric you hear in this Chamber. As usual, behind sanctimoniousness, there is ugly politics and there is hypocrisy. What this rule of politics amounts to is brutal majoritarianism. The mainstream majority wants to crush every form of dissent. Do not open the door for more instruments of the tyranny of the majority, as you promised you would do. That was the scariest part of your speech. This is already getting uglier and uglier, wider and more mendacious. The European institutions want to switch off the democratically constituted institutions of the nation states. They instigate internal conflicts by endorsing some parties rather than other parties. This is not your business. You shouldn’t do it. This is political arrogance at its worst.

Let me conclude. If we continue – if you and your Commission continue – on the current course, the course espoused by many of my fellow group leaders here this morning, Europe will be wrecked. I repeat, Europe will be wrecked, caught in an ideological pincer movement, orchestrated by green and federalist extremists. Mr Juncker will forever be remembered as the Commission President who lost Britain. You, Ms von der Leyen, must make sure that you are not the President who lost the peoples of Europe. I urge you to work with the Member States, not with the ideologically-driven campaigns masquerading as political groups in this House. Save the European Union from ideology and return it to reality.

(Applause)

 
  
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  Manon Aubry, au nom du groupe GUE/NGL. – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Présidente von der Leyen, chers collègues, pour décrire fidèlement l'état de l'Union et lui donner un cap politique adapté, encore faut-il être lucide sur la situation dramatique dans laquelle elle se trouve. Encore faut-il être lucide sur la crise sociale qui frappe, s'attaquant aux premiers de corvée, devenus les premiers sacrifiés d'entreprises comme Sanofi ou Auchan, qui licencient après s'être enrichis grâce à la pandémie. Encore faut-il être lucide sur la crise des inégalités qui se creusent, quand les 25 milliardaires les plus riches au monde, dont de nombreux Européens, ont vu leur fortune encore augmenter de plus de 200 milliards entre mars et mai. Encore faut-il être lucide sur la crise de la solidarité européenne, quand un petit nombre de paradis fiscaux pillent leurs voisins en organisant l'évasion fiscale à échelle industrielle. Encore faut-il être lucide sur la crise écologique qui s'accélère et la multiplication de signaux d'alerte inquiétants: des incendies à foison, la multiplication de vagues caniculaires qui sont de plus en plus fréquentes, comme cette semaine même, et une biodiversité en chute libre. Encore faut-il être lucide devant la crise morale qui nous intoxique: c'est sa propre déchéance que l'Union européenne regarde froidement dans les flammes qui ravagent le camp de migrants de Moria. Encore faut-il être lucide sur la crise de l'état de droit qui fracture l'Union européenne, alors que la Pologne et la Hongrie continuent de s'enfoncer dans un autoritarisme abject où les minorités sont en danger.

Cest cette lucidité qui vous manque terriblement, Madame von der Leyen. Ces crises que vous ne voyez pas affectent pourtant les vies de centaines de millions de femmes et d'hommes qui, à défaut de vous avoir élue, ont le droit d'attendre de vous des réponses concrètes. Face à eux, l'incertitude, Madame von der Leyen, est le privilège des dirigeants car c'est d'inquiétude qu’est fait le quotidien des citoyens. Ils n'attendent pas des slogans vides et n'en peuvent plus de vos contradictions.

Vous annoncez aujourd'hui en grande pompe un nouvel objectif de réduction des émissions de gaz à effet de serre de 55 % à l'horizon 2030; mais il est déjà bien en deçà des 65 % scientifiquement nécessaires pour respecter l'accord de Paris. Comment osez-vous affaiblir encore plus cet objectif par un tour de passe-passe, en déduisant les émissions absorbées par les puits de carbone, comme les forêts? Ce choix est irresponsable, Madame von der Leyen. Pour sauver l'humanité du réchauffement climatique, nous devons réduire nos émissions, pas bidouiller les comptes.

Vous promettez la souveraineté industrielle, mais vous continuez à négocier à tout-va des accords de libre-échange avec le Mexique, la Chine, le Mercosur et tant d'autres. Vous prétendez revoir le mécanisme de contrôle budgétaire, mais vous vous apprêtez à exiger des États bénéficiaires du plan de relance l'application d'énièmes réformes austéritaires dont personne ne veut. Vous empruntez le mot de résilience et parlez de nouveaux indicateurs de progrès, mais votre politique cherche encore la croissance à tout prix.

Personne n'est dupe, Madame von der Leyen. Si vos mots changent progressivement, vos recettes restent les mêmes: libre-échange, austérité et concurrence, ces mêmes recettes qui nous ont menés au bord du gouffre. Pour faire face à l'urgence du moment, il faut tout changer: notre unique boussole doit être la bifurcation écologique et sociale. Elle doit s'appuyer sur la planification publique et la création massive d'emplois durables dans les transports, le fret, l'isolation des bâtiments et la transition énergétique. Elle doit être financée par le rétablissement de la justice fiscale, la taxation des profiteurs de crise, l'imposition des plus grandes fortunes et la fin des paradis fiscaux européens.

Madame von der Leyen, vous avez parlé plus d'une heure vingt pendant ce discours. À aucun moment vous n’avez mentionné la justice fiscale, l'imposition des plus riches, les paradis fiscaux dans l'Union européenne, qui gangrènent aujourd'hui la justice sociale de cette Union.

Enfin, cette bifurcation ne pourra pas avoir lieu sans une mise à contribution de la Banque centrale européenne, a minima en annulant les dettes publiques qu'elle détient. Elle doit s'enclencher dès maintenant, dans le cadre d'un plan de relance ambitieux où chaque euro d'argent public est conditionné à des contreparties sociales et écologiques pour l'emploi et le climat. Ça suffit, les chèques en blanc donnés aux grandes entreprises qui polluent et licencient pour satisfaire leurs actionnaires toujours plus avides de profits. Une fois de plus, soyons lucides. Cette bifurcation ne se fera pas par magie, en croisant les doigts pour que la main invisible du marché répare naturellement ce qu’il a détruit.

Alors, Madame von der Leyen, si vous voulez sortir de l'incertitude, acceptez enfin de bousculer vos certitudes.

 
  
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  Laura Ferrara (NI). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, in uno dei momenti più difficili per l'economia, la salute, il lavoro, l'Unione europea ha reagito con un piano per la ripresa che prevede ingenti fondi contro la disoccupazione e per la transizione ambientale e tecnologica.

Presidente von der Leyen, i tempi ora sono il nemico di questa ripresa. Bisogna procedere rapidamente e fare in modo che questa ripresa sia un'opportunità per tutti e non soltanto per pochi. Come Movimento 5 Stelle, ci aspettiamo che il nuovo Green deal europeo preveda investimenti solo in energia rinnovabile senza elargire favori alle lobby delle fonti fossili.

Bene, poi, la proposta annunciata sul salario minimo in tutti gli Stati membri dell'Unione europea, una proposta che il Movimento ha già avanzato da tempo anche in Italia; sulle risorse proprie – quindi, tassa sul digitale, carbon tax, transazioni finanziarie – non ceda: non possiamo aumentare il contributo dei paesi membri, già messi in difficoltà dalla pandemia, e chiedere ulteriori sacrifici ai cittadini.

Infine, sulla gestione dei flussi migratori, è necessario un meccanismo che sia automatico ed obbligatorio e che preveda un'equa ripartizione delle responsabilità tra tutti gli Stati membri. Sul lavoro, sull'ambiente, sulla salute, sul rilancio economico, i cittadini vogliono i fatti e noi siamo qui per loro.

 
  
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  Ursula von der Leyen, President of the Commission. – Mr President, listening to the Extreme Right shows again that there is a fundamental difference when looking at the human being and the individual.

We are convinced that each human being has a solemn dignity that can never be touched, independent of where this individual comes from. Obviously, the Extreme Right has a different view, that there are different types of human beings – ‘them and us’, and ‘they’ have to be confronted with hate. But hate has never given any good advice. So we will always insist on the fact that …

(In response to dissent from the floor)

this makes him angry because we got him on the point where he sees that we have a different soul where that is concerned.

(Loud applause)

And that is democracy. That is democracy. He has to bear it. He cannot bear the contradiction that they are preaching hate and we want solutions. We want a constructive approach towards migration because it will always be with us.

(Applause)

Therefore this is the right moment for a fresh start on migration. Just two numbers: every year, about two million people come to Europe – two million – and 140 000 refugees. So we should be able to manage that. Two million people are coming to Europe. There’s a good reason why. It’s because Europe is a wonderful continent that offers a lot of opportunities. This is the normality, and on top of that 140 000 refugees last year. We should be able, we have to be able, to manage that. Therefore, we will put forward the legislation next week. There will be time to discuss it.

The rule of law. With the new report we will put forward before the end of the month, the Commission is taking the most systematic and the most comprehensive approach to the rule of law in our history. Because never before have we looked in such detail at these issues across every country. The report is not just on the judiciary, which is important, but also on anti—corruption, the media landscape, and institutional checks and balances. The report that will be published before the end of this month will show many challenges and then we will have a broad debate here, to really confront that. If it’s necessary and we do need new instruments, new tools, well let’s address it. This is what we’re here for. That’s why we do politics here. So that is a chance to move forward on that subject.

Sie haben die NextGenerationEU erwähnt und das Thema der Arbeitsplätze und dass jeder Euro nur einmal ausgegeben werden kann – und das ist richtig. Und zu Recht die Forderung, im Digitalen mehr voranzuschreiten. Deshalb werden wir von NextGenerationEU zwanzig Prozent in das Digitale investieren – und das ist richtig.

Wir haben jetzt einen Plan, wir haben klare Ziele bis 2030, wir haben klare Aufgaben in der Infrastruktur – bei den Daten, bei der Technologie, wir haben Gesetze, die wir auf den Weg bringen wollen. Das ist die Zeit, wo wir das Digitale, die digitale Dekade für Europa ausrufen müssen und auf den Weg bringen müssen! Und es kam zu Recht der Gedanke, dass wir bei den gewaltigen Investitionen, die wir mit NextGenerationEU haben, unserer Verantwortung gerecht werden müssen, dass wir diese Investitionen präzise, zukunftsorientiert und effizient tätigen.

Und meine Damen und Herren, ich habe auch Ihnen zugehört. Ich teile nicht den düsteren Blick auf die Welt, den Sie haben, sondern ich gehöre eher zu den Menschen, die mit der Hoffnung arbeiten und die mit Optimismus an Aufgaben herangehen. Meine Damen und Herren, natürlich sind dieses schwierige Zeiten. Aber was war in allen schwierigen Zeiten meistens das Problem, das uns gehindert hat, voranzuschreiten? Erstens die Trägheit, aus der derzeitigen Situation herauszukommen, und zweitens, die fehlenden Mittel. Das ist jetzt anders! In diesen Corona-Zeiten, so wie wir sie jetzt haben, wollen wir nicht bleiben! Keiner will in diesem Stadium verharren. Das heißt, die eigene Trägheit ist aufgehoben, und wir alle wissen, wir müssen uns hinbewegen auf eine Welt nach Corona.

Und jetzt ist die Frage: Wie stellen wir uns die Welt nach Corona vor? Ich habe meine Vorstellung der Welt nach Corona dargelegt, und ich glaube, viele in diesem Hohen Haus teilen sie. Und ich glaube, wir haben die Verantwortung – jetzt mit der tiefen Überzeugung, dass Menschen wissen, dass wir uns nach vorne bewegen müssen –, europäische Führung zu zeigen, europäische Visionen zu entwickeln, die die Welt von morgen auch zeigen, und wir haben die Investitionen. Und diese Investitionen vertrauenswürdig, effizient, zukunftsgerichtet zu investieren, einzusetzen – das wird unsere gemeinsame Aufgabe sein.

Viele unterschiedliche Meinungen sind hier sichtbar geworden – das ist das Schöne an der Demokratie. Lasst uns miteinander darüber streiten! Aber ich habe auch sehr viel breite Mehrheit für eine gemeinsame Überzeugung gespürt, diese Welt nach vorne zu bringen in eine grünere Welt, eine sauberere Welt, eine gesündere Welt mit einer kraftvollen Wirtschaft, die in der Lage ist, den Weg in die Zukunft mit modernen Technologien zu führen, wie wir sie brauchen, damit dieser Planet auch überleben kann.

Wir wollen die Zukunft gemeinsam gestalten. Wir sehen nicht den Untergang, sondern wir sehen eher den Fortschritt, die Möglichkeiten, die sich uns eröffnen – und lasst uns daran gemeinsam arbeiten!

 
  
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  Michael Roth, amtierender Ratspräsident. – Herr Präsident, verehrte Abgeordnete, Frau Kommissionspräsidentin! In einer krisengeschüttelten Welt, in der Nationalismus und Populismus ihr hässliches Gesicht zeigen, in der die Demokratie unter Druck gerät und das Autoritäre wächst, geht es um nicht mehr und nicht weniger als um die Selbstbehauptung Europas. Sie haben heute, Frau Kommissionspräsidentin, einen optimistischen Blick der Zuversicht auf Europa gerichtet, und dabei haben Sie unsere Unterstützung.

Frau Präsidentin, Sie werden sicherlich nicht erwartet haben, dass der Rat jeden Ihrer Vorschläge uneingeschränkt teilt. Aber es ist wichtig, dass wir in diesen schwierigen Zeiten der Krise ein klares Signal des Zusammenhalts und der Geschlossenheit zeigen. Und dazu gehört selbstverständlich auch der Streit, und dazu sind wir bereit. Jede Institution – die Kommission, das Parlament, der Rat – trägt ihre Verantwortung, aber am Ende muss klar sein, dass wir in eine Richtung gehen, dass wir uns auf die wesentlichen Grundsätze zu verständigen vermögen.

Frau Präsidentin, ich sichere Ihnen zu, dass wir Ihnen beim raschen Abschluss des größten Finanzpaketes in der Geschichte des vereinten Europas, dass wir Ihnen da alle Unterstützung zuteilwerden lassen. Denn wir stehen bei den Menschen, die unter dieser Krise so massiv gelitten haben und immer noch leiden, im Wort. Die Hilfe muss da ankommen, wo sie am dringendsten gebraucht wird, und zwar unverzüglich.

Aber, Frau Präsidentin, und auch da haben Sie unsere Unterstützung, es geht nicht nur darum, dass wir in Althergebrachtes investieren. Es geht um die Weiterentwicklung, es geht um den Neuaufbau Europas, es geht um einen sozialökologischen Umbau Europas. Und deswegen haben Sie unsere Unterstützung bei der Stärkung von Digitalisierung und Klimaschutz. Gerade der Klimaschutz macht deutlich, dass es in unseren Gesellschaften nach wie vor große Ängste und Sorgen gibt. Deswegen brauchen wir einen sozial gerechten Klimaschutz. Und deswegen haben Sie auch hier unsere Unterstützung, Frau Präsidentin.

Der soziale Zusammenhalt im vereinten Europa muss gestärkt werden. Der deutsche Ratsvorsitz wird Sie darin unterstützen, dass wir beim EU-weiten Rahmen für armutsfeste Mindestlöhne entschieden vorankommen. Denn der Satz, den uns Nationalisten und Populisten immer wieder einzureden versuchen, dass der Klimaschutz ein Jobkiller sei, ist nicht wahr. Der Klimaschutz sichert zukunftsweisende Arbeitsplätze. Aber es muss ein gerechter Klimaschutz sein, und auch hierfür haben Sie unsere Unterstützung.

Die Europäische Union, Sie haben es zum Ausdruck gebracht, Frau Präsidentin, ist nicht in erster Linie ein Binnenmarkt. Wir sind zuerst und vor allem eine Werte- und eine Rechtsgemeinschaft. Und diese Rechtsgemeinschaft und Wertegemeinschaft gilt für alle. Und hier unterstützen wir Sie beim Aufbau einer stärkeren Rechts- und Wertegemeinschaft. Wir unterstützen die Einführung der Rechtsstaatskonditionalität. Wir unterstützen Sie beim Aufbau eines Rechtsstaatsmechanismus aufbauend auf dem Bericht, auf den wir uns schon freuen und den wir mit Spannung Ende September erwarten.

Sie haben unsere Unterstützung, Frau Präsidentin, dabei, dass wir in dieser krisengeschüttelten Welt mit einer Stimme sprechen. Sie haben die großen globalen Akteure angesprochen – Russland, China, andere. Das wirksamste Mittel gegen das Gift der Spaltung ist der Zusammenhalt. Dass wir es immer wieder schaffen, eine Synthese zwischen unterschiedlichen Positionen zu bringen, das ist im Rat schwierig, das ist in allen Institutionen schwierig, aber wir sind dazu bereit.

Und, Frau Präsidentin, Sie haben auch unsere Unterstützung beim Aufbau einer Migrations- und Asylpolitik, die der gemeinsamen Verantwortung, der Solidarität und der Humanität verpflichtet ist, weil Migration und Flucht keine nationale Bewährungsprobe allein, sondern eine globale und eine europäische Bewährungsprobe ist. Europa ist der Ort, an dem wir alle ohne Angst verschieden sein können. Hier zählt nicht die Religion, hier zählt nicht die Frage, woher du kommst, an wen du glaubst. Hier zählt nur eines: dass man sich zu diesen Werten, für die Europa steht, bekennt. Und nur so wird Europa, unser Europa, überleben, und wir werden Sie dabei im Rahmen unserer Möglichkeiten unterstützen.

 
  
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  Angelika Niebler (PPE). – Herr Präsident, verehrte Frau Präsidentin, verehrter Herr Ratspräsident, liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen! Wir befinden uns im Krisenmodus. COVID-19 ist längst nicht ausgestanden, das Virus bestimmt weiterhin unseren Alltag, unser Leben, unsere Wirtschaft. Viele unserer Bürger sind verunsichert, unsere Wirtschaft steht unter enormem Druck. Ich denke, in Krisenzeiten wie diesen ist es wichtig – Sie haben es angesprochen –, Vertrauen zu schaffen und vor allen Dingen auf die richtigen Prioritäten zu setzen.

Priorität 1 ist für mich die Gesundheit unserer Bürgerinnen und Bürger, und da muss ich der Europäischen Kommission ein Kompliment machen: 16 Milliarden Euro zu mobilisieren für die Entwicklung des Impfstoffes, Frau Präsidentin, das finde ich großartig, genauso wie Ihre Bemühungen, dass der Impfstoff, so er dann entwickelt ist, auch unseren Bürgerinnen und Bürgern in Europa zur Verfügung gestellt wird.

Priorität Nr. 2 muss in meinen Augen unsere Wirtschaft sein. Wir müssen unsere Betriebe durch die Krise führen, an unseren Betrieben hängen die Arbeitsplätze, an unseren Betrieben hängen unsere Sozialsysteme, hängt unser Wohlstand. Die Zahlen, die ich aus meiner Heimatregion mitnehme, die sich in ganz Europa widerspiegeln, sind in meinen Augen alarmierend. Stellen werden abgebaut ohne Ende. In meiner Region MAN 10 000 Stellen, Schaeffler, Continental, ... Airbus streicht, die Flughäfen sind weitgehend lahmgelegt, die Messehallen stehen leer, Kreative haben keine Arbeit. Wir sind wirklich mittendrin, und alles läuft auf Sparflamme, und ich stelle fest, es ist nur die Spitze des Eisbergs.

Europa hat mit dem Wiederaufbauplan, glaube ich, einen kraftvollen Aufschlag geleistet, aber für mich ist es jetzt wichtig, dass wir uns bei weiterer Regulierung und mit weiteren Belastungen, gerade für unsere Betriebe, vor allen Dingen für unsere mittelständischen Familienbetriebe, zurückhalten.

Ich teile ambitionierte Klimaschutzziele, aber es kommt bei der Umsetzung auf die Einzelheiten an, und da möchte ich Sie, Frau Präsidentin, und die ganze Kommission einfach ermuntern, die Mechanismen bei der Umsetzung des Grünen Deals, des Klimaschutzprogramms anzusetzen, die unseren Erfolg in Europa ausmachen.

Setzen Sie auf marktwirtschaftliche Instrumente, auf die Ausweitung des Emissionshandels, setzen Sie auf Technologieneutralität. Elektrifizierung allein kann die Lösung nicht sein, und nehmen Sie vor allen Dingen unseren Mittelstand mit. COVID-19 ist Krise, wir müssen jetzt in der Situation, glaube ich, auch unsere Politik an diesen großen Krisenmodus anpassen.

 
  
  

PRESIDÊNCIA: PEDRO SILVA PEREIRA
Vice-Presidente

 
  
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  Miriam Dalli (S&D). – F’dan iż-żmien ta’ kriżi minħabba din il-pandemija, ir-rwol tagħna huwa li nibnu mill-ġdid l-ekonomiji tagħna biex ikunu reżiljenti u jkunu preparati għall-futur. Għalhekk huwa pożittiv li dalgħodu smajtek issemmi l-prijorità lill-aġenda diġitali u dik ambjentali. Hija urġenti llum, aktar minn qatt qabel. Jekk verament irridu nilħqu l-miri tagħna ta’ carbon neutrality sas-sena 2050, irridu nibdew naġixxu mil-lum. Għalija huwa pożittiv li l-Kummissjoni Ewropea ppreżentat il-pjan tagħha biex sas-sena 2030 innaqqsu t-tniġġis b’minn tal-inqas 55 %. Nafu li x-xjenza titlobna ħafna aktar minn hekk. Għalhekk li dan il-grupp politiku huwa kommess li jara li ma jiddaħħlux loopholes biex innaqqsu u ndgħajfu dik il-mira.

It-tieni punt huwa dwar il-qasam tas-saħħa. Irridu naċċertaw ruħna li jkollna aktar kompetenzi fejn jidħol il-qasam tas-saħħa. Għalhekk li ser naraw li ma jkunx hemm tnaqqis fuq programm daqshekk vitali u importanti.

U l-aħħar punt: l-immigrazzjoni.

Nistenna li fiż-żmien li ġej naraw patt dwar l-immigrazzjoni ħafna iktar b’saħħtu. Irridu soluzzjonijiet innovattivi. Is-soluzzjonijiet tal-bieraħ, la huma qed jaħdmu llum, u lanqas mhu se jaħdmu għada. U jekk verament irridu li s-solidarjetà ma tibqax paroli fuq il-karta imma ssir fatti, irridu naraw li verament ikollna l-miżuri u l-għodda biex nindirizzaw din l-isfida.

 
  
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  Malik Azmani (Renew). – Mr President, I would say to the President of the Commission that I think we can all agree it has been a turbulent first year for this Commission, and for us all. Madam President, you and your team started this mandate with high ambitions. But then the world was faced with perhaps the biggest health crisis in our history. As COVID—19 began to spread in Europe, everything came to a halt.

Now that we have overcome the first shockwave of this pandemic, we have to pick up our momentum again. Not just to overcome this health crisis and protecting and creating jobs, but also by moving forward on other priorities. Take for example the awful scenes in Camp Moria last week, to which we have been referring. This is not the moment to look away, to kick the can that is called ‘migration policy’ down the road once more. This is the moment we have to decide. What is happening on Lesbos is unacceptable and we have a European responsibility to put in place a sustainable migration policy, so that we can avoid unnecessary suffering and so that we can regain control of migration. I am glad to see the Commission will present proposals next week. Last year you said in this House: our greatest achievements have always come when we are bold. And my question will be: will you be bold now?

Secondly, the rule of law. How can we lecture other nations on respect for the rule of law, when the rule of law is no longer respected in part of our Union? ‘Rule of law can never be compromised.’ These are your words, and I share them. What will you do to ensure the EU remains a credible ambassador for rule of law in the world? Will you stand with us on having a rule of law conditionality in our new budget?

We have an obligation to our voters, to our citizens of the EU, to deal with these and other challenges: the green transition; but also the digital transition – they are equal to me, they go hand in hand – and our foreign policy response that needs to be stronger and bolder in order for the EU to become the geopolitical actor you yourself spoke of last year. We have to show courage to focus on these priorities and set the wheels in motion.

Madam President of the Commission, this year is going to be a real test case for you and your team. I ask you: are you up for it? Ready? With ‘Renewed’ energy?

 
  
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  Marco Campomenosi (ID). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ringrazio la Presidente von der Leyen, anche se mi è spiaciuto molto che se la sia presa con l'unica opposizione vera che siede in questo Parlamento. Mi è spiaciuto molto non ascoltare autocritica rispetto agli errori fatti su politiche economiche e commerciali dalla Commissione europea negli anni scorsi, e mi è spiaciuto molto vedere un disallineamento rispetto alla propaganda che il governo italiano in questo momento sta facendo sul Fondo per la ripresa, un governo italiano che non riuscirà a fare tutto quello che sta promettendo ai propri cittadini.

Io credo che, alla luce di tutto questo, si possa dire che stiate sottovalutando la crisi che stiamo vivendo e che vivremo nei prossimi mesi, che stiate sottovalutando quello che ci dicono gli Stati Uniti rispetto alla Cina. È clamoroso come, per esempio, non abbiate citato sul panorama geopolitico internazionale gli accordi che Israele, grazie all'amministrazione entrante, sta stringendo con alcuni paesi arabi ed è clamoroso come su Cina e Turchia il coraggio, purtroppo, manchi ancora.

Vede, la mia famiglia viene dalla lotta al fascismo, quindi delle sue minacce io non ho alcuna paura. Quando nel 1943 mio nonno ha fatto cadere la statua di Mussolini dalla sede del Comune di Santo Stefano d'Aveto, si figuri, se sapeva a cosa poteva andare incontro! E invece rispondo anche al collega Weber, che ha citato il leader del mio partito: sì, Matteo Salvini, un vero patriota italiano. È un patriota italiano che ha difeso i confini dell'Europa e che il prossimo 3 ottobre a Catania andrà di fronte a un tribunale.

Se questa è la vostra idea di democrazia, io preferisco subire i vostri attacchi e state tranquilli che le risposte le troverete sempre da me e soprattutto dai cittadini che sono dietro di noi.

 
  
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  Jordi Solé (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, we have been through difficult times this year and still difficult times lie ahead of us. So many challenges overlapping. You mentioned them. That’s why it is so important that this time the EU, contrary to the 2008 crisis, stands by its citizens, that the EU shows it is useful for fighting against a pandemic, for helping the economies recover, for taking care of people and businesses most affected by the crisis and useful for transforming these economies into greener and fairer ones.

But the EU also has to deliver when conflicts on democracy and self-determination arise inside the Union. Madame President, it’s not me who should be addressing you right now. It should be Oriol Junqueras, elected MEP and one of the Catalan political prisoners, shamefully behind bars for now almost three years. Yes, here Europe must deliver too, because this injustice is a stain not only for Spain but for the whole of Europe. So help them and the exiles be back home and demand that the Spanish government, once and for all, be brave and negotiate a solution for Catalonia based on respect and real democracy.

 
  
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  Peter Lundgren (ECR). – Herr talman! Vi har nu lyssnat på anförandet, linjetalet av kommissionens ordförande. För mig var det slående likt det av en extrem vänsterföreträdare, som klart och tydligt visar att ”det är våra åsikter som är de rätta. Skulle ni våga ha andra åsikter, då ska ni stämplas som hatiska och extrema”.

Det är då jag frågar mig som svensk medborgare som står här i dag: Varför ska vi vara med och betala för detta? Varför ska Sverige låna upp pengar för att ge bort de pengarna till andra EU-länder utan att få något tillbaka? Det är en sanning med modifikation, eftersom vi ju får skulderna som vi lämnar över till våra barn och barnbarn som de får betala under många år.

Vi har stora problem i Sverige med ständiga skjutningar och bombdåd, precis som i andra länder, Tyskland till exempel. Jag tror att vi alla minns förbundskansler Merkels tal Wir schaffen das!. Nej, det gjorde ni inte! Ni har minst lika stora problem som Sverige har, och ju längre ni ihärdar i byggandet av Europas förenta stater, desto snabbare kommer det fler folkomröstningar om utträde ur EU.

 
  
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  Nikolaj Villumsen (GUE/NGL). – Hr. Formand! Kære kommissionsformand, Ursula von der Leyen, planeten har feber, isen smelter, skovene brænder. Der er akut brug for klimahandling, og der skal handles hurtigt, hvis vi skal undgå, at krisen kommer fuldstændig ud af kontrol. Vi ved fra videnskaben, at 55 % reduktion i 2030 ikke er nok, vi har brug for mindst 65 % reduktion, hvis vi skal leve op til Parisaftalen. Gør vi ikke det nødvendige, så vil katastrofen ramme os hårdt. Kommissionsformand, lyt til ungdommen, lyt til klimabevægelsen, lyt til videnskaben og sæt gang i den nødvendige klimahandling nu.

 
  
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  Ivan Vilibor Sinčić (NI). – Mr President, the greatest economic crisis of our time has been knocking on our doors. Tens of millions of people are being threatened by poverty, hunger and civil unrest. It’s high time we do something. You have left over 100 million people, after the last crisis in 2008, in poverty. How many do you intend to leave in poverty after this crisis? I am hereby inviting you all to implement a universal basic income in all of Europe. I am ready to do whatever it takes to prevent my fellow Croatians and other nations of the European Union from going bankrupt. If we fail at this, if we don’t make this step, then Europeans will be on the breadline, stripped of everything. I am asking for no charity, I am asking to give people back what was taken from them by unjust crisis, by artificial crisis, and by bad policies. Many lives have already been ruined. Let us not ruin the lives of our children. Let us take this historic responsibility.

 
  
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  Siegfried Mureşan (PPE). – Mr President, President von der Leyen, thank you. Thank you for your ideas, your initiatives and your proposals. The proposals made by the European Commission over the course of last year and adopted by the European Parliament have saved lives in Europe, have helped care for people in need, treat people affected by the virus and helped overcome the crisis. Now is the time to start further strengthening the Union, further building the European Union, making it fitter for the future – a Union which is open, which is inclusive, which cares for those in need, and in which we can all strive; a Union in which we are all winning, in which people can strive, in which enterprises can innovate, can develop, in which countries are helping each other.

To achieve this we need the right tools. The main tool in order to achieve our objectives is the budget of the European Union. The budget is the holy grail to fulfilling our commitments. Without an ambitious budget all our commitments on greening, digital, helping young people, helping farmers, better protecting our borders, remain only empty words. What shall we do? Now is the time to equip the European Union with own sources of revenue – own resources. Own resources mean a stronger, a more stable, a more solid European Union. We must put in place own resources as early as the year 2021 to help pay back for the costs of the crisis and to help deliver to the people what we have promised. Own resources means that we can finance the traditional priorities of the European Union and we can also finance new priorities of the European Union – we can invest in research, in innovation, we can help farmers, we can protect all of our borders. It means that we can deliver on what people are expecting from the European Union.

Madam President, one year from now on we will all remember the hard times but we will be judged by our actions. This is why I kindly request that you stand with us, stand with the European Parliament, to equip the Union with an ambitious budget, with a strong budget so we can deliver what people are expecting from us.

 
  
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  Eric Andrieu (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Présidente, nous sommes à un moment crucial pour le devenir de l’Europe. Vous nous l’avez dit, si nous souhaitons qu’elle reste un acteur essentiel sur l’échiquier international, nous devons nous en donner les moyens, aujourd’hui et demain.

Si le plan de relance est un pas majeur et semble aller dans la direction de la solidarité, il est conjoncturel. Il ne doit pas cacher la faiblesse ou les limites du futur budget européen. L’Union a besoin d’un budget pluriannuel fort, ce qui implique les moyens financiers et de financer celui-ci avec notamment la création de plusieurs ressources propres et, au premier rang d’entre elles, la taxe sur les transactions financières.

Par ailleurs, nous devons nous arc-bouter sur ce totem qui est l’état de droit, sans lequel l’Union européenne n’existerait pas.

Oui, nous devons surmonter collectivement cette crise sans précédent et nous emparer de ce moment pour faire de l’Union le fer de lance d’une transformation profonde de nos sociétés vers plus de bien-être pour toutes et tous, sur le plan social et environnemental. Oui, il y a urgence climatique. Oui, il y a urgence sociale et nous n’avons collectivement plus le droit à l’erreur. C’est pourquoi nous exigeons de votre Commission et de votre collège non seulement de la clarté, mais de l’audace, Madame la Présidente, de l’audace pour tous et en particulier pour les plus démunis.

 
  
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  Stéphane Séjourné (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Présidente de la Commission, je voulais d’abord dire aux collègues qu’il ne faut pas laisser s’installer le clivage que tentent d’installer l’extrême droite et l’extrême gauche de cet hémicycle sur le fait qu’il y aurait les lucides, de leur côté, ceux qui avait vu les choses, et puis les eurobéats, ceux qui ne voient rien, ceux qui sont pour l’Europe, qui regroupent les socialistes jusqu’au PPE. Je pense qu’il est assez dangereux de faire cette lecture-là. De plus, la lucidité, c’était d’abord de faire des propositions dans cette crise. Je n’en ai pas beaucoup entendu de la part des deux groupes d’extrême gauche et d’extrême droite dans cet hémicycle. Il faut quand même le rappeler, dans ce débat qui est important pour l’avenir de l’Europe.

D’ailleurs, cette crise et cette année nous auront quand même à la fois déroutés et étonnés, dans la manière dont elles se sont déroulées, à la fois parce que la crise sanitaire a bloqué l’ensemble de de nos institutions, y compris notre fonctionnement à nous. Évidemment, les mesures de rétablissement des frontières sont des mesures qui nous ont également étonnés, dans la manière dont cela s’est passé.

Et puis, Madame von der Leyen, à l’instar aussi de cette année, la Commission nous a étonnés et déroutés. Etonnés, parce que je pense que le pacte que vous avez initié avec l’accord franco-allemand est à la hauteur. Je pense que les réponses dans votre discours sont aussi à la hauteur. Mais il faut voir également – et je reprendrai les éléments de lucidité – nos fragilités à la fois institutionnelles, organisationnelles et dans la manière dont s’est déroulée cette crise.

Cela fait maintenant un an que nous sommes élus et il n’y a que peu de textes législatifs qui sont sortis aujourd’hui de la Commission. Alors il y a eu la COVID-19, certes, mais je ne sais pas quel parlement national attendrait un an avant de voir un programme de législature arriver.

Il y a donc urgence aujourd’hui et je retrouve dans votre discours un volontarisme pour cette future année, que j’appelle de mes vœux, pour accélérer les réformes et accélérer l’urgence que nous portons depuis le début de cette mandature.

 
  
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  Gerolf Annemans (ID). – Voorzitter, ik ben boos. Niet zozeer omdat u hier vandaag met zoveel vuur uw haat hebt geëtaleerd voor mensen, human beings, die u voor het gemak allemaal extreemrechts hebt genoemd. Ik ben boos omdat ik de woorden wil overbrengen van miljoenen Europeanen over de gang van zaken. Als ik het aantal dogma’s optel dat u hier vandaag hebt geproduceerd, mag ik spreken van een religieuze toespraak, een religieuze toespraak in de kathedraal van de democratie, met veel bombast, maar toch een schandaal. Een schandaal omdat u van dat Europese Unieplatform, dat een vorm van vrije samenwerking van vrije naties zou moeten zijn, meer dan ooit een totaal geïntegreerde, door immigratie aangewakkerde eenheidsstaat hebt gemaakt. Daarom breng ik die woede over. Wij zijn boos. Ondanks 88 miljard euro minder bijdragen van het Verenigd Koninkrijk hebt u dat meerjarig financieel kader verhoogd en, samen met het coronafonds, hebt u daarbovenop in feite de middelen en dus ook de politieke projecten van deze Europese Unie verdubbeld. Dat is onaanvaardbaar. U maakt van het Europese continent iets dat wij niet gewild hebben.

 
  
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  Petra De Sutter (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, Covid—19 is still omnipresent in our daily lives, but also in the political debates. In the EU, we tend to focus a lot on economic recovery, but we must not forget that the health of every European citizen is even more important. European citizens worry about the future, about their health, about their jobs, about the climate, and about their future. This is the moment when we as Europe have to show that we are ready to help them, and that we’re on their side, step by step. How will we reassure people that there will be an affordable vaccine for all of us who need it? How will we convince people that we will coordinate Member States’ policies better during the next health crisis? The only way to show people we mean it is to maintain budgets that we set aside for EU for Health and Horizon Europe. These flagship programmes are crucial for the next generation of Europe and we will fight for them.

But the most important call that I want to strengthen is of course to redirect investments towards a green economy. Innovative companies are showing the way forward to a more circular economy and sustainable product design, as well as a socially just transition. Let’s keep our targets sufficiently high. Let’s listen to what the Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety (ENVI) decided last week. We need at least 60% or 65% to be ambitious. The more we reduce now, the more relaxed we will be towards 2050.

 
  
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  Derk Jan Eppink (ECR). – Voorzitter, mevrouw van der Leyen heeft een toespraak gehouden van Castroachtig formaat moet ik zeggen, maar het werd verteld in sprookjesvorm. Als ik al die plannen hoor, dan stel ik me als calvinist altijd de vraag: wie gaat dat betalen. Hallo? Wie gaat dat betalen? Nou, dat wordt betaald via Europese belastingen, dus de burger. En u komt met nieuwe Europese belastingen. Gelukkig zijn er nog de lidstaten, want die moeten die belastingen goedkeuren, dat wil zeggen in nationale parlementen en in Nederland in de Eerste en Tweede Kamer.

En dan stel ik mij de vraag: wat is de positie van de VVD en van het CDA? De heer Azmani heeft net gesproken. Ik heb hem niet gehoord over hoe hij dat wil gaan betalen. Hij juicht het toe en zegt vervolgens niks. Mevrouw De Lange, hoe zit dat met uw partij? Ik weet niet aan welke bloedgroep ik het moet vragen, maar waar staat u eigenlijk? En ik zou u willen oproepen dat u eens ophoudt met het ene te zeggen in Nederland en voor het andere te stemmen in Brussel. Zeg wat u doet en doe wat u zegt. Het is maar een advies.

 
  
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  José Gusmão (GUE/NGL). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Presidente da Comissão, falou—nos da importância do investimento na saúde, da promoção da contratação coletiva, da defesa dos salários mínimos na Europa, mas foi a sua Comissão Europeia que há 5 meses atrás dizia ao Governo português para cortar na despesa de saúde. Foi a Comissão Europeia, foram várias Comissões Europeias, que promoveram e pressionaram os Estados—Membros para desmantelarem os sistemas de contratação coletiva. Foram várias Comissões Europeias que disseram ao meu e a outros governos para congelar o salário mínimo e, portanto, em que é que ficamos?

O que vamos ter nos próximos anos é uma Comissão Europeia que vai assinalar uma absoluta viragem nas políticas europeias nestas áreas, ou isto são apenas ideias bonitas para pôr no seu discurso, enquanto as suas equipas técnicas pressionam os governos para fazer o contrário?

Sobre o ambiente, queria perceber uma coisa: como é que alterámos radicalmente os objetivos para a redução das emissões de carbono - e não foi o suficiente - sem que aqui venha apresentar as medidas concretas que vão suportar esses objetivos mais ambiciosos, porque, o que parece ao ouvir a sua intervenção, é que existe simplesmente uma fé inabalável nos líderes da indústria, que nos trouxeram aqui, em novas tecnologias cujos resultados são incertos, para ser simpático, ou na velha tecnologia de martelar as contas, que poderá enganar alguns cidadãos, mas não engana o planeta.

 
  
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  Λευτέρης Νικολάου-Αλαβάνος (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, από την αποτυχία των εμπορευματοποιημένων δημόσιων συστημάτων υγείας σε όλες τις χώρες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης να αντιμετωπίσουν την COVID-19, από τις δεκάδες εκατομμυρίων εργαζομένων που έχασαν τις δουλειές τους ή βρίσκονται σήμερα σε αναστολή, από τους 95 εκατομμύρια ανθρώπους που ζουν κάτω από το όριο της φτώχειας αποδεικνύεται ότι η πολιτική σας είναι αντιλαϊκή και έχει για κριτήριο τα κέρδη των λίγων. Μπροστά στη νέα καπιταλιστική κρίση, αυτό που σας ενδιαφέρει είναι να ενισχύσετε τους ευρωπαϊκούς ομίλους κόντρα στους ανταγωνιστές τους με τον ιδρώτα των εργαζομένων. Γι’ αυτό επιβάλλετε νέους φόρους στους λαούς, που παραπλανητικά ονομάζετε ιδίους πόρους, ενώ το σχέδιο ανάκαμψης κατευθύνεται κυρίως στη στήριξη επιχειρήσεων σε πεδία υψηλής κερδοφορίας, όπως η πράσινη ενέργεια, η ψηφιακή τεχνολογία και τα δίκτυα. Οι λαοί της Ευρώπης έχουν πληρώσει πάρα πολύ ακριβά και την ανάπτυξη και την κρίση σας. Δεν θα αποδεχτούν να τους φορτώσετε και πάλι νέα βάρη και νέα μνημόνια με τα εθνικά σχέδια ανάκαμψης. Θα διεκδικήσουν μαχητικά τα σύγχρονα δικαιώματά τους κόντρα στη στρατηγική Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, κυβερνήσεων και μονοπωλίων που εσείς εκπροσωπείτε.

 
  
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  Tamás Deutsch (PPE). – Elnök Úr! Az unió mindennapjait a remélt kölcsönös bizalom helyett súlyos belső megosztottságok terhelik. Ezek a megosztottságok megbéklyózzák az európai polgárok százmillióinak életét. Az Unió emiatt elvesztette vezető szerepét a világban. Ha nem nézünk szembe ezzel az alapvető problémával, a súlyos belső megosztottsággal, akkor minden tervünk csupán óhaj marad. Három javaslatot kívánok ezért megfogalmazni az Uniót legyengítő megosztottságok felszámolására. Mindenekelőtt véget kell vetni a tagállamokkal szembeni, politikai és ideológiai hidegháborúnak és a kettős mérce alkalmazásának.

Szégyenteljes, amikor a koronavírus járvánnyal szemben sikeresen védekező, az emberek életét és egészségét megvédő tagállamot ócska hazugságok alapján hátba támadnak uniós intézmények és politikusok. Másodikként: az Európai Bizottság tegyen javaslatokat az Unión belüli intézményes megosztottság felszámolására. Kezdeményezze, hogy valamennyi uniós tagállam polgárai szabadon dolgozhassanak, egyformán hozzáférhessenek a más országokban történő szabad munkavállalás lehetőségéhez. Haladéktalanul tegyen a Bizottság javaslatot a közép- és kelet-európai kis- és középvállalkozásokat hátrányosan megkülönböztető jogszabályok, így a szállítás és a szállítmányozás területén, a megosztottsághoz vezető versenyhátrányok megszüntetésére.

És azonnal szülessen döntés, Bulgária, Horvátország és Románia schengeni csatlakozásáról. Évtizedes uniós tagságuk ellenére, ezeknek az országoknak a polgárai még mindig kirekesztettek a schengeni rendszerből. Ez az állapot szomorú szimbóluma az Unió megosztottságának. És harmadikként: az Európai Bizottság végre olyan új jogalkotási javaslatokat fogalmazzon meg, mindenekelőtt a klímavédelem, az úgynevezett szociális pillér és a bevándorlás kérdéseiben, amelyek nem újabb és még a jelenleginél is mélyebb megosztottsághoz, további ideológiai vitákhoz vezetnek, hanem amelyek a tagállamok és az uniós intézmények széles körű támogatását élvezik.

 
  
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  Kati Piri (S&D). – Mr President, we like to speak about the Union’s value-driven soft power. We are proud to be a model, a positive force for the world and standing up for the rule of law and fundamental freedoms. But how long can we keep up that image if we fail to apply those standards to ourselves? How can we speak about protecting human rights when thousands of people, many who fled war, are now going through the most inhumane misery on the Greek islands? When we hear phrases being used like ‘protecting frontline countries and our borders’, I believe we have forgotten who the real victims are here. How can we speak about supporting the fight for democracy in Belarus when we do nothing when our own Member States are turning into autocracies?

The next EU budget must have an insurance policy against our own autocrats. President von der Leyen, we expect you to protect our citizens but also to protect our values.

 
  
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  Guy Verhofstadt (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, c'est dommage que M. Bay ne soit plus là, lui qui donne des leçons à tout le monde, même sur le financement du fonds de redressement, à un moment où c'est lui, M. Salvini, Mme Le Pen et leurs amis autrichiens qui reçoivent de l'argent de M. Poutine. Peut-être qu'il peut s'occuper de repayer l'argent à M. Poutine. Je trouve ça personnellement scandaleux que des gens pareils soient en train de nous donner des leçons, alors qu’ils reçoivent de l'argent pour détruire l'Union européenne. C'est peut-être ce qu’il est en train de faire, je suppose, parce qu'il n'est plus là.

My proposal, Ms von der Leyen, is that you repeat these 75 minutes of your speech, that I liked a lot, in the Council. Because let’s be honest, half of the issues that you raised are in fact blocked in the Council.

When we talk about migration, the tragedy in the Moria camp. That’s the consequence of the impossibility to reform Dublin, to reform the Migration Policy. When we talk about Belarus, it’s 40 days after these elections were stolen by Lukashenko and we are not capable of putting sanctions on the table – 40 days later.

When we’re talking about Turkey drilling in the Eastern Mediterranean, in Greek waters, no sanction, no action at all. When we talk about Hong Kong, when we talk about the minority of the Uighurs, words yes, but sanctions no, action no.

And when we talk about the rule of law inside the European Union, let’s be honest, it’s 5...6 years that we are talking about that here in Europe and in the European Parliament. There are no sanctions against these authoritarian regimes.

So my plea to you, is to repeat this as fast as possible, or in 75 minutes in the Council and let’s make a pact, a deal between us, that that is the priority for 2021 next to the Recovery Fund, Mr Frans Timmermans, and to the Green Deal, naturally. That is the priority. To end unanimity, to have a Magnitsky or Navalny Act as Mr Borrell named it. And to have a real rule of law mechanism, because I don’t want it to be that at the end, in a few years, we are calling you not the geopolitical Commission, but the geominimal Commission - that I want to avoid. (Applause)

 
  
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  Laura Huhtasaari (ID). – Mr President, Madam von der Leyen is wrong. The EU did not succeed; it broke the rules. No matter how much von der Leyen is trying to convince people that she’s better than us politicians critical of the EU, she broke the no-bail-out rule. We didn’t.

A community that does not follow its own rules has no credibility. The EU is a hypocrite. What Europe needs now is immediate tariffs on Chinese imports, following the example of the United States, to save its own industrial production and European way of life. We are the ones who want to follow the rule of law and von der Leyen does not. That needs to be made clear.

 
  
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  David Cormand (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Présidente, chers amis, vous avez dit dans votre discours, à un moment: «Heureusement que nous avons eu le numérique pendant la crise.» J’ai pensé, à ce moment-là: «Heureusement aussi que nous avons eu un certain nombre d’emplois», ceux que l’on appelle les emplois du quotidien: les infirmières, les éboueurs, les livreurs, ceux qui achalandaient les magasins. En effet, ils ont été très utiles.

Comme vous l’avez dit, pour ces personnes-là, le travail ne paie pas. Par contre, pour d’autres, il paie. Pour d’autres, la rente paie, les transactions financières paient, la destruction de l’environnement paie.

Dans votre discours, vous avez parlé de tout ce que nous devions faire. Il y a un sujet sur lequel, à mon avis, nous n’avons pas assez insisté: il s’agit des recettes. J’ai un message à vous faire passer: si nous voulons une Europe ambitieuse, si nous voulons avoir les moyens de nos actions, il faut que ceux qui, aujourd’hui, échappent à l’impôt paient l’impôt.

Il y a un impôt que vous n’avez pas mentionné, la taxe sur les transactions financières. Cela fait des années qu’on en parle; c’est un impôt juste, qui permet de faire des économies aux citoyens lambda qui, eux, ne peuvent pas échapper à l’impôt.

Alors, Madame la Présidente, comme l’a dit notre ami, M. Verhofstadt, dites au Conseil que cette assemblée ne tolérera pas qu’il n’y ait pas de nouvelles ressources propres pour financer tout ce que nous devons financer.

 
  
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  Jorge Buxadé Villalba (ECR). – Señor presidente, resiliencia, sostenibilidad, igualdad de género, Europa digital, Pacto Verde, Agenda 2030, más competencias para la Unión, más leyes europeas, más impuestos europeos, y ahora incluso un coordinador contra el racismo: bla, bla, bla.

Con todos los respetos, señora Von der Leyen, señorías de los grupos populares, liberales y socialistas, ¿en qué mundo viven? ¿Han salido ustedes ahí fuera? ¿Han visto los carteles de «cerrado» en negocios, incluso aquí al lado del Parlamento Europeo? Si quieren les acompaño a España para que vean las colas para recoger comida y ropa en las parroquias. Y esto va a ir a peor. Y va a ir a peor si ustedes no tocan la realidad y se olvidan de sus agendas globales, llenas de «climatismo», «inmigracionismo», progresismo y socialismo. Bruselas, si no toca la realidad, hundirá a toda Europa.

Toca traer de vuelta a nuestra industria; toca defender a nuestras familias y a los trabajadores; toca apostar por la ley y el orden, garantizar la seguridad en nuestras fronteras; en fin, por esa Europa de las patrias y la colaboración voluntaria. Señora Von der Leyen, usted ha terminado su discurso con un «¡Viva Europa!». Si me lo permite, yo voy a terminar el mío con un «¡Vivan las naciones europeas, vivan los europeos y viva Europa!».

 
  
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  Chris MacManus (GUE/NGL). – Mr President, in 2016, Sinn Féin MEPs warned this Parliament about the threat Brexit was to the Good Friday Agreement. Little did I realise that, four years later, I would be saying the same thing.

We have a long experience with the British establishment. We know that they don’t care about Ireland, north or south. We know that they renege on their commitments. They have continually reinterpreted, misinterpreted and ignored the Good Friday Agreement to suit their own domestic political agenda. Now you are learning what we have known all along. They cannot be trusted. The British legislation is not only a breach of the Withdrawal Agreement, it is a full frontal assault on all aspects of our Good Friday Agreement. So, again, we look to you all in Europe to help protect our agreement, our peace process and to help us escape from British misrule.

 
  
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  Mislav Kolakušić (NI). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, poštovani kolege, poštovana predsjednice Europske komisije, danas ste izjavili da mi kao Unija ne težimo biti lider već da budemo tu na pomoć. To mi zvuči kao da najbolji svjetski atletičar pušta druge da pobjeđuju u svakoj utrci.

Europska unija ima sve sposobnosti da bude svjetski lider u svim područjima i mi moramo težiti ka tome i moramo to i postići.

Govorili ste o vladavini prava, međutim, strašno je da upravo Europska komisija krši i ne poštuje Uredbu o viznom režimu. Sedam godina, dakle, se ne uvodi viza za građane Sjedinjenih Američkih Država u slučaju reciprociteta jer Sjedinjene Američke Države imaju vizni režim za četiri članice Europske unije. To je nedopustivo!

Ponašamo se kao miševi, a trebali bismo biti kao lavovi. I moramo poštovati naše propise.

 
  
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  Dolors Montserrat (PPE). – Señora presidenta, el coronavirus ha situado a la Unión Europea ante el mayor desafío de nuestras vidas. La pandemia ha provocado daños inimaginables. Miles de familias han perdido a un ser querido. Millones de personas han perdido su empleo. En estas horas graves, la Unión Europea, más que nunca, debe estar al lado de los que más lo necesitan. Ningún enfermo de COVID puede quedar sin atender. La economía y el empleo deben recuperarse. Europa no puede permitirse una generación perdida. Necesitamos la vacuna. Es imprescindible y debe ser accesible para todos. Pero no podemos fiar exclusivamente la salida de la crisis sanitaria, económica y social a la vacuna, porque todo lo perdido y destruido hasta ahora solo se recuperará si tomamos medidas urgentes ya.

El Plan de Recuperación es indispensable. Para que sea efectivo y transforme, necesitamos que los Gobiernos nacionales hagan sus deberes. Con un impulso de reformas nacionales ambiciosas, que fomente una economía moderna, resiliente, competitiva, ante el cambio climático y la era digital, que priorice la creación de empleo de calidad, porque es la mejor política social, que refuerce los sistemas nacionales y que garantice, sobre todo, la mejor educación para todos nuestros jóvenes.

Debemos conseguir que Europa sea de nuevo un faro de libertad que ilumine un mundo que está volviendo a oscurecerse. Porque el coronavirus también ha acelerado fenómenos que ya estaban produciéndose y que socavaban la fuerza de la Unión y el futuro de los europeos. No podemos dar ni un paso atrás en la defensa de los derechos y las libertades. Ni un paso atrás en la defensa de la democracia ante la amenaza autoritaria, venga de Bielorrusia, de Venezuela o incluso del interior de nuestras propias sociedades. Ni un paso atrás en la defensa del Estado de Derecho ante esos nacionalismos y populismos retrógrados. Consigamos un Brexit ordenado y recuperemos entre nosotros el espíritu de Schengen. La nueva realidad no debe suponer la renuncia de nuestros valores europeos.

 
  
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  Ismail Ertug (S&D). – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Frau Kommissionspräsidentin! Erst letzte Woche fand der EU-China-Gipfel statt, und ich glaube dieser Gipfel hat uns nochmal gezeigt, wie wichtig es ist, dass die Europäische Union für die Zukunft gewappnet ist und auch unabhängig ist. Ich glaube, wenn wir über Industriepolitik sprechen, da müssen wir uns klar darüber sein – und das war ja der Bereich, bei dem Sie angekündigt haben, womöglich nicht ins Detail zu gehen, den ich aber nochmal aufwerfen will.

In diesen Industriebereichen gibt es nach meiner Auffassung zwei, wo wir weltweit führend sein können und wo wir auch die Standards, wie Sie es gesagt haben, setzen können: zum einen die europäische Wasserstoffindustrie und zum zweiten die europäische Batteriezellenindustrie.

Ich glaube, wir haben mit unseren beiden Kommissaren Timmermans und Šefčovič zwei Leute, die jetzt schon weltweit auch für Aufsehen gesorgt haben mit konkreten Maßnahmen. Was uns noch fehlt, sind eben diese konkreten Gesetzgebungen. Ich meine nach einem chinesischen Philosophen zu sprechen: Fordere viel von dir selbst und erwarte wenig von den anderen. Wenn wir nach diesem Prinzip vorgehen, werden wir auch in Zukunft erfolgreich sein.

 
  
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  Dita Charanzová (Renew). – Mr President, today we are in the hurricane called COVID. Very soon we will be in the hurricane called Brexit. Both will test the European Union, our society, our economy and the faith of our citizens. This is why we need strong leadership now, a strong EU that helps citizens and keeps Europeans and European businesses safe – something that citizens have been waiting for since the spring.

The Commission does not need new powers to do it. Let’s exploit its existing ones. You must accelerate your actions and grant additional aid and exceptions to our industry. Now is really not the time to burden them with new regulations.

President von der Leyen, the EU economy is a ship in a hurricane and we need a captain to navigate us safely to shore. I hope you will be that captain.

 
  
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  Peter Kofod (ID). – Hr. formand! Kommissionsformand von der Leyen, i din tale sagde du, at migration var en berigelse for Europa. Du tager fejl! Indvandring fra Afrika og Mellemøsten har ikke været nogen berigelse for Europa. Ikke i mit hjemland Danmark, ikke noget andet sted. Til gengæld har det medført stigende kriminalitet og høje udgifter. Jeg synes, at denne Kommission og tidligere Kommissioner svigter deres ansvar for det europæiske kontinent. Men du har ret i én ting, og det er, at der findes et dem og et os. Og der findes i særdeleshed et dem og et os i det her hus. Der findes en EU-elite, som i årevis har forsømt at gøre vores ydre grænser sikre, som har brugt energien på at bekæmpe vores nationale grænsekontrol i stedet for. Og så findes der et os, som uanset prisen vil forsvare vores lande, vores kontinent og overgive det i en bedre stand til fremtiden, end da vi selv modtog det af forrige generationer.

 
  
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  Sven Giegold (Verts/ALE). – Frau Präsidentin, Sie haben gesagt, dass Sie den Bruch europäischen Rechts nicht tolerieren wollen. Aber was passiert derzeit in Moria, an unseren Außengrenzen?

In Moria hat nicht nur das Flüchtlingslager gebrannt. An den Außengrenzen brennt seit Jahren das europäische Recht und die europäische Rechtsgemeinschaft. Sie steht in Flammen. Mit der aktuellen Außenpolitik im Bereich der Asyl- und Flüchtlingspolitik bricht Europa sein eigenes Recht. Und genauso sehen wir nach Bulgarien: Seit Monaten demonstrieren dort die Menschen – ohne Reaktion der Europäischen Kommission – gegen Straflosigkeit und Korruption. In zahlreichen Alltagsprodukten befinden sich verbotene Chemikalien – gegen europäisches Recht. Deutschland ist ein Geldwäscheparadies – gegen europäisches Recht. Und genauso finden wir im Bereich der Grundrechte zahlreiche Verletzungen.

Daher meine Bitte an Sie fürs nächste Jahr: Seien Sie konsequenter als Hüterin der Verträge. Eröffnen Sie Vertragsverletzungsverfahren. Die Blockaden der Mitgliedsstaaten – dafür können Sie nichts. Aber Sie können das europäische Recht durchsetzen und damit den Respekt vor unserer Rechtsgemeinschaft und vor dem europäischen Projekt stärken.

 
  
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  Geert Bourgeois (ECR). – Voorzitter, ook met de pandemie moeten we meer dan ooit inzetten op duurzame welvaart, op jobcreatie, en ik heb goede dingen gehoord in uw toespraak: aandacht voor het industriële beleid, voor artificiële intelligentie en voor digitalisering, maar zet alstublieft veel meer in op het verdiepen van de interne markt, maak een kapitaalmarkt voor onze kleine en middelgrote ondernemingen.

U doet er ook goed aan om de EU te profileren als de globale actor inzake handel en inzake stabiliteit. Ik ben het volledig met u eens op dat vlak. Maar ik zou wat meer assertiviteit willen als het gaat over mensenrechten. Het kan toch niet dat wij verder producten blijven invoeren die in China gemaakt zijn met dwangarbeid? Laten we ook op dat vlak heel consequent zijn. Laten we ons ook verzetten tegen dumping en tegen overmatige staatssubsidies.

Ten derde, veel meer budget naar innovatie, de sleutel voor herstel, de sleutel evenzeer voor de Green Deal. Het is goed dat waterstof op de radar staat, maar vergeet niet dat we zullen moeten investeren in vervangers van zeldzame materialen. We zijn daar veel te fragiel, dus verhoog dat budget voor innovatie. Tot slot, humaan asielbeleid, maar wel onze buitengrenzen beschermen en geen illegalen binnenlaten. Dit is wat de mensen vragen. Dit is wat vertrouwen in de Unie zal creëren.

 
  
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  François-Xavier Bellamy (PPE). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Présidente, le discours que vous avez prononcé fixe des objectifs ambitieux, mais si nous n'assumons pas les moyens pour agir, ils resteront des appels sans lendemain. La vulnérabilité de l'Europe face à la crise sanitaire devrait être une leçon pour nous.

Vous avez appelé à une éthique des nouvelles technologies et du numérique, mais si nous n'investissons pas pour que nos pays reconquièrent leur autonomie stratégique, nous serons les satellites des puissances technologiques de demain.

Vous avez évoqué le défi migratoire. Bien sûr, les drames qui se déroulent en mer Méditerranée devraient tous nous empêcher de dormir, mais la seule manière de les éviter, c'est d'assumer de maîtriser nos frontières, pour que personne ne tente d'entrer en Europe sans y avoir été légalement autorisé. C'est sur notre impuissance que prospère le trafic des êtres humains qui fait tant de morts aujourd'hui.

Vous avez rappelé l'urgence écologique. Là encore, quelle naïveté il y aurait à croire que nous allons traiter ce problème global seulement en cherchant à nous réformer nous-mêmes! Bien sûr, nous pouvons et nous devons produire mieux, mais l'Europe émet 8 % des émissions de carbone. Si nous ne faisons qu'imposer des contraintes à ceux qui produisent en Europe, nous n'aurons pas progressé sur le terrain de l'écologie; nous aurons seulement détruit notre économie. Il est temps de faire du marché unique un levier pour pouvoir avancer vers cette transition écologique globale. C'est la raison pour laquelle le mécanisme d'inclusion carbone est absolument urgent.

Enfin, vous avez appelé à ce que la haine ne déchire pas nos sociétés, mais il ne sera possible de résister à tout ce qui les fracture aujourd'hui que si l'Europe assume ce que nous avons en commun: une civilisation qu'il nous appartient de transmettre. C’est à cette condition seulement qu'elle retrouvera aussi un avenir.

 
  
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  Heléne Fritzon (S&D). – Herr talman! Tack till ordförande von der Leyen för ett mycket starkt tal. Ja, vi har alla påverkats av krisen och pandemin. Vi står därför inför ett starkt ledarskap, och vi står inför att vi måste visa handling från EU:s sida när vi nu ska bygga upp en hållbar ekonomisk tillväxt och skapa nya gröna jobb.

Vi ska inte bygga den gamla ekonomin. Vi ska bygga den nya, gröna ekonomin. Den inre marknaden, digital ekonomi, klimatneutral teknik – allt det kommer att bli avgörande för de nya jobben.

Vi ska emellertid också driva på för ett mer socialt och ekologiskt Europa, där livs- och arbetsvillkor tar plats. I det arbetet vet vi som kommer från Sverige att den mest framgångsrika modellen för löner är kollektivavtal.

Sist men inte minst vill jag också lyfta jämställdhetsfrågorna. Ordförande von der Leyen nämnde inte jämställdhetsstrategin, men det gör jag eftersom den är bra för både kvinnor och män och inte minst för barn och unga som ska växa upp i ett jämlikt och jämställt EU.

 
  
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  Luis Garicano (Renew). – Señor presidente, señora Von der Leyen, han sido unos meses muy muy duros. Muchos ciudadanos han perdido a sus seres queridos, se han quedado sin empleo o han tenido que cerrar su negocio. Pero creo que debemos estar orgullosos de la respuesta ante esta crisis de la Unión Europea.

Cuando aprobamos el Plan de Recuperación de la UE, les transmitimos un mensaje muy importante a nuestros conciudadanos: Europa está con vosotros, Europa no os va a dejar solos, vamos a salir de esta juntos. Pero no todo está resuelto. El dinero hay que gastarlo bien; algunos Gobiernos quieren gastarlo de forma insensata. El vicepresidente del Gobierno español, por ejemplo, esta semana, en una entrevista, sugería que los fondos del Plan de Recuperación debían usarse para crear nuevas élites empresariales.

Y yo lo quiero decir con absoluta claridad: desde este Parlamento Europeo, haremos lo necesario para asegurar que el dinero se gasta bien, no se gasta para ayudar a amigos y amiguetes; que se utiliza para favorecer a las familias en educación, sanidad; para luchar contra el cambio climático y proteger a nuestro planeta. Porque Europa no es un cajero automático, sino una oportunidad de luchar por el bienestar de nuestras familias.

 
  
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  Jaak Madison (ID). – Mr President, first of all I would like to focus on one of the biggest topics for the next year: the New Migration Pact. I’ve seen this idea that was proposed already, and I think the most remarked thing is that the Commission is going forward to push the idea of migration codes and of relocation for migrants.

I don’t have to be very smart or clever to understand that it’s going to be like a huge conflict between the Member States. The problem is that several countries have pushed this idea, like German or Sweden, and have practised their open borders immigration policy. They have ignored the fact that absolutely different cultures and religions don’t fit together. It doesn’t work. And now they’re trying to export their problems to other Member States.

Liebe Frau von der Leyen, lassen Sie also Deutschland oder Schweden in ihren Ländern so regieren, wie sie es möchten, aber machen Sie nicht andere Länder für deren fatale Fehler verantwortlich, und lösen Sie Ihre Migrationsprobleme allein.

 
  
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  Bas Eickhout (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, I would like to thank President von der Leyen for the State of the Union. I think it’s an ambitious programme and it is absolutely clear that this Commission wants to do things differently. There is a change of course; we hear that and we very much support that. We also think that it reflects the results of the elections last year, where European citizens were asking for that change, very well. So we thank you for that.

But, of course, now it comes down to action. The words need to be translated into action, and there is sometimes still a big battle ahead of us, a big battle that we also need to have here in the European Parliament. I want to direct these words to my colleagues, who quite often applaud the nice speeches of the Commission and the statements that are being made but which are not being translated into law-making that really makes that change. We are still supporting subsidies for fossil fuels, we are still not strong enough on the rule of law, and we are still not fighting to make sure that refugees are being helped on this continent. These issues now need to be taken care of. After the words, the real work has to start, and we are willing to do that together to make sure that this Europe becomes a green and a social Europe.

 
  
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  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Уважаеми г-н Председател, уважаема г-жо Председател, уважаеми, почитаеми Комисари, скъпи колеги. Г-жо Председател, със съжаление трябва да отчета, че Вашата реч беше разочароваща, пълна с полуистини и с противоречия.

Говорите за върховенство на закона, а Вие се каните да нарушите Договора за функциониране на Европейския съюз, теглейки огромен заем, който ще трябва да плащат нашите деца, за да финансирате налудни социални експерименти. Говорите за свободен пазар, а пък налагате силово пакети като „Мобилност“, които крадат работни места от Централна и Източна Европа. Говорите за работни места, а се каните със зеленото безумие да закриете стотици хиляди работни места в Централна и Източна Европа.

Говорите за права на човека, а не смеете да изречете името на диктатора неоосманист Ердоган и на комунистически Китай. Питам се защо се страхувате да попитате комунистически Китай кога ще поеме отговорност за китайския вирус, който разруши световната икономика. Говорите за разширяване на Европейския съюз, но не казвате, че една Македония трябва да влезе, само когато погребе и забрави завинаги своето комунистическо, антибългарско, македонистко минало. Нали не искате в тази зала да има знаме с петолъчка и сърп и чук? Или искате, не зная.

Говорите също така за нелегална миграция, като ги наричате бежанци. Уважаема г-жо Председател, не говорим за бежанци, говорим за стотици хиляди, милиони нелегални имигранти, които ще променят културно идентичността на европейските нации, на суверенните европейски нации. Обвинявате крайнодесните, уважаема г-жо Председател, но управляват крайнодесни, управлявате Вие. Пробудете се, излезте от този брюкселски балон, излезте от тази затворена сфера, в която живеете и погледнете живота такъв, какъвто е. От Вас зависи бъдещето на Европейския съюз в следващите няколко години, поемете своята отговорност. Благодаря за вниманието.

 
  
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  Markus Pieper (PPE). – Herr Präsident, Frau Präsidentin! Klima schützen, Umwelt schützen, Menschen und Betriebe mitnehmen, mit Offenheit für Technologien, mit Marktwirtschaft herangehen. Klimaschutz ist nicht nur notwendig für den Planeten, er ist auch eine Chance für die europäische Wirtschaft, gerade auf den globalen Märkten.

Zu Recht deshalb die Mahnung von der Kommissionspräsidentin – hin zur Klimaneutralität so schnell wie möglich! Wir unterstützen auch die 55 % bis 2030, Fragen zum Kommissionsvorschlag sind dennoch erlaubt: Warum sagt die Folgenabschätzung, dass heute möglich ist, was vor der Coronakrise unmöglich war? Damals hieß es, 40 % sind im Einklang mit Paris und die Belastungsgrenze für Menschen und Unternehmen – jetzt sind es 55 %!

Wir sind aber erst mitten in der Pandemie, der Brexit steht bevor, afrikanische Schweinepest, niemand, auch nicht Herr Timmermans, kann heute seriös sagen, zu welchen Verwerfungen das auf den Weltmärkten führt. Wir brauchen deshalb eine Review der Folgenabschätzung und der Klimaziele spätestens in zwei Jahren, und fast noch wichtiger: Unser Mittelstand braucht Freiräume für Innovation, also keine Technikverbote oder Sanierungsquoten, aber Marktwirtschaft und Emissionshandel.

Wir sprechen heute über Klimagesetz, Lieferkettengesetz, neue Steuern und Abgaben. Sicher ist das alles richtig, aber ich frage die Kommission: Wo ist die Stimme des Mittelstands in der Kommission? Wo bleibt der versprochene Ansprechpartner für SMIs? Wo ist die One-in-One-out-Regel? Wir können nicht immer nur subventionieren und regulieren, wir müssen auch Freiräume für die Unternehmen zulassen, gerade in der Krise und gerade beim Thema Klimaschutz.

 
  
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  Сергей Станишев (S&D). – Уважаеми г-н Председател, уважаема г-жо Президент, днес огромното мнозинство от европейците изпитват несигурност и тревога за своето бъдеще, за своите доходи, за своята работа, за своите семейства. За да бъде чут Вашият призив за повече оптимизъм, са нужни действия.

Чудесно е, че след първоначалния шок, в това число и с много активната роля на социалистите, Европейският съюз взе важни решения за икономическото възстановяване в резултат от пандемията. Най-важното, историческо, разбира се, това е издаването на общ европейски дълг, за да се осигурят ресурси за инвестиции и за да могат хората и бизнесът да получат реална протегната ръка и подкрепа.

Но сега жизненоважна е скоростта, с която това ще се реализира. Орязани бюджети за следващите години не са отговорът и пътят към глобално лидерство. Повечето от политиките, които са необходими за възстановяването на Европейския съюз, са предложени от социалистите от доста време и те изискват прилагане, за да бъде Европа по-социална, по-справедлива, по-демократична.

Искам да обърна Вашето внимание на това, че вече повече от два месеца хиляди български граждани протестират за тези европейски ценности, за които Вие говорите, за подотчетно правителство, за прозрачност, за демокрация. Те очакват техният глас да бъде чут в Европейския съюз и да има реакция. Призовавам Ви да действате по този начин. Благодаря ви.

 
  
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  Sophia in 't Veld (Renew). – Mr President, I would like to thank Madam President von der Leyen for your very ambitious and pro-European speech this morning. I particularly welcomed your strong words on the importance of the rule of law. They are great words that meet with the approval of this House, as you know.

Unfortunately, they also meet with the approval of the government offices in, say, Budapest, Warsaw and other places, and I think that, unfortunately, corrupt, autocratic leaders like Viktor Orbán and others listen to your speech knowing that they have nothing to worry about, because for years now they have been attacking democracy, the rule of law and fundamental rights with impunity, and they have become an example to others. Others are following because the Commission is afraid to speak up to the Member States. It is a profoundly intergovernmental Commission.

In Poland, can the judges and the LGBTI people count on you to stand shoulder to shoulder with them as you stand shoulder to shoulder with the protesters in Belarus? Can the journalists in Bulgaria count on your support? Can the academics in Hungary count on your support? I thank you for your words, Madam President, but you will convince us only with actions.

 
  
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  Harald Vilimsky (ID). – Herr Präsident! Erlauben Sie mir vielleicht vorab ein sehr offenes Wort, dass so viel an Realitätsverweigerung und Selbstbeweihräucherung, wie sich hier in diesem Haus manifestiert, sehr, sehr selten zu erleben ist. Man hat fast den Eindruck, dass hier ein Paralleluniversum entstanden ist, das mit der Welt draußen schon überhaupt nichts mehr zu tun hat.

Wenn Sie heute halbwegs ehrlich gewesen wären, hätten Sie eine Bankrott- und Kapitulationserklärung Ihrer Politik abgeben müssen, statt sich selbst zu beweihräuchern. Schauen Sie doch an die zentralen Bereiche dieser Europäischen Union, wo überall nichts funktioniert, ob das die Frage Corona ist, wo Sie zu Beginn der Pandemie Italien und andere Staaten komplett im Regen stehen gelassen haben. Schauen Sie nach Moria: Sie haben aus der Migrationskrise seit 2015 nichts gelernt. Immer noch breiten Sie ihre Arme aus, holen Menschen aus aller Herren Länder nach Europa und ignorieren die vielen Probleme, die damit entstehen.

Heute postulieren Sie großartig Ihre Klimapolitik. Sie schließen Ihre Augen dann, wenn quer durch den Kontinent LKWs landwirtschaftliche Produkte transportieren, ohne irgendeinen Sinn, statt auf Regionalität zu setzen. Und auf der anderen Seite nehmen Sie den Menschen dann das Geld aus der einen Tasche und stecken einen Bruchteil des Geldes in die andere Tasche. Das ist eine Hokuspokuspolitik, aber keine ehrliche Politik für die Menschen.

Meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren! Selbsterkenntnis ist – so heißt es – der erste Weg zur Besserung. Wenn Sie erkennen, dass Sie mit Ihrer Politik auf dem Holzweg sind, wenn Sie eine Kehrtwende machen, eine richtige Politik beschreiten, werden die Menschen davon profitieren, und auch Ihr Image wird davon profitieren.

 
  
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  Ernest Urtasun (Verts/ALE). – Señora presidenta, es el momento de ayudar a la gente que peor lo ha pasado en esta crisis y que peor lo pasará con la crisis económica. Usted ha hecho hoy anuncios importantes, como la Directiva para un salario mínimo, o su ambición climática, con el objetivo del 55 % en 2030, que celebramos. Pero también tengo que decirle que, para que la ambición climática sea real, necesitamos que los Reglamentos legislativos claramente excluyan que el dinero del fondo de recuperación vaya a ser usado para invertir en combustibles fósiles o energías contaminantes. Espero que la Comisión Europea pueda ayudarnos en ello.

Hoy Europa camina hacia una senda más social y más verde. Es de celebrar. También quiero decir que eso es una victoria de todos aquellos que durante años lucharon contra el dogma «austeritario» —«a la fuerza ahorcan», que dirían algunos—. Pero tengo que decirle, señora presidenta, que usted ha dejado para el final el gran agujero negro de la Unión Europea en estos momentos, que es nuestra política de inmigración y de asilo. Nuestra defensa de los derechos humanos, nuestro Estado de Derecho mueren hoy en día en el campo de Moria. Y ya sé que no todo es responsabilidad suya; somos perfectamente conscientes de ello. Pero le pido un mayor liderazgo político para afrontar la situación, la emergencia humanitaria, y para que los Estados miembros, finalmente, acepten reubicar a esos refugiados. Su liderazgo político es necesario en esa cuestión más que nunca, y creo que también esa es hoy su responsabilidad, y tengo que lamentar que esa parte la haya dejado para el final. Creo que la Comisión debe ser mucho más contundente ante una vulneración tan sistemática de los derechos humanos como la que se ha producido y se produce en nuestras fronteras.

 
  
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  Paulo Rangel (PPE). – Mr President, I would like to say to President von der Leyen that sometimes speeches are inspiring but not credible. Other times they are credible but not inspiring. But this time it was both inspiring and credible. Thank you very much.

– Senhora Presidente, apesar disso eu queria levantar uma questão: vi pouca referência aos jovens e, Senhora Presidente, o emprego jovem está em crise. Depois de uma crise em 2008 e 2009, agora uma crise em 2020. Isto significa que há uma geração que vai estar 20 anos em crise, primeiro em 2008 e depois para recuperar até 2020 e, quando estava a recuperar, leva com outra crise. Há uma geração de jovens perdidos e eles têm de ser um alvo preferencial das políticas europeias.

Em segundo lugar, queria que nos pudesse dizer que princípios vão inspirar a reforma de Schengen, porque disse que há uma nova estratégia para o futuro de Schengen e ela é bem precisa, mas que princípios é que a vão inspirar? É fundamental responder a isto, porque nós demonstramos, neste momento, por exemplo, que muitas dos guardas que estavam nas fronteiras externas estão nas fronteiras internas da União, desguarnecendo o espaço exterior e criando problemas no espaço interior e, finalmente, gostava também de ter tido uma palavra mais forte e mais clara para a Conferência sobre o Futuro da Europa. Dizer que ela tem que tratar da União para a Saúde é, sem dúvida, importante, mas é preciso que a Comissão seja uma driving force, senão não vamos ter Conferência sobre o Futuro da Europa nos próximos meses a arrancar e penso que isso será uma perda muito grande para os europeus neste momento, que é um momento de viragem da Europa, como a Senhora Presidente aqui demonstrou.

 
  
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  Brando Benifei (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Presidente von der Leyen, grazie per questo discorso appassionato. La pandemia ci ha preso un po' di sorpresa, per certi aspetti, qualche mese fa, con un'Unione con competenze in materia sanitaria ancora molto limitate rispetto alle emergenze sanitarie e con sistemi sanitari ancora pieni di squilibri. Per questo è un'ottima notizia il summit globale per la salute, nel 2021 in Italia, da lei ha annunciato.

Il diritto alla salute è un diritto umano e noi dobbiamo ribadirlo con forza e renderlo una realtà: oggi non è sempre così. E sul tema dei diritti, ancora ieri, di fronte a questo Parlamento, si è manifestato contro le gravissime violenze nei confronti degli attivisti LGBTIQ avvenute in Polonia. Sono contento per le sue parole chiare sullo stato di diritto, ma noi vogliamo azioni conseguenti: nuove leggi contro le discriminazioni e sanzioni nei confronti dei governi ungherese e polacco.

Serve andare avanti, Presidente von der Leyen, con le riforme delle istituzioni; servono meccanismi contro i veti del Consiglio, tassare la finanza speculativa e i grandi inquinatori per sostenere le trasformazioni della nostra società e il nuovo debito comune. Bisogna, infine, sostenere le nuove generazioni, le quali non possono sopportare il peso di questa crisi da sole: serve fare molto, molto di più per loro.

Insieme possiamo combattere, insieme possiamo fare il bene dei nostri cittadini. Noi siamo pronti: vogliamo la Commissione dalla nostra parte.

 
  
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  Jan-Christoph Oetjen (Renew). – Herr Präsident, Frau von der Leyen! 429 – das ist nicht die Zahl der Kinder, die zunächst aus Moria aufgenommen werden sollten. Sondern es ist 429 Tage her, dass Sie das erste Mal hier in diesem Hause gesprochen haben. 429 Tage, die wir darauf warten, dass die Europäische Kommission endlich eines der größten Themen angeht, bei dem die Menschen eine europäische Lösung erwarten.

Ich hatte im Laufe Ihrer Rede schon fast gedacht, Sie sprechen das Thema gar nicht an, dann doch einige Eckpunkte zur Migrations- und Asylpolitik. Sie wollen Humanität und Solidarität, Seenotrettung – dabei haben Sie die volle Unterstützung von Renew. Sie wollen die Integration von anerkannten Asylbewerbern verbessern – volle Unterstützung. Rückführung derjenigen, die keinen Anspruch auf Asyl haben – einverstanden.

Aber in dem, was Sie heute vorgestellt haben, fehlt ein wichtiger Baustein. Frau von der Leyen, wenn es kein Konzept dafür gibt, wie wir die Migration in den Arbeitsmarkt, die wir in einigen Mitgliedstaaten brauchen, europäisch organisieren, werden sich weiter Menschen in Boote setzen, um über das Mittelmeer zu kommen. Es wird weiter überfüllte Lager an den EU-Außengrenzen geben. Und das ist inakzeptabel.

Wenn Sie Migration ganzheitlich organisieren wollen, dann müssen Sie die Migration in den Arbeitsmarkt mitdenken. Als Renew-Fraktion haben wir einen Vorschlag für einen europäischen talent pool vorgelegt mit Einwanderungskriterien nach kanadischem Vorbild. Greifen Sie das bitte auf, bleiben Sie nicht auf halber Strecke stehen.

 
  
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  Karima Delli (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, Madame von der Leyen, nous sommes à la fois la première génération à subir les effets du dérèglement climatique, mais aussi la dernière génération à pouvoir y remédier. Il n'y a pas de plan B pour la planète. Regardez le scénario catastrophe partout dans le monde, de l'Amazonie au Groenland, de l'Australie à la Méditerranée. Désormais, la nature ne s'accommode pas de petits pas, elle réagit à grandes enjambées.

Aujourd'hui, nous devons limiter la casse, due à l'inaction des gouvernements successifs. Je rappelle que les premières victimes sont les pauvres et les plus précaires. Il faut donc répondre à la justice climatique avec la justice sociale. Madame von der Leyen, je vous demande une chose: n'attendez pas la révolution verte, faites-la. La baisse des émissions d'ici 2030, c'est moins 65 %, en accord avec la COP 21. Faites rentrer dans la transition écologique notamment l'aviation et le maritime. Relancez le fret, Madame von der Leyen.

La bataille du climat, c'est la bataille de l'emploi. Nous avons un moment historique, un moment inédit dans l'histoire de l'humanité. Les fenêtres d'opportunité se rétrécissent très vite. Donnons-nous donc les moyens de remporter la victoire du climat. Faisons tous ensemble en sorte que l'Europe devienne le leader du climat. Vous avez dit que le compte à rebours était lancé, mais il est déjà là.

 
  
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  Esther de Lange (PPE). – Mr President, I would like President von der Leyen to know that one sentence in her speech made me particularly happy. Madam President, don’t get me wrong, I congratulate you on your entire speech but, in particular, your promise to adjust our competition framework, especially given the international situation which often lacks fairness and a level playing field. Because let’s be honest, if we want European companies to produce our green and digital goods and services, they at least deserve a fair chance. For this a revision of our competition and public procurement rules is, according to the PPE Group, long overdue.

– Een eerlijke kans voor bedrijven zorgt immers voor het behoud van banen, banen die zeker verloren zouden gaan bij een nexit, zoals de heer Eppink wil. Of wilde die nou geen nexit? Legt u het mij nog eens uit. Lost u in elk geval de schizofrenie in uw eigen partij en in uw eigen hoofd eerst op voordat u naar anderen wijst.

En daar waar de heer Eppink een ritueel dansje opvoert, ben ik, zoals mijn kiezers van mij verwachten, in de voorstellen gedoken en daar zie ik op bladzijde 244 van de effectbeoordeling bij de klimaatwet dat een gemiddeld gezin bij een reductie van 55% CO2 in 2030 weliswaar 70 euro bespaart aan stookkosten, maar drie tot vier keer dat bedrag kwijt is aan duurzame apparaten en de isolatie van zijn woning.

Mevrouw de voorzitter, dit gaat over de mensen waarover u sprak, die aan het eind van de maand, wel “maand” maar geen geld over hebben en die zich zorgen maken over hun baan. Je kunt niet groen doen als je rood staat. Deze mensen heb je ook in landen die niet profiteren van de FFF of het mechanisme voor een rechtvaardige transitie, dus op het moment dat wij voor deze mensen een antwoord hebben op de vraag hoe wij ze gaan helpen om die inspanning te leveren, dan sta ik aan uw zijde, maar op dat antwoord wacht ik nog wel.

 
  
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  Javier Moreno Sánchez (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Présidente von der Leyen, merci pour ce grand discours. L’Europe en avait besoin.

La pandemia y la crisis sanitaria han trastornado nuestras vidas y la agenda de nuestro proyecto europeo, pero también nos están ofreciendo una oportunidad histórica para devolver la ilusión y la esperanza a nuestros ciudadanos y ciudadanas. Nuestras prioridades políticas del inicio de esta legislatura se han convertido en urgencias políticas, sociales y económicas.

La Unión ha sobrevivido a todo tipo de crisis y siempre ha salido reforzada. Y esta vez lo lograremos con una respuesta valiente y contundente, basada en medios presupuestarios adecuados y a través de nuevos recursos propios. En julio se han sentado las bases y los principios de la recuperación económica y ahora deben ser los Estados miembros los que presenten y lleven a cabo las reformas. Reformas que, como ha planteado el presidente Pedro Sánchez, deben desarrollarse de la mano de las autoridades regionales y locales e ir destinadas a reforzar la sanidad pública, la transición digital y ecológica justa, así como la cohesión social y territorial y la igualdad de género. En este sentido quiero felicitarla, presidenta, por haber reforzado aún más la paridad en el colegio de comisarios con el nombramiento de nuestra colega McGuinness.

Sigamos haciendo historia y trabajemos juntos para mejorar el estado de la Unión y reforzar la confianza de la ciudadanía en el proyecto europeo.

 
  
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  Roberta Metsola (PPE). – Mr President, I join my colleagues in thanking President von der Leyen for her commitment. Over the last year, our systems have been tested like little else before. We must now be able to respond faster to shared challenges and we must have common solutions and protocols that work first of all to preserve our single market under the Schengen area, to ensure joint procurement becomes the norm, to safeguard our environment and fight climate change, and to protect and create jobs and opportunities for a new generation looking to us for direction, and to repair decimated sectors of our economy.

But if 2020 is the year of corona, 2021 must be the year of Europe, the year of optimism, and the year of real solidarity. This is particularly true in the area of migration. People are still dying on our shores. The same Member States are still responsible for a disproportionate number of people. We need to give humans at least the same importance that we in this House give to our fish, our seas and our crops.

The new migration pact must finally make us a Union of shared responsibility. Our approach must be permanent and not ad hoc. The bottom line must be every Member State showing meaningful solidarity in a system that is fair with those in need of protection, firm with those who are not eligible and harsh with traffickers. The challenge for our generation is something that we can only tackle together.

– Marbuta ma’ dan kollu, hemm ukoll il-ħtieġa li nagħtu protezzjoni lill-media indipendenti. Irridu li b’mod ikkoordinat niġġieldu wkoll is-SLAPP. Dmirna hu li nsaħħu lill-ġurnalisti u l-media kontra dawk li jridu jdgħajfuhom. U rridu wkoll insaħħu l-ġlieda kontra l-korruzzjoni. U nieqaf hawnhekk: il-korruzzjoni hija l-kuntrarju ta’ dak kollu li l-Unjoni Ewropea tirrappreżenta. Jekk mhux se niġġieldu l-korruzzjoni, jekk dawk li huma involuti fil-korruzzjoni mhumiex se jitressqu l-qorti, allura nkunu qed nissograw li titnaqqas il-fiduċja fil-proġett Ewropew.

 
  
  

PRESIDENZA DELL'ON. DAVID MARIA SASSOLI
Presidente

 
  
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  Leszek Miller (S&D). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani przewodnicząca! Nie po raz pierwszy Unia staje w obliczu poważnego kryzysu, ale po raz pierwszy jest on tak powszechny i wywołuje tak potężne skutki. W obliczu pandemii takie kroki, jak wspólne zwalczanie COVID-u czy wspólny plan odbudowy są działaniami właściwymi. Ale w czasie pandemii zobaczyliśmy też w sposób bardziej jaskrawy niż zwykle wszystkie słabości Unii, które biorą się najczęściej z płytkiej integracji i przewagi trybu międzyrządowego nad wspólnotowym, a przecież tryb wspólnotowy lepiej służy Europie. Głosowanie większościowe jest bardziej funkcjonalne niż jednomyślność w Radzie Europejskiej przypominająca polskie liberum veto, które w dużym stopniu przyczyniło się do upadku państwa polskiego w XVIII w. Potrzebny jest wyraźny zwrot w kierunku obywateli, a nie rządów. Potrzebne są: głębsza integracja, efektywna polityka zagraniczna, więcej kompetencji dla unijnych instytucji i usprawniony proces decyzyjny. Jeśli te cele wymagają zmian traktatowych, to trzeba je zainicjować. Debata o przyszłości Europy będzie dobrą ku temu okazją.

 
  
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  Pernille Weiss (PPE). – Hr. formand! Kære Ursula von der Leyen, kære kollegaer. Tak for en god tale. EU står med utroligt komplicerede udfordringer, mange flere end da vi begyndte samarbejdet sidste år. Vi skal for alvor til at bestige stejle bjerge sammen, og det kommer til at kræve rigtig meget af os alle. Nogle skal blive bedre til at samarbejde. Andre skal bruge mere tid på de enkelte sager, mens andre igen skal turde at være mere ambitiøse især på klimaets vegne. Men vi skal alle huske, at vi kun har fået muligheden for at sidde i dette rum, fordi vælgerne har tillid til os og stoler på, at vi sammen kan gøre Europa et bedre sted at leve og en stærkere rollemodel for resten af verden. Den tillid må vi ikke svigte. Om det så handler om at sænke CO2 maksimalt eller hæve hammeren i det øjeblik, retsstaten krænkes, så skal vi opføre os ordenligt over for hinanden, over for opgaven og hele tiden med viljen til at levere resultater. Så tak for at have givet mere medvind til et 2030-klimamål langt over 55 %, men ærgerligt, at du ikke beskrev en proaktiv og effektiv bødekasse, der passer bedre på retsstatens ukrænkelige principper i EU. Jeg ser frem til et godt arbejdsår

 
  
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  Andreas Schieder (S&D). – Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissionspräsidentin! COVID hat in der Tat sehr viel geändert im letzten Jahr. Aber es hat auch wie ein Brennglas auf die Probleme der Europäischen Union, die sich verstärkt haben, gezeigt. Die soziale Spaltung nimmt immer mehr zu: Hunderte, Tausende, Millionen Menschen auf unserem Kontinent haben ihren Job verloren, sind arbeitslos. Die Steuerlast der Arbeitnehmer steigt, während die Steuerlast der großen Konzerne durch Steuertricksereien und Steueroasen weiterhin ganz gering ist, und die Profite auf der anderen Seite massiv steigen.

Das rule of law wird ignoriert. Es sind die Regierungen von Ungarn und Polen, die die europäischen Grundrechte kaputtmachen und in ihrem Land schrittweise zerstören. Wir müssen hier dagegen vorgehen. Die Migration zeigt, dass wir kein gemeinsames Vorgehen schaffen. Es ist eine Schande von Moria, dass einzelne Regierungen hier in Europa weiterhin blockieren. Das müssen wir ändern. Ich glaube, das sind die Themen, die wir nächstes Jahr ändern müssen, wir gemeinsam.

 
  
 

(La discussione è sospesa)

 
Poslední aktualizace: 29. září 2020Právní upozornění - Ochrana soukromí