Dobesedni zapisi razprav

Sreda, 7. oktober 2020 - Bruselj

5. Obnovitev spopadov med Armenijo in Azerbajdžanom glede konflikta v Gorskem Karabahu (razprava)

  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärung des Vizepräsidenten der Kommission und Hohen Vertreters der Union für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik zur Wiederaufnahme der Kampfhandlungen zwischen Armenien und Aserbaidschan in Verbindung mit dem Bergkarabach-Konflikt (2020/2809(RSP)).

  Josep Borrell Fontelles, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, honourable Members of the European Parliament, I am going to make reference to the issue of the debate on the Nagorno-Karabakh region, and if you allow me at the end I will say some words about the issue raised by our Cypriot colleague.

The current military confrontation along the line of contact in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict zone is of our utmost concern. It is the largest confrontation since 1993-1994. We have been very engaged on this issue. On the day that fighting erupted, I released a statement as High Representative calling for an immediate cessation of hostilities, de-escalation and a strict observance of the cease-fire. During those days I had several phone calls separately with Armenian and Azerbaijani Foreign Ministers urging both sides to stop hostilities and return to the negotiation table.

Our position is clear: the fighting must stop. Both sides need to re-engage in meaningful negotiation, which, by the way, has not been very fruitful over the last 30 years, without preconditions under the auspices of the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs. There cannot be a military solution to the conflict no less an external interference. This position was reinforced by the European Council held on 1 and 2 October.

We have seen extremely worrying reports of a surge in attacks on populated areas which is taking a deadly toll on civilians. We strongly urge the sides to fully observe their international obligations to protect civilian populations, and with the resources we have, we have urgently allocated a small amount of money in humanitarian aid for the affected populations. In fact, we don’t have a lot of information about how the conflict is developing. Detailed information is scarce and there is a lot of fake news.

We see monitoring underground remains suspended, so we don’t have that service. But what we observed is an increasing amount of information which is aimed at mobilising the domestic audiences in both countries and could be used to pull regional actors into the conflict. Media reports need therefore to be examined with great caution because some of the news that has been disseminated, we don’t have confirmation about it.

At this a stage further escalation of the conflict and involvement of regional actors unhappily cannot be excluded. This would seriously threaten the stability of the whole region.

On 30 September I discussed the situation with the Russian Foreign Minister. I also spoke with the Turkish Foreign Minister, the two regional actors which are closer to the conflict. I emphasised the importance of de-escalating, the importance that regional actors refrain from any activity and rhetoric that could inflame things even further. I spoke to the Foreign Ministers of Armenia and Azerbaijan during the weekend. I stressed that the increase in civilian casualties is unacceptable. I knew from both sides the actions taken by the other side. Each one of them blames the other for starting and for attacking civilian population from the territory, not from Nagorno-Karabakh itself, the region in dispute, but from Armenia to Azerbaijan and Azerbaijan to Armenia.

The fighting should stop. The Minsk Co-Chairs are going to have meetings this week with the Foreign Affairs Ministers of two countries and the only way of getting out of this situation is that the Minsk Group Co-Chairs pushes for immediate negotiations as soon as possible.

We will continue working with the key partners and try to help stop hostilities because the only solution is to go back to the negotiating table, but this negotiating table has been open for the last 30 years – 30 – without any kind of advance. The war is not an alternative. We have to push both parties to stop fighting and negotiating without preconditioning, but this is for the time being not the case. I’m sorry I cannot inform you more about that because I accept that information is very scarce, and we have to take much care in disseminating news which has not been confirmed.

About the situation in Cyprus, I share the concern of the honourable Member who took the floor a moment ago. For sure, this issue of Famagusta was taken into consideration and the European Council also. The opening of this area, which is a closed area according to the cease-fire agreements under the auspices of the United Nations, is a serious violation of this agreement. Yesterday we issued a statement and today the 27 will issue another one asking Turkey to stop doing this activity.

You know that the European Council issued a statement about the situation in the Eastern Mediterranean, and for sure this is not going to help. On the contrary, it is going to increase tension and make it more difficult to reach an agreement on an especially difficult situation for all of us in the Eastern Mediterranean.

  Andrey Kovatchev, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, it is indeed very painful and sad to see killings and people suffering as part of this conflict which has been going on for decades while we, as observers in the international community, do very little, despite the statements we put out. Since the fighting broke out again, more than 200 people have been killed. My deepest condolences and sympathy to the victims and their families on both sides.

Reports vary, but so do – as the High Representative himself said – the claims made by the fake news media, disinformation campaigns, propaganda and by both sides with the aim of mobilising their own people and confusing the international community. I can tell you that lies cannot be hidden forever and sooner or later the truth will come out.

I would also like to repeat that the violence, the hostilities and the killing of people must stop immediately. The conflict has been surrounded by various claims – as you mentioned, according to Amnesty International even cluster bombs have been used. This needs to be clarified and investigated, as does the involvement of third parties and even Syrian fighters going through Turkey to the conflict area. All violence must stop immediately. The two sides should return to the negotiating table under the umbrella of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) Minsk Group to find a mutually acceptable solution, based on agreed principles, and refrain from the threat of the use of force, which – sadly – has clearly been violated now, territorial integrity and the equal rights of the self-determination of people. The involvement of any other parties needs to stop as soon as possible. Unfortunately, we saw at one point in time that they were very close to a mutually acceptable situation and compromise but now this is far away.

  Tonino Picula, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, High Representative, firstly, let me express our utmost concern about the eruption of renewed military hostilities between Armenia and Azerbaijan both in the Nagorno-Karabakh region and along the line of conflict. The fighting must stop immediately and all sides of the conflict must return to respecting the cease-fire agreement without any delay and without any preconditions. As the S&D, we have repeatedly appealed to refrain from any actions and also from any rhetoric that may fuel tensions between the two countries.

Today we urge to stop the fighting and return to negotiations. There is no other path to solving the conflict other than to return to the negotiating table under the chairmanship of the OSCE Minsk Group. The principles of the UN Charter, the OSCE Helsinki Final Act and the 2009 Basic Principles continue to be the guiding principles for the solution to this conflict. With the role of Russia as mediator diminishing, we must expect other partners to contribute to the same goal. This is especially important given the reports about the presence of mercenaries sent by Turkey. It seems that many, if not most, of our foreign policy challenges at external borders have Turkey as the common denominator and cause. The latest actions are yet another clear sign of Ankara’s depart from EU values and international law standards.

  Urmas Paet, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Mr President, it is not acceptable to use violence and killings in international affairs, also between Armenia and Azerbaijan. You can try to force things and make changes when you have power, but it is clear that such changes do not last. The only lasting solution can be a mutually agreed and mutually accepted solution. This means negotiations. It means talking to each other. It means diplomacy.

Right now, the only result of the actions of the political leaders is the suffering of ordinary people, killings and people losing their homes. Violence creates violence and this will have long-lasting consequences. If some other interested parties, like Turkey or Russia, really and truly want to invest in ending this conflict, then there is a way, but it’s not by sending fighters to fight in the conflict or by assisting in some other military forum. They can help through diplomacy or by facilitating negotiations.

If you take a look at history, including recent history, the people of South Caucasus, including the people of Armenia and Azerbaijan, have suffered enormously under this political violence. The spiral of violence must be stopped. The EU has also tried to contribute to the well-being and growth of these societies through, for example, the Eastern Partnership programme, trying to demonstrate that the only way to bring prosperity to societies is through peace. Violent choices tend to throw societies into long and agonising misery, poverty and aggression. The EU must continue to help Armenia and Azerbaijan find a way to alleviate this long-term hatred and reach a solution, but this cannot be done at a time of war.

  Jérôme Rivière, au nom du groupe ID. – Monsieur le Président, le petit territoire montagneux du Haut-Karabakh s’est embrasé ces dernières semaines, ravivant ainsi un conflit ancien.

Comme en Syrie, en Libye, en Méditerranée orientale, c’est bien Erdoğan qui vient de rouvrir un conflit à la frontière de l’Europe. La volonté d’Erdoğan de s’ériger en leader d’un Islam politique, de reconstruire l’empire ottoman, est évidente. Il déploie sa politique expansionniste sans aucune vergogne. Il faut sanctionner et isoler le régime d’Erdoğan, mais aussi reprendre l’initiative.

À l’origine de ce conflit du Haut-Karabakh, il y a bien sûr la configuration des frontières internes de l’ex-URSS, savamment organisée de façon à enchevêtrer les peuples, à multiplier à l’infini les références identitaires pour mieux asseoir le totalitarisme écrasant du communisme.

De cette situation, l’Union, pourtant concernée au premier chef, n’a pas été capable de se saisir pour proposer des solutions à la fois réalistes, justes et pacifiques. Aujourd’hui, si l’Azerbaïdjan a choisi, en prenant l’initiative de l’offensive de raviver ce conflit, c’est parce que ses dirigeants ont reçu des gages de soutien affirmés de la part du président turc. Erdoğan choisit aujourd’hui encore, en poussant l’Azerbaïdjan à l’affrontement, de lancer un défi majeur aux pays européens en s’en prenant de plus directement à l’Arménie, avec laquelle tant de liens historiques et humains nous unissent. Erdoğan, tel un criminel revenant sur les lieux de son forfait, montre le peu de cas qu’il fait du génocide des 1,5 million d’Arméniens perpétré par ceux qui l’ont précédé au pouvoir.

Les mots sont insuffisants, Monsieur Borrell. Qu’attend l’Union européenne pour mettre fin définitivement au processus d’adhésion de la Turquie à l’Union? Notre collègue l’a rappelé à l’instant, il nous défie encore à Chypre. Comme le disait Thucydide, les hommes sont ainsi faits qu’ils méprisent ceux qui les ménagent et respectent ceux qui ne leur concèdent rien.

  Viola Von Cramon-Taubadel, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Im aktuellen Krieg um Nagorny-Karabach stehen sich zwei Prinzipien diametral gegenüber: zum einen das Prinzip der territorialen Integrität, zum anderen das Prinzip der Selbstbestimmung der Völker.

Das große Versagen der internationalen Gemeinschaft liegt vor allem darin, dass sie es nach 28 Jahren Verhandlungen nicht vermocht hat, diesen grundsätzlichen Konflikt aufzulösen. Schlimmer noch: Statt vertrauensbildender Maßnahmen wurde die Region hochgerüstet. So wurden beide Kriegsparteien – Armenien und Aserbaidschan gleichermaßen – vor allem von Russland und Serbien bis an die Zähne bewaffnet.

In diesem Sinne gibt es im Konflikt im Grunde nur Verlierer: erstens die OSZE Minsk-Group als Verhandler, zweitens die Zivilbevölkerung in Armenien, Nagorny-Karabach und natürlich in Aserbaidschan selbst.

Die einzige Gruppe, die aktuell von den Kriegshandlungen zu profitieren scheint, ist die der internationalen Militärbeobachter, schauen sie doch mit großem Interesse derzeit nach Nagorny-Karabach, wo verschiedene Hochtechnologiewaffen teilweise zum ersten Mal im Einsatz sind. Diese neue Form der Kriegsführung – mit Hilfe von bewaffneten Drohnen und anderen Präzisionswaffen –, heißt es, sei erst der Anfang einer technologisch weiterentwickelten Kriegsführung.

Was kann die EU sinnvollerweise tun? Erstens muss sie in den Verhandlungen auf Frankreich, Russland und die USA einwirken, dass sie sich nicht weiter einseitig auf die Seite der Armenier schlagen. Zweitens muss sie dafür sorgen, dass der NATO-Partner Türkei nicht weiter Öl ins Feuer gießt. Drittens muss sie dafür sorgen, sich um die humanitäre Versorgung der zivilen Kriegsopfer zu kümmern.

Ich denke, wir sollten nicht naiv sein, sondern unsere Rolle genau darin sehen, realistisch, klar und zielgerichtet auf unsere Partner einzuwirken.

  Anna Fotyga, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, the recent flare-up of the conflict is very serious and broader than just Nagorno-Karabakh. We call for an immediate ceasefire and engagement of parties of the Minsk Group, but also other important players like the EU.

Armenia enjoys Russian security guarantees that do not include Nagorno-Karabakh, as it is an internationally recognised part of Azerbaijani territory. Azerbaijan has Turkish backing. The problem is that the conflict concerns this time a different part of the southern Caucasus, with key routes of oil pipelines, gas pipelines, roads, rail and fibre optics leading outside of Russian influence to Europe, among others. So we have to have a look at this and we have to see the whole broad picture.

  Idoia Villanueva Ruiz, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señor presidente, el conflicto del Cáucaso sur está sin resolver desde hace más de tres décadas, un conflicto más de la vecindad de la Unión Europea: tanto Armenia como Azerbaiyán, dos de los países más militarizados del mundo; Nagorno Karabaj, enclave de disputa política, un pasillo para que los gasoductos lleguen desde el mar Caspio hasta los mercados mundiales; Rusia, mayor exportador de armas de la región; Turquía, que, mientras, busca recolocarse como un actor clave en el Cáucaso desestabilizando la región, algo que debe terminar.

Esta escalada del conflicto y las agresiones tiene el potencial de crear miles de refugiados y desplazados internos. Nos sumamos claramente a la petición de la ONU y del alto representante y pedimos un alto el fuego inmediato, el fin de las hostilidades, la vuelta a la mesa de la negociación en el marco del Grupo de Minsk sin precondiciones, como ya Armenia ha declarado que está dispuesta a hacer.

La Unión Europea debe implicarse, de manera coordinada en colaboración con los organismos regionales, la sociedad civil y los países vecinos. Tras diecisiete años de política de vecindad tenemos más conflictos en nuestras fronteras. Los países europeos están divididos en su política exterior. La Unión Europea, en su exterior, es cada vez más irrelevante.

Necesitamos una nueva política de vecindad, cooperativa y no competitiva, basada en los principios de seguridad humana, de las poblaciones, cultura de paz y desarme, con un desarrollo económico siempre en mutuo beneficio. Si no, seguiremos sufriendo sus consecuencias.

  Κώστας Παπαδάκης (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η βαθιά καπιταλιστική κρίση φέρνει σφοδρούς ανταγωνισμούς ανάμεσα στις αστικές τάξεις των δυο χωρών με αναβίωση εθνικισμών, πολέμων και προσφυγιάς. Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, ΗΠΑ και ΝΑΤΟ έχουν μεγάλες ευθύνες για τη σύγκρουση στο Ναγκόρνο Καραμπάχ και εμπλέκονται στον ανταγωνισμό τους με Ρωσία και Κίνα. Ξαναμοιράζουν τη γη, αναδιανέμουν τους ενεργειακούς δρόμους, με των λαών το αίμα τα σύνορα χαράζουν. Ειδικός είναι ο ρόλος της αστικής τάξης της Τουρκίας στο πλευρό του Αζερμπαϊτζάν, τον οποίο καθόλου τυχαία υπέθαλψε το πρόσφατο ανακοινωθέν του Ευρωπαϊκού Συμβουλίου. Και να που τώρα ανοίγουν το παραλιακό μέτωπο των Βαρωσίων, γεγονός το οποίο καταγγέλλουμε.

Τέλος, η πορεία των γεγονότων δείχνει ότι στα εδάφη που για δεκαετίες επί Σοβιετικής Ένωσης ζούσαν ειρηνικά Αρμένιοι και Αζέροι, τώρα αλληλοσκοτώνονται στα συντρίμμια της ανατροπής του σοσιαλισμού. Πρόκειται για άλλη μια απόδειξη της ανωτερότητας του σοσιαλισμού και της σημερινής καπιταλιστικής βαρβαρότητας. Οι δύο λαοί, διδασκόμενοι από την ίδια τους την ιστορία, οφείλουν να αντιπαλέψουν τα μονοπώλια και να διαμορφώσουν προϋποθέσεις, με κριτήριο τα δικά τους συμφέροντα, για ρήξη με το καπιταλιστικό σύστημα.

  Željana Zovko (PPE). – Mr President, since the first day of this military confrontation, we in the European Parliament urged both sides to come to a cease-fire. We called for a balanced approach, based on the principles both sides agreed on.

The most important and invaluable stake to take into account are the lives of the citizens. The continued fighting does not contribute to anything. It puts the stability of the region in danger. No country should add fuel to the fire by providing mercenaries, weapons or inflammatory speeches.

I express my condolences to the victims of the conflict and to all the refugees of the past –now and in the future – of this clash, where no one will gain and everyone will lose. No empire will be built in the 21st century, regardless of the insane dreams. So my message goes to those who are adding fuel to this fire, and I’m asking them to stop – especially Mr Erdoğan.

The European Union is ready to help, to mediate and to support the Minsk Group that already addressed its strong engagement based on the agreed principles. The European Union does not export mercenaries and sorrow. The EU exports values for decent lives for all citizens.

  Marina Kaljurand (S&D). – Mr President, I would like to thank the High Representative for his remarks and comments. I would like to share some thoughts as the Chair of the South Caucasus delegation after I spoke to my counterparts, Mr Arman Yeghoyan and Mr Javanshir Feyziyev. The EU does not have a formal role in the Minsk Group negotiations, but that does not mean that we should not be active, vocal and crystal clear about our messages. We are talking about our Eastern Partnership and we are talking about our eastern partners.

First, we should convince the political leaderships of both sides to establish a ceasefire and protect civilians. Reports, if they are true, about the use of cluster bombs are very worrisome and, High Representative, I agree that we need clear facts and information from the region. Second, we should convince both sides to return to the negotiations without preconditions and with good faith and commitment so that this time there will be a solution based on UN resolutions, Minsk Group basic principles and international law. Third, we should urge other regional powers, especially Russia and Turkey, to stay out of the military conflict. The interference of any outside elements will expand the conflict and make the escalation more difficult. War is never a solution. The people of Nagorno—Karabakh deserve long—lasting peace and prosperity.

  Hilde Vautmans (Renew). – Voorzitter, mijnheer de hoge vertegenwoordiger, de situatie in Nagorno-Karabach baart mij, net als u, net als alle collega's, grote zorgen. Daarom debatteren wij hier vandaag ook over. En als je vandaag Brussel binnenreed, dan zag je de vlaggen in de straten: de mensen zijn bezorgd om de mensenlevens die sneuvelen in de regio.

Mijnheer de hoge vertegenwoordiger, de Europese Raad heeft u vorige week de opdracht gegeven om u te beraden over verdere EU-ondersteuning in het vredesproces. U was heel duidelijk vandaag: u gaat voor een staakt-het-vuren, u spreekt met alle partijen. Maar wat mij verwonderd heeft: u hebt eigenlijk niet gesproken over het gebruik van clusterbommen. U hebt eigenlijk niet de buitenlandse partner genoemd die zich daar inmengt, namelijk Turkije. U hebt niet gesproken over de buitenlandse strijders die naar daar gestuurd worden. Nee, u spreekt over een positieve agenda met Turkije voor het conflict dat mijn Cypriotische collega aanhaalde, wat ik begrijp. Maar met Turkije gaan we eens alle kaarten op tafel moeten leggen om duidelijk te maken dat dit niet verder kan.

Dank u wel, u hebt onze steun om dit conflict op te lossen.

  Lars Patrick Berg (ID). – Herr Präsident, Hoher Vertreter! Zunächst einmal möchte ich die Freunde Aserbaidschans für ihre überaus professionelle Medien- und Lobbykampagne loben. Jede Kritik des aserbaidschanischen Vorgehens löst umgehend eine Lawine aus Social-Media-Beiträgen und persönlichen Beschimpfungen aus. Die aserbaidschanische Seite ist offensichtlich hier sehr gut organisiert.

Das aserbaidschanische Vorgehen sollte uns nicht verwundern. Bereits seit Wochen sind zunehmend kriegerische Töne mit ständigen Drohungen gegen Bergkarabach und Armenien aus Baku zu vernehmen. Im August hielt Aserbaidschan gemeinsame Militärübungen mit der Türkei ab, in deren Zuge die Türkei die Unterstützung ihrer Regierung für einen aserbaidschanischen Einmarsch in Bergkarabach zusicherte. Es sollen bereits Clusterbomben im Einsatz sein, und glaubwürdigen Berichten zufolge habe Ankara syrische Milizen zur Unterstützung der aserbaidschanischen Armee entsandt. Damit verhält sich die Türkei genau wie in Libyen: Sie bringt weitere Instabilität und noch mehr Gewalt in eine bereits mit Unruhen konfrontierte Region.

Besonders besorgt bin ich über die türkische Strategie, syrische Söldner einzusetzen. Sollte sich die türkische Libyen-Strategie hier wiederholen, werden diese Söldner nicht bezahlt und schließlich sich selbst überlassen. Das Risiko, das von unzufriedenen Extremisten ausgeht, ist kaum auszudenken. Und dieses Risiko betrifft nicht nur Armenien, es betrifft uns alle.

  Markéta Gregorová (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, High Representative, dear colleagues, for me as a member of the Euronest Bureau it is incredibly saddening to witness such acrimony and outspoken hostility between two participating countries. The objective to increase cooperation between the EU and our Eastern neighbours, which we are carrying out through the Eastern Partnership, obliges us to pay full attention to the ongoing conflict and to play a proactive role in its peaceful resolution.

I call on you, Mr Borrell, to start negotiating the conflict resolution with both parties. Some may explicitly take sides and support one country or the other, but this House should stick to two simple but fundamental points. Firstly, hostilities should cease immediately. Above all, it is imperative that Armenia and Azerbaijan must stop targeting civilians. At least four journalists were severely injured a few days back, while civilian casualties are being reported daily by both sides as a consequence of heavy fighting and bombings of inhabited centres.

Secondly, neighbouring powers should refrain from fanning the flames of war through military statements and military support of any kind. Whoever engages in these acts puts the stability of the region further at risk and hinders any attempt to bring the warring parties to the negotiating table. In this regard, Erdoğan’s Turkey is displaying very irresponsible behaviour, which must be firmly condemned by all political forces.

  Kosma Złotowski (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Z tego miejsca chciałbym się zwrócić do naszych przyjaciół z Azerbejdżanu, do naszych przyjaciół z Armenii: jest kraina zwana Arcach i tam od siedemnastu wieków żyją Ormianie, i oni tam będą żyć nadal niezależnie od tych wojen, no chyba że się zastosuje metodę Aushungerung.

Przypomnijcie sobie Drodzy Przyjaciele rok 1812, rok 1828, przypomnijcie sobie lata dwudzieste ubiegłego stulecia, i wtedy będziecie wiedzieć, kto Wam narzucił te granice, które dzisiaj są początkiem tej wojny. Odejdźcie od tego, co zaproponowała Wam Rosja, wtedy możecie usiąść do stołu i tylko wtedy możecie się dogadać. Wasz północny sąsiad dzisiaj patrzy i zaciera ręce.

  Emmanuel Maurel (GUE/NGL). – Monsieur le Président, pourquoi sommes-nous concernés et inquiets? Parce que la population du Haut-Karabakh est à 95 % arménienne, et si les combats se poursuivent, c’est évidemment l’assurance d’un bain de sang ou d’un exode massif.

Mais c’est aussi parce que le Caucase est une terre de convoitise, d’affrontements, qui a déjà connu deux guerres graves depuis la chute de l’URSS, en Tchétchénie et en Géorgie, et que la région peut s’enflammer.

Et c’est enfin parce que derrière les belligérants il y a deux grandes puissances: la Russie, censée être solidaire de l’Arménie, et la Turquie, qui participe à de nombreuses opérations armées, Libye, Syrie, Méditerranée orientale et, aujourd’hui, ce conflit.

Je pense que l’Europe ne peut pas se contenter de déplorer, elle peut prendre l’initiative. Bien sûr, il faut exiger un cessez-le-feu immédiat, il faut travailler de concert avec le groupe de Minsk, mais il faut aussi mettre la pression sur Ankara parce que nous allons apparaître comme des médiateurs, c’est bien, mais je crains qu’à un moment, nous soyons obligés de choisir notre camp.

  Márton Gyöngyösi (NI). – Mr President, the Nagorno—Karabakh conflict is a frozen conflict and frozen conflicts have the nature of erupting every now and again. So who started this conflict now, this time round, is completely irrelevant.

If we want to be responsible concerning the worrying escalation of the Nagorno—Karabakh conflict, and find a long—term solution, we have to remember the source of the conflict. Thirty years ago, at the time of the break—up of the Soviet Union, Armenian forces, together with Russian forces, invaded Nagorno—Karabakh and seven adjacent territories, territories of Azerbaijan, leaving many dead on both sides and over one million internally displaced people.

Since then, a dozen resolutions issued by the UN Security Council, NATO, the European Parliament and the OSCE have all been adopted with an overwhelming majority, if not unanimously. They all say the same: Armenia must withdraw unilaterally, restore the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan, and the Armenian minority must be granted autonomy on the territory of Azerbaijan. So international law provides clear guidance. The real question is how we enforce and implement our resolutions.

  David McAllister (PPE). – Mr President, High Representative, ladies and gentlemen, as colleagues have previously mentioned, the renewed escalation of violence in and around Nagorno-Karabakh puts at risk the fragile stability in the whole South Caucasus region. Of all territorial disputes of the post-Soviet states, this one is the most dangerous. As the European Parliament has repeatedly stated – and to be very clear once again – there is no, and there cannot be, a military solution to this conflict. Instead, a political settlement is necessary, in accordance with international law: for example, the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter, the 1975 OSCE Helsinki Final Act, as well as the OSCE Minsk Group’s 2009 Basic Principles.

Therefore, we all call for an immediate halt to any military activity in the region. Both sides need to return to diplomatic dialogue without preconditions and in good faith. As many colleagues have already pointed out, third parties in the region should refrain from any action which can fuel the conflict and undermine the desire of the people from both countries for a peaceful future.

  Isabel Santos (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Alto Representante, sim, não há solução para o conflito no Nagorno-Karabakh que não passe pela via do diálogo e da negociação e, assim, como já foi insistentemente repetido, impõe-se o imediato cessar-fogo, sem condições, o retomar do diálogo mediado e a condução das partes ao mais estrito respeito pelos princípios inscritos na Ata Final de Helsínquia e pelos 6 princípios-base básicos acordados no quadro do Grupo de Minsk da OSCE.

Discursos belicistas ou de apelo ao uso da força e ações de confronto não podem ser tolerados e um ataque a alvos civis jamais pode passar em branco, devendo ser investigado o uso de bombas de fragmentação.

Não podem ser toleradas ingerências desestabilizadoras por parte de terceiros, como temos vindo a assistir por parte da Turquia, uma atitude absolutamente inaceitável num país candidato à adesão e que está a proceder constantemente, em diversos pontos fronteiriços à União Europeia, a um permanente apelo ao confronto e à desestabilização.

Dito isto, Senhor Alto Representante, resta-me apelar ao mais ativo envolvimento da União Europeia, não só neste conflito, mas também noutros conflitos prolongados, que são sempre potenciais focos de desestabilização.

  Ilhan Kyuchyuk (Renew). – Mr President, High Representative, it is indeed extremely concerning to see the outbreak of hostilities in Nagorno—Karabakh between Armenia and Azerbaijan. These countries have been involved for decades in territorial conflict, and the use of force against territorial integrity and the loss of life, including among the civilian population recently, runs the risk of escalating into a larger regional conflict.

Indeed, despite the fact that the UN Security Council, in its four resolutions, underscored the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Azerbaijan within its internationally-recognised borders, as also the European Parliament confirmed numerous times in its resolutions, and the OSCE and the Minsk Group have promoted the peace process for many years, today a lasting peaceful settlement of this conflict is possible only in substantive and meaningful negotiations. War is not a solution. The violence must stop. But it’s also time for the European Union to act.

  Roman Haider (ID). – Herr Präsident! Im Kaukasus leben rund 50 Volksgruppen auf sehr engem Raum nebeneinander, und die Wurzeln vieler Konflikte liegen oft schon Jahrhunderte zurück. Gleichzeitig ist der Kaukasus seit der Antike ein Spielball der angrenzenden Mächte. Vor 2 000 Jahren waren es das Persische und das Römische Reich, und jetzt sind es vor allem Russland und die Türkei, aber auch andere Mächte, die ihre Finger im Spiel haben. Wer in diesem Wirrwarr einen Schuldigen sucht, der findet entweder viele Schuldige oder gar keinen.

Natürlich wird sich Armenien auf der einen Seite immer als Schutzmacht der armenischen Volksgruppe in der Enklave Bergkarabach sehen. Auf der anderen Seite kann natürlich Aserbaidschan nicht zusehen, wie, völlig völkerrechtswidrig, über diese Enklave hinaus jahrelang 20 % seines Staatsgebiets von einer fremden Macht militärisch besetzt werden.

Neben Russland, das man in diesem Stellvertreterkrieg genauso in die Kritik nehmen muss, schürt vor allem auch die Türkei unter ihrem Sultan Erdoğan diesen Konflikt. Daher frage ich Sie und vor allem die Abgeordneten, die Kollegen von der Volkspartei und von den Sozialdemokraten: Wie lange wollen Sie noch die Türkei als EU-Beitrittskandidat dulden? Was muss denn noch passieren, bis Sie einsehen, dass die Türkei kein Partner für Europa sein kann?

  Jordi Solé (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, nearly three decades of diplomatic efforts haven’t been able to end a conflict that again is taking a big toll in human lives. Now we are confronted with a risk of a fully-fledged war in the South Caucasus with the dangerous involvement of external actors.

We have to call on all sides for an immediate ceasefire and for de-escalation. All sides have to resume talks under the auspices of the OSCE Minsk Group without preconditions, and everyone in the region and beyond should be working to foster peace instead of escalating the situation.

However, I also call for the need to recognise and respect the right to self-determination of the people of Nagorno-Karabakh. For the need to uphold their democratic will and choices, already made several times. This is not only a territorial issue. Disregard for the right to self-determination is at the root of too many conflicts. Without respecting the democratic will of the people of Artsakh, I am afraid there will hardly be a viable and fair way out of this conflict.

  Charlie Weimers (ECR). – Mr President, I would say to High Representative Borrell that we all lament the casualties in Nagorno—Karabakh. We all support a non—military solution.

But should we pretend Armenia and Azerbaijan are tarred with the same brush? No! This is a war of aggression by the Azeri dictator Aliyev, supported by President Erdoğan’s Jihadist allies from Turkey to enforce the injustice of Joseph Stalin’s separation of Nagorno—Karabakh from Armenia.

Sanction Aliyev, the aggressor. Expel Turkey from the OSCE Minsk Group. Have the courtesy not to portray the suffering people of Artsakh as equally belligerent as President Aliyev. In the words of Andrei Sakharov, for Azerbaijan the issue of Armenia is a matter of ambition, for the Armenians of Karabakh it is a matter of life and death.

  Martina Michels (GUE/NGL). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar! Wir haben jetzt die ganze Zeit über die Konfliktländer gesprochen. Wenn es eines gibt, schrieb kürzlich die linke Jugend Aserbaidschans, was unsere unterfinanzierten Bildungseinrichtungen gut hinbekommen haben, so ist es, Hass zu säen und nationalistische Propaganda zu verbreiten. Inzwischen fallen geächtete Streubomben auf die inoffizielle Hauptstadt Bergkarabachs, kämpfen Erdoğans Söldner für Aserbaidschan, liefert Russland weiter Waffen an Armenien und Aserbaidschan.

Machen wir uns nichts vor: Der Europäische Rat leistet mit seiner Türkei-Politik einen teuflischen Beitrag zur Destabilisierung des Südkaukasus. Damit werden am Ende des Tages die Bemühungen der Minsker-Gruppe der OSZE ausgebremst.

Aber reden wir über unsere eigene Verantwortung: Zum Beispiel sollte Euronest umgehend aktiv werden, denn wir müssen endlich denen eine Stimme geben, die wie die jungen Menschen aus Aserbaidschan sagen: Der Feind ist kein Armenier – unser Feind sind die Menschen an der Macht.

  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (NI). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Alto rappresentante, è gravissima l'accusa di Amnesty International che conferma l'uso di bombe a grappolo nella città di Stepanakert, con ogni probabilità da parte di forze azere: un atroce e flagrante violazione del diritto internazionale umanitario.

L'UE non può più tacere o limitarsi a ripetere i consueti mantra: è giunto il momento di azioni per proteggere i civili di questa martoriata regione, partendo dalla revisione del quadro negoziale con l'inclusione diretta dell'Unione europea.

Non bisogna avere paura di mettere sul tavolo sanzioni mirate, consistenti e dissuasive verso quegli attori che non accetteranno di sospendere le ostilità e di negoziare, ma ancor di più verso quelle parti terze che intervengono nel conflitto, esacerbandolo ulteriormente per i propri interessi. Bravo il Canada che ha prontamente sospeso l'esportazione di armi verso la Turchia a seguito delle denunce sul loro uso nel Nagorno-Karabakh.

Lo dico chiaramente: condanno con fermezza il ruolo che ha la Turchia nel conflitto. Quante volte dobbiamo ripetere che Ankara, paese candidato all'adesione e alleato NATO, ha un'agenda geopolitica divergente e contrastante rispetto alla nostra? Basta parole, servono azioni! Se non ora, quando?

  Andrius Kubilius (PPE). – Mr President, Mr Vice-President, as a co-chair of Euronest, I would like to make just two comments. First of all, I would like to appeal to our friends, the Armenians and the Azerbaijanis: you are fighting and killing not only children, you are killing your own future, the future of your children and grandchildren. The war is a sign of weakness of leadership, not of their strength. Compromise and peace demand much more political courage.

And second, I would like to appeal to colleagues inside this House and inside of the EU. In this House we like to talk about EU strategic autonomy but our strategic autonomy starts from our strategic responsibility and the EU till now was failing, from that point of view, especially on this conflict. For almost 30 years, the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh is here and in the EU we have only our permanent statements of our concern. That is not working.

My rhetorical question, first of all to the Vice-President: can we learn from the recent actions of the US administration on how to implement strategic responsibility? Recently, the US administration managed to resolve longstanding conflicts between Serbia and Kosovo on the European continent and between Israel and several Arab countries in the Middle East. The American model is very simple: agreement on peace brings huge economic benefits. Mr Vice-President, let’s start to be really strategically responsible.

  Robert Hajšel (S&D). – Pán predsedajúci, v Náhornom Karabachu sa rozpútala vojna. Zomierali aj civilisti a zomierajú aj deti a ženy. Boje sa dokonca rozšírili aj za hranice tohto územia štátu, ktorý nikto neuznáva a ktorý dlho patril Azerbajdžanu, ale je prevažne obývaný Arménmi, a ktorý bol vždy zdrojom nepokojov medzi Arménmi a Azerbajdžancami.

Najťažšie boje od 90. rokov vyvolávajú obavy aj o osud potrubia s azerbajdžanskou ropou a plynom, ktorá ide aj do Európy.

Aj keď ide o konflikt o Náhorný Karabach, ktorý chcú ovládať tak Arménsko, ako aj Azerbajdžan, je odsúdeniahodné, že sa doň aktívne zapája aj Turecko. Ako jediný členský štát NATO a kandidát na vstup do Európskej únie podporuje otvorene jednu z bojujúcich strán, a to Azerbajdžan. A ak máme veriť početným reportážam z regiónu, Turecko nielen dodáva Azerbajdžanu zbrane a muníciu, ale dokonca sprostredkováva príchod platených žoldnierov a džihádistov zo Sýrie, aby bojovali v Náhornom Karabachu.

Som preto presvedčený, že nestačí, aby sme tu iba diskutovali. Ale mali by sme urobiť viac. O to viac som sklamaný, že sa tu nenašla vôľa ani na to, aby sme prijali rezolúciu, v ktorej by sme vyzvali na okamžité prerušenie bojov a návrat k rokovaciemu stolu, v ktorej by sme však vyzvali aj všetky regionálne veľmoci, aby sa zdržali akejkoľvek otvorenej podpory jednej z bojujúcich strán. Čiže ako Rusko, zatiaľ napriek dohode s Arménskom o vojenskej pomoci zaujíma celkom racionálny, a povedal by som, takmer neutrálny postoj, tak aj Turecko musí prestať s otvorenou podporou Azerbajdžanu.

Preto vás, pán Borrell, šéf európskej diplomacie prosím, aby ste aspoň Vy, v mene Európskej únie zaujali aktívny a tvrdý postoj v tomto smere.

  Nathalie Loiseau (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Haut-représentant, il y a plusieurs façons de voir la reprise du conflit dans le Haut-Karabakh.

La première, la plus diplomatique, consiste à soutenir le groupe de Minsk et ses co-présidents, les États-Unis, la Russie et la France, c’est ce que nous faisons tous.

La deuxième, la plus réaliste, exige de regarder le monde en face. Le conflit s’enflamme au moment où l’Amérique regarde ailleurs. Mais il s’est enlisé, parce que la Russie s’est appliquée à laisser des plaies ouvertes aux quatre coins de son ancien empire. Cela n’augure rien de bon.

La troisième enfin, relève de l’émotion et c’est avec beaucoup d’émotion et d’inquiétude, que je vois la Turquie s’impliquer militairement contre des populations arméniennes.

Monsieur le Haut-représentant, vous êtes diplomate et prêchez la neutralité, certes, mais qu’il me soit permis de dire ici ma colère et ma peine de voir la Turquie, un pays qui continue à refuser de reconnaître le génocide arménien, prendre militairement à partie des populations arméniennes. Il est temps que la paix revienne, il est aussi temps de reconnaître les blessures de l’Histoire.

  Alessandro Panza (ID). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, riscontro con piacere che c'è una trasversalità della condanna al regime di Erdoğan oggi, dagli stessi gruppi che poi votano a favore dei fondi di preadesione. Ma va bene.

Lo scorso settembre sono riprese le ostilità nella tormentata regione caucasica del Nagorno-Karabakh, situazione che ha riacceso un conflitto sopito da tempo. Ancora non è chiaro chi abbia dato il via al conflitto, anche se i dubbi ci sono. Ma oltre alla preoccupazione per il coinvolgimento dei civili finiti sotto i bombardamenti, preoccupa la possibilità che potenze straniere, come Russia e Turchia, possano intervenire direttamente nell'area, dando il via a un'escalation dall'esito tutt'altro che scontato.

Sappiamo molto bene come l'Azerbaigian sia un partner economico importante per l'Europa, Italia compresa. Ma allo stesso tempo sappiamo come la piccola e fiera Armenia sia la prima nazione cristiana al mondo e la prima a subire un genocidio in epoca moderna ad opera dell'Impero ottomano che, nonostante questo, qualcuno ancora nega.

Chiediamo quindi che l'Alto rappresentante, e con esso tutta l'Unione europea, si destino dal torpore, prendendo una chiara posizione a favore del processo di autodeterminazione dei popoli e appoggiando con forza i diritti fondamentali e la pace.

  Reinhard Bütikofer (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, there is obviously a sweeping consensus in this House that the fighting should be stopped without preconditions. But what then? And just pretending that sending the parties back to the negotiating table would bring them anywhere closer to a solution would be foolhardy because it hasn’t happened in 30 years. So what are we doing to show our own responsibility?

It’s not just tensions as usual in the South Caucasus. There are two factors that are changing. First, the United States are dialling down their engagement in the region, even though they are one of the three co-chairs, and, second, Turkey is not de—escalating – on the contrary.

We are presently in a situation where two European neighbours – Russia and Turkey – are squaring off against each other in three distinct arenas. Both neighbours have withdrawn from the international rule of law as a principle they adhere to.

The EU does not have a formal role in this conflict, but if the EU doesn’t take more responsibility on itself, who will help in solving the issue? That’s why I subscribe to the term that Mr Kubilius has used, the strategic responsibility of the EU.

  Assita Kanko (ECR). – Voorzitter, de regio Nagorno-Karabach staat op een breekpunt. Mijn hart bloedt als ik het zie. De levens van gewone burgers gaan verloren. Dit escalerende geweld is een weg naar nergens. Geen enkele militaire oplossing zal vrede brengen, alleen dialoog. Zoals de Armeense premier zei: “een staakt-het-vuren kan alleen worden ingesteld als Turkije wordt verwijderd uit de zuidelijke Kaukasus.”

We kunnen hier wel allemaal zeggen dat Turkije een belangrijke bondgenoot van de EU en een waardevol NAVO-lid is, maar hoeveel conflicten, urgenties en spanningen zijn er niet erger geworden door het handelen van Erdoğan? Hoelang zal het duren voordat de EU de moed vindt om eerlijk te spreken en Turkije laat zien dat zijn acties consequenties hebben? Turkije had een keuze. Het had zijn aanzienlijke invloed kunnen gebruiken om de spanningen te kalmeren. In plaats daarvan stuurt het strijders uit Syrië om de vlammen van het conflict verder aan te wakkeren.

De EU denkt misschien dat ze pragmatisme aan de dag legt wat Turkije betreft. In plaats daarvan toont ze alleen zwakte.

  Martin Sonneborn (NI). – Herr Präsident! Ich möchte nicht vom Corona-Virus ablenken, aber gesundheitsgefährdender erscheint mir, ein friedliebendes, demokratisches Gemeinwesen zu überfallen und seine Wohngebiete mit Streumunition zu beschießen. Genau das praktizieren derzeit die Irren vom Bosporus und aus Baku in Bergkarabach. Sie killen die Risikogruppe der Armenier, unabhängig von Alter, Gewicht und Vorerkrankungen.

Ich möchte mich nicht mit Aserbaidschan aufhalten. Der Kaputtnik-Staat ist mit den europäischen Werten allein über Erdölleitungen verbunden. Was immer Baku dort verbricht, verbricht es dank Erdoğan, der sich wild entschlossen zeigt, einen vor 100 Jahren begonnenen Genozid nun zu vollenden. Unfassbar, dass die EU, dass wir ihn immer noch als Partner sehen, während er mit dschihadistischen Söldnern Terror verbreitet – im Kaukasus, Irak, Syrien, Libyen und im Mittelmeer.

Als inoffizieller Sprecher der fraktionslosen Abgeordneten erkenne ich hiermit die Republik Arzach offiziell an. Mögen andere folgen und ihr den Schutz der Völkergemeinschaft verschaffen, der ihr viel zu lang versagt geblieben ist. Die EU aber sollte den Friedensnobelpreis zurückgeben und sich als Lohn (der Präsident unterbricht den Redner) um die Neville Chamberlain-Gedächtnismedaille bewerben.

  Michael Gahler (PPE). – Herr Präsident! Ein scheinbar eingefrorener Konflikt um Nagorny-Karabach ist plötzlich wieder heiß geworden. Alle rufen zu einem Stopp der Kampfhandlungen auf und zu einer Rückkehr zum vereinbarten Minsk-Format. Die Prinzipien der territorialen Integrität und der Selbstbestimmung stehen sich hier gegenüber. Der Minsk-Prozess sollte eigentlich eine Lösung herbeiführen. Ich hoffe, wir lernen daraus, die anderen angeblich eingefrorenen Konflikte nicht einfach sich selbst zu überlassen, sondern präventiv tätig zu werden.

Was hat sich verändert, seit sich Anfang der 90er Karabach für unabhängig erklärt und Armenien durch die Besetzung aserbaidschanischen Territoriums einen territorialen Lückenschluss zu der Enklave herbeigeführt hat?

Der Unterschied ist heute, dass das fragile Gleichgewicht einseitig durch die Türkei verändert wird und zwar durch unbedingte militärische und politische Solidarität mit dem Regime Aliyev und wohl auch durch den Transfer islamistischer Kämpfer aus Syrien nach Aserbaidschan, die dort zum Einsatz kommen.

Ich finde, da kommt das NATO-Mitglied Türkei auch Russland gefährlich nah. Angesichts der tragischen Geschichte hat die Türkei allen Anlass, auch nur den Anschein zu vermeiden, dass sie hier gegen Armenier vorgeht.

Ich fordere die EU auf, Verbündete in der Weltgemeinschaft zu finden, um gemeinsam einen Waffenstillstand und Verhandlungen zu erzwingen. Vielleicht muss man eine Internationalisierung in der Form anstreben, dass UN-Blauhelme oder eine OSZE- Friedenstruppe dauerhaft dafür sorgen, dass beide Seiten getrennt bleiben, die Menschen in Bergkarabach selbstbestimmt dort bleiben und Aseris ungefährdet in ihre Heimat zurückkehren können.

  Nacho Sánchez Amor (S&D). – Señor presidente, el señor Borrell se refería a la enorme cantidad de propaganda alrededor del conflicto y la dificultad para determinar los hechos.

Por eso, hacer un buen análisis seguramente es adecuado. Desde luego, esto no es una guerra de religión, como a veces se ha pretendido hacer creer, creando una cruzada, ni creo que sea particularmente útil volver a hablar de los asesinatos étnicos masivos de hace un siglo. Es un conflicto derivado de la Unión Soviética y de su disolución, y es una demostración de que lo que llamamos conflictos congelados, en este clima de calentamiento geopolítico global, pueden descongelarse y crear conflictos inmediatamente.

La participación de Turquía. Un primer efecto —se ha visto en este debate— es que nadie habla casi de Azerbaiyán, ni de Bakú, ni de Aliyev; parece que es un conflicto entre Turquía y Armenia y dejamos al lado a uno de los actores principales. El asunto principal de la participación de Turquía, incluso aunque no se pudiera confirmar la participación con el envío militar, es la retórica belicista. Turquía es el único país del mundo que se ha sumado a la retórica bélica y no al coro universal de voces que está llamando a un cese al fuego, a una desescalada y a retomar las negociaciones. Ese es nuestro papel, señor Borrell: en este nuevo clima con Turquía, exigir que Turquía se una a la comunidad internacional en esta posición... (el presidente retira la palabra al orador).

  Malik Azmani (Renew). – Mr President, firstly on behalf of Renew Europe, I want to express my deepest sorrow for all civilians in Nagorno-Karabakh.

Secondly, I call on those who are responsible to end all violence, and let me be clear – an immediate ceasefire is paramount.

There are even indications that cluster ammunition has been used, and this is an absolute red line. There are also indications that Turkey is playing a growing role backing Azerbaijan. These are signs that Turkey has sent Syrian mercenaries and weapons, including offensive drones. I would like to ask Mr Borrell why this has not yet been confirmed, as the EU so many intelligence services with vast resources. I don’t understand.

The European Council conclusions last week were very clear, Mr Borrell. You are responsible for finding a strong European response. Therefore, I would like to know: will we stay quiet or will we act to bring this violence to an immediate end?

There is no time to lose.

  Jordan Bardella (ID). – Monsieur le Président, depuis plus de dix jours maintenant, les forces azerbaïdjanaises mènent une offensive contre le Haut-Karabakh. Aux pertes militaires s’ajoutent de nombreux civils qui, victimes de tirs de roquettes, de bombardement ou de drônes kamikazes sont obligés de chercher refuge en Arménie voisine. Derrière ce conflit localisé, il faut être aveugle pour ne pas voir la main du sultan Erdoğan. Au risque de choquer, j’affirme ici que vous, dirigeants de l’Union européenne recherchez sans cesse à éviter l’opposition, vous tremblez de peur à l’idée de prendre de véritables sanctions à l’égard de la Turquie. Vous nous parlez d’Europe puissante lorsqu’il s’agit d’éoliennes ou d’accords commerciaux mais vous laissez un autocrate islamiste agir en toute impunité dans un espace impérial. Vous donnez des leçons de morale et d’état de droit à tout va, mais vous fournissez des subsides à un pays, la Turquie d’Erdoğan, qui refuse aujourd’hui de reconnaître le génocide arménien, ce qui devrait vous faire réfléchir au vu de la dimension religieuse et ethnique des affrontements en cours. Sanctionnez et faites enfin plier le sultan Erdoğan et vous verrez que le Haut-Karabakh, la Libye et la Méditerranée orientale s’en trouveront plus apaisés.

  François Alfonsi (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, l’agression menée par l’armée d’Azerbaïdjan et son allié turc contre le peuple arménien du Haut-Karabakh doit nous alerter et nous mobiliser.

Le peuple arménien a connu le pire avec le génocide perpétré par la Turquie en 1915. Il a subi un demi-siècle de domination soviétique et ,depuis la chute du mur de Berlin, il aspire à la liberté et à la démocratie. Le Haut-Karabakh est un exemple de démocratie dans cette partie du monde, qui est celle d’un peuple dont la culture millénaire est menacée par la volonté d’hégémonie de ses voisins.

L’Europe est directement concernée car la montée en puissance de régimes dictatoriaux et liberticides à ses portes, finira par la menacer elle-même. Elle a les moyens de faire reculer les agresseurs en prenant des sanctions économiques lourdes, c’est ainsi qu’elle agit pour préserver les intérêts de Chypre et de la Grèce en Méditerranée, c’est ainsi qu’elle doit agir vis-à-vis de Bakou et d’Ankara pour venir en aide au peuple arménien aujourd’hui agressé.

  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Г-н Председател, г-н Върховен представител, преди близо един век един велик воевода на ВМРО и български поет Пейо Крачолов Яворов пише за арменците следното: „ ... отломка нищожна от всякога храбър народ мъченик, дечица на майка робиня тревожна и жертви на подвиг чутовно велик...“. Това е част от стихотворението, посветено на арменския геноцид – едно от най-големите престъпления срещу арменския народ, все още непризнат и извършен от Турция.

Днес отново виждаме бруталната намеса на султана Ердоган. Ние виждаме как той със своята риторика, със своите наемници, които прехвърля, с оръжията, които прехвърля, с начина, по който говори, отново прави света за смях и отново е в основата на агресията. И тук е крайно време и Вие като Върховен представител, и този Парламент най-сетне да спрат с двуличното и двойствено отношение по отношение на президента Ердоган, на този кандидат-султан, на този диктатор. Защото когато трябва да се скарате на някой бананов диктатор, всички се обединяват, четат големи декларации, но когато говорим за Ердоган, всички тук или с малки изключения мълчат, срамуват се, не смеят да го кажат.

Разбира се, че нашите симпатии и сърцата ни ще бъдат винаги с народа на Армения и също така убедено вярвам, че символът на Армения Арарат отново трябва да се върне в Армения.

  Clara Ponsatí Obiols (NI). – Mr President, the attack launched by Azerbaijan with the support of Turkey threatens the stability of the whole Caucasus.

The Commission must increase its pressure on Azerbaijan and Turkey to halt the military aggressions against the Armenian people and reject the use of violence to change the status quo in the region.

But the Commission must also call on the Member States that are selling weapons to Turkey that go to this conflict. Spain is the main Member State selling weapons to Turkey. This must be stopped by the Commission, Mr Borrell.

The conflict can and will be solved through constructive negotiation between the parties, but to reach a peaceful solution that must respect the self—determination right of the citizens in the Republic of Artsakh.

  Traian Băsescu (PPE). – Domnule președinte, Armenia și Azerbaidjan nu pot ajunge singure la un compromis, dar vor ajunge cu siguranță la un război devastator. Grupul de la Minsk este divizat și, de aceea, ineficient. Federația Rusă susține principiul autodeterminării cu care ar justifica toate intervențiile în regiune: Transnistria, estul Ucrainei, Crimeea, Nagorno-Karabah. De aceea, cred că soluția corectă pentru Uniunea Europeană, este o intervenție fermă alături de Franța și Statele Unite pentru ca Rusia să accepte o rezoluție a Consiliului de Securitate în sensul celor șase principii convenite la Madrid.

  Νίκος Ανδρουλάκης (S&D). – Δεν υπάρχει εμπόλεμη ζώνη στην ευρύτερη περιοχή, στην οποία να μη συμμετέχει Τουρκία: Λιβύη, Συρία, Ιράκ και τώρα Ναγκόρνο Καραμπάχ. Όχι μόνο δεν έχουν συμφιλιωθεί με την ιστορική αλήθεια, μη αποδεχόμενοι μία από τις χειρότερες τραγωδίες της ανθρώπινης ιστορίας, τη γενοκτονία των Αρμενίων, αλλά σήμερα εμπλέκονται ενεργά, μεταφέροντας τζιχαντιστές από τη Συρία στην εμπόλεμη ζώνη του Ναγκόρνο Καραμπάχ, για να πολεμήσουν στο πλευρό του Αζερμπαϊτζάν. Οι αποφάσεις του κυρίου Ερντογάν υπονομεύουν την επίτευξη εκεχειρίας και οδηγούν στην εκδίωξη πληθυσμών από τα πατρογονικά τους εδάφη.

Κύριε Borrell, όποιος πιστεύει ότι μπορεί να κερδίσει τον πόλεμο, δεν σταματά για να κάνει ειρήνη. Γι’ αυτό πρέπει να παρέμβουμε δυναμικά τώρα. Πρέπει να αναλάβετε πρωτοβουλίες για να κατανοήσουν τα εμπλεκόμενα μέρη ότι οι κυρώσεις δεν είναι α λα καρτ για όσους παραβιάζουν το διεθνές δίκαιο, ακόμη και γι’ αυτούς που κάποιες ευρωπαϊκές χώρες έχουν ειδικό οικονομικό συμφέρον. Πρέπει να επιτύχουμε τη λήξη των εχθροπραξιών και την επανέναρξη των διαπραγματεύσεων υπό την αιγίδα της Ομάδας του Μινσκ.

  Klemen Grošelj (Renew). – Gospod predsednik! Spoštovani visoki predstavnik! EU se ponovno sooča s krizo v svoji neposredni soseščini. Tokrat vre na vedno nestabilnem južnem Kavkazu, kjer se je ob pomoči Turčije odmrznil konflikt za Gorski Karabah.

Menim, da je prišel čas, ko mora Evropska unija končno pokazati različnim regionalnim igralcem, ki si želijo obnavljati takšne in drugačne imperialne sanje, ki so za vse druge navadna nočna mora, kje so meje naše potrpežljivosti.

Zato pričakujem, da EU enotno zahteva, tako od vojskujočih se strani kot njunih regionalnih sponzorjev, prekinitev oboroženih spopadov in začetek pogajanj za mirno rešitev krize. Ob tem pa jim moramo zelo jasno povedati, da v nasprotnem primeru sledijo obsežne gospodarske sankcije.

Če kaj, ima EU ogromno gospodarsko moč, predvsem v regijah v neposredni soseščini, in nastopil je čas, da jo tudi uporabi.

Nedavne izkušnje v vzhodnem Sredozemlju kažejo, da ima enoten in odločen nastop Evropske unije učinek.

  Marco Dreosto (ID). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, assistiamo con orrore e sgomento all'escalation di violenza che si sta verificando in questi giorni nel Nagorno-Karabakh. Condividiamo le parole dell'Alto rappresentante Borrel e le sue richieste di cessate il fuoco e di dialogo tra l'Armenia e l'Azerbaigian.

Siamo però molto preoccupati dall'invio da parte della Turchia di jihadisti siriani per combattere a fianco dell'Azerbaigian: centinaia, secondo alcune fonti addirittura migliaia, di ribelli siriani vicini ai movimenti islamisti mandati a combattere in quella Turchia che continua a destabilizzare intere aree geografiche, che vanno dalla Libia alla Siria.

Proprio per chiedere una ferma posizione da parte dell'Unione europea, ho cofirmato, insieme ad altri 48 deputati di tutti gli schieramenti politici, una lettera in cui si chiedeva all'Unione di avere una posizione ferma sulle interferenze turche in questo conflitto.

È stato già ricordato come l'Armenia sia la prima nazione cristiana della storia e la sua popolazione sia stata la prima a subire un genocidio in epoca moderna, proprio da parte dell'impero ottomano all'inizio del ventesimo secolo.

Cari colleghi, non lasciamo soli i nostri fratelli armeni, nuovamente vittime del sogno neo-ottomano del sultano Erdoğan.

  Zdzisław Krasnodębski (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! W zasadzie można było się spodziewać wybuchu tego konfliktu, bo było tylko kwestią czasu, by jedna ze stron zaatakowała, jeśli uzna, że ma przewagę militarną. Mimo to Unia jak zwykle wydaje się zaskoczona i bezradna.

W związku z tym chciałbym zapytać pana przewodniczącego, jakimi środkami – oprócz rezolucji potępiającej użycie siły, oprócz rytualnych wezwań do rozejmu i pokoju oraz naszych poselskich budujących wystąpień – dysponuje Unia Europejska, by znacząco wpłynąć na rozwiązanie tego konfliktu? Czy będąc głównym partnerem gospodarczym zarówno Armenii, jak i Azerbejdżanu dysponuje jakąś znaczącą soft power, nie mówię już o hard power, by pozytywnie wpłynąć na rozwój sytuacji w tym regionie? Czy wykorzystaliśmy dotąd tę soft power w dostatecznym stopniu? Czy też w ogóle jej nie mamy, co powinno nas skłonić do nieco bardziej realistycznej oceny naszej Unii.

(Die Aussprache wird unterbrochen)