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Keskiviikko 7. lokakuuta 2020 - Bryssel Lopullinen versio

9. Iranin tilanne (keskustelu)
Puheenvuorot videotiedostoina

  Puhemies. – Esityslistalla on seuraavana komission varapuheenjohtajan ja unionin ulkoasioiden ja turvallisuuspolitiikan korkean edustajan julkilausuma Iranin tilanteesta (2020/2811(RSP)).

Toistan vielä sen mitä täällä on monesti sanottu, että tällä istuntojaksolla siis keskusteluissa ei anneta pyynnöstä myönnettäviä niin sanottuja ”catch-the-eye” -puheenvuoroja eikä myöskään hyväksytä sinisen kortin kysymyksiä.


  Josep Borrell Fontelles, vicepresidente de la Comisión / alto representante de la Unión para Asuntos Exteriores y Política de Seguridad. – Señora presidenta, en efecto, la situación en Irán merece un debate que promete, a la vista del anterior, ser interesante.

Quiero empezar agradeciendo al Parlamento Europeo su permanente compromiso con la situación en Irán, incluyendo su preocupación por los derechos humanos...


  Puhemies. – Voitte varmasti siirtyä salin ulkopuolelle käymään yksityisiä keskusteluja edustaja Bütikofer.


  Reinhard Bütikofer (Verts/ALE).(referring to Mr Canas’s remarks off mic) Madam President, I’m asking him to try to insult me in a language that I understand.


  Puhemies. – Minäkin toivoisin ymmärtäväni sen. Mutta nyt jatkamme keskustelua Iranista ja annamme puheenvuoron korkealle edustajalle. Kaikki jotka haluavat jatkaa Venezuela-keskustelua voivat varmasti tehdä sen salin ulkopuolella.


  Josep Borrell Fontelles, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Madam President, I was saying that I thank the European Parliament for its ongoing concern about the situation in Iran, including the recent worrying human—rights related developments.

Iran is in the middle of a difficult period. COVID-19 is affecting the country severely with more than 3 000 new infections every day, half a million to-date, and at least 27 000 deaths. The COVID crisis is further deepening Iran’s existing economic difficulties.

Following the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, the so-called JCPOA, Iran had the legitimate expectation that this nuclear deal will result in more concrete economic benefits.

Yet, after the regrettable US departure from the agreement and the reinstatement of severe sanctions, the overall economic figures speak for themselves.

The International Monetary Fund is predicting a 10% drop in GDP this year; 8.5% last year. Unemployment is at 16%. The Iranian Rial has lost almost half its value towards the US dollar. Trade with the European Union has decreased.

In addition, Iran is experiencing shortages of important humanitarian items, like personal protective equipment and medicine that could help in fighting COVID. There is a severe shortage of all capacities to fight COVID.

As the European Union, we were quick to provide humanitarian support with an air bridge and we keep strongly advocating, together with the UN Secretary-General, that sanctions must not impede humanitarian trade.

Together with European Union Member States, we also keep looking at ways to encourage more legitimate trade between the EU and Iran – including through the EU-Iran trading mechanism (INSTEX) – but we need to do more.

These difficulties have also had a political impact in Iran. Not least at the parliamentary election earlier this year. We have seen a strengthening of those opposed to the nuclear deal, who are distrustful of the West and who do not support diplomacy and engagement.

Together with our European and international partners, we are working hard to make sure that diplomacy with Iran continues to be possible. We have also witnessed several deeply concerning human—rights developments recently.

This includes the treatment of Nasrin Sotoudeh and the many other political prisoners who remain in prison, whose health is at risk and should be released on humanitarian grounds, but at the very least have prompt access to medical assistance if they require it.

We also condemn publicly the execution of the Iranian wrestler, Navid Afkari, and call on the Iranian authorities to investigate allegations that he was tortured in detention.

We underline to all our partners and not just Iran, that the perpetrators of such acts must be held accountable.

We continue to engage the Iranian authorities on their distressing practice of arbitrarily detaining European Union—Iranian dual nationals. We acknowledge the temporary release of French citizen Fariba Adelkhah. No individual should be used as a pawn, and I want once again urge the Iranian authorities to cease this policy.

Mr President, honourable members, let me finish with some remarks on the nuclear agreement.

I want to be clear, as coordinator – because the High Representative acts as coordinator of the JCPOA – I will continue to do everything possible to ensure the preservation and full implementation of the nuclear deal by all parties.

Why is this so important? Because it is in our very own European security interest, and because the agreement continues to deliver. Without the nuclear deal, Iran could have developed a nuclear weapon by now, with all the security implications for the region and beyond.

Of course, I am very concerned about Iran’s reduced implementation of its JCPOA nuclear commitments, following the US withdrawal from the agreement two years ago. I do believe that full implementation of the nuclear deal by Iran and other parties remain crucial to our efforts to preserve it.

However, we should not forget that even though the amount of nuclear material Iran possesses today is more than it had two years ago, it is still far less than the 10 tonnes of enriched uranium that Iran possessed before the agreement.

We know that this is thanks to the JCPOA. Iran is the most monitored country in the world by the International Atomic Energy Agency, with now almost 400 inspections per year. If we were to lose the agreement, we would lose such critical information about their nuclear programme.

During recent weeks, a great amount of attention has been devoted to attempts by United States to bring back the United Nations Iran sanctions, and here I want to be very clear also. Once more: bringing back these sanctions would have meant the end of the JCPOA.

Thirteen members of the Security Council – thirteen, including all European members – rejected this approach and underlined the importance of keeping the agreement in place. In this way supporting my understanding that the US are no longer part of the JCPOA because they freely decided to withdraw from it.

They were also very clear that after leaving the agreement in 2018, the United States was not in a position to initiate the so—called ‘snapback process’ of bringing back United Nations sanctions under the UN Security Council resolution 2231.

As JCPOA coordinator, I just want to reiterate that all sanctions-lifting commitments under the agreement remain in place. I want to reiterate that all sanctions-lifting commitments under the agreement, remain in place.

I will personally continue to remain engaged on all of these issues, knowing that you are being criticized both parts when you take this stance, and I count on the strong backing of this Parliament and the Council to promote a holistic approach to Iran, that takes into account different facets of our bilateral relationship.

Engagement with Iran on all these issues remains in the European Union’s vital and strategic interest and that’s why we are approaching the issue the way we do.


  David McAllister, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, thank you Mr High Representative for your statement. I would like to echo your justified words on the urgent need to ensure the preservation and the implementation of the JCPOA by all parties. This multilateral agreement, as we have underlined many times in this European Parliament, is a crucial achievement of European diplomacy. It remains a key pillar of the global non—proliferation architecture, contributing to regional security and stability and it addresses Iran’s nuclear programme in a comprehensive manner.

Colleagues, in 2018 the Foreign Affairs Committee visited Iran and Saudi Arabia. We had very interesting talks in Riyadh and Tehran and our key message was consistently a de—escalation in the region is a must. Today, more than two years later, this is more needed than ever before and that’s why, dear High Representative, I would like to underline what you announced as regards the snapback mechanism. All parties involved should do their utmost to preserve the JCPOA and to refrain from any action that could be perceived as an escalation in this current situation.



  Tonino Picula, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, dear Mr High Representative, JCPOA is an unmatched diplomatic achievement of the European Union, but it seems to be an even bigger challenge to maintain it. The European Union has committed itself to its survival and full implementation. As some would add, the deal is still alive but could be in a better health condition. Hopefully, the United States will soon enough return to deal and towards the restoration of multilateralism in general, and Iran will also uphold its commitments as stated in the Treaty. Our support to the nuclear deal, however, does not mean that we should be shy calling out Iran for its role in conflicts in Syria and Yemen, its action in the Strait of Hormuz and attacks on US troops in Iraq. We are most definitely not indifferent towards the situation of human rights in Iran, which is appalling. A Sakharov Prize awardee Nasrin Sotoudeh recently was on hunger strike, and the latest case of execution of Navid Afkari deserves our strongest condemnation. A number of dual EU-Iranian citizens are still unjustly detained in Iran. We support the EEAS Iran task force and its balanced comprehensive approach, but today we have to make it clear that if Iran wants continued European Union engagement, it needs to dramatically improve its human rights record.



  Bart Groothuis, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Madam President, 11 days from now, on 18 October, the United Nations arms embargo will expire and 11 days from now China and Russia will be very eager to sell strategic weapons to Iran. The Iranian Foreign Minister has welcomed it, and 11 days from now, like the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps has said, a new phase in military cooperation between Iran and the world will commence. And since the Iranian options are limited, and their cash flow is limited, and their foreign currencies are limited, they might very well offer, as a quid pro quo, naval bases or air bases to Russian or Chinese military in the Middle East, and this is of course all bad news, very bad news, for anyone living in Israel, in Lebanon, in Yemen, but also in the European Union. Debates, however, seem to be concentrating on whoever gets the ticket in the White House. I admit, most rivals are dependent on who makes the decisions in the beginning of next year in Washington, but right now in the next couple of months, we have an expiring weapons embargo and there is no movement from the USA to be expected, which creates a daunting challenge, I must say, to try to restrain and limit arms sales to Iran, and here lies a task for Europe. And I was very pleased to learn that a while ago that European efforts to restrain, to limit, or at least to delay arms sales to Iran within the P5+1 framework were underway. Any alternative means to find a solution is welcome because Beijing will sell its arms. But it’s been quiet ever since, and therefore I ask for some assurance. Are we still on the same page? Are talks with Europe, with Beijing and Moscow ongoing? Can you assure me that we are doing everything that we can to restrain? Is there still hope to limit arms sales? As coordinator for the JCPOA, which we fully support, and also as a diplomatic success from the European Union, I would ask you in the next 11 days and beyond to do your utmost best.



  Thierry Mariani, au nom du groupe ID. – Madame la Présidente, l’Iran est une puissance régionale majeure au Moyen-Orient. Téhéran inquiète parfois pour des raisons très objectives et parfois pour des causes qui n’ont rien à voir avec le droit international. La voix de l’Union européenne n’est malheureusement pas entendue. D’abord, parce que nous avons été humiliés par le retrait américain des accords de Vienne. Ensuite, parce que nous faisons les yeux doux aux puissances arabes sans presque jamais rappeler qu’elles font parfois pire que l’Iran. Enfin, parce que nous ne sommes pas libres en Iran à cause de l’inacceptable extraterritorialité du droit américain.

L’Union européenne n’a aucun intérêt à accepter l’ambition iranienne de former un croissant chiite allant de Téhéran à Beyrouth, mais elle ne sera crédible que quand elle agira avec la même vigueur contre l’impérialisme ottoman ou contre la manipulation des populations sunnites par l’argent du Golfe. Les nations européennes connaissent mieux le Proche-Orient que les États-Unis, il est temps que nous nous libérions du carcan de l’OTAN et de l’atlantisme pour retrouver crédibilité et indépendance sur les dossiers dans cette région.

Oui, nous devons établir un dialogue avec l’Iran, un dialogue qui n’exclut aucun des sujets brûlants comme le désarmement des milices irakiennes ou le maintien de la peine de mort pour apostasie. Nous devons cependant penser ce dialogue, non pas pour exclure l’Iran de la diplomatie internationale, mais au contraire pour être des artisans de la paix et du dialogue dans cette région.


  Ernest Urtasun, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, Iran’s Covid 19 cases are at an all-time high at the moment. The pandemic has hit hard at a time when the country’s economy was at its lowest point, partly due to the sanctions imposed by the US, which have harmed Iranians’ access to essential medicines.

When it comes to the situation on human rights we want to reiterate our call to release all human rights defenders in prison and who have been sentenced, and call for the unconditional release of all EU-Iranian dual nationals, which is a growing concern in that parliament. But the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JPCOA) is still the central element of our capacity to influence both the nuclear development and human rights situation in the country. We would like to welcome the conclusions of the meeting of the Joint Commission on 1 September and support the High Representative’s efforts to ensure that the agreement is preserved and fully implemented by all sides.

As the EEAS has recently done in a statement, I would like to remind everyone that the non-participating member of the JCPOA, the US, cannot initiate the process to re-impose sanctions under United Nations Security Council Resolution 2231.

The JCPOA framework is today the framework that avoids further escalation and that is why this Parliament and the European Union should firmly stand behind it.



  Witold Jan Waszczykowski, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, I would like to thank Mr Borrell Fontelles for the information about the situation in Iran and about the condition of the JCPOA. Yes, this agreement is of important value for us.

However, I would like to appeal for transatlantic unity on Iran. Despite disputes and competition between the United States and Russia, the United States and China and the United States and Iran, I think there is no room for the European Union to be in the middle. There is no room for strategic autonomy in this particular case, especially in the case of Iran. The European Union has to take sides. We may differ, of course, about the measures and the instruments in how to deal with Iran. However, we have to work together, because Iran is determined to develop a nuclear programme and to change the security architecture. It’s a nasty regime which has disrespected human rights. There is no room for quick economic benefits. Our security matters. Let’s keep Iran away from the nuclear bomb and let’s do it together.


  Cornelia Ernst, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Wenn wir heute über die Lage im Iran sprechen, dann doch wohl zuerst über die zahlreichen Opfer von COVID-19 und darüber, warum die EU nicht wie bei anderen schwerstbetroffenen Ländern ausreichend Unterstützung gewährt.

Wieder einmal werden die Menschen in diesem Land alleingelassen, wie auch beim Ausstieg der USA aus einem der wichtigsten internationalen Verträge der Gegenwart, dem JCPOA. Es gab nie ernst zu nehmende Konsequenzen. Auch in Bezug auf INSTEX nicht, als Trump Völkerrecht brach und exterritoriale Sanktionen verhängte, die dramatische Auswirkungen auf das Leben jedes einzelnen Iraners, jeder einzelnen Iranerin haben. Es die Geschichte grandiosen Versagens des Westens und der Enttäuschung all derer im Iran, die ihr Land öffnen und verändern wollen.

Wenn Sie jetzt beklagen, dass die Hardliner ihre Dominanz zurückbekommen und die Menschenrechte im Iran mehr denn je mit Füßen getreten werden, dann ist das halbherzig. Für mich ist es eine persönliche Niederlage – das will ich so sagen –, dass Nasrin Sotudeh seit Jahren wieder inhaftiert ist, weil sie die Hoffnungen ganz vieler Menschen im Iran verkörpert – und im Übrigen auch meine Ideale.

Allmählich schließen sich die Türen zum Iran, und wir stehen da und warten. Worauf eigentlich? Auf die US-Wahlen? Wir haben Verantwortung für unser Tun und dafür, dass die Kräfte des Friedens und der Demokratie im Iran entschlossen unterstützt werden. Dafür müssen wir einfach mehr tun.


  Seán Kelly (PPE). – Madam President, I thought the High Representative gave a very balanced statement on the situation in Iran containing the good, the bad and the ugly, and how particularly the economic situation is impacting on the poor unfortunate citizens of Iran. As my colleague David McAllister pointed out, the JCPOA was a triumph for European diplomacy and particularly also for three powerful women who helped negotiate it. Again, we express our disappointment that the US administration unilaterally withdrew from the agreement in May 2018, and heightened tensions further with the assassination of Iranian General Soleimani.

The nuclear deal is a key pillar of regional border security and the EU has made a great effort in keeping the pact alive, despite US pressure, and we deserve credit for it. We must remain clear and unwavering in our commitment to non-violence and continue to de-escalate tensions in the region. As has been pointed out, since the United States has already withdrawn from the international agreement curbing Iran’s nuclear ambitions, it can’t now use its former membership of the pact to try and impose a permanent arms embargo on Iran. We must do everything we can to ensure that sanction-lifting continues while the conditions are met, and with 400 inspections per year, that’s pretty clear.


  Jytte Guteland (S&D). – Fru talman, höga representanten Borell, kollegor! Gällande det mycket breda ämnet situationen i Iran finns det mycket att säga. Iran är på många sätt i en kris just nu med, som kolleger har nämnt, en förfärlig situation när det gäller covid-19. Men också ett land drabbat av fattigdom, enorm korruption, klimatförändringar. Och till det har vi en situation vad gäller mänskliga rättigheter som lämnar allt att önska.

EU har fördömt, men behöver också fortsätta att fördöma, det som drabbar samvetsfångar i landet. Jag tänker på Nasrin Sotoudeh, som kämpat så hårt för mänskliga rättigheter i sitt engagemang som advokat, och som nu hungerstrejkar och pekar på de vidriga förhållanden som hon och många med henne drabbas av när man kämpar för sitt folk och de mänskliga rättigheterna. Vi måste också fortsätta att fördöma de avrättningar som sker. Det plågade världen att se på när idrottsmannen Navid Afkari avrättades. Det gör ont att människors liv tas ifrån dem. Iran är ett av de länder i världen som har sämst statistik när det gäller det här området. FN pekar på allvarliga brister.

Om EU ska lyckas med en stabil situation säkerhetsmässigt i förhållande till Iran – se till att kärnenergiavtalet fortsätter att respekteras, bygga en transatlantisk länk med USA, stå upp för mänskliga rättigheter – då krävs ett stort engagemang från EU-kommissionen och rådet, och jag utgår från att den höga representanten Borell står för det.


  Nicola Beer (Renew). – Frau Präsidentin! Belarus, Aserbaidschan, Armenien – diese Bilder von Gewalt und Konflikt erreichen uns täglich, und zu Recht stehen wir auf, um laut dagegen zu protestieren. Wir sollten aber auch für die aufstehen, die außerhalb der Weltöffentlichkeit leiden – ohne Politik, ohne Presse, ohne Anteilnahme.

Auch im Iran herrscht Krieg, ein leiser, ein zäher Krieg, den das Regime gegen sein eigenes Volk führt, gegen die Menschen, die ihre Meinung kundtun, gegen die Jugend und im Besonderen gegen die Frauen. Dieser Krieg gegen das eigene Volk wird auf dem Rücken der Frauen ausgetragen.

Eine von ihnen, Giti Purfasel – und ihr Name ist zu Unrecht nahezu unbekannt –, wird weggesperrt, bedroht, drangsaliert. Für sie sowie für unsere Sacharow-Preisträgerin Nasrin Sotudeh wird der Kampf für Frauen und Menschenrechte zum Verhängnis. Sie ist nur das jüngste Beispiel für das Schicksal der Frauen im Iran, die schon für ein schlecht sitzendes Kopftuch ihrer Freiheit beraubt werden.

Diese Frauen haben nicht das Privileg, dass die Medien täglich über sie berichten. Diese Frauen haben keine Anwälte; diese Frauen müssen wir durch unsere Aufmerksamkeit schützen. Konkret, wir brauchen Botschafterbesuche im Gefängnis für Giti Purfasel und die anderen politisch Inhaftierten, bis sie endlich freikommen. Aber nicht nur.

Lassen Sie uns endlich dem Ruf nach einem geopolitischen Europa folgen und gegenüber diktatorischen Regimes eine unmissverständliche Linie ziehen! Genug ist genug! Wir brauchen weniger Kooperation mit, weniger Verständnis für das iranische Regime, dafür mehr direkte Unterstützung für iranische Frauen, für die iranische Zivilgesellschaft, damit Heldinnen wie Giti Purfasel auch weiterhin außerhalb unserer Grenzen europäische Werte verteidigen können.


  Marco Campomenosi (ID). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Alto rappresentante, lo hanno detto molti dei miei colleghi: tortura per ottenere false confessioni, arresti di massa, i diritti degli oppositori e delle donne calpestati da un regime che ha per nemici i suoi stessi cittadini, per non parlare delle minoranze e dello stato di Israele.

Una gestione della COVID drammatica, soprattutto per le minoranze, e un quadro economico, come ha ricordato l'Alto rappresentante, nefasto. Eppure il denaro per finanziare milizie in Siria, in Iraq, Hezbollah e Hamas, non manca.

La gravità di quello che ci dice l'Amministrazione americana deve essere portata alla massima attenzione a Bruxelles, perché anche io e molti avevamo accolto l'accordo sul nucleare in maniera molto positiva. Ma ritenerlo oggi ancora attuabile, secondo me, è un errore e forse un'ingenuità.

Per la stessa ragione credo che non debbano essere sottovalutate le intese fra Israele e alcuni stati sunniti. Insomma, qualcosa in quell'area stia cambiando e sicuramente dobbiamo sostenere la possibilità che vi sia un cambio di regime in uno Stato che, lo abbiamo nominato tutti, non permette a persone come Navid Afkari di difendersi liberamente. Oggi lui non può essere tra noi perché è stato impiccato: eppure probabilmente aveva ragione a protestare contro quel regime.


  Reinhard Bütikofer (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, Mr Borrell, the aggressive oppression of the people of Iran by the regime is presently the worst it’s been in over 30 years, and, as Ms Beer said, the regime is waging war on its people and we have to stand steadfastly on their side to protect them, to help them and to make the world know, and make the European public know, what is going on.

At the same time, we’re talking about the JCPOA, and we try to hold on to that – and we should. But we are holding on to a political ruin. Even if President Biden were to be elected in November, there is scarcely a chance that the US would return to the JCPOA, if we are honest with ourselves. The JCPOA was a European initiative. We are proud of that, but that pride should be translated into a new European initiative. I think there is a new dynamic in the region, particularly with some of the deals that have already been mentioned today. The European Union should start – you should start, Mr Borrell – an initiative for a regional conference for stability and peace, and of course we need the US on board, we need the Russians on board and the Chinese and all the powers in the region. But we should not just look back, deploring what went wrong, but look forward, finding new initiatives.


  Anna Fotyga (ECR). – Madam President, the economic disaster in Iran started long before COVID-19 and American sanctions. Actually, massive protests were because of the misuse of funds after de-freezing by banks following the signing of the JCPOA. We have to find a way to keep the arms embargo on the regime that is responsible for financing terrorism, crushing protests in the country so brutally and downing civilian airplanes.


  Mick Wallace (GUE/NGL). – Madam President, not extending the sanctions against Iran at the UN Security Council was certainly welcome. But Mr Borrell, you said that the EU has learned lessons from recent developments and that the EU must take a more independent position. Are you prepared to act out upon these lessons?

Due to the US unilateral sanctions, the EU as a member and coordinator of the JCPOA has not complied with its own obligations under the JCPOA. You are tasked with overseeing the implementation of the EU law, including the blocking statute Council Regulation (EC) No 2271/96. What have you done in practice to protect legitimate trade with Iran? Under the blocking statute, EU countries are not allowed to abide by US extraterritorial sanctions. But our failure to stand against the lawless behaviour of the US makes us complicit in punishing millions of Iranians and abusing their human rights.

When is the EU going to find the courage to abide by international law and say ‘no’ to US bullying? When will you, Mr Borrell, say ‘no’ to US imperialism?


  Maria Arena (S&D). – Madame la présidente, Monsieur le Haut représentant, vous l'avez dit, l'Union européenne demeure pleinement investie sur le dossier nucléaire, et c'est une bonne chose, car nous savons qu'au coeur de cette question, il y a la sécurité dans la région, mais de manière plus générale, la sécurité internationale.

Mais la coopération internationale avec l'Iran ‒ et vous l'avez dit aussi ‒ ne peut laisser dans l'angle mort la question des droits de l'homme, car en la matière, l'Iran est loin, très loin des objectifs souhaités. Le 10 octobre sera la journée mondiale contre la peine de mort et pourtant, l'Iran est le pays qui exécute le plus, y compris des jeunes qui ont été condamnés alors qu'ils étaient enfants; des filles, condamnées à 9 ans, des garçons, condamnés à 15 ans, qui attendent dans le couloir de la mort d'être exécutés à 18 ans. L'Iran condamne à la peine de mort des personnes pour des délits tels que la trahison, l'espionnage, la prostitution, l'adultère, l'apostasie ou encore les manifestations contre la pauvreté ou la corruption. Des aveux sont obtenus sous la torture, et c'est le cas d’Ahmadreza Djalali actuellement. En Iran, défendre les droits humains ou lutter contre la peine de mort est passible de plus de 10 ans d'emprisonnement. C'est le cas de nombreux activistes, tels que Nasrine Sotoudeh, ou encore Narges Mohammadi, qui est en exil.

Oui, la coopération internationale avec l'Iran est importante, oui, le dialogue est important, mais elle doit également consister à exercer des pressions en faveur des droits de l'homme et exiger la libération immédiate de ceux qui n'ont fait qu'exercer pacifiquement leurs droits fondamentaux.


  María Soraya Rodríguez Ramos (Renew). – Señora presidenta, gracias, señor Borrell, y gracias también por sus esfuerzos para mantener el Plan de Acción Integral Conjunto. Pero tenemos que exigir a las autoridades iraníes que cesen en su vulneración de los derechos humanos.

Nasrín Sotudé ha estado a punto de morir al iniciar una huelga de hambre para denunciar la situación de los presos políticos. Pero, detrás de ella y detrás de los presos políticos, está la sociedad civil iraní, contra la cual el régimen iraní está en guerra. La represión en Irán está institucionalizada: los fiscales apoyan denuncias falsas, los jueces dictan condenas basándose en declaraciones obtenidas con tortura y las ejecuciones son diarias, judiciales y extrajudiciales.

Tenemos, por lo tanto, que hacer saber al régimen iraní que tiene que responder de sus crímenes. Y tenemos que apoyar una misión de investigación en el seno del Consejo de Derechos Humanos que vaya a Irán, que se persone en las cárceles y que haga un informe que nos dé cuenta de la realidad brutal que vive el pueblo iraní.


  Lars Patrick Berg (ID). – Frau Präsidentin, Hoher Vertreter! Die Entschlossenheit des Hohen Vertreters, die Wiener Nuklearvereinbarung über das iranische Atomprogramm trotz der erdrückenden Beweise dafür, dass es sich um eine schwache Initiative handelt, aufrechtzuerhalten, kann man nur bewundern.

Natürlich verstehe ich den Wunsch, der nuklearen Proliferation Einhalt zu gebieten, und das Anliegen der E3, die Integrität der Vereinten Nationen zu wahren. Meiner Auffassung nach müssen wir jedoch der Realität ins Auge sehen: Iran ist nicht vertrauenswürdig. Die Mullahs unterdrücken ihr eigenes Volk mit Gewalt, sie finanzieren Terroristen in aller Welt, destabilisieren ihre Nachbarn und sind für die massenhafte Tötung von Zivilisten im Jemen verantwortlich. Sie exekutieren politische Gegner und inhaftieren unschuldige Personen mit doppelter Staatsbürgerschaft, um einen vermeintlichen politischen Vorteil zu erzielen. Die iranische Revolutionsgarde ist eine der größten Drogenbanden der Welt.

Die Resolution 2231 des Sicherheitsrates der Vereinten Nationen ermöglicht es dem Iran weiterhin, Terrorangst und Instabilität zu exportieren. Sie erlaubt es den nicht demokratisch legitimierten Mullahs, das iranische Volk weiterhin zu terrorisieren.


  Salima Yenbou (Verts/ALE). – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur Borrell, connaissez-vous madame Aras Amiri? Elle travaillait pour le British Council au Royaume-Uni, où elle s’occupait de faire connaître l’art et la culture de l’Iran.

En mars 2018, elle a été arrêtée à l’aéroport de Téhéran et condamnée à dix ans de prison. Monsieur Borrell, l’Union européenne doit la soutenir. Le cas d’Aras Amiri nous montre à quel point la culture fait peur aux régimes autoritaires.

Mme Amiri n’est malheureusement pas la seule citoyenne iranienne qui dérange son gouvernement par son engagement culturel. Rappelons-nous, en 2016, Golshifteh Farahani, qui incarnait si bien Anna Karénine au Théâtre de Paris, avait dû quitter son pays pour pouvoir continuer à exercer son art. Rendez-vous compte, un chef-d’œuvre de la littérature russe porté par une actrice iranienne à Paris. La culture dépasse ainsi les frontières et émeut au-delà des différences culturelles. La culture est un vocabulaire mondial, disait Marjane Satrapi.

Vous qui luttez tous les jours pour la liberté culturelle, n’oubliez pas, n’oubliez jamais à quel point les régimes vous craignent, n’oubliez jamais qu’en la culture réside votre pouvoir. Merci pour votre courage.


  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señora presidenta, alto representante Borrell, me cuento entre los muchos y las muchas eurodiputados y eurodiputadas que aprecian sus esfuerzos, a menudo ingratos, por imprimir a la política exterior de la Unión Europea autonomía, carácter y compromiso, sea en el conflicto entre Armenia y Azerbaiyán, dos países miembros del Consejo de Europa en guerra, apoyados por otros tantos países del Consejo de Europa, sea en el caso de Venezuela, o sea también en este caso, en Irán, al recordar a los Estados Unidos que, al haber abandonado el acuerdo, ya no son miembros del Plan de Acción Integral Conjunto y, por tanto, no está bajo la cobertura de la Resolución 2231 de las Naciones Unidas la imposición unilateral de sanciones, que además intentaron que avalara el Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas, y fracasaron en el intento.

Pero, al mismo tiempo, me cuento entre los que exigimos de la Unión Europea que se emplee a fondo para exigir a Irán respeto por los derechos humanos, que cese en la represión brutal de la disidencia, en la discriminación de categorías enteras de personas, empezando por las mujeres, y en la aplicación sistemática y frecuente de la pena de muerte.


  Jean-Lin Lacapelle (ID). – Madame la Présidente, les États-Unis ont décidé unilatéralement de rétablir les sanctions sur l’Iran, le secrétaire d’État américain s’empressant d’annoncer des mesures contre ceux qui violent les sanctions, c’est-à-dire en nous imposant par la force leur politique.

L’évocation de ces mesures nous rappelle d’ailleurs l’amende exorbitante de 8 milliards d’euros infligée par le département du Trésor américain à BNP Paribas en 2015. À l’époque, qu’avait fait la Commission pour protéger les entreprises européennes soumises à ces amendes? Rien. Jeudi dernier en Conseil européen, vous avez abordé la construction d’une autonomie stratégique européenne. Est-ce que cette autonomie ne passe pas, avant tout, par la protection de nos entreprises vis à vis de sanctions et d’interventionnismes étrangers? Que compte faire la Commission en ce sens et ne serait-il pas grand temps pour elle de sortir les muscles et d’enfin protéger les entreprises européennes de l’ingérence américaine? Mettre en place, par exemple, des barrières écologiques aux frontières ciblant principalement des produits américains ou interdire tout bonnement à certaines entreprises de pénétrer sur le marché européen, comme Trump a pu le faire avec TikTok.


  Hannah Neumann (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, we have talked for nearly an hour now about the threats to the JCPOA, about global power dynamics, about national repression. While all of this is true and very frustrating, there is also hope in Iran.

There were massive protests of young people last year in the streets, taking their claims to the streets. Just a few weeks ago, women of Iran have started a ‘Me Too’ movement. There is even a ‘Fight for the Future’ group in the country. Young people in Iran are not living on a different planet. They are part of global movements, and they challenge the regime. Yes, they have to face crackdowns, oppression, repression, torture. They are in prison, some of them are executed. But they are coming back again, and again, and again. And the old ones who have gone through this for decades and decades have not stopped.

As long as people in Iran still have the courage to face this regime, it is our duty to support their cause and protect them. And while it is so important that the EU engages in regional dynamics, as Reinhard Bütikofer said, we can only do so if we also manage to engage the people that suffer under the various regimes in the region.


  Evin Incir (S&D). – Madam President, High Representative, for over 40 years human rights defenders and the political opposition have been under constant attack by the regime in Iran. Their oppression towards the Iranian people is heavy and relentless.

Just this September, Amnesty International reported how protesters were subjected to extensive torture following the large popular demonstration last year. Feminists, journalists, union leaders, civil society and minorities, such as the Kurds and Bahai, are sentenced to harsh penalties, including corporal punishment and the death penalty.

Sadly, this is probably not news to anyone in this room. Iran sees some of its citizens as threats. Repression happens to real people, people with family and friends. Right now, the brother of a Swedish inhabitant is facing the death penalty while being held in jail. Nasreen Sotoudeh and Narges Mohammadi are the names of additional people in Iranian jails that are facing the death penalty. So my question is basically what is the Commission doing to prevent the execution of these innocent people, who only dream of democracy and freedom?


  Bernhard Zimniok (ID). – Frau Präsidentin, werte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Vor Kurzem wurde der Ringer Navid Afkari ohne rechtsstaatliches Verfahren hingerichtet. Wo blieb da unser lautstarker Protest?

Aktuell befindet sich die Menschenrechtsanwältin Nasrin Sotoudeh, Trägerin des Sacharow-Preises, in ernsthafter Gefahr; ihr Zustand ist besorgniserregend. Sie wurde 2019 zu 33 Jahren Haft und 148 Peitschenhieben verurteilt, weil sie zwei Frauen verteidigt hat, die gegen den geltenden Kopftuchzwang protestiert hatten. Jenes Kopftuch, das in Europa von Linken und Grünen gern als Zeichen der Emanzipation verharmlost wird. Die Peitschenhiebe wird sie nicht überleben.

Der Iran wird immer noch hofiert, um den Atom-Deal nicht zu gefährden. Der Deal war von Anfang an eine Nebelkerze, die es den Iranern erlaubte, weiterhin ihre Atombomben zu bauen – unter dem Applaus des Westens.

Nehmen wir unsere sogenannten, viel zitierten Werte doch endlich mal ernst und beenden den Kuschelkurs mit Iran! Zeigen wir ihnen endlich die rote Karte!


  Robert Hajšel (S&D). – Madam President, the European Union wants to maintain a nuclear deal with Iran and rejects American unilateral action aimed at imposing further sanctions. President Trump promises that if he is elected again, he will negotiate a better deal with Iran, not only on its nuclear program. Can we believe it? I do not know.

It’s clear that nothing will be solved on nuclear deal until we learn who wins the election, and whether Washington is returning to a nuclear deal or continuing with the controversial sanctions mechanism. Time is passing by. Now we face the problem when the weapons export embargo will expire in two weeks.

On the other hand, we have to remember that we in the EU must remain critical and very tough against Tehran in dealing with the ideological opponent, opposition, – Iran needs to make further significant progress in the area of human rights if it wants to get more European engagement. The release of some detained citizens with a dual citizenship is a step in the right direction. I think, it is not sufficient – all the repression should stop now.


  Domènec Ruiz Devesa (S&D). – Señora presidenta, gracias al alto representante, Josep Borrell, por su presencia hoy aquí, por su intervención.

Yo creo que la gran mayoría de la Cámara está de acuerdo con la posición que ha expresado: tratar de hacer todos los esfuerzos para mantener con vida el acuerdo nuclear, que es de gran importancia, y, al mismo tiempo, exigir el respeto a los derechos humanos en Irán por parte del régimen.

No podemos olvidar la larga lista de agresiones del régimen iraní, desde el punto de vista de la desestabilización regional, pero también la detención y ejecución de opositores —se ha mencionado aquí la de Afkari, la situación de nuestra laureada Sájarov, Nasrín Sotudé, muy preocupante—; pero también el secuestro ilegal de ciudadanos con doble nacionalidad, la disposición a comprar armas en cuanto acabe el embargo, el derribo por error de un avión civil, la represión de las protestas de noviembre del año pasado.

La cuestión es: ¿disponemos de herramientas para presionar al régimen más allá de las de tipo declarativo?


  Michael Gahler (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin! Über den grundsätzlichen Charakter des iranischen Regimes sind wir uns ja sicher weitgehend einig, und alles, was hier an Kritik an den Zuständen im Innern des Landes aufgezählt wurde, ist verurteilenswürdig. Beispielhaft eben die Exekution von Navid Afkari, die Inhaftierung von Nasrin Sotoudeh oder auch die grundsätzliche Rechtlosstellung der Bahá’í als eine verfolgte Religionsgemeinschaft. Auch die Kritik am außenpolitischen Verhalten – alles, was hier aufgezählt wurde, ist berechtigt.

Aber: Wir waren uns über viele Jahre weltweit einig, das Allerschlimmste wäre es, wenn Iran eine Atombombe bekäme, und das war richtig zu verhindern und ist richtig zu verhindern, und das JCPOA muss deswegen beibehalten werden. Wir müssen versuchen, hoffentlich eine neue amerikanische Administration Biden dazu zu bekommen, dass sie da wieder beitritt, denn wir haben ja die Effekte erlebt, dass die Radikalisierung zunimmt im Iran.

Hätten wir eine gegenteilige Entwicklung gehabt – mit der Anwendung des Abkommens, mit der Aufhebung von Wirtschaftssanktionen und mit einer Möglichkeit für die Menschen dort, sich zu entwickeln –, dann hätten sie mehr Kraft gehabt, sich gegen das Regime zu wenden; da bin ich mit Hannah Neumann einig.

Ich habe sehr viel Vertrauen in die jungen Menschen, eigentlich in alle Menschen, die wirklich die Nase voll haben bei diesem Regime. Eines Tages werden die Iraner dieses Regime überwinden, und wenn wir bis dahin eine Politik betreiben, die ihnen diese Zuversicht nicht nimmt, dann ist das eine richtige Politik, und dazu gehört, dass wir das JCPOA weiterführen sollten.


  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (NI). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Alto rappresentante, la situazione dei diritti umani in Iran si è rapidamente deteriorata in quest'ultimo anno. Le sanzioni imposte dagli Stati Uniti hanno avuto un impatto devastante sull'economia del paese, con gravi conseguenze sul godimento dei diritti economici e sociali, creando una vera bomba interna.

Le proteste scoppiate il 25 novembre dello scorso anno sono state brutalmente represse dalle autorità, che hanno impiegato forza non necessaria o eccessiva e detenuto arbitrariamente i manifestanti pacifici. Da allora magistratura e forze di sicurezza hanno continuato a utilizzare disposizioni approssimative del codice penale per arrestare e perseguire gli attivisti, contro la libertà di espressione e di riunione pacifica. Il caso di Nasrin Sotoudeh, a cui va il nostro sostegno e la nostra solidarietà, è emblematico di questo deterioramento verso difensori dei diritti umani, avvocati e dissidenti.

Colleghi, servono strumenti anche sanzionatori verso i responsabili di ogni violazione dei diritti umani, ovunque siano! Ma senza diplomazia, senza negoziato, senza una difesa europea degli impegni assunti in modo reciproco nell'accordo sul nucleare, non ci sarà un tavolo per migliorare e negoziare questo stato inaccettabile dei diritti umani.

Gli Stati Uniti si sono ritirati dal multilateralismo: sta noi difenderlo concretamente ora.


  Josep Borrell Fontelles, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Madam President, it has been a busy morning. We have been here for four hours, and we are reaching the end of this intense debate about three very important issues. Many things have been said, and I agree with many of them. I could say exactly what Mr Gahler said at the end: the worst thing would be if Iran were to become nuclear. Thanks to this deal, it’s not nuclear. Others Members have said the same thing; I cannot mention all of them.

So to try to keep the JCPOA alive – although, as Mr Bütikofer has said, it is very weak because the withdrawal of the US is certainly something that jeopardises its existence and the continuity – to keep it working, even at a lower regime, is not contradictory with the importance that we have to give to the situation of human rights in Iran. I know that this is something that all Parliament is very concerned about and I can assure you that we will continue working in order to put our concerns, our rejection of the executions and detentions that have been mentioned here today before the Iranian authorities. We will do that in collaboration with the German Embassy in Tehran, which is currently acting as our local representation since we don’t have a European delegation on the ground.

And Mr Bütikofer is also right: we have to look further at whatever is going to happen in the US after the next elections. It is not sure that the JCPOA will survive. We have to look for a new agreement. Is it possible? Remember how difficult it was to reach this agreement, how many years of tough work were required to rebuild the agreement in order to adapt it to the new circumstances, and even enlarging it could be good, if possible. It will depend very much on the political landscape in January next year.

In the meantime, about the arms embargo: I want to stress that we Europeans will continue to put our arms embargo in place. Our arms embargo, the comprehensive arms embargo of the European Union – not the JCPOA arms embargo – will continue into 2023. But we cannot say that we fight to keep the JCPOA alive and, at the same time, to impose an arms embargo on the JCPOA itself – what is considered part of it – and ban. On that, we cannot share the position of the US as they didn’t share 13 Members of the Security Council. All I know is we are trying to do our best in order to increase trade with Iran. It is very difficult because the American sanctions are very powerful, but the Iran deal is not just a nuclear deal. It is a dual task. It is a nuclear deal on the one side and an economic deal on the other, and one thing goes with the other. We cannot pretend that Iran fulfils all its nuclear obligations and at the same time not get any kind of reward on the economic side. This is a delicate balance. Let’s try to work on two things at the same time: the nuclear agreement and human rights.

We will continue fighting to keep the nuclear agreement alive and working and at the same time we will continue working in order to make the Iranian authorities aware that respect for human rights is a sine qua non for us to engage with them. And on both points I need the support of the European Parliament and a realistic approach to one of the most important problems for our security, because without the JCPOA today Iran would be a nuclear power and then we would be in a completely different scenario, in a completely different situation.

I think that this achievement for European diplomacy, which took a lot of effort from Javier Solana until Ms Mogherini – a lot of people have been working on that – deserves to be preserved, deserves to be continued, deserves to be facilitating a non-nuclear Iran, and it also gives us leverage to engage with Iran on these other very important issues, such as human rights, which I know the Members of this Parliament are very attached to, as I am. You can count on the External Action Service to engage on this issue. The two of them can go in parallel; one things doesn’t prevent the other. Thank you very much, Members of the Parliament, for your support and for this long and moving session.



  Puhemies. – Keskustelu on päättynyt.

Kirjalliset lausumat (171 artikla)


  Adam Bielan (ECR), in writing. – The economic and social situation in Iran have deteriorated rapidly and the Covid-19 pandemic is aggravating the situation. Iran’s economy suffers from high inflation and is predicted to shrink by 10% this year.

It should not be only in the EU’s security interest to maintain the JCPOA, but also in the interest of the people, as the agreement is also contributing to regional and global security. This is, I believe, of utmost importance.

In parallel, the EU should work on how to keep arms embargo on the regime and should try to re-establish transatlantic unity on Iran.

Fundamental rights such as freedom of expression and of assembly must always be respected. Therefore, while maintaining the JCPOA, the EU and especially the HRVP should continue raising human rights concerns with the Iranian authorities in bilateral and multilateral forums.


(Istunto keskeytettiin klo 13.13)



Päivitetty viimeksi: 8. joulukuuta 2020Oikeudellinen huomautus - Tietosuojakäytäntö