Dobesedni zapisi razprav

Torek, 9. marec 2021 - Bruselj

1. Otvoritev letnega zasedanja

Puhetta johti HEIDI HAUTALA
varapuhemies

  President. – I declare open the 2021-2022 session of the European Parliament.

2. Otvoritev seje

(The sitting opened at 09.00)

3. Razglasitev izidov glasovanja: gl. zapisnik

4. Program InvestEU (razprava)

  Puhemies. – Esityslistalla on seuraavana José Manuel Fernandesin budjettivaliokunnan ja Irene Tinaglin talous- ja raha-asioiden valiokunnan puolesta laatima mietintö ehdotuksesta Euroopan parlamentin ja neuvoston asetukseksi InvestEU-ohjelman perustamisesta (COM(2020)0403 – C9-0158/2020 – 2020/0108(COD)) (A9-0203/2020).

Minulla on velvollisuus muistuttaa siitä, että tällä istuntojaksolla keskusteluissa ei anneta pyynnöstä myönnettäviä puheenvuoroja eikä sinisen kortin kysymyksiä hyväksytä.

Ja vielä huomautan, että edellisten istuntojaksojen tapaan puheenvuoroja on mahdollista käyttää etäyhteydellä jäsenvaltioiden yhteystoimistoista.

  José Manuel Fernandes, Relator. – Senhora Presidente, Senhor Comissário, caras e caros Colegas, queria agradecer a todos aqueles que, já na precedente legislatura, comigo trabalharam neste dossiê. Um abraço também, e um cumprimento especial, à corelatora, Irene Tinagli, e a todos os shadows dos vários grupos políticos.

A União Europeia precisa de investimentos públicos e privados que reforcem a competitividade da União Europeia, aumentem a sua produtividade e, em simultâneo, contribuam para a coesão territorial, económica e social. Desta forma, por um lado, mantemos empregos e, por outro, criamos empregos de qualidade. O Fundo Europeu para Investimentos Estratégicos, conhecido como “Plano Juncker”, mobilizou mais de 500 mil milhões de euros e criou mais de 1,4 milhões de empregos depois de 2015.

O InvestEU devia fazer mais, até porque junta, num único, os 14 instrumentos financeiros europeus até agora existentes, pretendendo garantir continuidade, eficiência e sinergias. Pretende-se que mobilize mais de 400 mil milhões de euros no período 2021 a 2027. Nas negociações do quadro financeiro plurianual em que participei conseguimos - contra a vontade do Conselho e com uma pouquíssima ajuda da Comissão Europeia, para ser simpático - mil milhões de euros adicionais para a constituição da garantia do InvestEU.

Nas negociações do InvestEU também conseguimos melhorias importantes. Haverá a possibilidade de criação de instrumentos de capitalização das PME, o que é essencial, o que se reveste de uma extrema importância e urgência face às consequências da pandemia, nomeadamente no setor do turismo e também na restauração.

O Conselho demonstrou que não retirou lições da crise pandémica de COVID-19, uma vez que eliminou a janela para os investimentos estratégicos. No entanto, conseguimos a elegibilidade desses investimentos nas quatro janelas existentes do InvestEU.

Graças à insistência do Parlamento Europeu conseguimos que, numa base voluntária, os Estados-Membros possam usar até 5 % dos fundos da Política de Coesão e até 4 % do envelope nacional do mecanismo de recuperação e resiliência para poderem constituir, dessa forma, a garantia do compartimento nacional do InvestEU.

Este compartimento nacional é uma novidade que será, mais uma vez, uma mais-valia, se for bem utilizado pelos Estados-Membros. Face às dificuldades financeiras dos Estados—Membros, esta é uma excelente oportunidade para poderem criar, por exemplo, um instrumento nacional para a solvabilidade das pequenas e médias empresas e instrumentos nacionais para investir nas infraestruturas sustentáveis, na investigação, nas PME, nas qualificações e na área social.

Mas esta é também uma oportunidade que traz uma urgência. A possibilidade de usar este compartimento deve constar quer dos planos nacionais de recuperação quer dos acordos de parceria. Aliás, faz todo o sentido que o InvestEU financie o que é essencial, em termos de investimento, mas não seja financiado nem pelos planos nacionais de recuperação nem pelos acordos de parceria. O InvestEU deve ser, assim, adicional.

Acresce que a junção de subvenções e empréstimos permite a concretização de projetos que, de outra forma, não se conseguiriam realizar. É essencial que se evitem sobreposições e que o plano de recuperação e também que os acordos de parceria sejam feitos de forma complementar. O InvestEU é flexível, é aberto, o que permite que os Estados-Membros possam ser programadores dos fundos em vez de meros utilizadores.

Senhor Comissário, agradeço também o seu empenho nas negociações. A Comissão agora tem a responsabilidade de ser célere nas suas decisões e de procurar o equilíbrio geográfico na utilização da garantia, ainda que todos saibamos que o InvestEU é comandado pela procura. Os pequenos projetos merecem uma atenção particular e, também, um trabalho permanente e articulado com os intermediários financeiros e, aqui, é essencial também que o Advisory Hub, a plataforma de aconselhamento, funcione bem. É essencial que ela ajude os territórios com mais dificuldades a captar investimento, que ela ajude a que esses territórios estruturem boas candidaturas e ajudem também aquilo que é uma peça essencial que são os bancos de fomento nacional, os bancos de promoção nacional.

Eu espero também, e para terminar, que a Comissão ajude a constituir plataformas de investimento transfronteiriças. Onde é que está a União da Energia, a União Digital, a União da Saúde? E como esta crise pandémica bem demonstrou, nós precisamos da resiliência da indústria europeia, designadamente da indústria farmacêutica. Precisamos também de autonomia e, nomeadamente, autonomia nos setores estratégicos.

Termino dizendo que o Parlamento cumpriu. Exige-se que os Estados-Membros agora cumpram, que a Comissão seja proativa e também faça o seu trabalho. Os cidadãos europeus merecem investimento e empregos de qualidade.

  Irene Tinagli, rapporteur. – Madam President, we are at the end of a great adventure that began in 2018 with the first Commission proposal. It was a long and bumpy journey, but we can now celebrate an important success. I would like to thank the present and past components of the negotiating team in the Parliament, and especially my co—rapporteur, José Manuel Fernandes, for what we’ve done together.

In this term we went through some exciting moments, for example when, in May 2020, the Commission represented the InvestEU proposal with a very ambitious budget, but also through moments of great concern, for example when Member States decided, during the July 2020 European Council, on a very severe cut to the InvestEU budget line, basically making it a marginal and useless programme.

We did not get discouraged. We worked to give a worthy heir to the Juncker Plan and also to create an ambitious programme capable of facing the challenges of our times. Looking at the text of the final agreement that we will vote on today, we can say that our commitment has been rewarded. There are more funds, there are more ambitious environmental targets, and there is more national European synergy, thanks to the possibility for other implementing partners to promote projects.

But our real success has been to place InvestEU at the heart of Next Generation EU. InvestEU is a long—term investment programme with a particular focus on SMEs. Its four windows cover the major objectives that the Union has set for the coming years: sustainability, innovation, research, social infrastructure. InvestEU is a programme that, perhaps more than others, highlights the paradigm shift that has taken place in the Union. The real innovation of Next Generation EU is not just the money made available to Member States. Next Generation EU is much more than that. It is the acknowledgement that there are individual and collective needs that are currently not fully satisfied. The financial crisis of 2008 and the economic crisis caused by the COVID pandemic have shown us that there is a lack of supply of goods and services that are necessary for the well-being of citizens and firms, and bridging this gap is the challenge of our time.

InvestEU is one of the responses that the Union has put in place, but InvestEU is not just about resilience: it is a tool for recovery. First of all, Parliament fought hard to create a synergy with the Recovery and Resilience Facility and, thanks to our battle, Member States will now be able to divert up to four percent of their funds from the recovery fund to guarantee investment projects eligible for InvestEU.

We also managed to resurrect a fundamental tool for the recovery that the European Council of July 2020 had basically eliminated: the Solvency Support Instrument. My colleague, Mr Fernandes, has already mentioned that, but I would like to underline the importance of this tool. Now, both the European and the national compartments of InvestEU will be able to provide capital support to small and medium—sized enterprises that got into trouble due to the COVID-19 pandemic. It is perhaps the most important result that we, as a Parliament, have achieved. But let me say that, without the strong commitment of Commissioner Paolo Gentiloni during the negotiations, we probably would not have made it. So thank you, Paolo.

Our work is not done yet. We still have to scrutinise the delegated acts, in particular the one on investment guidance, and we have to appoint the governance bodies, the advisory board, the steering board and the investment committee. During one of the trilogues of InvestEU, I realised that the majority of the people that were present in the room during the negotiations were women. InvestEU is therefore the result of the work and the effort of many women. So it would be nice if the Commission, the EIB, the implementing partners, but also the Committee of the Regions, the European Economic and Social Committee and the European Parliament, kept this in mind when they have to appoint their representatives in these bodies – not because it is a provision in the regulation, but because it’s the right thing to do. So thank you very much everybody.

  Tom Berendsen, rapporteur voor advies van de Commissie vervoer en toerisme. – Voorzitter, als wij willen garanderen dat ook toekomstige generaties in welvaart opgroeien, dan zullen we nu moeten investeren in groei. En dat is precies wat dit programma InvestEU gaat doen. We gaan investeren in het midden- en kleinbedrijf. We gaan investeren in innovatie en we gaan investeren in infrastructuur. Ik ben bijzonder tevreden met het feit dat we meer ruimte gaan geven aan investeringen in strategische sectoren en kritische infrastructuur, zowel op gebied van transport als digitaal. Want we hebben gezien in deze crisis dat we voor veel zaken te afhankelijk zijn van andere delen van de wereld en dat moeten we in de toekomst gaan voorkomen.

Tegelijkertijd gaan wij de uitvoering van dit programma kritisch volgen, want iedere euro in de economie moet eerst verdiend worden en iedere lening die aangegaan wordt moet terugbetaald worden. Daarom is het belangrijk in dit programma dat iedere euro besteed wordt aan het daadwerkelijk versterken van onze economie. Daarmee schuiven we de problemen niet door naar volgende generaties, maar leggen we nu de basis voor een mooie toekomst.

  Paolo Gentiloni, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, we are very pleased with the agreement reached on InvestEU at the end of last year, also because Parliament played a strong role reinforcing important elements of the regulation. I would like to thank everyone involved, and in particular the co-rapporteurs José Manuel Fernandes and Irene Tinagli for their commitment and constructive stubbornness.

The programme will bolster, as you know, future-oriented investments across the EU. It will provide crucial support to companies, which is even more important in view of the still ongoing crisis. We need private investments for the EU policy priorities such as the Green Deal and the digital transition and the resilience of our societies. And we need them especially after the pandemic of course.

With an estimate of a drop in private investment for the next years, and with the clear policy goal not to repeat what happened with the previous crisis – we know that in the previous crisis a net public (net) investment went practically to zero – so we have to reinforce our capacity of public investment and of crowding private investment. With a guarantee of 26 billion, InvestEU will mobilise an investment of more than EUR 370 billion in Europe. This is with some caution. We didn’t use figures in this situation that cannot be effectively reached. The defining elements remain the EU guarantee that will be open to the EIB Group and to national promotion banks and other international institutions, with a split of 75:25 percent. The guarantee will be allocated to the foreign policy windows, as reminded to us by the rapporteurs, and the programme also benefits from the additional elements agreed by the co-legislators and in which Parliament has and the rapporteurs have been instrumental.

First, InvestEU will contribute to the recovery efforts as Member States can use it as a tool to implement their national RRS plans. And I have to say that a number of Member States have already informally signalled to the Commission their interest in this possibility. Second, the possibility for implementing partners to provide capital support to SMEs. It is very important, as our rapporteurs just reminded us. Third, in addition to the ambitious climate targets, InvestEU will provide for a dedicated scheme to generate additional investment to benefit Just Transition territories and also this in complementarity with other funds I think is very important. And last, but not least, Parliament obtained an increase of the budget through the MFF top-ups of one billion and supported the possibility to combine them with the InvestEU Guarantee and with legacy instruments like the Juncker plan.

So InvestEU might not be in the limelight today but it remains a deeply innovative budgetary tool using budgetary guarantees to crowd in private and public investment in a cost-efficient use of taxpayers’ money. And the commitment from the Commission to use our Investment Hub to make this happen is a very strong one. We don’t just plough in money; we align private investment with our policy priorities and channel their funds into public goods. So looking ahead, this approach is an efficient way to meet the growing investment needs of the twin transition, but also for our social model.

  Sabine Verheyen, Chair of the Committee on Culture and Education. – Madam President, the cultural and creative sectors are of strategic importance to the Union as they generate important societal market value and they have a high potential for innovation.

As the EU flagship investment programme, InvestEU has a strong potential to kick-start the European economy and in particular to boost social investment and investment in human capital. This covers education and training, and the cultural and creative sectors. These sectors have been hard hit by the current COVID-19 crisis.

In its opinion, the CULT Committee’s aim is looking to reinforce the position of the cultural and creative sectors as regards their access to financing through the InvestEU programme.

The InvestEU programme should therefore support critical infrastructure, also in the audiovisual, media, cultural and creative sectors, through investment under the new fifth investment window, especially to support international distribution, competitiveness and innovation.

  Frances Fitzgerald, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Women's Rights and Gender Equality. – Madam President, now, more than ever, we need to support our businesses. I am glad that the InvestEU agreement recognises those companies that are at risk of insolvency due to the COVID-19 crisis. Up to 400 billion can be mobilised with InvestEU. This will be a game—changer for SMEs and businesses most at risk and for our cultural and creative sectors, as we’ve heard.

Yet while InvestEU’s goal is to primarily support SMEs, it also has the potential to build gender equality and invest in women’s economic empowerment, a critical issue in the recovery. It can help close the gender gap, fostering female creativity and entrepreneurial potential, and supporting the development of care infrastructure and an infrastructure for victims of violence.

Public and private, as we’ve heard, must work together. This twin approach will drive competition and innovation and a jobs-driven recovery. Let’s build back better and adapt our economies to a more green, digital and, of course, inclusive future. Parliament has ensured that InvestEU contributes to achieving the target of spending at least 30% of EU funds on climate objectives.

  Markus Ferber, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar, Frau Vizepräsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen! Bitte um Verzeihung, aber eigentlich sollte der Kollege Mureşan zunächst sprechen, der scheinbar noch nicht im Hause ist. Ich bitte das zu entschuldigen.

Europa braucht Investitionen, da sind wir uns einig. Einerseits, um aus der derzeitigen Krise herauszukommen, und andererseits, um unsere hochgesteckten Ziele im Bereich Klima und Umweltschutz und bei der Digitalisierung zu erreichen. Die Kommission selbst hat in ihrer Mitteilung zum Sustainable Europe Investment Plan berechnet, dass wir in der Europäischen Union eine Investitionslücke von mehr als 260 Milliarden Euro haben – und das war vor der Pandemie.

Die tatsächliche Investitionslücke dürfte nun noch deutlich größer ausfallen. Wir müssen uns über eines im Klaren sein: Allein mit öffentlichen Investitionen werden wir diese Lücke nicht schließen können. Wenn wir uns die explodierende Staatsverschuldung in vielen Mitgliedstaaten anschauen, dann wird sehr schnell klar, dass es allein mit öffentlichen Mitteln nicht getan ist. Deswegen ist ein Instrument wie InvestEU, das private Investitionen hebeln kann, so wichtig.

Damit diese Investitionen am Ende des Tages tatsächlich einen Unterschied machen, ist es aber auch wichtig, dass sie dorthin fließen, wo es einen Unterschied macht. In der Vergangenheit haben wir oft gesehen, dass die Mittel des Europäischen Fonds für strategische Investitionen dahin geflossen sind, wo die fähigsten Antragsteller sitzen, und nicht da, wo die Mittel den größten Unterschied machen könnten. Das muss besser werden bei InvestEU.

Zum anderen muss das Geld tatsächlich in produktive Investitionen fließen, die langfristig einen wirtschaftlichen Mehrwert generieren. Deswegen ist es richtig, dass wir bei InvestEU einen besonderen Schwerpunkt auf Forschung und Innovation setzen und auf die Unterstützung kleiner und mittlerer Unternehmen, denn diese sind der Wachstums- und Beschäftigungsmotor der europäischen Wirtschaft.

Die Europäische Volkspartei unterstützt deswegen sehr gerne dieses Programm InvestEU.

  Eider Gardiazabal Rubial, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señora presidenta, señor comisario, desde que la Comisión propuso su primer plan de inversiones —el conocido como plan Juncker— hace casi ya seis años, que fue como estímulo o ayuda a una economía ralentizada por los efectos de la crisis, parece que ha pasado toda una eternidad.

Y cuando parecía que la economía de la Unión Europea se había estabilizado y empezábamos a discutir sobre cuáles iban a ser las prioridades hasta 2030, sobre qué tipo de inversiones hacían falta, sobre cómo conseguir los objetivos de desarrollo sostenible, cumplir con el pilar social europeo o con los acuerdos de París, la pandemia puso todo del revés.

Pero lejos de trastocar o de cambiar nuestras prioridades, la pandemia ha puesto de manifiesto la necesidad de acelerar en la consecución de todos estos objetivos y de desarrollar un nuevo plan de inversiones que permita cubrir, al menos en parte, las necesidades de financiación de las estrategias adoptadas por la Unión Europea.

Con el acuerdo alcanzado en el Consejo el pasado julio, el marco financiero destinará al Programa InvestEU —y es una pena que no haya sido más— 26 200 millones de euros en forma de garantía. Va a operar en cuatro ejes de actuación: en infraestructuras sostenibles, en investigación, innovación y digitalización, en pymes y en inversión social y capacidades. El objetivo de este programa es movilizar en torno a 370 000 millones de euros, que, junto con el plan de recuperación y resiliencia, van a ser el motor de la transición ecológica, digital y social que la Unión Europea necesita realizar.

Pero, además, sectores tan perjudicados en épocas de crisis y en especial por la COVID-19, como el sector cultural y audiovisual o el sector del turismo, se verán también apoyados a través de este programa, mejorando su competitividad, asegurando la sostenibilidad del sector y reforzando su cadena de valor.

Pero la crisis del coronavirus no solo ha puesto de manifiesto la necesidad de acelerar en esos objetivos, sino que también ha puesto el foco en nuestras debilidades y en nuestras vulnerabilidades. Por ese motivo, me parece de especial interés que se hayan añadido, como prioridad para el programa, las inversiones estratégicas o inversiones de especial interés para la Unión Europea, con el objeto de mejorar la respuesta de la Unión ante futuras emergencias.

Por otro lado, también hemos conseguido —y esto es fundamental— que el Programa InvestEU permita ayudas en forma de capital para las pymes que se hayan visto afectadas por la crisis del coronavirus. Estas ayudas deberían haber sido canalizadas a través del Instrumento de Apoyo a la Solvencia, pero al no haberse llegado a un acuerdo en el Consejo de julio sobre este instrumento, hemos integrado esta posibilidad en el Programa InvestEU, que, además, va a poder ser alimentado también con parte de los fondos del plan de recuperación y resiliencia.

Y, para terminar, me gustaría destacar que el Programa InvestEU tampoco se va a olvidar de las mujeres. Ayer, 8 de marzo, reivindicamos la necesidad de acabar con las desigualdades, y este programa también va a contribuir a ello. Así que muchas gracias y enhorabuena a la señora Tinagli y al señor Fernandes.

  Ondřej Kovařík, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Madam President, InvestEU is an essential element to help Europe bridge the existing investment gap. It will work hand-in-hand with other programmes designed to facilitate the economic recovery in Europe, such as the Recovery and Resilience Facility for instance. We need to create favourable conditions and encourage more investment into the European economy, in particular for SMEs, as they have been hit the hardest in this crisis. It is positive that we have been able to support small businesses through public funding during the tough periods of lockdowns. But now we need these new structures, such as InvestEU, that we have put in place to support access to finance for SMEs and help them to grow.

InvestEU puts financial institutions in the driving seat and makes them an important part of recovery. Company programmes and projects will be relying on them to provide adequate funding that will bring us back to growth. For us in the Renew Group, it is essential that through the four windows of the InvestEU programme SMEs feature prominently as they have been at the forefront of our priorities. This is why we work throughout these negotiations to ensure that there is as little red tape as possible for companies and therefore I call on the EIB and the Commission not to become overly burdensome with funding procedures. Think about the smaller companies and intermediaries around the EU. The public funding will eventually taper off.

Businesses and financial institutions should not be waiting for that to happen. The moment to take steps to access InvestEU funds is now. Once InvestEU is adopted, I encourage the Commission and the implementing partners to complete all the required steps quickly so that the applications can benefit from support as soon as possible. In our group, we believe that InvestEU is the right tool to ensure support for our businesses through hard times, to enable them to continue to grow, innovate and create jobs.

  Hélène Laporte, au nom du groupe ID. – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, je partage la rationalisation du programme InvestEU avec un guichet unique qui devrait apporter de la simplification et des économies d’échelle. Réunir tous les instruments financiers gérés au niveau central dans un programme unique constitue une avancée positive dans la transparence des dépenses financées sur le budget de l’Union européenne. Les programmes pour la compétitivité des PME et le programme pour l’emploi et l’innovation sociale doivent être soutenus dans le contexte actuel. Mais la vigilance est de rigueur, à plusieurs titres, sur l’application du programme dans le nouveau CFP. La Commission devra d’abord faire preuve d’une extrême prudence lorsqu’elle déléguera le pouvoir de contracter des engagements au titre du budget de l’Union, potentiellement envers un large éventail de nouveaux partenaires. Il faut également rester prudent sur les prévisions de la Commission concernant l’effet multiplicateur généré par la garantie provisionnée car InvestEU vise des projets innovants plus risqués avec des PME se concentrant davantage sur des secteurs thématiques qui nécessitent un budget plus important. J’invite donc la Commission à définir un ensemble d’indicateurs plus performants mesurant de manière réaliste les résultats attendus des garanties budgétaires et ainsi éviter les doubles comptages des soutiens directs et indirects. L’additionnalité, qui n’avait pas toujours été respectée sous l’ancien programme, devra clairement remédier aux défaillances du marché, aux lacunes en matière d’investissement. Le compartiment UE manque de clarté et des critères précis sont nécessaires car une situation d’investissement sous optimal à l’échelle de l’Union européenne reste vague.

Dernières observations, un objectif de 30 % de dépenses liées au climat, objectivement, me semble irréaliste dans les temps actuels et difficilement quantifiable. J’ai relevé par ailleurs qu’au moins 60 % du volume global des opérations de financement en faveur des objectifs climatiques devra être réalisé dans des infrastructures durables, ce qui me semble discriminant pour de nombreux projets. La proposition est quand même plutôt positive, mais les pays tiers en voie d’adhésion ne devraient pas y être associés. Il n’est pas acceptable d’inclure les pays tiers comme bénéficiaires finaux, alors que nous venons d’apprendre que l’instrument européen de soutien temporaire à l’atténuation des risques de chômage était sur le point d’être abandonné par la Commission. Je pense que la taille du marché unique se suffit à lui-même pour la mise en œuvre de ce programme et qu’une coopération avec les pays tiers est sans fondement.

  Henrike Hahn, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Eine Frage, die ich mir immer wieder stelle, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, ist jeden Tag: Nutzen wir wirklich die Chance im Europaparlament, hier Veränderungen zu gestalten für das Klima, für die Umwelt, für die Menschen in Europa, und zwar gerade auch in Zeiten der Coronakrise?

Mit InvestEU bekommen wir eine Garantie in Höhe von rund 26 Milliarden Euro, die Investitionen von mehr als 370 Milliarden Euro mobilisieren soll. Und diese große Summe Geld soll in nachhaltige Infrastruktur, Forschung, Innovation und Digitalisierung fließen, aber auch in kleine und mittlere Unternehmen und soziale Investitionen. Und das haben wir erarbeitet. Die Investitionsprojekte werden dahingehend überprüft, keinen wesentlichen Schaden im Einklang mit der Taxonomie für die Umwelt zu verursachen. Investitionspartner können innovative Projekte unterstützen, die sonst chancenlos wären. Und es wird auf das EU-Haushalt-Biodiversitätsziel verwiesen. Und auch ganz wichtig: Kleine und mittlere Unternehmen bekommen Kapitalunterstützung. Das ist gut, das ist zukunftsorientiert.

Und trotzdem: Wo bleibt die Ambition? Reicht das wirklich, was wir hier tun? Nutzen wir wirklich die Chance, den Green Deal umzusetzen, sodass wir in fast 30 Jahren zurückschauen können und klar sagen können: Wir haben alles getan für gerechte Veränderungen, für die Umsetzung zumindest der Pariser Klimaziele? Denn genau das ist doch jetzt unsere Aufgabe hier im Europaparlament. Mindestens 30 % der Investitionen im Rahmen von InvestEU sollen jetzt zur Erreichung der EU-Klimaziele verwendet werden.

Und wir Grüne, wir haben mindestens für 40 % – besser 50 % – gestimmt, weil wir Grüne denken, beim Klimaschutz ist mehr möglich und auch mehr machbar. Wir wissen: Nur mit ehrgeizigen Klimaquoten erreichen wir die Klimaneutralität und die sozial-ökologische Transformation der Wirtschaft bis spätestens 2050. Und das gilt gerade auch für InvestEU. Die Taxonomiekriterien sollen für die climate tracking methodology verwendet werden. Aber wo steht das? Am Ende – im recital. Und was auch fehlt, ist die Gender-Perspektive. InvestEU sollte bei kleinen und mittleren Unternehmen besonders die Unternehmen fördern, die von Frauen geführt werden – auch mit Krediten.

Wir Grüne wollen außerdem, dass alle Investitionen von InvestEU im Einklang mit der EU-Strategie zur Gleichstellung der Geschlechter stehen. Und hier müssen auch die Prinzipien des gender budgeting und gender mainstreaming einfließen. Alle Investitionen von InvestEU sollen durch ein gender impact assessment fließen. Und so können wir nämlich sicherstellen, dass keines der Projekte sich nachteilig auf die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter auswirkt.

Das sind Möglichkeiten, die hier leider verschenkt wurden, um mit InvestEU unsere Gesellschaft gerechter zu machen.

Deshalb, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, lasst uns die Chance nutzen und jetzt handeln – für nachhaltige Investitionen, für eine gute Zukunft der Menschen und unseren Planeten.

  Johan Van Overtveldt, namens de ECR-Fractie. – Voorzitter, graag wil ik eerst en vooral de rapporteurs bedanken voor het uitstekende werk. InvestEU verdient inderdaad al onze steun. Het is een gemeenschappelijk programma dat actief beloftevolle projecten en ondernemingen steunt, dat gebaseerd is op echte noden, dat geen gebruik maakt van subsidies, dat excellentie stimuleert, dat professioneel advies geeft, dat verantwoorde risico’s neemt en dat allemaal in het belang van onze gemeenschappelijke toekomst.

We steunen dit programma ook omdat kmo’s en startups centraal staan en omdat InvestEU de structuur van financieringsinstrumenten danig vereenvoudigt, met inbegrip van een lichtere beheerslaag. Ook het feit dat het nieuwe investeringsprogramma wordt opengetrokken naar nieuwe investeerders is een prima ontwikkeling. Met InvestEU kunnen Europese bedrijven worden ondersteund om zelf innovatieve producten en diensten te ontwikkelen, zonder daarbij afhankelijk te moeten worden van buitenlandse financiële groepen.

Met de zoektocht naar en de verdeling van de vaccins in Europa en de toevoer van het medisch materieel in het algemeen, mag het voor iedereen duidelijk geworden zijn dat we inderdaad erg behoefte hebben aan een dergelijke investering. Het is dan ook hoog tijd dat de EU verder op intensieve wijze mogelijkheden biedt aan ondernemingen om zich hierin verder te ontwikkelen. Dat is de beste garantie voor welvaart in de toekomst en ook de beste verdediging tegen toekomstige uitdagingen, van welke aard ook.

  Πέτρος Κόκκαλης, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας The Left. – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, για να διασφαλιστεί η ταχεία και βιώσιμη ανάκαμψη χρειάζεται τα επενδυτικά προγράμματα, όπως το InvestEU, να διαθέτουν τους κατάλληλους πόρους, και στο σημείο αυτό θα ήθελα να πω ότι δεν είμαστε ικανοποιημένοι με την τελική συμφωνία και τη σημαντική περικοπή που επέβαλε το Συμβούλιο. Το πρόγραμμα δεν είναι όσο φιλόδοξο θα έπρεπε. Θα μπορούσε να είναι για να αντιμετωπίσει τις απαιτήσεις που επιβάλλει η παρούσα κατάσταση και η πανδημία. Οι πόροι αυτοί θα έπρεπε να διοχετευτούν σε επιχειρήσεις που διαθέτουν βιώσιμα επιχειρηματικά μοντέλα και συνεισφέρουν στην προστασία του περιβάλλοντος για την αντιμετώπιση της κλιματικής κρίσης.

Θέλουμε να χρηματοδοτήσει το InvestEU έργα που θα συμβάλουν ουσιαστικά στην κλιματική ουδετερότητα, το αργότερο ως το 2050. Είμαστε αντίθετοι με τη χρηματοδότηση επενδύσεων που έχουν βάση τα ορυκτά καύσιμα. Η αρχή της μη βλάβης θα πρέπει να εφαρμόζεται σε κάθε χρηματοδοτούμενο σχέδιο και να μην ισχύει μόνο οριζόντια. Η χρήση των κριτηρίων της ταξινόμησης θα πρέπει να είναι υποχρεωτική για την παρακολούθηση των κλιματικών και περιβαλλοντικών επενδύσεων. Προωθώντας κοινωνικά έργα το InvestEU θα συμβάλει στην ενίσχυση της κοινωνικής συνοχής και επιδιώξαμε και διασφαλίσαμε ότι τα έργα στον τομέα των κοινωνικών επενδύσεων προωθούν την ισότητα των φύλων και ενισχύουν τη συμμετοχή των γυναικών.

Θα ήθελα να ευχαριστήσω θερμά τους συναδέλφους εισηγητές, την κυρία Tinagli και τον κύριο Fabregas Fernandez για το έργο που έκαναν. Χρειαζόμαστε μια ισχυρή Ευρώπη για να ανταπεξέλθει στους στόχους που η ίδια βάζει. Το πρόγραμμα InvestEU, έτσι όπως εγκρίθηκε μετά τον τριμερή διάλογο, δυστυχώς δεν πληρεί αυτούς τους όρους.

  Enikő Győri (NI). – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony! A válságból csak akkor tudunk kilábalni, ha Európa más utat választ, mint 2008-ban. Bizakodásra ad okot, hogy megszületett a hétéves költségvetés és a válságkezelési eszköz, s megszorítások helyett az Unió végre meri ösztönözni a köz- és magánberuházásokat. A magyar kormány 2010 óta ezt teszi. A beruházások által lehet beindítani a növekedést, munkahelyet teremteni és helyzetbe hozni a válság által különösen sújtott kkv-kat. Az IMF EU program, amelynek egyik parlamenti tárgyalója voltam, ehhez egy hasznos eszköz, hiszen bizonytalanság idején a költségvetési garancia stabilitást jelent. Örvendetes, hogy a program által a kkv-k tömeges támogatására is lehetőség nyílik, s az uniós stratégiai autonómiát segítő úgynevezett stratégiai beruházásokra is jut forrás.

Kérem, hogy a Bizottság és az EIB a támogatások formáját a vállalkozások helyzetéhez és igényeihez igazítsa, legyen partner a testreszabott megoldásokban. Figyeljen továbbá oda, hogy földrajzi értelemben is az EFSI-hez képest jóval kiegyensúlyozottabban lehessen az eszközből részesülni az EU keleti és nyugati felében.

  Seán Kelly, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Industry, Research and Energy. – Madam President, I was very proud to be part of the negotiating team for InvestEU, the successor to the European Fund for Strategic Investments (EFSI), originally known as the Juncker Plan, which was announced by President Juncker in 2014 to much scepticism and, indeed, some derision. But it became a huge success because of the good work of President Juncker and also Commissioner Katainen – so successful that they stopped referring to it as the Juncker Plan.

Now we have InvestEU, which succeeds it. I think this is even better, because it combines the portal, the advisory hub and programmes such as CEF and COSME to make it simpler, especially for SMEs, whom we all know – in my own country, Ireland, and across the EU – have suffered hugely during COVID. Now we look to the recovery, and InvestEU is going to be very, very important in that regard. It will bring about what my Chairman, Manfred Weber, is wont to say: jobs, jobs, jobs, InvestEU – and don’t forget it all began with President Juncker.

  Siegfried Mureşan (PPE). – Madam President, I should like to welcome Commissioner Gentiloni to the European Parliament. First I would like to congratulate the two co- rapporteurs of this file, José Manuel Fernandes and Irene Tinagli, for the fact that they have managed to secure the financing for InvestEU the period 2021-2027 on behalf of the European Parliament.

I very much agreed with the initial draft proposal put forward by the Commission. The Parliament was also very ambitious in continuing with this essential financial instrument, and I regret the initial position of the Council to cut the funding, the financing to this essential instrument.

However, it is good that in the final stages of the negotiations on the multiannual financial framework, we have managed to secure the top-ups and then we have also managed to insert some synergies between InvestEU and other EU funds, which I believe will make InvestEU at least as effective as its predecessor, the European Fund for Strategic Investments (EFSI) was.

What have we managed to do?

We have, for example, managed to agree that four percent of the recovery and resilience facility, a national Member State can decide voluntarily to transfer to InvestEU, including to the solvency instrument if this serves their interests.

This is very good because we see in several Member States there are cash problems, there are issues with the cash reserves and this opportunity to transfer money to InvestEU to finance solvency instruments at national level will secure adequate financing for small and medium-sized enterprises in these challenging times.

I would also like to say a word about the geographical balance, because EFSI has been in place for some years, we have learned some lessons — we should we should make best use of them for the next years.

I fully agree that InvestEU you remains a market-driven and a demand-driven instrument. It should finance the best projects exactly where they are found. However, we should try to intensify, Commissioner, our efforts in providing assistance to the countries with the least developed financial markets. Technical assistance through the advisory hub we have on the ground will increase the visibility, it will increase the acceptance of this instrument.

All in all, congratulations to colleagues. I really believe we have a good instrument for the next years.

  Jonás Fernández (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señor comisario, hace un lustro discutíamos en esta cámara la puesta en marcha del plan Juncker, un instrumento para acompañar el proceso de recuperación y evitar que nadie se quedara atrás en ese inicio, después de la crisis financiera.

En aquel momento algunos creíamos que el plan Juncker debería financiarse con deuda comunitaria, pero no hubo acuerdo ni en esta casa ni en el Consejo, de manera que conseguimos al menos que fuese deuda contingente: la garantía que el plan Juncker ha venido usando durante los últimos años no es otra cosa que una deuda contingente a cargo del presupuesto comunitario. Y ha funcionado bien, tan bien como que ahora estamos discutiendo el mantenimiento de manera indefinida de ese plan Juncker, ahora denominado Programa InvestEU.

Quiero destacar el trabajo de este Parlamento en la negociación de este instrumento, elevando algo la cuantía, introduciendo una visión de inversiones estratégicas en cada uno de los ejes de actuación del Programa InvestEU, y, por supuesto, recuperando la posibilidad de intervenir, la posibilidad de introducirse en el capital de las empresas, la posibilidad de mantener ese instrumento de solvencia que la Comisión había presentado y que el Consejo Europeo rechazó en julio.

Un trabajo del Parlamento que va a ayudar a mejorar este Programa InvestEU para financiar ahora los años que nos quedan por delante y que va a permitir que el Programa InvestEU ayude, y mucho, a las regiones en transición energética, como la mía, Asturias, a través de ese segundo pilar del Mecanismo para una Transición Justa en el que el Programa InvestEU va a colaborar, además cooperando y usando y buscando las sinergias entre el Programa InvestEU y lo que es estrictamente el Fondo Europeo de Recuperación.

Decía al inicio que el plan Juncker fue un experimento que ha funcionado bien, un experimento que se inició con deuda contingente: un éxito que ahora nos anima en el proceso del Next Generation EU, que emite deuda estrictamente comunitaria. Estoy convencido de que el éxito del plan Juncker, que comprobamos ahora con el mantenimiento del Programa InvestEU a medio plazo, lo obtendrá también la emisión de deuda comunitaria del Next Generation EU, y de que en unos años estaremos debatiendo el establecimiento, el mantenimiento, de un instrumento de política fiscal permanente en el conjunto de la Unión.

  Nils Torvalds (Renew). – Madam President, we are on the final stretch of a long run which started in December 2014 after Jean—Claude Juncker had announced his plan for the EFSI, thereafter called the Juncker Plan. There are two colleagues I would like to name in this connection – José Manuel Fernandes and Udo Bullmann. You were the real trailblazers in an exceptionally rapid process; and we have some other veterans from those years – colleague Eickhout and colleague Mureşan. The plan was a huge success, helping one million SMEs and start-ups, creating more than 1.4 million jobs. For this reason, the hopes for InvestEU are very high and I am sure it will deliver.

Especially in these times, there is an enormous need for a special kind of investment and innovation. This is not just for an ordinary recovery. This is for the future. The estimated EUR 650 billion in additional investments mobilised by this new Fund would have been much needed in non-pandemic times, but it’s even more needed now. InvestEU’s basic promise was to tackle the investment gap and this gap still exists. InvestEU is a policy-driven tool aiming at really changing the structures and of industry in Europe. I am therefore very happy that we are finally on this stage of the run and debating the Fund in this Chamber. When we see the results, let’s say in the mid-2020s, I hope we can say that we once more made the right decisions.

  Joachim Kuhs (ID). – Frau Präsidentin, sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar, meine Damen und Herren! Wir sind dabei, einen weiteren Geldtopf aufzumachen. Nachdem wir bereits 672 Milliarden Euro in den Wiederaufbaufonds stecken, stecken wir jetzt noch einmal 26 Milliarden Euro in einen weiteren Fonds.

Ich bin eigentlich entsetzt darüber, dass wir immer neue Töpfe aufmachen. Letzte Woche haben wir über einen Brexit Adjustment Fund gesprochen und auch dort 5 Milliarden losgeeist, damit dort auch noch mal Geld verteilt wird. Wann soll das enden, dass wir das hart verdiente Geld unserer Bürger verteilen? Glauben Sie wirklich, dass wir mit einer provisional agreement, die 70 Seiten ausmacht, dass wir es mit diesem Regelwerk schaffen, Investitionen bei SMEs – bei kleinen und mittleren Firmen – und bei Universitäten und bei vielen anderen auszulösen? Glauben wir wirklich, dass es uns gelingt, hier Investitionen für Arbeitsplätze zu schaffen?

Ich fürchte, dass wir nur Arbeitsplätze in den hochdotierten Stellen bei der Kommission, bei der EIB in Luxemburg und auch bei den vielen Beratergremien schaffen, die versuchen, hier auch von diesem Geld etwas abzubekommen. Aber Arbeitsplätze in unseren Mitgliedstaaten – da sehe ich keine große Chance.

Denken Sie daran: Lassen Sie das freie Spiel der Kräfte auf dem Markt wirken. Die USA hat es uns vorgemacht: Dort sind die Arbeitsmarktzahlen nach oben geschossen, und dennoch hat man ein 1,9-Billionen-Paket aufgelegt. So kann es nicht funktionieren.

  Bas Eickhout (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, first of all, I would like to thank the rapporteurs, Mr Fernandes and Ms Tinagli, for their excellent work on the InvestEU programme, and I do think that these negotiations show once more how difficult it is to get serious investment programmes with the Council. Sorry to see that also the Council is not present today, to be very honest, because it still seems a problem for the Council to realise that there is a huge investment gap in Europe and that the only way to address that is by a strategic programme being coordinated at the European level and make sure that we are investing as European countries together into a strategic direction where we think Europe should go. And that should be the primary discussion in the Council, as it is also here in the Parliament.

Of course, the Parliament fought hard and has made some improvements, but to be very honest, some people said that this is a paradigm shift. Sorry to say that it’s not yet, since there is too much resistance in the Council – and also, I dare to say, sorry, Commissioner, you come up with good proposals, but the moment the Council is weakening it, you very quickly sideline with the Council to give up on your demands. And I think that really should change. We really should fight together on a strategic investment programme, not only on public finance, like on the Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF), but also on mobilising private investment through the InvestEU programme, the core of which is now there, but now, of course, we have to look at how it’s going to be implemented. And there, we need to really align the implementation of InvestEU together with what we have agreed in the RRF. That means on financing, on climate, that we use the same climate tracking methodology, but that we also use the same approach to make sure that none of the euros is doing any significant harm to our strategic goals of Europe. And I think that is absolutely crucial to have in place.

My last point, and this is for a future agenda and very important, I think, as well, is there is still a tool that has not been touched upon yet, and that is state aid. Every national Member State is giving a huge amount of state aid. We have to make sure that all that money is going in the same direction and is supporting for the same targets. We know it’s being reviewed now, but until now, we don’t hear the same level of ambition to really make sure that those state aid rules are also going into the same direction that we really can, as Europe, deliver on our strategic targets of digitalisation and the Green Deal.

  Bogdan Rzońca (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Chciałbym podziękować państwu sprawozdawcom, pani Irene Tinagli i panu José Manuelowi Fernandesowi, za bardzo ciężką i dobrą pracę.

Wzmocnienie procesów inwestycyjnych to kluczowy cel InvestEU. Państwa i podmioty gospodarcze wierzą w to, że ten program się uda. Wierzę, że dzięki InvestEU uruchomimy te 400 mld euro na inwestycje, dzięki czemu oczywiście pobudzimy gospodarkę, która jest w kryzysie pokowidowym. Zapewne InvestEU zmobilizuje środki publiczne i prywatne, a powiązanie tego programu z Funduszem Spójności i z planem „Recovery and Resilience” da efekt synergii, i o to przecież chodzi.

W Polsce chcemy wykorzystać InvestEU na inwestycje, które z jednej strony wzmocnią Polskę, z drugiej strony Europę. I tak na przykład musimy unowocześnić energetykę w duchu lepszego klimatu. Chcemy zbudować centralny port komunikacyjny, który będzie służył Polsce i Europie. Musimy przezbroić systemy ciepłownicze. Są przecież w Europie ludzie, którzy narzekają na to, że nie stać ich na zakup prądu i ciepła – to jest problem Unii Europejskiej. Zatem popieramy także to, że te 30% może być przeznaczone na poprawę klimatu. Nie wiemy wszakże, czy to się uda, oby się udało. Jeśli ten cel będzie realizowany, będziemy go wspierać.

Zatem uruchommy kredyty, leasingi, gwarancje, pomóżmy małym i średnim przedsiębiorcom, pomóżmy tym, którzy chcą prowadzić gospodarkę innowacyjną, i dzięki temu skorzysta na tym programie cała Unia Europejska. To jest naprawdę realny program – oby było ich więcej w Unii Europejskiej, bo my konserwatyści bardzo popieramy rzeczywistość, która jest za naszym oknem, a nie jakieś wydumane ideologie.

  Δημήτριος Παπαδημούλης (The Left). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση έχει ανάγκη από ισχυρές επενδύσεις και, για να υπάρξουν επενδύσεις για μια βιώσιμη και συμπεριληπτική ανάπτυξη, χρειάζεται ισχυρή δημόσια στήριξη και ευρωπαϊκό σχέδιο που θα μοχλεύσει και ιδιωτικές επενδύσεις που θα μπορέσουν να μειώσουν την ανεργία. Το InvestEU είναι ένα θετικό αλλά εντελώς ανεπαρκές βήμα. Ανεπαρκές, γιατί το Συμβούλιο περιέκοψε τους πόρους που πρότεινε η Επιτροπή να διατεθούν γι’ αυτό το ευρωπαϊκό σχέδιο επενδύσεων. Η Επιτροπή πρότεινε 75 δισεκατομμύρια ευρώ εγγυήσεις και το Συμβούλιο τις περιέκοψε στα 26 δισεκατομμύρια ευρώ ⸺μόλις στο 1/3⸺, γι’ αυτό δεν καταλαβαίνω τους πανηγυρισμούς και τα αλληλοσυγχαρητήρια, κύριε Gentiloni! Δεν καταλαβαίνω γιατί αποδέχεται η Επιτροπή, πανηγυρίζοντας μάλιστα, την περικοπή κατά τα 2/3 της αρχικής της πρότασης. Όσο η Επιτροπή αρνείται να συμμαχήσει με το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο, ζητώντας πιο φιλόδοξες ευρωπαϊκές λύσεις, και υποτάσσεται στις περικοπές του Συμβουλίου, θα εισπράττουμε ύφεση, ανισότητες, υψηλή ανεργία και κοινωνικούς αποκλεισμούς. Και χρειαζόμαστε το εντελώς αντίθετο.

  Angelika Winzig (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin! Das einzig Erfreuliche aus wirtschaftlicher Sicht in dieser Plenarwoche ist das Programm InvestEU, das vor allem die Handschrift der EVP trägt. Ich darf mich daher ganz herzlich bei meinem Budget-Kollegen José Manuel Fernandes bedanken, der das mit Herzblut und viel Engagement betrieben hat.

Uns ist klar, dass in einer Wirtschaftskrise wie dieser die Schaffung und Sicherung von Arbeitsplätzen oberste Priorität haben muss. Und das kann nur durch Investitionen, vor allem private Investitionen, gelingen.

Mein Mitgliedstaat hat schon vom Vorgängerprogramm in den Bereichen Recycling, erneuerbare Energie und Krebsforschung profitiert. Durch die EIB als Durchführungspartner wird es aber auch für andere Mitgliedstaaten mit schwächeren Strukturen möglich, dieses Programm zu nutzen.

Mit den Schwerpunkten nachhaltige Infrastruktur, vor allem KMU im Bereich Finanzierung, aber auch im Bereich Eigenkapital, sowie Forschung, Entwicklung und Digitalisierung wird es mit Sicherheit möglich sein, eine große Hebelwirkung zu erzielen und dass die 32,6 Millionen mehr als verzehnfacht werden – summa summarum ein wichtiger Schritt für unsere Unternehmen, diese schreckliche Pandemie wirtschaftlich zu überstehen.

PŘEDSEDNICTVÍ: DITA CHARANZOVÁ
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  Victor Negrescu (S&D). – Doamna președintă, dragi colegi, pandemia de Covid 19 a generat un impact social și economic major la nivelul statelor membre. În acest sens, programul InvestEU reprezintă un nou instrument ce comasează mai multe programe de finanțare și care, împreună cu Mecanismul de redresare și reziliență, trebuie să asigure o revenire economică sustenabilă la nivelul întregii Uniuni.

Fondul InvestEU consistă într-o garanție europeană în valoare de peste 91 de miliarde de euro la nivelul Uniunii și se preconizează că vom mobiliza investiții suplimentare de peste 1 200 de miliarde de euro. Dar nu este suficient doar să menționăm aceste cifre. Programul InvestEU trebuie să fie mai mult decât Fondul european pentru investiții strategice, trebuie să sprijine în mod real atât sectorul economic, în mod special IMM-urile și noile companii, cât și obiectivele strategice privind modernizarea infrastructurii, fie că ne referim la transporturi, infrastructura digitală, educațională sau cea de mediu.

De aceea, trebuie să înțelegem bine limitele precedentelor programe pentru a putea să ne asigurăm că toate statele membre vor beneficia de resursele disponibile. În acest sens, amendamentele mele au fost clare. Avem nevoie de o acoperire geografică adecvată, în mod special a regiunilor cu o capacitate de finanțare limitată, și de o abordare multisectorială, care să permită dezvoltarea sectoarelor strategice din toate statele membre. Evident că m-am gândit aici și la țara mea, România, care din păcate nu a reușit să acceseze multe din programele financiare disponibile anterior și care a dezvoltat un număr mic de proiecte sustenabile. Dat fiind faptul că multe din fondurile puse la dispoziție în primă instanță o să provină inclusiv din fonduri europene necheltuite, ar fi oportun să ne asigurăm că sunt sprijinite adecvat statele cu o capacitate mai redusă. Tot în acest sens am propus finanțarea sănătății, inovării, digitalizării, sectorului cultural și creativ și educației din acest program și mă bucur că au fost incluse aceste componente afectate de o subfinanțare structurală la nivelul Uniunii.

În ultimul rând, unul dintre obiectivele centrale pe care le-am susținut s-a referit la nevoia de a contracara riscul unei redresări asimetrice. Componenta de asistență tehnică și consultanță oferită de program trebuie întărită pentru a asigura o revenire a tuturor statelor membre și a permite celor mai afectate sectoare, în mod special IMM-urilor, să beneficieze de sprijin financiar. Programul InvestEU reprezintă o oportunitate, dar ține de statele membre să folosească adecvat aceste resurse. Mulțumesc.

  Dragoș Pîslaru (Renew). – Doamna președintă, dragi colegi, astăzi mai adăugăm încă o piatră de temelie la construcția europeană, la planul solid de relansare pe care îl propunem. Iar această cărămidă pe care o adăugăm astăzi este una dintre cele mai importante, pentru că nu putem consolida dezvoltarea europeană fără investiții, fără susținerea mediului privat, fără antreprenori, fără încurajarea inovării și a creativității sectorului privat. Iar dacă ne dorim cu adevărat o reziliență economică și socială, atunci trebuie într-adevăr să susținem investiții sustenabile, moderne, investiții care să încurajeze o cooperare strânsă între mediul privat și cel public.

Le mulțumesc colegilor mei din Renew pentru că am transformat împreună un instrument care pune IMM-urile în prim plan, care oferă sprijin financiar companiilor care au fost slăbite de criză, pentru a le putea avea alături în reconstrucția economiei europene. De asemenea, le sunt recunoscător pentru că InvestEU va putea finanța proiecte de educație, de formare vocațională, având o fereastră dedicată zonei sociale. Parlamentul a dat dovadă de o coordonare exemplară și a demonstrat că un plan de relansare economică înseamnă o sinergie de investiții publice și private. De aceea, Mecanismul de redresare și reziliență, unde am participat ca coraportor, oferă posibilitatea statelor membre să transfere 4 % din fondurile disponibile către InvestEU, pentru a stimula mediul privat să ajute la implementarea planurilor naționale de redresare și reziliență. Acestea sunt rezultatele echipei Europa, din care sunt mândru că am putut face parte. Vă mulțumesc.

  Gunnar Beck (ID). – Frau Präsidentin! InvestEU flankiert das NextGenerationEU-Programm – gepriesen als Konjunkturprogramm und Weg aus der Krise. Eine Krise, verursacht durch Missmanagement und monatelangen Lockdown, das primitivste Mittel im Kampf gegen eine mittelschwere Epidemie.

Die EU frohlockt, Europa schafft sich ab. China indes macht längst wieder Rekordgeschäfte. Und um eigenes Versagen und Impfstoffskandal zu vertuschen, schmeißt die EU das Geld nun zum Fenster hinaus für sterile Anlagegüter und Ideologieprojekte wie Euro, Klimarettung und Zuwanderung, umwelt- und entwicklungspolitische Geniestreiche bei 9 % EU-Beitrag zu den weltweiten CO2-Emissionen und fast einer Million Geburten in Afrika jede Woche.

Dafür nun leiht sich die EU 750 Milliarden Euro – vertragswidrig, denn die EU-Verträge verbieten EU-Verschuldung und stellen klar: Der EU-Haushalt „ist vollständig aus Eigenmitteln zu finanzieren“. Verbucht werden die illegalen Schulden nirgends. Im Klartext: Die EU betreibt falsche Buchführung und bricht wie immer ihr eigenes Recht.

InvestEU ist nun mit 35 bis 40 Milliarden Euro nur Wechselgeld. Doch selbst das fließt nicht in Zukunftsinvestitionen, sondern in die Taschen von Windparkbaronen und grünen Finanzjongleuren. Und da das Geld auch für freundliche Nachbarländer wie die Türkei und Hochtechnologiezentren wie Albanien gedacht ist, finanzieren wir fortan auch albanische Bioziegenfarmen und Elektrobusse in der Türkei. Das ist kein Investitionsprogramm für die nächste Generation, sondern der Abgesang eines Kontinents ohne Zukunft.

  Zbigniew Kuźmiuk (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Komisarzu! Mimo że poprzednik InvestEU zwany planem Junckera, realizowany od sześciu lat, nie zlikwidował w pełni luki inwestycyjnej Unii, to jednak wygenerował inwestycje rzędu 450 mld EUR i choćby dlatego należy ten program kontynuować. Podkreślmy, że inwestycje te zostały w 70% sfinansowane ze środków prywatnych i, jak się szacuje, podwyższą unijne PKB o 1,8% i stworzą 1,7 mln miejsc pracy, jest więc duża szansa, że także InvestEU da bardzo podobne wyniki. Choć poważnie ograniczone, to jednak środki w wysokości 226 mld EUR powinny według szacunków wygenerować inwestycje rzędu 370 mld EUR, a połączenie tych środków z funduszami strukturalnym powinno jeszcze zwiększyć tę efektywność.

Mój kraj, Polska, jest szóstym beneficjentem planu Junckera. Pozyskaliśmy 4 mld EUR, zrealizowaliśmy inwestycje za 20 mld EUR. Liczymy na to, że zarówno Komisja, jak i EBI będą także prowadziły w ramach InvestEU politykę bardziej zrównoważoną, bo jak wiemy, w tym programie nie ma kopert narodowych.

  Younous Omarjee (The Left). – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, je tiens tout d’abord à féliciter les corapporteurs, mais je veux dire mon inquiétude. Mon inquiétude au regard de la cohésion. Cela a été dit, aucune répartition géographique n’a été prévue pour orienter les milliards d’investissements qui seront levés à travers InvestEU vers les entreprises des régions les moins développées d’Europe. C’est d’autant plus regrettable que les fonds et programmes créés sur la base de l’article 175 du traité doivent poursuivre, vous le savez, les objectifs de la cohésion. À présent, il faudra veiller, Monsieur Gentiloni, à ce qu’InvestEU aide effectivement, à travers le soutien aux entreprises, à réduire effectivement les fractures territoriales plutôt que de prendre le risque de les aggraver. Vous pouvez compter sur la commission du développement régional pour vous y aider. Et tout ceci pose tout de même la question de la cohérence de nos politiques communautaires, nous devons en permanence y veiller.

  Isabel Benjumea Benjumea (PPE). – Señora presidenta, el Programa InvestEU es un programa de inversiones de la Unión Europea que busca impulsar nuestra economía a través de su tejido empresarial y productivo, a través de sus pymes. Busca prestar apoyo a los proyectos económicamente viables y a las empresas en fase de recuperación, proporcionando financiación y apoyo a largo plazo a través de la colaboración público—privada.

Exactamente lo que necesitan las pymes europeas. No lo olvidemos: nuestros empresarios, emprendedores y autónomos son los verdaderos protagonistas de nuestra economía, los que crean empleo y riqueza y los únicos capacitados para sacarnos de la crisis. Por ello, invertir en ellos es hoy aún más imprescindible por la necesidad de recuperar nuestra economía tras la devastadora pandemia que estamos sufriendo.

No quiero dejar de reconocer el trabajo de los ponentes, porque ha sido un acierto aumentar en este programa, a través de Next Generation EU, su dotación presupuestaria y especialmente su búsqueda de sinergias con otros fondos.

La situación tan difícil que vivimos requiere una perfecta coordinación. En este sentido, quiero recordar que el Mecanismo de Recuperación y Resiliencia contempla que el 4 % de él pueda ser invertido precisamente en el Programa InvestEU.

Y hoy quiero pedir al Gobierno de mi país, al Gobierno de España, que incluya en el programa nacional de recuperación, que ha de presentar ante la Comisión, esa transferencia del 4 % de los fondos para el Programa InvestEU.

España ya tiene más de cuatro millones de parados, 900 000 personas en ERTE y más de medio millón de autónomos sin actividad. Esta situación puede empeorar aún mucho más porque el 35 % de nuestras empresas están al borde de la quiebra. Por lo tanto, es urgente ayudarles y apoyarles.

  Margarida Marques (S&D). – Senhora Presidente, começo por lembrar que a equipa, o facto de a equipa de negociação do Quadro Financeiro Plurianual do Parlamento Europeu ter conseguido aumentar o envelope financeiro do InvestEU em mil milhões de euros. E, parabéns Irene, parabéns José Manuel, parabéns Paulo, por terem chegado a um regulamento que pretende, que possibilita, o bom uso deste dinheiro.

A retoma das economias exige investimento. Investimento sustentável que promova a transição climática e digital, a coesão e a criação de emprego. A resposta europeia à crise, os vários programas e mecanismos que a integram são os principais instrumentos para promover esse investimento. O InvestEU é um deles. Facilita o investimento que contribua para os objetivos políticos da União Europeia. Uma das suas principais vantagens, já testada no passado, é alavancar o investimento privado.

Garantimos que praticamente todas as janelas do InvestEU possam apoiar medidas de capitalização das PME. Fundamental para promover a sua competitividade à escala global. Dos serviços ou da indústria, mas também do turismo, da restauração, da cultura, das áreas criativas, setores particularmente atingidos pela crise.

Gostaria de destacar ainda três dimensões do InvestEU. Primeira, a promoção do progresso científico e tecnológico. A consolidação da resiliência da União Europeia aos desafios futuros obriga à produção científica e à criação de tecnologias para cumprimento das políticas. Não nos esquecemos do objetivo de 3% do PIB em 2020 em investigação e inovação. O fundo InvestEU deve ajudar a acelerar esse objetivo, com recurso ao investimento público e privado. Pela primeira vez o InvestEU pode apoiar investimento social e qualificações.

Finalmente, ontem foi o Dia Internacional da Mulher. Lembro que também o InvestEU deve contribuir para a realização das políticas da União Europeia em matéria de igualdade de género, combatendo o fosso digital, promovendo o potencial empresarial das mulheres, apoiando o desenvolvimento de infraestruturas de prestação de cuidados e de infraestruturas para as vítimas de violência.

  Billy Kelleher (Renew). – Madam President, firstly, I welcome the InvestEU programme. I think it’s significant and it’s very important, Commissioner. There’s no doubt that, since the financial crisis, Europe has been struggling. For years, we have been waiting for the public sector to do the heavy lifting in terms of stimulating growth in the European Union. Now, facing the corona pandemic, we do need a stimulus package and I very much welcome this particular issue in trying to ensure that we can untap the private markets to invest in the European Union.

I welcome the sustainable investment window and the research and innovation digitisation window in particular. They are key areas in trying to develop a modern economy in the global context. So, for all those reasons, it is critically important. Of course, the small and medium—sized sector is the area that we very often forget when we are making policy and deciding on where money goes and where investment goes. So I also believe that we have to significantly encourage the markets to invest in the small and medium—sized sector, and of course that will require movement in the capital markets union and many other areas.

This particular InvestEU programme is designed to ensure that we don’t have a credit crunch. One of the biggest threats to a credit crunch in the years ahead is the review of the Stability and Growth Pact and the unwinding of the emergency clause, and that is certainly an area where I believe we have to get it right. The Council will have to play a key role in ensuring that we have a planned route from the general escape clause and the review of the Growth and Stability Pact. Otherwise, we will have credit crunches in countries with large public debt. But I do welcome this InvestEU programme.

  Andżelika Anna Możdżanowska (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! 26 miliardów na wygenerowanie inwestycji wartych 400 miliardów euro dla Europy – to dziś wspólny, bardzo ambitny cel. Ale czy wystarczający? Na to pytanie odpowiemy sobie później. Trzeba zaznaczyć, że są to środki zwrotne, lecz będzie można je elastycznie łączyć ze wsparciem bezzwrotnym w ramach europejskich funduszy strukturalnych i inwestycyjnych.

Dziś gospodarki wszystkich naszych krajów zjednoczonej Europy oczekują ogromnego impulsu ożywienia gospodarczego, powrotu do stabilizacji, oczekują wyjścia z kryzysu. To ogromne wyzwanie stoi przed Europejskim Bankiem Inwestycyjnym, ale to także sprawdzian dla krajowych banków i instytucji finansujących, które w 25% mogą wykorzystać ten budżet. Polska jest do tego przygotowana. Szczególnie ważne, także dla Polski, w osiągniętych priorytetach jest preferencyjne finansowanie – od służby zdrowia, infrastruktury, ochrony środowiska, energetyki, transportu po innowacje i technologie cyfrowe. Polska świetnie wykorzystała poprzedni Europejski Fundusz Inwestycji Strategicznych. Jedno euro wygenerowało ponad 4 euro inwestycji w Polsce – 19 miliardów złotych. Dziś InvestEU jako pakiet odbudowy Europy to kolejna szansa dla naszych rodzinnych firm, inwestorów, sektora małych i średnich przedsiębiorstw. Pilne uruchomienie to jest nasze wezwanie.

  João Ferreira (The Left). – Senhora Presidente, para percebermos a natureza deste programa InvestEU, temos de perceber o contexto em que surge num momento em que os principais beneficiários da integração querem cortar nas suas contribuições para o orçamento e, ao mesmo tempo, ir buscar uma fatia maior desse orçamento além do benefício que já obtêm com o mercado único.

A Comissão Europeia, sempre pronta a agir como notária dos interesses destes países e dos seus grupos económicos e financeiros, veio dizer que era possível fazer mais com menos, mas não é, com menos faz-se menos, menos coesão económica e social. Ao contrário dos fundos estruturais e de coesão que são enfraquecidos com este quadro financeiro, o InvestEU não tem uma alocação garantida por país em função de critérios de coesão, como propusemos, e foi rejeitado.

A distribuição do investimento tenderá, assim, a ser proporcional ao nível de desenvolvimento de cada país, e não inversamente proporcional, como devia acontecer e propusemos. O resultado será mais desigualdade, menos coesão. Instrumentos financeiros de caráter competitivo dão nisto. Serão as empresas de maior capitalização, das maiores economias europeias quem, tendencialmente, se aproveitará mais deste programa. O resto é um dourar a pílula que não resiste a esta constatação.

  Μαρία Σπυράκη (PPE). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, Επίτροπε Gentiloni, το InvestEU είναι μια σπουδαία επιλογή. Είναι πλέον το σημαντικότερο χρηματοδοτικό εργαλείο που διαθέτουμε για την τελευταία πενταετία. Η συμπληρωματικότητα των πόρων, δημοσίων και ιδιωτικών, οι συνέργειες μεταξύ δημοσίου και ιδιωτικού τομέα και η στήριξη των μικρομεσαίων επιχειρήσεων έχουν πλέον ωριμάσει ως προτεραιότητες και είναι ανάγκη να αρθούν όλα τα εμπόδια και να χρησιμοποιηθεί από τους ενδιαφερομένους όλη η διαθέσιμη τεχνική βοήθεια.

Η πανδημία ανέδειξε την ανάγκη για ανθεκτικές επενδύσεις με βιωσιμότητα και προοπτική στο μέλλον. Για να πετύχουμε τη μείωση των εκπομπών των εναερίων ρύπων κατά τουλάχιστον 55% το 2030, πρέπει να έχουμε άπλετη ανανεώσιμη ενέργεια. Το InvestEU μπορεί να υποστηρίξει επενδύσεις σε μπαταρίες κατασκευασμένες στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, σε παράκτια αιολικά πάρκα, τα οποία πλέον έχουν τη δυναμική να παράσχουν περισσότερο από το 35% της συνολικής ζήτησης ηλεκτρικής ενέργειας έως το 2050, επενδύσεις στην κυματική ενέργεια, της οποίας η τεχνολογία φτάνει, στην παρούσα φάση, τα 13 μεγαβάτ αλλά έχει πλέον ωριμάσει και μπορεί να προσελκύσει επενδύσεις. Άκουσα με ενδιαφέρον, Επίτροπε Gentiloni, ότι οι πόροι του InvestEU μπορούν να χρησιμοποιηθούν και στις περιοχές οι οποίες βρίσκονται στο στάδιο της απολιγνιτοποίησης. Αυτό θα αυξήσει την ελκυστικότητα για τις επενδύσεις στη δική μας Δυτική Μακεδονία και σας ευχαριστούμε.

Θα ήθελα να κλείσω με το εξής: Επιτρέψτε μου να υπενθυμίσω ότι το InvestEU είναι το διάδοχο σχήμα του σχεδίου Juncker. Είναι το σχήμα το οποίο πρότεινε εδώ, σ’ αυτήν την αίθουσα, ο τέως Πρόεδρος της Επιτροπής και δεν παύω να θυμάμαι ότι εδώ, σ’ αυτήν την αίθουσα, μας έλεγε συχνά πως ο ρόλος μας είναι να δημιουργήσουμε για τους πολίτες μας δουλειές, δουλειές και δουλειές.

  Marek Belka (S&D). – Madam President, InvestEU and the EUR 26 billion guarantee for the four crucial objectives is a step in the right direction. We know that it may attract more than EUR 370 billion of investment across the EU.

However, that transition must be just and geographically balanced. From Lisbon through Bełchatów to the towns around the Baltic States. It is their citizens and particularly small enterprises that should have a chance to use InvestEU.

Still, this is not money for nothing. We should avoid financing grand, or should I say grandiose, projects that are not rooted in economic rationality but serve State propaganda.

Also, we have to remember that the transition must be based on the rule of law. Even the best designed house can’t survive without strong foundations, and for us, they are made of the values we share.

  Linea Søgaard-Lidell (Renew). – Fru Formand! Vi står over for en kæmpestor udfordring med opgaven med at få økonomien tilbage på sporet i EU. Corona-nedlukningen har givet private virksomheder svære muligheder for at tjene penge, og mange har slet ikke haft mulighed for at drive deres forretning. Samtidig har vi sindssygt meget brug for, at nye ideer kommer ud at leve, sætter gang i væksten, skaber udvikling i vores samfund og arbejdspladser, og at de nye ideer bliver til nye europæiske fyrtårne. Det kræver, at der bliver taget nogen chancer derude, men vi har brug for kapital, hvis det skal ske, og den skal være risikovillig, og den skal løfte private investeringer.

Derfor kunne timingen ikke være bedre i forhold til InvestEU. Programmets vigtigste rolle er at styrke konkurrenceevnen og skabe vækst i Europa. Men den er også at sætte turbo på den grønne omstilling. Når vi nu lader offentlige penge flyde ud til virksomhederne, så er det vigtigt, at de penge har den rigtige retning. Derfor er vi blevet enige om, at minimum 30 procent af pengene skal bruges til klimaomstillingen. Jeg havde gerne set, at den andel var meget højere. Det havde givet os bedre muligheder for at give en hånd i ryggen på de virksomheder, som forsøger lige nu at skabe fremtidens nye grønne løsninger – de løsninger, som vi virkelig, virkelig har brug for – og det er altså ude i virksomhederne, på markedet i den virkelige verden, at forandringerne skal ske, og løsningerne skal findes. Så derfor håber jeg, at alle husker, at det er mindst 30 procent. Andelen må gerne ende med at være meget højere.

  Jessica Stegrud (ECR). – Fru talman! Kriser tycks ha blivit EU:s bränsle. För varje kris är mer makt och pengar till Bryssel den huvudsakliga lösningen. Kritiska röster tystas med ord som solidaritet och rättvisa, åtgärder lanseras som tillfälliga akuta insatser. Efter en tid blir det dock uppenbart att ”tillfälligt” egentligen betyder ”permanent”. Coronapaketet lär vara nästa exempel.

Junckerfonden, idag kallad ”InvestEU” såldes in som en tillfällig möjlighet att ta itu med ett akut marknadsmisslyckande efter krisen 2008. Fonden hade som tillfällig uppgift att mobilisera privata och offentliga investeringar till satsningar i den europeiska ekonomin, men är nu sedan länge cementerad, trots kritik om att den tränger ut innovativa investerare och att fördelarna är högst överskattade. På detta sätt vill EU styra skattebetalarnas pengar till de politiska favoritprojekten för dagen.

En planekonomisk modell som i sin helhet inte har lett till ökad konkurrenskraft, långsiktig tillväxt eller gjort oss rustade för nya kriser. Det har helt enkelt blivit dags att avskaffa den här typen av tillfälliga lösningar permanent.

  Ivan Štefanec (PPE). – Vážená pani predsedajúca, ako sme identifikovali v aktuálnom prieskume SM Europe, jedným z najdôležitejších predpokladov prekonania pandémie je zlepšenie prístupu ku kapitálu a predovšetkým zníženie byrokracie. Malé a stredné podniky boli touto krízou kruto zasiahnuté. Polovica z nich čelí hrozbe zániku. Stratili by sa tak nielen mnohé pracovné miesta, ale aj unikátne know-how a technológie, ktoré vytvorili. To sa na rozdiel od pracovných miest nebude dať len tak ľahko nahradiť.

Som veľmi rád, že tu môžeme hovoriť o programe InvestEU. Je to dôležitý program, ktorý má za cieľ pomôcť vytvoriť pracovné miesta a pomôcť podnikateľom prekonať toto obdobie lepším prístupom ku kapitálu.

Oceňujem, že je zameraný špeciálne na obnovu MSP, malých podnikov, na digitalizáciu a udržateľné hospodárstvo. Mnohí boli skeptickí, keď bývalý predseda Európskej komisie predstavil plán EFSI, na ktorý tento program nadväzuje, avšak vidíme, že to prinieslo ovocie a stimulovalo dostatočný objem investícií. Mnohí tiež namietali, že predošlý program obsahoval veľa byrokracie a mnohých podnikateľov to odradilo od žiadosti. Verím ale, že tento nový program InvestEU do veľkej miery odbúra zbytočnú byrokraciu a hodnotenie bude rýchlejšie, aby mohli firmy čo najskôr čerpať úvery.

Želám si, aby sa peniaze z InvestEU dostali k čo najväčšiemu počtu malých a stredných firiem a podporili tak mnohé dôležité pracovné miesta.

  Elisabetta Gualmini (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, oggi parlo in italiano.

In Italia la crisi economica degli ultimi decenni è una crisi da investimenti, in particolare privati. Tra il 2008 e il 2018 l'Italia ha perso 20 miliardi di investimenti privati, che diminuiranno ancora del 16 % nel 2020, e gli investimenti diretti stranieri si stanno prosciugando. Da qui l'importanza di InvestEU, che mobiliterà oltre 400 miliardi di risorse.

Non basta l'intervento dello Stato e il rilancio dei consumi delle famiglie, pure importanti; gli investimenti privati sono la leva per la creazione di ricchezza e per la redistribuzione, ecco perché non devo chiedermi quanti bonus distribuisco con i soldi europei, ma quanti nuovi posti di lavoro creo per le ragazze e i ragazzi nel settore ambientale e digitale. Non mi devo chiedere a quanti settori metto un cerotto o quante persone assisto con la flebo dell'aiuto pubblico, ma come faccio a far ripartire ristoranti, attività turistiche, piccole e medie imprese.

Così si ricostruisce la fiducia e la speranza in un paese, così si fa politica nel senso più alto e nobile del termine.

  Vlad Gheorghe (Renew). – Madam President, in my view, InvestEU is a threefold action meant to benefit the citizens, the national administrations and the international position of the EU.

The COVID pandemic spotlighted the investment gaps in our strategic sectors. It made clear that we need to build autonomy at home. Critical infrastructure should be the first priority for each Member State. By investing today in our hospitals, pharma production, safe and secure roads and sustainable energy, we shall prevent fatalities and avoid heavy social security costs.

Innovation inside the EU is key to future strength. We need to be ready for future challenges and prepare, at national and EU level, to be leaders in research and new technologies meant to help the next generations. But, to maximise the added value of InvestEU, we need stronger national financial institutions. Potentially, some EUR 400 billion are waiting to be invested. And yes, we can rely on the investment ‘Advisory Hub’ to help the implementation, but we also need strong and performant national development institutions.

Last, but not least, InvestEU as a tool for strategic autonomy will make the EU less dependent on foreign providers. The EU should never negotiate with third countries from the position of need. Energy autonomy is just one example. It’s unfair to justify projects such as Nord Stream 2, just by the need for energy resources, while inside the Union we have all it takes to produce extra energy.

  Eugen Jurzyca (ECR). – Vážená pani predsedajúca, Európsky parlament dnes bude rozhodovať o pokračovaní programu na podporu investícií, ktorý niesol označenie Junckerov fond. Rezervy v efektívnosti a nie celkom dostatočnú transparentnosť Junckerovho fondu v minulosti kritizoval Európsky dvor audítorov.

Obávam sa, že ani teraz z každého investované eura od občanov nedosiahneme oveľa viac. Užitočnosť fondu sa totiž bude hodnotiť napríklad podľa počtu podporených podnikov. Je to podobné, ako keby sme pri investovaní do diaľnic nemerali výsledky počtom postavených kilometrov, ale počtom firiem, ktoré peniaze dostali. Je preto podľa môjho názoru potrebné ešte urobiť veľa práce, aby sa zvýšila efektívnosť a transparentnosť. Je jasné, že tie peniaze pomáhajú, ale musia sa dostať do cieľa efektívne a transparentne.

  Tomislav Sokol (PPE). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, povjereniče, kolegice i kolege, InvestEU predstavlja izuzetno važan instrument na putu oporavka te će se njime doprinijeti postizanju onoga što je u ovom trenutku najvažnije, održavanju i stvaranju kvalitetnih radnih mjesta korištenjem likvidnosti koju posjeduju financijske institucije, a koja je potrebna jer samo javnih sredstava naprosto nema dovoljno.

Važno je da kroz četiri sastavnice InvestEU-a upravo oni sektori koji su posebno pogođeni pandemijom, poput turizma, kao i oni koji predstavljaju ključni potencijal za stvaranje modernog i održivog gospodarstva, poput obrazovanja i istraživanja, budu najveći korisnici raspoloživih sredstava. Samo na taj način ćemo stvoriti dodanu vrijednost koja je svrha ovog programa, kao i drugih izvora financiranja koje Europska unija stavlja na raspolaganje.

Posebno pozdravljam činjenicu da je toliki naglasak u programu stavljen na mala i srednja poduzeća. Ona su najviše pogođena ovom krizom, a predstavljaju okosnicu gospodarstva Europske unije. Upravo zato potrebno im je kroz InvestEU omogućiti olakšan pristup financiranju jer bez omogućavanja likvidnosti velik dio njih će naprosto nestati, a u tom slučaju nema ni dugoročnog opstanka europskog gospodarstva.

Ovaj program predstavlja snažan odgovor Unije na krizu uzrokovanu pandemijom kako bi naše gospodarstvo krenulo putem oporavka i postalo otpornije na buduće krize i zbog toga ga podržavam.

  Evelyn Regner (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin, sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar! Ohne Investitionen werden wir nicht aus der Krise kommen. Darüber sind wir uns alle einig. Mit InvestEU haben wir ein Programm geschaffen, das den Schritt zum Investieren erleichtern soll. Und das ist gut so!

Gestern war der Internationale Frauenkampftag. Wir haben gehört, dass Frauen die Heldinnen der Krise sind und dabei gleichzeitig auch die am schlimmsten betroffene Gruppe. Zu viele Frauen haben ihren Job verloren. Zu viele Frauen arbeiten am Limit.

Für mich ist deshalb jeder Tag Internationaler Frauenkampftag, und deswegen müssen diese Investitionen vor allem auch den Frauen zugutekommen, also einem frauengeführten Start-up, einer Pflegerin zum Beispiel. Bei jeder Investition unter dem Schirm des InvestEU-Programms, sei es Forschung, Digitalisierung und vor allem bei den sozialen Investitionen, müssen wir an Frauen denken. Was wir Frauen brauchen, ist ein einfacherer Zugang zum Investitionskapital, von dem wir tatsächlich auch profitieren.

  Anna Zalewska (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Dobrze, że program InvestEU jest, że uzupełnia wielkie fundusze i że można go łączyć z innymi mechanizmami. Natomiast niestety brakuje w nim jasnych kryteriów i elastyczności. Brakuje analizy tego, co było dobre i złe w planie Junckera. Widzimy bowiem, że jest to przełożenie 1:1 z taką samą deklaracją, że wygenerujemy podobną kwotę inwestycji prywatnych. Natomiast z przykrością należy stwierdzić, że oprócz mówienia, że mamy do czynienia z podwojonym kryzysem i z pandemią, w kryteriach, w opisie, w pozyskiwaniu pożyczek i gwarancji z InvestEU tej pandemii w ogóle nie ma. Myślę, że aby pomóc małym i średnim przedsiębiorstwom jutro, za tydzień, za miesiąc, trzeba przede wszystkim widzieć to, co dzieje się właśnie w tej chwili.

  Krzysztof Hetman (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! InvestEU to ambitny fundusz Unii Europejskiej, który ma pobudzić prywatne inwestycje i przyczynić się do realizacji unijnych priorytetów, między innymi w zakresie zrównoważonej infrastruktury, badań i innowacji. Fundusz zastąpi szereg instrumentów finansowych Unii wdrażanych w poprzedniej perspektywie, które, mimo zbliżonych celów, opierały się często na różnych założeniach i zasadach. Powstanie takiego jednolitego funduszu stanowi duże uproszczenie, a także daje poczucie większej spójności i przejrzystości. To dobra wiadomość, nawet bardzo dobra wiadomość. Mam jednak nadzieję, że osoby odpowiedzialne za tworzenie zasad pozyskiwania środków z tego instrumentu będą konsekwentne i ideę uproszczeń wprowadzą także na poziomie realizacji projektów.

Świetną wiadomością jest to, że ten fundusz cechuje duża elastyczność, a także możliwość łączenia go z innymi formami wsparcia, np. z dotacjami. InvestEU powinien ułatwić dostęp do finansowania dla MŚP, co jest szczególnie ważne zwłaszcza w obecnych trudnych czasach spowolnienia gospodarczego. Należy jednak zwrócić szczególną uwagę na te sektory, które zostały najbardziej poturbowane przez obecny kryzys. Wielu przedsiębiorców będzie miało ogromny problem z wygenerowaniem wkładu własnego do potencjalnych projektów. Jedyne, co dziś posiadają, to długi i brak zdolności kredytowej.

Często słyszę w tym budynku chętnie powtarzany slogan, aby nikt nie został w tyle (so no one is left behind). To będzie prawdziwy test tego, czy to tylko slogan czy prawdziwe przesłanie.

  Joachim Schuster (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Schon vor COVID-19 war offensichtlich: Das Niveau öffentlicher und privater Investitionen ist insgesamt gesehen zu niedrig.

Dadurch hat die europäische Wirtschaft im internationalen Vergleich an Boden verloren. Hinzu kommen die gigantischen Herausforderungen der klimaneutralen und digitalen Transformation, die ohne eine massive Steigerung öffentlicher und privater Investitionen nicht zu stemmen sind. Verschärft wurde die Lage dann zusätzlich durch den massiven Rückgang der Wirtschaftsleistung infolge der Pandemie.

InvestEU wird einen wesentlichen Beitrag dazu leisten, die bestehende Lücke bei öffentlichen und privaten Investitionen abzubauen. Mit InvestEU wird es gelingen, wichtige Projekte zur klimaneutralen und digitalen Transformation in Unternehmen, in Regionen und Kommunen anzureizen und umzusetzen. Und InvestEU ermöglicht zugleich, die soziale Infrastruktur zu stärken und in Bildung und Qualifizierung von Beschäftigten zu investieren. Damit ist InvestEU ein wichtiger Baustein in unserer Wiederaufbau- und Modernisierungsstrategie.

  Gabriel Mato (PPE). – Señora presidenta, nadie puede negar que estamos inmersos en una situación dramática; la COVID-19 nos está golpeando con tanta fuerza que necesitamos de una Unión firme, capaz de disponer de herramientas sólidas que fomenten la inversión y el crecimiento. Europa tiene que hacer todo lo posible para salvar sus empresas, mantener y crear empleos de calidad, respetar el medio ambiente y contribuir a la competitividad y a la productividad.

Y ahí está el Programa InvestEU, que va a movilizar más de 370 000 millones de euros en inversiones públicas y privadas. Pero no es solo una cifra; probablemente tampoco es la solución a la crisis política, social y económica que estamos padeciendo, pero sí será una oportunidad y esperanza para muchas pequeñas y medianas empresas, para muchos sectores y para muchas regiones, entre ellas la mía, Canarias, donde miles de pymes necesitan de este instrumento para salvarse y mantener y crear empleos de calidad en una situación para muchas de ellas insostenible.

No hay recuperación sin inversión. El reto es grande: se va a poner a prueba la capacidad de las empresas para generar proyectos, pero también la capacidad de liderazgo de los Gobiernos para desarrollar las reformas necesarias, y de ninguna manera podemos aceptar que los Gobiernos utilicen las ayudas para pymes y autónomos de forma sectaria.

Las ayudas son para crear empleo, no para blanquear Gobiernos incompetentes. Una vez más, Europa ha vuelto a demostrar que es capaz de dar un paso hacia delante cuando más se la necesita; espero que los Gobiernos también hagan lo mismo.

  Στέλιος Κυμπουρόπουλος (PPE). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε Gentiloni, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, το νέο πρόγραμμα InvestEU θεωρώ ότι θα αποτελέσει το πλέον εμβληματικό επενδυτικό πρόγραμμα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης για επανεκκίνηση ευρωπαϊκής οικονομίας. Ως διάδοχο του «πακέτου Juncker» νιώθω περήφανος που καταφέραμε να είναι εξοπλισμένο με περίπου 650 δισεκατομμύρια ευρώ, με σκοπό όχι μόνο να αναθερμάνουν την αγορά και να επανεκκινήσουν το επενδυτικό ενδιαφέρον, αλλά και να στηρίξει τις μικρομεσαίες επιχειρήσεις, την έρευνα, την καινοτομία και την πράσινη μετάβαση.

Προσωπικά θεωρώ ότι μέσα στη νέα προγραμματική περίοδο θα πρέπει να επιτύχουμε τέσσερα απλά πράγματα που θα δώσουν την απαραίτητη ώθηση και εμπιστοσύνη προς την Ευρώπη. Πρώτον, όλα τα κράτη μέλη να μπορέσουν να πιάσουν τον στόχο για τις επενδύσεις, ώστε να φτάσουν το 3% του ΑΕΠ της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης στην έρευνα και την καινοτομία. Δεύτερον, να κατευθύνουμε στη δημιουργία νέων και ανθεκτικών θέσεων εργασίας στις περιοχές που έχουν ως κύρια βιομηχανία τους τον τουρισμό. Τρίτον, οι περιφέρειες προς μετάβαση να εκμεταλλευτούν το πρόγραμμα και το Ταμείο Δίκαιης Μετάβασης, ώστε να ενταχθούν στα στρατηγικά τους σχέδια και οι απαραίτητες δημόσιες και ιδιωτικές επενδύσεις, πετυχαίνοντας έτσι τη δέσμευσή μας για την κλιματική αλλαγή μέχρι το 2050. Τέλος και κυριότερο, το πρόγραμμα πρέπει να στηρίξει τη νέα ευρωπαϊκή στρατηγική για τη βιομηχανία, ενισχύοντας έργα που στοχεύουν στην παραγωγικότητα, την επιχειρηματικότητα και την ανταγωνιστικότητα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης.

  Angelika Niebler (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, meine lieben Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die Europäische Investitionsbank warnte bereits Anfang des Jahres vor einer wachsenden Investitionslücke. 45 % der europäischen Unternehmen wollen oder können wegen Corona weniger investieren. Das Programm InvestEU ist ausgezeichnet, um diese Investitionslücke zu schließen und den Wiederaufbau nach Corona zum Erfolg zu machen.

Wir brauchen neben den staatlichen Mitteln für den Wiederaufbau auch private Finanzierungsressourcen. Genau dieses Ziel verfolgt InvestEU. 372 Milliarden Euro sollen in den nächsten sieben Jahren mobilisiert werden – für den Wiederaufbau, für strategische Investitionen, Thema Digitalisierung und Nachhaltigkeit.

Oberste Priorität muss es sein, Arbeitsplätze zu sichern und unsere Unternehmen zu stützen. Mit dem Investitionsprogramm aus dem letzten Haushalt gelang es, über eine Million kleine, mittelständische Unternehmen und Startups zu finanzieren und damit 1,4 Millionen neue Jobs zu schaffen. Ein Beispiel ist die Firma BioNTech, das Biotechnologieunternehmen, das den Impfstoff als erstes auf den Markt gebracht hat – finanziert, unterstützt aus eben diesem Programm.

Genau das zeigt, was notwendig ist: Startups, kleine und mittelständische Unternehmen, in besonderer Weise zu unterstützen. Das müssen wir machen und genau das schafft und macht das Programm InvestEU.

  Paolo Gentiloni, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, we know that we are still fighting the pandemic, we still have lockdowns and stringent measures in several European Member States and we have also cases of COVID increasing in 13 to 15 Member States today. But we also know that at the end, the recovery will gain momentum and will come. And at this point, we have to be ready to mobilise against the investment gap that we will have to face, because to ensure the quality of the recovery, we need investments. We need private and public investments, national and common tools for investments. And of course, we need to try to coordinate as far as possible then towards equality, the green and digital transition, the resilience of our societies.

For this reason, I think the tool we are discussing today is so important. I think it is very important also that we have a quasi unanimity here in Parliament. Of course, we are not happy with the cut that was decided on the initial proposal of the Commission, but in any case this remains a very important tool. We reduced as you know the multiplier effect of the guarantee. So the numbers that we are mentioning, which is almost EUR 400 billion of investment, are realistic numbers and they will give a significant contribution to fill this investment gap. I think it is very important also the contribution adding to the EIB, coming from the national promotion banks because they have deep roots and deep knowledge of their national economies, this will help, I think.

Final point, a commitment from my side and the Commission’s side. We will help especially small and medium enterprises in the procedures. We have an investment hub exactly for this reason. We will build on lessons learned from the previous experience of the Juncker Plan to try to use, in the best way possible, the resources that we are deciding.

  President. – The debate is closed.

The vote will take place shortly.

Written statements (Rule 171)

  Λευτέρης Χριστοφόρου (PPE), γραπτώς. – Σήμερα η Κύπρος και η ΕΕ, βρίσκονται αντιμέτωποι με την πανδημική και κοινωνικοοικονομική κρίση. Δεν μπορώ να φανταστώ πού θα βρισκόμασταν χωρίς τη συλλογική προσπάθεια στην ΕΕ και τη σημαντική υγειονομική και κοινωνικοοικονομική στήριξη από την ΕΕ. Η Κύπρος στηρίζει την έξοδό της από την κοινωνικοοικονομική κρίση στα Επενδυτικά Σχέδια, το Ταμείο Ανάπτυξης, αλλά και το νέο φιλόδοξο Επενδυτικό Πρόγραμμα InvestEU.

Μετά από μακράν και σκληρή προσπάθεια, ως Επιτροπή Προϋπολογισμού, πετύχαμε τελικά την υπερψήφιση στο Ευρωκοινοβούλιο ενός ακόμη Ισχυρού Επενδυτικού Προγράμματος, του InvestEU. Η προσπάθεια μας, από την αρχή της πανδημικής κρίσης, στο Ευρωκοινοβούλιο και στην Επιτροπή Προϋπολογισμού, είναι να μην επαναληφθούν τα λάθη του παρελθόντος, όσον αφορά τη διαχείριση της κρίσης, που οδήγησαν σε μηδενικές επενδύσεις, με τεράστιες επιπτώσεις στις οικονομίες, τις κοινωνίες και τους πολίτες των κρατών μελών. Τώρα βασική μας στόχευση είναι να απαντήσουμε δυναμικά στη κρίση με στρατηγικές επενδύσεις, με σημαντικά κονδύλια που θα χορηγούνται στα κράτη μέλη της ΕΕ και με ισχυρά επενδυτικά προγράμματα, όπως το Ταμείο Ανάπτυξης και το Invest EU, που θα κινήσουν όλους τους παραγωγικούς τομείς της Οικονομίας και θα φέρουν απασχόληση, ευημερία και πραγματική ανάπτυξη.

  Λουκάς Φουρλάς (PPE), γραπτώς. – Βασική στόχευση του Invest EU είναι να απαντήσουμε δυναμικά στην κρίση με στρατηγικές επενδύσεις και με σημαντικά κονδύλια, που θα χορηγούνται δωρεάν στα κράτη μέλη της ΕΕ. Αυτά τα κονδύλια θα κινήσουν όλους τους παραγωγικούς τομείς της οικονομίας και θα φέρουν απασχόληση, ευημερία και πραγματική ανάπτυξη. Τα έργα δεν θα συγκρούονται με τους κοινωνικούς και περιβαλλοντικούς στόχους που έθεσε η ΕΕ. Οι συνολικές επενδύσεις από το Invest EU αναμένεται να ανέλθουν σε 400 δισ. ευρώ, που προβλέπεται να κατανεμηθούν στις βιώσιμες επενδύσεις και υποδομές (38%), έρευνα, καινοτομία και ψηφιοποίηση (25%), μικρομεσαίες επιχειρήσεις (26%), και κοινωνικές επενδύσεις και δεξιότητες (11%). Μετά από μακρά και σκληρή προσπάθεια και διαβούλευση, πετυχαίνουμε τελικά την υπερψήφιση στο Ευρωκοινοβούλιο και αυτό είναι εξαιρετικής σημασίας για όλους τους πολίτες της Ένωσης. Η έξοδος από την κοινωνικοοικονομική κρίση που επέφερε η πανδημία βασίζεται σε πολύ μεγάλο βαθμό στο εν λόγω πρόγραμμα. Η νέα αυτή αναπτυξιακή πρωτοβουλία θα αποβεί προς όφελος των κοινωνιών και των οικονομιών της Ένωσης.

  Lina Gálvez Muñoz (S&D), por escrito. – El Programa InvestEU se basa en el exitoso Plan Juncker, y reunirá, bajo un mismo techo, el FEIE y trece instrumentos financieros actualmente disponibles. A través de cuatro ejes (infraestructura sostenible, investigación, innovación y digitalización, pymes e inversión social y capacidades), pretende movilizar casi de 400 000 millones de euros de inversiones en la UE, de los cuales casi 26 200 millones se prevén en el presupuesto de la UE 2021-2027.

Además, InvestEU tendrá capacidad para apoyar el capital de las empresas afectadas por la pandemia, por lo que este mecanismo de apoyo a la inversión es crucial para fomentar la recuperación económica en toda la Unión e impulsar el empleo de calidad, la digitalización, la inversión en infraestructuras sostenibles, la innovación, la investigación y el desarrollo de empresas estratégicas. También, al menos el 30 % de las inversiones contribuirán a cumplir los objetivos de la Unión en materia de acción climática.

Nuestro grupo ha trabajado para conseguir que InvestEU sea un instrumento fuerte y hemos defendido las cuestiones sociales y medioambientales, prestando especial atención a los sectores especialmente necesitados de apoyo, como el turismo, la cultura y las infraestructuras sociales. Por todo ello la Delegación Socialista Española ha votado a favor.

  Eva Maydell (PPE), in writing. – Public investment alone is not enough to bring about Europe’s economic recovery. Even before the pandemic, the European Commission had calculated the EU had an investment gap of more than 260 billion euro and this has surely increased since the onset of the health and economic crisis. Private investment is key to bridging this gap and luckily, we have a tool on the short-term horizon that can help us do just that: InvestEU. This programme brings together 14 EU instruments that were previously separate - InvestEU has the power to mobilise up to 400 billion Euro in investments in Europe.

The combination between public and private investment is key to enhancing Europe’s competitiveness, improving connectivity, and further strengthening economic and territorial cohesion. This investment programme will help create jobs, which has been a key focus of the EPP Group when it comes to the current economic crisis. InvestEU is one of the best instruments to help us come out of this crisis stronger and catch up to global competitors. More than that, this programme has the potential to propel Europe into a new type of prosperous, sustainable, future-oriented economy by encouraging private investment from leading innovative companies and SMEs.

  Mihai Tudose (S&D), în scris. – Regulamentul ce instituie programul InvestEU răspunde necesității de a mobiliza - pe lângă subvențiile și împrumuturile din Planul de Relansare și Reziliență – investiții publice și private masive, care să contribuie la ieșirea economiei europene din criză.

Garanția publică, de 26 de miliarde, este menită să încurajeze investitorii către cele patru direcții esențiale pentru viitor: infrastructuri durabile, digitalizare, IMM-uri și competențe profesionale. Este important faptul că statele membre vor putea mobiliza până la 5 % din fondurile europene pentru coeziune și până la 4 % din Planul de relansare pentru a finanța contribuția națională în cadrul InvestEU.

Acest nou cadru financiar, preconizat să atingă 400 de miliarde de euro, duce mai departe Fondul European pentru Investiții Strategice, care a fost o reușită - dar nu pentru toate statele UE. Decalajele înregistrate în aplicarea Planului „Juncker” reflectă un dezechilibru care riscă să se cronicizeze între noile și vechile țări membre. Implementarea InvestEU trebuie să vizeze cu prioritate atenuarea acestor discrepanțe.

5. Program za ukrepe Unije na področju zdravja za obdobje 2021–2027 („Program EU za zdravje“) (razprava)

  President. – The next item is the debate on the report by Cristian—Silviu Buşoi, on behalf of the Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety, on the programme for the Union's action in the field of health for the period 2021—2027 (‘EU4Health programme’) (COM(2020)0405 – C9-0152/2020 – 2020/0102(COD)) (A9–0196/2020).

I just would like to remind Members that there is no catch—the—eye procedure and no blue cards.

  Cristian-Silviu Buşoi, rapporteur. – Madam President, the crisis has clearly proven the European Union’s need for well-defined and adequately financed policy instruments in general and in particular in the health area. The EU4Health programme is not only an appropriate response to the current COVID crisis, but also comes to respond to the expectations of citizens, as many Eurobarometers in recent years have shown us. At least 70% of our population ask and expect more and bolder EU intervention in the health area. Also, the new health programme will deliver on better fighting against long-term strategic challenges – cancer, antimicrobial resistance, vaccine hesitancy, medicine shortages.

For these, I would like to take the opportunity to thank Commissioner Kyriakides and President von der Leyen for putting the proposal to have a stand-alone programme forward. I would also like to thank Director-General Gallina and Director Hudson for their support and excellent advice. Furthermore, we would not have succeeded in finishing the negotiations last year without the strong involvement of Minister Jens Spahn and the support and work of the German Presidency.

I would also like to take the opportunity to thank my colleagues, the shadow rapporteurs, for their work, and all colleagues who contributed with amendments and involvement for their support and collaboration. And a special thanks to Peter Liese and PPE colleagues. Together we have achieved not only to amend, vote, debate, negotiate in less than half a year the fourth programme in the field of health, but have also secured a very important budget of EUR 5.1 billion.

EU4Health will stand as the fourth health programme of the Union as a separate instrument for the 2021—2027 period and compared to the third programme for health, EU4Health will deliver on many more actions to support Member States in the field of health and complement their efforts in reforming their systems to become more resilient.

What are the main objectives? The EU4Health programme is more than just a response to the COVID-19 crisis. It will deliver not only on short-term crisis management but also on long-term objectives. EU4Health will strengthen the European Union’s fight against cancer, a very important priority for me personally and for my political group the PPE, but also for so many colleagues, with concrete actions to address the lack of screening, early diagnosis and access to treatment and care, and in synergy with the Europe’s Beating Cancer Plan.

EU4Health will digitalise healthcare, in particular through the creation and application of the European e-health record, and support the creation and use of the health data space future platform. EU4Health will work in synergies with other programmes, instruments and funds. The Europe’s Beating Cancer Plan, Horizon Europe and its specific mission for cancer, the Digital Agenda and the Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF).

EU4Health will encourage Member States to invest more in health promotion and disease prevention, especially for chronic diseases such as cancer, cardiovascular diseases, diabetes, and will focus on a very important medium-term objective – and for me, representing Romania, this is extremely important – that health inequalities must be reduced. Despite all the efforts done and made by the EU in the past few years and the progress made on health status and life expectancy, there is still unequal access to health services at EU level, and some of these inequalities are widening not only across countries, but also across population groups within each country.

EU4Health will support actions for training more health staff, address resistance to vaccination in the EU, and bring back the production of medicines to Europe. EU4Health will allocate funds for the establishment of a Union reserve of essential crisis-relevant products and of medical and healthcare staff in synergy and complementarity with other Union policies and instruments.

The final agreement introduced also ceilings: a minimum for health promotion and disease prevention: 20%; a ceiling for stockpiling: 12.5%; for procurement complementing national stockpiling of essential crisis-relevant products; one for global commitments and initiatives: 12.5%; and the last one for administrative expenses: 8%. And this is something that the European Parliament insisted on in order to ensure a fair balance and to have a very good budget which is going in the right direction.

I would like to once again emphasise that this programme will be extremely important to deliver on what will be our future challenges – cancer, communicable and non-communicable diseases, antimicrobial resistance, mental health and ageing, vaccine hesitancy, unequal access – and we’d like to reduce inequalities, medicine shortages, and, of course, at the same time, we will be better prepared with the help of this programme for emerging technologies.

Dear colleagues, thank you very much. Together, we have delivered both on citizens’ expectations and on addressing the challenges we are facing.

  Stella Kyriakides, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, this is an important day. It is the end of a journey and the beginning of another one. I am proud to be standing here in front of you today and to discuss, and hopefully adopt, the EU4Health programme.

People across the EU have expected us to act as policymakers, as public health officials, and as their democratically elected representatives. They expected us to act to address the weaknesses in Europe’s health systems, which became even more apparent in this pandemic, but to ensure that we do much more in the future in every area of health.

With the EU4Health programme, we have the tools at hand to make long—lasting changes. Together, we are sending a clear message that we need more Europe in the area of public health. Targeted investments to enhance our crisis preparedness, and to build stronger, more resilient and more accessible health systems are key. That message comes loud and clear in the EU4Health programme, which represents, I would dare to say, a new era in health policy. This programme is more than a reaction to the pandemic.

I want to thank this Parliament for its support for this ambitious programme. Thanks to you, this budget was increased to EUR 5.1 billion. I want particularly to thank Mr Buşoi, as well as all the shadow rapporteurs, for their excellent collaboration, but also every single colleague in the European Parliament. Your contributions were instrumental in reaching the political agreement in December along with the German Presidency, and here thanks also need to be given to Minister Spahn. This agreement, reached in record time, illustrates the power of collaboration and our potential to deliver concrete benefits across the Union.

The EU4Health programme will support the fight against cross-border health threats, will reinforce Europe’s health systems, will drive the digitalisation of health, and will strengthen disease prevention. We plan to structure the first EU4Health programme for 2021 along these four health strands with a cross—cutting priority on cancer to support Europe’s Beating Cancer Plan and, yes, we can make a difference. The gravity of the health crisis demands the swift adoption of the EU4Health regulation. We are determined that the first ever EU4Health Annual Work Programme will be ready for adoption as soon as possible so that we can roll out our EU—wide actions later in 2021.

I look forward to presenting to the Parliament the proceedings with the EU4Health Steering Group and the consultation with all stakeholders. Close collaboration is what has got us to this point, and only if we continue in this spirit can we deliver the health programme that Europeans expect, deserve and, of course, need.

The pandemic has taught us harsh lessons and has highlighted the areas where we need to take decisive action. Knowing what we know now, we cannot go back to what was the old normal. Indeed, we are determined to respond in a way that looks to the future and develops concrete benefits and protection to citizens. This is exactly why, in November last year, the Commission adopted a package to build a stronger European Health Union. This package includes an updated regulation on serious cross-border health threats and proposals to reinforce our two key agencies, the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control (ECDC) and the European Medicines Agency (EMA). This package is under discussion with the Member States, as well as in the Committee on Environment, Public Health and Food Safety (ENVI). We need to do all we can to ensure that these proposals become a reality and, again, I count on your support.

We will present our proposal on the European Health Emergency Preparedness and Response Authority (HERA) to strengthen access and availability of medical countermeasures later this year. In the meantime, we are already ready to roll out the first actions under the HERA incubator, which will be supporting the production and delivery of adapted or novel COVID-19 vaccines. We know that speed is of the essence and we have to urgently anticipate and respond to the growing threat of coronavirus variants.

Honourable Members - and I would say to many of you over the last one and a half years, dear friends - I count on your continued support in the implementation of the EU4Health programme and in the implementation of moving forward with the European Health Union proposals. Together, these proposals will ensure that the EU is healthier, more resilient and better prepared. While implementing these actions, we will ensure that European citizens know that, for each and every one of us, health is our priority. So let’s do this together.

(Applause)

  Nicolae Ştefănuță, Raportor pentru aviz, Comisia pentru bugete. – Doamna președintă, Doamna comisar Kyriakides, suntem azi în fața unui vot istoric. Avem un nou program european pentru sănătate. Este atât de mare nevoie de el. Bolile sunt identice, însă tratamentul pe care îl primesc cetățenii europeni este diferit. Noi avem azi ocazia să îndreptăm inegalitățile de sănătate de pe continent.

Ieri, un articol despre terapia intensivă din orașul meu, Sibiu, a șocat și îndurerat Europa, și România. În timp ce în Belgia rata de supraviețuire la terapie intensivă pentru bolnavii de COVID este undeva la 65 %, la noi rata de supraviețuire la ATI este de abia 25 %. Nu e posibil ca în Europa să nu împărtășim aceleași scheme de tratament, mai ales cele mai eficiente, pe care le știm deja. Trebuie să ajutăm spitalul din Sibiu și altele ca el, așa încât să nu trimită medicii rezidenți în prima linie a bătăliei împotriva COVID. Nu putem lăsa ca în două orașe înfrățite –și poate vocea îmi tremură pentru că este o chestie la care țin foarte mult – în Sibiu și în Luxemburg, din zece cetățeni, să se vindece la terapia intensivă șapte în Luxemburg și abia trei în Sibiu. De aceea, e atât de important ca ceea ce facem cu banii aceștia să fie strategic, să ne gândim la fiecare, de la primul la ultimul ban. Trebuie să îi chibzuim ca pe ultima rezervă a omenirii, pentru că ei sunt investiția noastră în sănătate, dar ei sunt și simbolul credibilității noastre europene la oamenii de acasă.

„O Uniune a sănătății” este primul program european solid pentru sănătate. Statele au înțeles târziu că bolile nu au frontiere și că este nevoie de solidaritate. Ca raportor al Comisiei pentru bugete, am văzut acest lucru atunci când s-a redus bugetul de la 10 miliarde la 1,7 și când noi, toți cei din sală, am reușit să îl aducem înapoi la 5,1. Nu a fost ușor, nu este suficient, dar a fost foarte important. Am luptat împreună cu Véronique Trillet-Lenoir și alți colegi, cum este și Silviu Bușoi, ca să avem rezerve strategice medicale europene. Astăzi, de mâine, vom avea 640 de milioane de euro în rezerve strategice medicale. Ei bine, cu banii pe care îi avem trebuie să facem din spitale locuri mai sigure, fără infecții, să prevenim cancerul și să fim mai bine pregătiți pentru următoarea criză, care va veni. În România avem o vorbă: „Sănătatea e mai scumpă decât toate”. Scump însă înseamnă, la fel ca în franceză, nu doar costisitor, dar și drag, prețuit, iubit. Dacă Europa vrea să fie iubită, își va ajuta cetățenii să aibă sănătate. Mulțumesc.

  Dolors Montserrat, en nombre del Grupo PPE. – Señora presidenta, señora comisaria, en los últimos años hemos dedicado muchos recursos y tiempo a evitar la división y los enfrentamientos que han provocado los euroescepticismos, como el Brexit, o las guerras comerciales que tanto daño nos han hecho.

Pero también deberíamos haber invertido más en investigación, en fortalecer nuestros sistemas sanitarios y en la respuesta temprana ante emergencias sanitarias. Así, habríamos estado más preparados para esta pandemia tan devastadora.

La COVID-19 ha sido una cura de humildad. En menos de un año hemos creado vacunas que ya están protegiendo a la población, pero no somos suficientemente rápidos. Las vacunas tienen que llegar, no en cientos de miles, sino en millones, a todos los países, no solo de la Unión, sino del mundo. Proteger la vida y la salud de los europeos es nuestra misión, pero también salvar nuestras economías, empresas y millones de empleos.

Por ello, la vacuna es prioritaria, y, junto con las vacunas, el objetivo del programa La UE por la Salud, que hoy aprobamos, sirve para poner los pilares de la Unión de la Salud. Este programa va a invertir más de 5 000 millones de euros en reservas de suministros para situaciones de crisis y nuevas amenazas, para fortalecer nuestros sistemas de salud, poniendo el foco en la atención primaria. Porque no debemos olvidar que detrás de esta pandemia nacen otras dos pandemias: la salud mental y la cronicidad.

Los europeos sufren en soledad y con un silencio desgarrador esta nueva pandemia de salud mental. Nuestros pacientes crónicos, ante las debilidades actuales por la COVID-19, sufren retrasos y falta de diagnósticos tempranos. No dejemos a nadie por cuidar ni curar.

Y por esto estoy convencidísima de que este programa ayudará a que nuestros sistemas sean más resistentes y a que pongamos al paciente en el centro de nuestras políticas.

  Sara Cerdas, em nome do Grupo S&D. – Senhora Presidente, Comissária, colegas, cada euro investido em intervenções em saúde pública é multiplicado por 14 a longo prazo. É o que nos diz a ciência.

Temos agora 5,1 mil milhões de euros no programa mais ambicioso de sempre, que será aprovado hoje neste Parlamento. Um programa que tem no seu cerne duas componentes, que permitirão não repetirmos os erros do passado e que abordam a saúde de uma forma holística, tal como precisa e merece, tornando os sistemas de saúde mais bem preparados para as presentes e futuras ameaças no domínio da saúde.

Um programa baseado na saúde em todas as políticas e numa só saúde, porque a saúde vai muito mais além da prestação de cuidados de saúde e da doença. O principal objetivo tem de ser a promoção da saúde e a prevenção da doença, reduzindo as desigualdades na saúde, promovendo estilos de vida mais saudáveis e reduzindo a carga da doença na União, e a proteção das populações contra ameaças transfronteiriças através de uma melhor preparação e resposta dos sistemas de saúde, de forma a tornarem-se mais eficientes e resilientes.

Este programa torna-se assim uma realidade graças aos contributos da sociedade civil, mas, acima de tudo, às lições retiradas da pandemia de Covid-19. É o programa mais ambicioso e completo na área da saúde para a União Europeia. Mas a saúde vai muito mais além deste programa. Apenas atingiremos melhores indicadores no domínio da saúde se tivermos uma verdadeira abordagem da saúde em todas as políticas, atuando naqueles que são os determinantes de saúde e reduzindo as iniquidades em saúde. Só seremos tão saudáveis quanto os nossos mais vulneráveis.

Uma palavra final de agradecimento a quem tornou tudo isto possível: ao Christian e a todos os meus colegas relatores, às nossas equipas, às equipas técnicas do Parlamento Europeu, que foram estrondosos e incansáveis, à Comissão e ao Conselho, por termos conseguido responder em tempo recorde à altura do desafio. Por uma verdadeira União Europeia da Saúde que não deixe ninguém para trás.

  Véronique Trillet-Lenoir, au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, la crise sanitaire actuelle aura été l’occasion d’une extraordinaire prise de conscience. Le programme santé 2021-2027 nous a permis de tirer les leçons de cette crise et de commencer à bâtir l’Union européenne de la santé.

L’Europe de la santé devra d’abord être celle de l’anticipation, qui nous a tellement fait défaut. Le programme privilégiera la formation et l’éducation à la prévention dans tous les domaines, en particulier celui des maladies chroniques.

L’Europe de la santé devra aussi reposer sur le partage d’informations, renforcement des réseaux d’excellence, coordination des organisations de lutte contre le cancer, analyses par compilation de données massives, coopération sur les essais cliniques. Nous aurons besoin pour cela de renforcer les missions et les moyens des principales agences sanitaires. Nous aurons surtout besoin de convaincre les États membres de renoncer à toute forme de nationalisme sanitaire.

Pour notre groupe Renew à vos côtés, chère Stella, et aux côtés du commissaire Breton, l’Europe de la santé devra plus vite et mieux accompagner la recherche et l’innovation, accélérer les achats groupés de médicaments, les partenariats public-privé selon la dynamique déjà engagée pour les vaccins et préparer ainsi la future autorité de réponse aux crises sanitaires.

Notre groupe a également plaidé pour défendre sa vision d’une santé globale au sein d’un écosystème de protection de l’environnement et du bien-être dans toutes les politiques européennes: travail, agriculture, transports.

L’Europe de la santé devra enfin être surtout celle de la santé solidaire, de la lutte contre les inégalités de santé d’un pays à l’autre, elle devra prendre la dimension mondiale de sa responsabilité et poursuivre, grâce aux financements que ce programme prévoit pour l’OMS, les dispositifs d’aide aux pays tiers, en particulier à l’Afrique, en particulier pour la prévention et le dépistage des cancers féminins, comme discuté avec la commission des droits des femmes et de l’égalité des genres.

Pour tout cela, merci, cher Nico, pour ton combat: l’Europe de la santé doit disposer d’un budget et c’est bien celui que nous avons finalement obtenu dans nos négociations avec le Conseil, plus de cinq milliards d’euros pour protéger le bien le plus précieux des Européens et de leurs alliés: la santé.

  Luisa Regimenti, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Commissario, sarà al voto oggi un nuovo ambizioso programma europeo per la salute, di cui ho avuto l'onore di essere correlatrice per il gruppo ID.

L'obiettivo di fondo del programma è quello di intensificare la risposta sanitaria attraverso la fornitura di finanziamenti ai paesi membri, al fine di aumentare gli investimenti in cure e prevenzione, volgendo attenzione alle malattie mentali, che sono una causa indiretta in forte aumento degli effetti pandemici e creando un ambiente resiliente e flessibile.

Sebbene il nuovo programma sia nato come un programma di finanziamento autonomo e dedicato, con un budget di 9,4 miliardi di euro, durante i negoziati sul quadro finanziario pluriennale i fondi sono stati tagliati drasticamente, fino a proporre una somma di 1,7 miliardi. Grazie alla forte posizione tenuta al Parlamento, si è riusciti a far aumentare la dotazione alla più congrua cifra di 5,1 miliardi.

Destinare almeno il 20 % del budget alla prevenzione e alla promozione della salute, far progredire la digitalizzazione dell'assistenza sanitaria e prepararsi a eventuali future pandemie sono tra le parti principali dell'accordo, oltre che la prevenzione di cancro e malattie cardiovascolari.

Le carenze della sanità negli Stati membri sono molteplici e dipendono anche da una scarsità di fondi, che è invece necessario e urgente convogliare in maniera adeguata per riportare la sanità al ruolo centrale che le spetta. In tal senso i fondi europei rappresentano un'opportunità da cogliere per rafforzare i nostri sistemi sanitari e per promuovere una produzione di principi attivi farmaceutici all'interno dell'Unione, per ridurre al minimo la dipendenza dalle produzioni dei paesi terzi e sfruttare la nostra eccellenza sul campo.

  Michèle Rivasi, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, merci d’être parmi nous, Monsieur le rapporteur, chers collègues, c’est vrai que la crise de la COVID a été un détonateur au niveau européen. Pourquoi? Parce qu’on s’est rendu compte qu’on n’avait pas des compétences élargies au niveau de la santé. C’est pour cela que ce programme «l’Union européenne pour la santé» est très important parce qu’il correspond à une vraie demande politique et démocratique. Et puis, c’est grâce au Parlement que ce programme, qui va durer jusqu’en 2027, est finalement doté d’un budget de plus de 5 milliards d’euros, c’est à dire 12 fois plus que le programme précédent.

C’est aussi grâce au Parlement, et beaucoup d’ailleurs aux Verts, que la prévention occupe une place à part entière, avec une obligation d’investir au moins 20 % dans des actions et des projets visant la promotion de la santé et la prévention des maladies. Comme je le dis souvent dans la commission spéciale sur la lutte contre le cancer à laquelle je participe, la meilleure thérapie contre le cancer est d’abord de ne pas en développer. Au moins la moitié des cancers trouvent leur origine dans notre environnement, dans ce que l’on mange, dans ce que l’on respire, dans les expositions croisées que l’on subit. C’est pour cela que l’Europe a une véritable responsabilité et doit rationaliser son combat contre les pollutions chimiques, les perturbateurs endocriniens, les ondes électromagnétiques, y compris, bien sûr, la 5G, qui est classée cancérigène possible par l’OMS. Mais c’est aussi pour répondre à la sécurité sanitaire et, dans nos propositions, il y a là l’idée qu’il faut créer des établissements publics à but non lucratif pour fabriquer des médicaments stratégiques et aussi des matières actives dont on a besoin par rapport à la pénurie des médicaments.

Mais il reste de gros points d’interrogation, notamment sur la gouvernance des initiatives faisant partie de l’UE pour la santé. Regardons les leçons de la crise de la COVID. On a vu que l’Union européenne a payé des milliards d’euros aux laboratoires pour les vaccins, mais ces labos n’ont pas tenu leurs promesses. La Commission leur a trop fait confiance pour la production des vaccins. Qu’ont-ils mis en œuvre avec les centaines de millions d’euros d’argent public que nous leur avons donnés pour leur capacité de production? Nous n’en avons aucune idée car rien n’a été fait pour garantir la transparence, Madame la Commissaire, pour poser des conditions ou encore pour associer le Parlement européen à toutes les décisions prises dans l’urgence. Alors, il ne faut pas s’étonner que par rapport à la pénurie des vaccins, des pays comme la Hongrie, la République tchèque ou la Slovaquie et même l’Autriche et le Danemark vont chercher ailleurs les vaccins et notamment des vaccins, qui n’ont souvent pas reçu d’autorisation de mise sur le marché de notre agence. Mais c’est une réalité et il faut qu’on soit beaucoup plus performant au niveau de l’Europe. Il faut qu’on pousse les labos à livrer les doses prévues. Quand on a interrogé Pfizer, ils refusent même de partager des brevets, leur technologie, leur savoir-faire. Or, si on veut avoir les doses demandées, il faut absolument démultiplier les capacités de production et pouvoir assurer l’accès plus large aux vaccins. Pourquoi l’Europe bloque les licences obligatoires? Et c’est très important parce que cela permet de multiplier les sites de production sans utiliser les brevets.

Donc, pour finir, si on veut une Europe de la santé forte, cela demande une vraie exigence politique. Le politique doit reprendre la main et se doter d’outils adéquats pour répondre à la demande des citoyens européens.

  Joanna Kopcińska, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Szanowna Pani Komisarz! Niepowodzenie jest sukcesem, jeśli wyciągniemy z niego lekcję. Wierzę, że my, Europejczycy, ostatecznie pokonamy pandemię, i jestem w pełni przekonana, że Program UE dla zdrowia wniesie znaczący wkład w proces stopniowego powrotu do nowej rzeczywistości po obecnie boleśnie doświadczających skutkach wciąż trwającej pandemii Covid-19.

Jako sprawozdawczyni z ramienia ECR w zakresie prac nad całym pakietem europejskiej unii zdrowia z zadowoleniem przyjmuję wynik intensywnych prac, w czasie których osiągnęliśmy wynegocjowany program ostatecznie identyfikujący niedociągnięcia ujawnione przez kryzys Covid-19 oraz proponujący odpowiednie wsparcie, zapewniające wzmocnienie wydolności systemów opieki zdrowotnej Unii Europejskiej.

Program wpisuje się w cele zrównoważonego rozwoju – cel trzeci przewidujący zmniejszenie niezakaźnych o jedną trzecią do 2030 r. przedwczesnej śmiertelności z powodu chorób. Co najmniej miliard euro zostanie przeznaczone właśnie na profilaktykę chorób, co będzie stanowiło wsparcie systemów zdrowia państw Unii Europejskiej oraz realną pomoc dla pacjentów. Program opowiada się za polityką zdrowia publicznego połączoną z ONZ-owską koncepcją One Health, zapobiegania chorób, synergią z europejskim planem zwalczania raka, odniesieniami do sieci chorób rzadkich i leków sierocych, przez co podejmuje próbę poprawy dostępności leków dla unijnych pacjentów, a także będzie wspierał zintegrowaną współpracę dzięki wymianie najlepszych praktyk w zakresie zdrowia.

Z zadowoleniem przyjmuję również fakt, że program podkreśla znaczenie i poszanowanie podziału kompetencji, bez ingerencji w architekturę systemów zdrowia publicznego państw członkowskich. Często mawia się, że, żeby wygrać wojnę, trzeba nieraz przegrać bitwę. Wierzę, że Europa ostatecznie wygra, mimo wcześniejszych niepowodzeń.

  João Ferreira, em nome do Grupo The Left. – Senhora Presidente, a pandemia de Covid—19 está a demonstrar, por um lado, que existe uma necessidade e uma margem grande para o reforço da cooperação entre os Estados na proteção da saúde e, por outro lado, confirma que a resposta que está a ser dada pela União Europeia não está à altura dessa necessidade.

O fracasso da estratégia de vacinação é disso exemplo elucidativo, uma estratégia que privilegia os interesses das multinacionais farmacêuticas em detrimento do interesse público e da saúde das populações, uma estratégia que vira costas à necessária cooperação internacional neste domínio.

A forma como cada Estado se organiza para prestar cuidados de saúde às suas populações é uma competência nacional. E deve ser assim, desde logo porque existem tradições e realidades muito diferentes, que vão desde os sistemas de saúde essencialmente públicos, em que o direito à saúde está constitucionalmente consagrado, e os sistemas universais e tendencialmente gratuitos, até às perspetivas mais liberais e de mercantilização do direito à saúde.

A União Europeia não tem um passado de boa memória neste domínio. Diretivas como a dos cuidados de saúde transfronteiriços apontam para uma perspetiva essencialmente mercantil no que toca à prestação de cuidados de saúde.

As próprias recomendações por país, que, no âmbito do Semestre Europeu, têm vindo a ser feitas ao longo dos anos, antes da pandemia apontaram muitas vezes, como aconteceu com Portugal, para a necessidade de cortar no financiamento do Serviço Nacional de Saúde. Ora, estão demonstradas as consequências de orientações deste tipo, as quais fragilizam os sistemas públicos de saúde, abrindo caminho ao negócio privado da doença.

Tendo em conta este enquadramento, diríamos: cooperação neste domínio entre Estados, sim; centralização da política de saúde num plano supranacional, não.

  Mislav Kolakušić (NI). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, poštovani kolege, dragi građani, vjerovati da farmaceutska industrija želi zdrave građane je isto kao i vjerovati da vojna industrija želi mir u svijetu.

Kao strašna posljedica potpuno promašene i pogrešne politike i reakcije na jednu od gotovo svakodnevnih mutacija koronavirusa imamo posljedicu da samo u Hrvatskoj nije obavljeno više od 110 tisuća sitnih kirurških intervencija, pregleda teških kroničnih bolesnika oboljelih od raka i drugih teških bolesti, što je imalo za posljedicu nikad veću smrtnost u Republici Hrvatskoj.

Takav isti scenarij dogodio se i u svim državama Europe i svijeta. S obzirom na svakodnevne koruptivne afere koje se događaju u vezi nabavke PCR testova, medicinskih maski i nabavke cjepiva mi možemo reći da se nalazimo u pandemiji korupcije koja će dovesti do siromaštva ogromnog broja građana Europe i svijeta i neviđenog bogatstva nekoliko pojedinaca na svijetu.

  Μαρία Σπυράκη (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, Επίτροπε Κυριακίδου, σήμερα κάνουμε ένα μεγάλο βήμα. Με το EU4Health στηρίζουμε τα κράτη μέλη, την Eλλάδα, την Kύπρο, και εκείνα με τη σειρά τους θα έχουν την ευκαιρία να ενισχύσουν την ανθεκτικότητα των εθνικών συστημάτων υγείας και να ενσωματώσουν καινοτόμες θεραπείες και πρακτικές. Mπορεί τα 5,1 δισεκατομμύρια ευρώ να είναι μόνο η αρχή, είναι όμως μια σπουδαία αρχή στον πυλώνα της ευρωπαϊκής υγείας που πριν την πανδημία δεν υπήρχε. Oι Έλληνες λέμε «ουδέν κακόν αμιγές καλού». Μέσα από την πανδημία καταφέραμε στον τομέα της υγείας πρώτα απ’ όλα να κάνουμε κοινές παραγγελίες υγειονομικού υλικού, μετά να ενισχύσουμε κι άλλο την έρευνα που οδήγησε στο εμβόλιο και βεβαίως να κάνουμε κοινές παραγγελίες για τα εμβόλια, ένα μεγάλο επίτευγμα, αντίστοιχο και παράλληλο του Ταμείου Ανάκαμψης. Τώρα πρέπει να πάμε στο επόμενο στάδιο: στην πρόληψη και την έγκαιρη διάγνωση των ασθενειών που μαστίζουν την Ευρώπη, που μαστίζουν τον καθένα μας, τον καρκίνο, τις καρδιοπάθειες, τον διαβήτη.

Επιτρέψτε μου να καταγράψω ειδικά το ενδιαφέρον μου για τον αόρατο καρκίνο, τον παιδικό καρκίνο. Το πρόγραμμα EU4Health το οποίο θα ψηφίσουμε σήμερα μπορεί να χρηματοδοτήσει την πρωτοβουλία βοηθώντας τα παιδιά με καρκίνο, ώστε να έχουν όλα τα παιδιά πρόσβαση σε ταχεία και βέλτιστη ανίχνευση, διάγνωση, θεραπεία και φροντίδα. Μπορεί να στηρίξει την ανταλλαγή βέλτιστων πρακτικών και προτύπων φροντίδας για παιδιά με καρκίνο και έτσι να συμπληρωθούν οι δράσεις που υλοποιούνται από τα νέα ευρωπαϊκά δίκτυα αναφοράς. Θέλω να σας πω ότι στην πατρίδα μου, την Ελλάδα, ο πρωθυπουργός Κυριάκος Μητσοτάκης ανακοίνωσε ήδη ένα σπουδαίο βήμα: την καταγραφή σε ειδικό μητρώο των περιπτώσεων του παιδικού καρκίνου. Μαζί με το EU4Health έχουμε αυτήν την ώρα τη δυνατότητα να στηρίξουμε όλα τα παιδιά που δίνουν τη μάχη, ώστε να μην υπάρχει κανένας χαμένος. Να είναι όλα τα παιδιά νικητές.

  Jytte Guteland (S&D). – Madam President, we in the S&D Group share the ambition and we welcome this historically strong and comprehensive health strategy. Given the current health crisis and the enormous challenge that our Member States and we as a Union are facing, with the adoption of the EU4Health Programme, which is ten times bigger than the previous health programmes, Europe is sending a clear signal that we are doing everything in our power to increase the protection of the health of the citizens. Ultimately, this is about finding solutions that bring the most value into the lives of our citizens.

EU4Health is an important step in the direction to ensure that people in Europe can benefit from high quality, accessible, safe, equal and affordable healthcare. It is crucial that we do not forget the deeper underlying structures and factors that impact public health.

We know that there are strong social, economic and lifestyle patterns that have clear impact on the health of citizens. This also includes the current health inequalities and unequal access to healthcare that persist in Europe. The S&D Group fully stands behind the importance of promoting access to sexual and reproductive healthcare. This is a human right and we will not allow anyone to try to rob this from the people of Europe, to rob freedom from Europe. Therefore, the S&D Group also welcomes the 20% of the resources under the programme that has been reserved for health promotion and disease prevention measures.

This is also closely linked to the important work that the Union must do in supporting and strengthening the national healthcare system by improving their resilience and their resource efficiency.We also welcome that the Member States can perform stress testing on their national healthcare systems as a means to see what can be possibly further improved as well as the facilitation of best practice. This agreement will also support the development of medical products that is less harmful for the environment.

  Frédérique Ries (Renew). – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, 5,1 milliards d’euros pour une Europe de la santé qui s’envole, on peut le dire comme ça, c’est le résultat extraordinaire auquel sont parvenus nos négociateurs. Je voudrais donc, en notre nom à tous, remercier notre rapporteur Christian Buşoi et notre Commissaire Mme Kyriakides.

Il est fini, définitivement fini, le temps où la santé était reléguée dans la deuxième division des politiques européennes. La pandémie de la COVID-19 a éclairé et de façon tragique les lacunes de nos systèmes de santé. EU4Health se donne pour ambition de changer la donne. Je vais essayer de ne pas répéter tout ce qui a été dit déjà. 20 % du budget dorénavant consacré à la prévention des maladies et à la promotion de la santé, avec en ligne de mire notamment les assuétudes: le tabac, la dépendance à l’alcool, sans non plus tomber dans la prohibition. On marque des points aussi sur la constitution de stocks européens de produits essentiels de crise, tout ce qui nous a manqué en réalité: les médicaments, les équipements, les dispositifs. Une demande forte, une demande répétée de notre Parlement depuis le début, 12,5% du budget, soit 637 millions d’euros leur seront dédiés.

Une crise, Madame la Commissaire, qui a montré, on l’a dit et redit, notre dépendance par rapport à la Chine, par rapport à l’Inde. L’Europe doit se réapproprier l’outil de production pour sortir de cette pénurie de médicaments largement antécédent, cela dit, aux événements de cette année.

L’Europe a su créer en 2008, l’Innovative Medicines Initiative (IMI), un des plus ambitieux partenariats privé-public au monde pour les médicaments innovants. Elle doit aujourd’hui tout simplement faire la même chose pour les médicaments anciens, souvent considérés comme pas assez rentables par certaines firmes pharmaceutiques, je ne vais pas citer de noms, mais les patients en attente se reconnaîtront.

Un dernier mot pour conclure, en référence au vieillissement démographique amorcé en Europe, les plus de 80 ans représentent 6 % de la population, l’Europe doit clairement miser sur la télémédecine pour que la santé en ligne parvienne chez nos anciens isolés et connectés. Agir pour nos seniors, c’est aussi l’Europe qui se projette.

VORSITZ: RAINER WIELAND
Vizepräsident

  Joëlle Mélin (ID). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, ce qui se conçoit bien s’énonce clairement. Et quoi qu’on en pense, l’article 168 du traité de fonctionnement l’Union européenne en matière de santé publique est clair. Il définit la coopération sanitaire nécessaire entre les États européens, l’action de l’Union complétant, appuyant et améliorant la complémentarité des politiques nationales face à la prévention des maladies. Cette action comprend également la lutte contre les grands fléaux comme les épidémies, en favorisant la recherche sur leurs causes, leur transmission, leur prévention et l’information nécessaire, ainsi que la surveillance de menaces transfrontières graves en en diffusant l’alerte et les recommandations à mettre en œuvre.

Sur la base de cet article qui, selon nous, suffisait largement, de nombreux textes existants, eux aussi suffisants, auraient dû permettre à l’Union européenne de faire face à la pandémie de la COVID. Mais hélas, quinze mois après le début de la crise, force est de constater à quel point rien n’a fonctionné à temps. Aucune agence ad hoc, pas plus celle du médicament, avec des autorisations irresponsables de traitements comme le Remdesivir ou le CDCE sur le versant veille et alerte avec trois semaines de retard, ni le Parlement européen dans le contrôle et l’exigence de résultats rapides des études financées depuis plus d’un an, ni surtout la Commission européenne dans la négociation des vaccins. Rien n’a protégé les Européens.

Quant au texte soumis aujourd’hui au vote, il dysfonctionne. Cette nouvelle version réglementaire de l’action de l’Union dans le domaine de la santé part dans tous les sens, dans une confusion totale des objectifs et des actions, mais à coup sûr, en réduisant encore l’indépendance des États dans leurs prérogatives régaliennes. Et c’est d’ailleurs le cas de tous les règlements contraignants en matière de santé qui se multiplient et se renforcent dans l’urgence actuellement. Décidément, l’instrumentalisation de la crise actuelle par les décideurs, totalement dépassés par la situation qui consiste à alourdir des dispositifs existants – encore une fois largement suffisants s’ils avaient été correctement activés – est extrêmement inquiétant quant à la valeur ajoutée de l’Union européenne sur les États.

  Rasmus Andresen (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident! Gesundheit ist keine Ware, sondern ein Menschenrecht.

Während COVID ist die Ungleichheit in unserem Gesundheitssystem noch größer geworden. Menschen mit niedrigerem Einkommen aus Minderheiten oder in Staaten mit einem schwächeren Gesundheitssystem trifft COVID am härtesten. Wer in Bulgarien oder Rumänien wohnt, lebt im Durchschnitt acht Jahre weniger als Menschen in Spanien und Italien. Die Lebenserwartung von 30-jährigen Männern mit Universitätsabschluss ist sieben Jahre länger als bei Gleichaltrigen mit kürzerer Ausbildung.

Jetzt ist nicht die Zeit dafür, nach Zuständigkeiten zu fragen. Unser Ziel muss sein, allen Menschen in der EU Zugang zu guter öffentlicher Gesundheitsversorgung zu ermöglichen. Das EU-Gesundheitsprogramm ist ein Schritt in die richtige Richtung. Eigentlich müsste es viel größer sein, doch dank der harten Verhandlungen von uns Abgeordneten hat das Programm jetzt immerhin ein Volumen von mehr als fünf Milliarden Euro.

COVID hat uns gezeigt, wie anfällig unser Gesundheitssystem ist. Ganz egal ob in Athen, in Bukarest oder in Kopenhagen. Der Markt allein wird uns nicht retten. Wir brauchen gute öffentliche Gesundheitsversorgung. Wir müssen aus den Fehlern der Vergangenheit lernen.

In der Krise hat sich gezeigt, dass Staaten, die weniger in ihr Gesundheitssystem investieren konnten, schneller an Kapazitätsgrenzen kommen. Als Reaktion auf die Eurokrise wurden Spanien, Italien und Griechenland dazu gezwungen, ihr Gesundheitssystem zusammenzukürzen. Während die Gesundheitsausgaben nach der Eurokrise in den meisten Staaten, beispielsweise auch in Deutschland, gestiegen sind, mussten Italien, Spanien und Griechenland ihr Gesundheitssystem kaputtkürzen. Das hatte harte Folgen. In Italien wurden 15 % der Krankenhäuser geschlossen. Allein in der spanischen Region Madrid wurden 4 000 Stellen im Gesundheitssystem abgebaut und die Zahl der Krankenhausbetten um 3 000 reduziert. In Griechenland wurden die Gesundheitsausgaben nach 2009 von 16,2 auf 8,6 Milliarden fast halbiert. Diese Fehler dürfen wir nicht wiederholen. COVID muss ein Weckruf sein.

Anstatt Haushaltskürzungen brauchen wir Investitionen, bessere Zusammenarbeit und Prävention. Wir brauchen gut ausgestattete Gesundheitsbehörden, die von der Kommune bis nach Brüssel besser miteinander kooperieren. Denn wir werden nur gemeinsam erfolgreich sein. EU4Health ist sicherlich keine Antwort auf alle diese Fragen, aber das Programm kann ein guter Anfang für eine neue EU-Gesundheitspolitik sein.

  Anna Zalewska (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Nie ukrywam, że jestem zdumiona – pewnie tak, jak zdumieni są Europejczycy, którzy nas słuchają – że taki optymizm bije nie tylko z Pani wypowiedzi, ale również z wypowiedzi koleżanek i kolegów, i że wszyscy Państwo używają czasu przeszłego, kiedy mówią o pandemii. Niestety to są niewystarczające środki na to, żeby walczyć z pandemią. Niestety to nie są żadne środki, by móc powiedzieć, że będziemy mieć wpływ na szczepienia, szczepionki, na leki antykowidowe. To wreszcie za mało pieniędzy, by opłacić psychiatrów, terapeutów, psychologów, którzy będą pomagali nam wychodzić z depresji.

Nie możemy udawać, że nie widzimy rzeczywistości, że nie jesteśmy zakładnikami szantażujących nas firm farmaceutycznych. Jeśli będziemy twierdzić, że w ten sposób wysyłamy jakieś pozytywne sygnały, Europejczycy nie dadzą nam wiary, że, po pierwsze, wyjdziemy z pandemii, a po drugie, że jesteśmy solidarni i że Komisja Europejska i Unia Europejska sprawdza się w tej sytuacji.

  Marc Botenga (The Left). – Voorzitter, we stemmen vandaag over een Europees gezondheidsprogramma. Dat is belangrijk en daar staat een belangrijk principe in: health in all policies. Gezondheid overal, in alle beleid. Ik ben daar blij mee, maar ik hoop dat we het ook serieus gaan nemen. Want je kunt natuurlijk moeilijk enerzijds spreken over hoe belangrijk gezondheid is en anderzijds met ander beleid de gezondheid van de mensen afzwakken of ondermijnen.

Het huidige Europese beleid, laat ons daar duidelijk over zijn, ondermijnt de gezondheid op heel wat vlakken. Een voorbeeld: het kapot besparen van onze gezondheidszorg. Ja, dat zorgde ervoor dat het zorgpersoneel op zijn tandvlees liep nog voor de pandemie begon, of dat mensen doktersbezoeken uitstellen. Of denken we aan het Europese flexibiliseringsbeleid inzake de arbeidsmarkt. Een rat race maken ze van ons leven, dat we steeds harder moeten werken, steeds flexibeler, totdat we te ziek zijn om van ons pensioen te genieten.

  Ivan Vilibor Sinčić (NI). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, kolegice i kolege, zdravstvenu politiku Europe obilježit će tri stvari: kriza, korona i korupcija. Korupcija na niskoj razini, na srednjoj razini, ali i na visokoj razini.

Nevjerojatna je vijest koja ovih dana dolazi iz Njemačke. Naime, radi se o događajima prije godinu dana kada je njemački ministar unutarnjih poslova Seehofer naručio scenarije straha, dakle iz dokumenata se iščitavaju informacije, dakle dignuti razinu straha među populacijom, osigurati strah i poslušnost populacije, ostvariti mentalnu i sistemsku kontrolu situacije. Zašto ako se stvarno radi o pandemiji? Čemu ovaj marketing straha? Zašto napadati i Njemačku i narode Europe tom kampanjom straha? A znali ste da jednom kad uspostavite situaciju straha u Njemačkoj da će se ona proširiti na cijelu Europu Znate li što strah radi ljudskom zdravlju? Znate li što radi ljudskoj psihologiji, mentalnom zdravlju? Što radi ljudskoj fiziologiji? Što radi zdravlju djece?

Ne vjerujem u priče onih koji provode ove mjere da im je doista stalo do zdravlja jer ne bi se služili kampanjama straha.

  Радан Кънев (PPE). – Г-н Председател, г-жо Комисар, колеги, въпросът в крайна сметка е, защо изобщо е нужна Обща здравна политика? И отговорът е ясен, защото Европа диша през отворените си граници, защото свободата на движението на хора, търговията, туризмът, културата са основата на Европейската икономика. Защото затворени в национални граници, противоречащи си национални законодателства и карантини ние просто се задушаваме.

Но аз ще посоча още един отговор. Именно защото Европа е отворено пространство, проблемът за един е проблем за всички. Проблемът на болните от хронични заболявания е проблем, който се засилва десетократно от развитието на заразата. Ние всички знаем, че вирусните инфекции са пряко свързани с хроничните заболявания на целия континент. И когато едно правителство не се справя със здравната криза, когато я експлоатира с предизборни цели, то застрашава не само своите граждани, но застрашава всеки европеец.

Днес България влиза бързо в трета вълна на Ковид-19 с увеличени случаи на зараза, повече постъпили в болницата, за съжаление по-висока смъртност. И всички медицински мерки са отложени за следизборния ден, защото сме в предизборна кампания. Изборен ден, който може би ще съвпадне със самия пик на заразата.

Без да накърнява националния суверенитет, Европа трябва да има отговор на такива въпроси и готовност да посочи такива заплахи и да даде препоръки.

  Nicolás González Casares (S&D). – Señor presidente, después de la crisis financiera y las políticas nefastas que desprotegieron nuestros sistemas de salud, este Parlamento ha pedido reiteradamente un rol más fuerte de las políticas europeas en esta materia, y lo que ha demostrado la pandemia es la urgencia de ese refuerzo.

Sin duda, esta crisis reforzará el papel de estas políticas en la Unión, sin menoscabo de las competencias nacionales, e instrumentos como el programa La UE por la Salud deben impulsar la capacidad de la UE en ámbitos fundamentales: hacer frente a las amenazas transnacionales, como la pandemia que estamos sufriendo; reducir las desigualdades en materia de salud, sangrantes en el caso del acceso a tratamientos de enfermedades como el cáncer, y, además, como ha demandado este Parlamento, mejorar el acceso a medicamentos y productos sanitarios evitando desabastecimientos.

Es evidente que con 5 000 millones de euros no vamos a resolver estos problemas, pero, en sinergia con otros fondos del presupuesto ordinario, las nuevas propuestas legislativas y el Mecanismo de Recuperación y Resiliencia, con la colaboración de los Estados miembros, deben servir de palanca para dar una mejor respuesta y ayudar a construir la Unión de la Salud que demandan los ciudadanos europeos.

  Linea Søgaard-Lidell (Renew). – Hr. Formand! Når vi senere i dag godkender vores store sundhedsprogram EU4health, er jeg glad af især to årsager. Det er i sig selv rigtig glædeligt, at vi nu kickstarter/investerer i forskning og vidensdeling på sundhedsområdet. Men jeg er særligt glad for to klare fingeraftryk, som min liberale gruppe og jeg har sat. Vi har udvidet, hvad programmet skal dække over, og vi har udvidet, hvordan vi definerer kroniske sygdomme. I dag har vi alt for mange sygdomme, som er underbelyste i forskningen, og kan vi bidrage med at tippe den balance bare en lille smule, så er det allerede en sejr. Særligt for de millioner af europæere, der hvert år bliver påvirket af sygdomme, som vi ikke nødvendigvis er gode til at behandle. Det kan, og det skal vi gøre noget ved. Og det er et skridt i den rigtige retning, at vi nu får mere fokus på det.

Et af de helt underbelyste områder er klart reproduktiv sundhed, og her dagen efter kvindernes internationale kampdag kan vi måske være særligt glade for, at vi har fået det her med i strategien. Sundhed omkring seksualitet, fertilitet, graviditet og fødsel trænger virkelig til mere fokus. Der er så mange underbelyste emner her. Måske særligt fertilitetsområdet, hvor vi ser, at færre europæere får børn, og at det desværre ofte er ufrivilligt. Infertilitet er faktisk et af de mest hyppige sundhedsproblemer for mennesker i den fødedygtige alder, og det kan vi ikke overse længere. Hvis de her skridt betyder, at flere europæere på kort eller lang sigt kan få hjælp, og at samfundet kan få bedre viden om en række sygdomme, så har dagen i dag været en rigtig god dag på arbejdet.

  Silvia Sardone (ID). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'Europa ha fallito prima nell'emergenza sanitaria legata alla pandemia e ora nella fase della vaccinazione.

Parlate di cooperazione, coordinamento, prevenzione, risposte veloci, bene, benissimo, ma i fatti? Israele, Gran Bretagna e Stati Uniti sono tutti paesi che stanno facendo meglio di noi. Persino il Marocco – il Marocco! – è più avanti di noi sul piano vaccinale.

Ogni giorno arriva la notizia di tagli sul numero di dosi che le aziende produttrici consegneranno in Europa; la Presidente von der Leyen dice che sicuramente ci saranno ritorsioni. Peccato che nei contratti sottoscritti non ci siano penali in caso di ritardi nelle consegne, quindi non si capisce di che ritorsioni stia parlando. L'Austria e la Danimarca hanno già annunciato accordi con Israele per fare ricerca e produrre vaccini, dicendo quindi "ciao ciao" all'affidamento esclusivo all'Europa.

Una cosa positiva è che l'Unione europea è andata sulle posizioni della Lega. In Italia bene ha fatto Draghi a bloccare le esportazioni di vaccini prodotti in Europa verso l'Australia. Bene fa oggi l'Europa a bloccare allo stesso modo l'esportazione dei vaccini nei confronti dei paesi extra Unione europea.

L'Agenzia europea per il farmaco però è troppo lenta con le approvazioni dei vaccini e i cittadini europei iniziano a pensare che non sarà l'Europa a salvarli, ma piuttosto con la sua burocrazia e le sue lungaggini ad affossarli. Quindi l'Europa si deve svegliare, deve implementare il piano vaccinale e pensare prima ai paesi europei, così come sta facendo l'Italia, e poi agli altri.

  Piernicola Pedicini (Verts/ALE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, credo che questa crisi sanitaria stia facendo venire al pettine tutti i nodi di questa nostra Unione europea, purtroppo.

Ci si è concentrati sul mercato unico, sulla moneta unica, sull'unione bancaria, ma quello che serviva davvero erano uguali diritti per le persone, a cominciare dal diritto alla salute, a cominciare dal diritto di avere una sanità pubblica ed europea.

Io stesso più volte ho proposto l'idea di formare una casa farmaceutica pubblica ed europea: oggi avremmo potuto sviluppare un vaccino europeo, lo avremmo potuto distribuire e produrre in brevissimo tempo e anche prestare al resto del mondo, per chi ne avesse avuto bisogno. Invece si sono privilegiati gli interessi delle case farmaceutiche private che adesso ci tengono per il collo, perseguendo il loro unico grande obiettivo, il profitto, un obiettivo che è perfino superiore al valore della vita umana.

In questa relazione EU4Health è stata riproposta questa idea, ma oltre cinquecento parlamentari l'hanno bocciata, di tutti quanti gli schieramenti politici. Hanno scelto di stare al fianco del profitto e della grande industria farmaceutica.

La gente ci sta chiedendo perché non si distribuiscono il vaccino russo, quello cinese e quello cubano: forse perché l'Unione europea ha deciso di stare al fianco e privilegiare i rapporti internazionali con gli Stati Uniti invece di avere un'arma in più per salvare la vita di migliaia di persone.

Le persone si chiedono perché si punta soltanto sul vaccino e non anche su una terapia che potesse permettere di intervenire quando il virus non ha ancora fatto troppi danni: forse perché ancora una volta l'Unione europea ha deciso di stare al fianco della grande industria farmaceutica.

Ora la proposta EU4Health è certamente una proposta positiva, noi la voteremo, ma la domanda non è se sarà in grado di tirarci fuori da questa crisi sanitaria ed economica. La domanda è se un giorno saremo capaci di cambiare mentalità e di fare davvero l'interesse delle persone.

  Johan Van Overtveldt (ECR). – Voorzitter, het EU4Health-programma focust op de domeinen waar de EU effectief toegevoegde waarde kan bieden, zoals grensoverschrijdende bedreigingen en de beschikbaarheid van geneesmiddelen. Ook in de huidige pandemie kan de EU zorgen voor toegevoegde waarde, maar de strategie loopt nog steeds mank en traag. De achterstand ten opzichte van derde landen is groot. Het wantrouwen is groot en het geduld raakt op.

Er zijn vele oorzaken voor het falen, maar slechts weinig excuses. Volgens mij is de Europese traagheid te wijten aan een soort van vastgeroeste, risico-averse bureaucratie die zich toont in elke fase van plan tot uitvoering. Er is hier een echte reset, een mentale shift nodig. Ook rijzen er vragen bij het exportverbod van vaccins. Producenten geven aan dat dit een risico is dat voor kostbaar tijdsverlies kan zorgen. En wat als dat exportverbod derde landen inspireert tot een gelijkaardige rem op noodzakelijke componenten voor de aanmaak van vaccins? Ik hoop dat men hier goed de risico’s heeft ingeschat.

  Γιώργος Γεωργίου (The Left). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αγαπητή Στέλλα, είναι άδικο να φορτωθείς προσωπικά όλη την ευθύνη για ό,τι συμβαίνει με την πανδημία στην Ευρώπη. Όμως επειδή εδώ μιλάμε για ζωή και για θάνατο πρέπει να είμαστε ειλικρινείς. Το δις και τρις εξαμαρτείν σε βάρος της υγείας των λαών αποτελεί έγκλημα. Αρχικά ωθούσατε τα κράτη να περιορίσουν τις επενδύσεις στον τομέα της υγείας και να πάνε σε ιδιωτικοποιήσεις. Είδαμε τα αποτελέσματα! Η πανδημία βρήκε τα δημόσια νοσηλευτήρια υποστελεχωμένα και ανέτοιμα να αντιμετωπίσουν αυτό το κακό που μας βρήκε. Σήμερα, παρά τον τεράστιο αριθμό κρουσμάτων και νοσηλευομένων αλλά και νεκρών, μειώνετε ξανά τα κονδύλια για το περιβόητο ΕU4Health από 9,4 σε 5,3 δισεκατομμύρια. Νομίζω αποτελεί ντροπή και έλλειψη σεβασμού σε βάρος των νεκρών. Επιπλέον, σήμερα ζητάτε να τύχει διαχείρισης ο τομέας της υγείας σε επίπεδο Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Αλλά πώς να σας εμπιστευτούν οι πολίτες, όταν βλέπουν το μπάχαλο με τους εμβολιασμούς, όταν βλέπουν να χρυσώνετε τις μεγάλες φαρμακευτικές εταιρείες με δημόσιο χρήμα την ίδια στιγμή που μαζεύονται και στοιβάζονται οι νεκροί και ξεπερνούν τα 2,5 εκατομμύρια;

Από λόγια πάμε πάρα πολύ καλά. Οι νοσοκόμοι και οι γιατροί μας είναι όντως ήρωες, χρειάζονται όμως στήριξη. Οι απεργοί σήμερα στα νοσοκομεία της Κύπρου στέλνουν ηχηρό μήνυμα. Να ανοίξουμε τα αφτιά μας, να ακούσουμε τον ανθρώπινο πόνο, να στηρίξουμε τη δημόσια υγεία, διότι οι ζωές των ανθρώπων δεν είναι παίξε γέλασε.

  Antoni Comín i Oliveres (NI). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, cette crise nous a appris que dans le domaine de la santé, il y a des choses que nous pouvons faire bien mieux si nous les faisons de manière coordonnée à l’échelle européenne; et d’autres, directement, si nous ne les faisons pas à l’échelle européenne, nous ne pouvons pas les faire. Et il y a tellement d’exemples que nous n’aurions jamais fini.

C’est pourquoi la santé a besoin de plus d’Europe. Nous avons besoin de l’Europe de la santé, plus de fédéralisme sanitaire dans le plus grand respect du principe de subsidiarité, mais si nous devons renforcer un domaine dans les politiques de santé, à tous les niveaux de gouvernement, c’est celui de la prévention et de la promotion. Ainsi, une stratégie qui nous permet d’avancer dans cette direction, c’est la santé dans toute les politiques Nous devons passer les tests de santé de toute politique publique, de l’éducation à l’industrie, de la territorialité à la fiscalité. Donc prendre soin des politiques est très important pour la gouvernance citoyenne, agriculture, recherche, commerce, politique de développement régional. Et il n’y a pas meilleur moyen pour construire une Europe de la santé qu’en imposant résolument la stratégie de la santé dans toutes les politiques européennes. Avec ou sans immunité, nous lutterons jusqu’au bout pour une Europe plus juste et plus démocratique.

  Sunčana Glavak (PPE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, poštovana povjerenice, protekla godina pokazala nam je važnost očuvanja zdravlja i nužnost ulaganja u javno zdravstvo.

Svjesni smo toga da smo na teži način naučili i uočili sve slabosti zdravstvenih sustava u protekloj godini. Ipak, usmjerimo se na budućnost. Moramo stvoriti preduvjete jače solidarnosti za jednake šanse za liječenje i jednaku dostupnost zdravstvene skrbi za sve u Uniji, smanjiti, naravno, nejednak pristup u zemljama članicama. Pozdravljam postizanje dogovora oko europske zdravstvene strategije, posebno oko prijedloga uspostavljanja upravljačkog tijela za nadzor provedbe programa kao i prijedloga mobilizacije sredstava EU4Health za jačanje medicinskih rezervi država članica.

Samo jedna mala digresija, Svjetska zdravstvena organizacija procjenjuje da se za lijekove izdvaja otprilike 20 posto ukupnih izdataka za zdravstvo u Europi. Stoga je državama članicama potrebno omogućiti dodatan fiskalni prostor u proračunima za zdravstvo kroz sinergiju programa EU4Health i RescEU. Blagotvorni učinci objedinjene javne nabave iz strateških zaliha na potrošnju država članica su neosporivi, a na taj način više će se novca moći uložiti u medicinsko osoblje, ulaganja, inovacije i digitalizaciju. To je stvarno važno.

Iako je COVID bio u fokusu naših rasprava, postavljamo si pitanje što je s ostalim bolestima, pretragama, liječenjem. Uz to, EU4Health mora biti jedan od mehanizama za uspješno provođenje europskog plana za borbu protiv raka. Porazna je činjenica da se svakih devet sekundi dijagnosticira jedan novi slučaj raka u Europskoj uniji i to ne smijemo zaboraviti. Zdravlje je najveća vrijednost o kojoj svi moramo brinuti, a EU4Health je jasan signal da EU brine.

  Alessandra Moretti (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signora Commissaria, la pandemia ha dimostrato quanto sia urgente realizzare una vera Unione europea della salute.

Il miope sovranismo degli Stati prevalso in questi anni rispetto ad una vera Europa federale ha impedito alla Commissione europea di dotarsi di autorità specifiche in grado di combattere ad armi pari rispetto alle case farmaceutiche. Badate bene, non l'Europa, ma gli Stati non hanno voluto attribuire all'Agenzia per il farmaco poteri adeguati, impedendole di applicare procedure d'urgenza per l'immissione in commercio dei vaccini.

Grazie a un'italiana abbiamo acquistato le dosi necessarie per tutti i 27, avviando una distribuzione equa che ha salvato il piano vaccinale da una canea di spregiudicatezza e prepotenza. Già ad ottobre 2020 la Commissione aveva chiesto di presentare il piano per la distribuzione dei vaccini, tuttavia la maggior parte degli Stati non ha organizzato per tempo la logistica e le infrastrutture e oggi scarica la responsabilità sull'Europa, per lavarsi la coscienza della propria inadeguatezza.

Grazie ai fondi per la ricerca, l'industria ha scoperto il vaccino in pochi mesi, e non in anni. Questi risultati sono figli dell'Europa unita, alla quale gli Stati cedono parte della loro sovranità. EU4Health vuole essere la risposta europea alla fragilità dei nazionalismi, per realizzare un'Unione dove il diritto alla salute è garantito a tutti e dove i governi sono obbligati a fornire prestazioni sanitarie minime di qualità e accessibili.

Si tratta del più grande investimento sulla salute delle persone ma, di riflesso, anche sulla salute di tutta l'Europa. Un'Europa che sta bene e che si prende cura dei propri cittadini è un'Europa giusta che ha le basi per crescere, prosperare e svilupparsi.

  Irena Joveva (Renew). – Gospod predsednik! V soočanju s pandemijo smo odkrili številne pomanjkljivosti zdravstvenih sistemov držav članic in jasno se je pokazala potreba po skupnem delovanju. Četudi nam je pandemija prinesla ogromno težav in bo imela veliko negativnih dolgoročnih posledic, je Program EU za zdravje nedvomno ena od tistih pozitivnih strani.

Dejstvo je, da, kljub temu da je z vidika državljanov Evropske unije zdravstveno varstvo daleč najpomembnejše za prihodnost Evrope, brez pandemije tako kakovostnega programa še ne bi imeli na dnevnem redu.

Zahvaljujoč pogajalski skupini Parlamenta bo v programu namenjenih dobrih pet milijard evrov, ki bodo služile zagotavljanju celovitega pristopa k zdravju in zmanjševanju neenakosti na področju zdravja pri vseh državah in državljanih Evropske unije.

Ta program ne bo služil le kot orodje Unije za skupno obvladovanje prihodnjih zdravstvenih kriz, temveč bo z ustvarjanjem močnih temeljev čezmejnega sodelovanja držav, promocijo zdravja in preprečevanja bolezni dodana vrednost zdravstvenim politikam posameznih držav članic.

Gre za prvi mejnik vzpostavitve evropske zdravstvene unije, s čimer med glavne prioritete delovanja postavljamo zaščito zdravja državljanov in zagotavljanje zdravstvene varnosti vsem pod enakimi pogoji. Ponosna sem, da smo program oblikovali, zdaj pa si želim samo še njegovo pravočasno in uspešno izvedbo.

  Maxette Pirbakas (ID). – Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, je tenais aujourd’hui à vous alerter et à vous sensibiliser sur un problème vital et sanitaire que nous vivons dans deux départements français, qui sont la Guadeloupe et la Martinique.

Est-ce que vous vous rendez compte qu’aujourd’hui, en 2021, des compatriotes guadeloupéens et martiniquais n’ont pas accès à l’eau à leurs robinets? Cela se passe dans des régions ultrapériphériques européennes, cela est inadmissible pour moi en tant qu’Antillaise.

Je souhaiterais que les institutions européennes s’occupent prioritairement et particulièrement de ce problème de santé grave en donnant des financements et des moyens d’accessibilité à l’eau pour l’ensemble de ces départements français. Les régions ultrapériphériques, notamment françaises, doivent bénéficier d’un grand plan de santé pour la période 2021-2027 sur la base de l’article 168 du traité de fonctionnement de l’Union européenne.

Sans oublier aujourd’hui un second problème très grave qui n’a jamais été résolu: le scandale du chlordécone. Alors, je pense qu’il est temps de dépasser la question de la reconnaissance de la responsabilité, maintenant, il est temps d’indemniser et d’aider l’ensemble de mes compatriotes guadeloupéens et martiniquais qui ont subi des dégâts corporels et de graves problèmes de santé comme des cancers depuis des dizaines d’années.

Chers collègues, la santé humaine de nos compatriotes ultramarins est en danger. Il ne faudra pas, dans ce plan de santé, oublier les départements d’outre-mer, il est temps d’agir pour donner une équité dans le domaine de la santé à tous ces territoires lointains qui sont souvent oubliés.

  Tilly Metz (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, chère Madame la Commissaire, chers collègues, comme la plupart d’entre vous, j’aimerais souligner à quel point cette augmentation du budget pour le programme européen pour la santé est une victoire pour les citoyennes et les citoyens que nous représentons.

Avec une multiplication par 12 par rapport au budget précédent, ce nouveau budget montre l’importance que l’Europe est maintenant prête à donner à un secteur jusqu’alors délaissé de l’action publique européenne. J’aimerais souligner aussi ici le rôle du Parlement européen, qui s’est battu pour conserver un budget décent afin d’avoir les moyens de construire sur de bonnes bases le projet de l’Europe de la santé, tant souhaité par les citoyennes et les citoyens, mais auquel le Conseil était si réticent à consentir.

Cette pandémie a bien montré l’importance de renforcer nos systèmes de santé et de le faire de façon coordonnée. Si l’un d’entre nous est vulnérable, nous le sommes tous. À contrario d’une Europe qui, jusqu’alors, a privilégié le marché au détriment de l’amélioration du bien-être des citoyens, je crois que ce programme est la première pierre d’un projet important pour renforcer la cohésion européenne autour de la protection sociale. Je me réjouis donc que ce programme affiche comme objectif clair l’investissement dans les services de santé publics, rompant, je l’espère, avec la logique de libéralisation de ces services essentiels qui régnait jusqu’alors, et qu’il se concentre également sur la prévention, sur une approche globale de la santé, incluant les menaces environnementales.

C’est l’Europe que les citoyens souhaitent et je félicite donc mes collègues pour les négociations sur ce dossier.

  Andżelika Anna Możdżanowska (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Niestety dziś wspólnie doświadczamy bolesnych faktów. Jako zjednoczona Europa nie byliśmy zdolni do natychmiastowej reakcji w walce z pandemią COVID-19. Czy Europa zawiodła w kryzysie w kwestii podejmowania szybkich i zdecydowanych działań w porozumieniu z państwami członkowskimi? Dziś odpowiedź jest tylko jedna: potrzeba jest pilnych działań i natychmiastowej reakcji, by już nigdy życie i zdrowie żadnego obywatela Unii Europejskiej nie było zagrożone.

Wierzę, że tą odpowiedzią jest największy Program UE dla zdrowia. Ponad 5 mld EUR na najbliższe siedem lat to zwiększenie gotowości Unii na zagrożenia dla zdrowia i wzmocnienie krajowych systemów opieki zdrowotnej według potrzeb i decyzji każdego z państw. To ambitny plan, by zapewnić równy dostęp do opieki zdrowotnej każdemu mieszkańcowi Unii. To nasza profilaktyka, walka z rakiem, odpowiedź na choroby cywilizacyjne i wspieranie każdej grupy wiekowej w starzejącym się europejskim społeczeństwie. Inwestycja w zdrowie to nasz obowiązek i wspólna odpowiedzialność za obecne i przyszłe pokolenia Europejczyków. To ważny krok w kierunku wiarygodnej „Unii Zdrowia”.

  Κώστας Παπαδάκης (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η πανδημία είναι εκτός ορίων στην Ελλάδα και αλλού, οι όμιλοι θησαυρίζουν και, εν μέσω πανδημίας, ενώ είναι εκτεθειμένοι οι λαοί, ρημαγμένο το λαϊκό εισόδημα, εσείς προωθείτε το πρόγραμμα ΕU4Health ενισχύοντας την εμπορευματοποίηση της υγείας. Χρηματοδοτείτε ομίλους μέσω ΣΔΙΤ, μεθοδεύοντας ως και την παράδοση σε αυτούς ιατρικών δεδομένων ασθενών προς εκμετάλλευση. Ψηφιοποίηση για την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση σημαίνει μείωση κόστους, επιστράτευση της τηλεϊατρικής ως άλλοθι για την τεράστια έλλειψη προσλήψεων και υποδομών από το δημόσιο σύστημα υγείας.

Αναφέρεστε προκλητικά σε οικονομικά προσιτή τηλεϊατρική, αυτοεξυπηρέτηση με χορήγηση φαρμάκων από το σπίτι, κάνοντας απρόσιτο το αναφαίρετο λαϊκό δικαίωμα στη δημόσια δωρεάν υγεία και φροντίδα από το απαραίτητο ιατρικό και νοσηλευτικό προσωπικό. Τα χάλια του εμπορευματοποιημένου επιχειρηματικού δημόσιου τομέα και η ευρωστία του ιδιωτικού αποτελούν τις δύο όψεις του ίδιου αντιλαϊκού νομίσματος. Απαιτούμε άμεσα μέτρα ενίσχυσης του δημόσιου συστήματος υγείας με επίταξη του ιδιωτικού τομέα υγείας χωρίς αποζημίωση και κατάργηση κάθε πατέντας στα εμβόλια. Οι λαοί να δυναμώσουν τον αγώνα τους για την προστασία της υγείας της ζωής τους, για αναβαθμισμένες δωρεάν υπηρεσίες υγείας χωρίς επιχειρηματική δράση!

  Lídia Pereira (PPE). –Senhor Presidente, Senhoras e Senhores Deputados, recorda-nos o Tratado sobre o Funcionamento da União Europeia que, na definição e execução de todas as políticas e ações da União, será assegurado um elevado nível de proteção da saúde. Recorda-nos ainda que a União dispõe de competência para desenvolver ações destinadas a apoiar, coordenar ou completar a ação dos Estados-Membros em diversos domínios, sendo o primeiro deles, segundo o próprio Tratado, a proteção e melhoria da saúde humana. Estivemos durante demasiado tempo pouco despertos para o tanto que podia ser feito. O EU4Health é, em muitos aspetos, a resposta europeia ao muito que ainda há para fazer na saúde: uma resposta europeia na luta contra o cancro, em particular o pediátrico, uma resposta europeia na luta contra as pandemias, uma resposta europeia à necessidade de trazer de volta à Europa a produção de medicamentos, uma resposta europeia para a inovação farmacêutica, uma resposta europeia que retira lições da crise da Covid-19 e reforça os sistemas de saúde nacionais. No PPE quisemos ir ainda mais longe. Avançámos na importância da formação do pessoal médico, da redução das desigualdades e da digitalização do setor da saúde. Um plano ambicioso e do qual os europeus se podem orgulhar.

  Victor Negrescu (S&D). – Domnule președinte, dragi colegi, am fost mereu un puternic susținător al creării unui program de acțiune a Uniunii în domeniul sănătății și mă bucur că se creează o astfel de soluție de finanțare. Încă din anul 2015 vorbeam despre necesitatea de a dezvolta mecanisme de finanțare comune în domeniul medical. Din păcate, o parte semnificativă a politicienilor de dreapta se opuneau atunci acestui demers. În continuare trebuie să explicăm anumitor guverne, cum este cazul celui din România, că acest program nu poate acoperi tăierile semnificative făcute bugetelor naționale pentru sănătate.

Prin amendamentele mele la prezentul raport am propus următoarele soluții: asistență tehnică adecvată pentru creșterea accesibilizării, echilibrul geografic privind alocarea fondurilor și mecanisme pentru îmbunătățirea capacității de folosire a acestor resurse, finanțarea spitalelor și a infrastructurii medicale de bază, în regiunile cele mai puțin dezvoltate, sprijinirea telemedicinei și a introducerii de noi tehnologii, capabile să îmbunătățească actul medical.

În final, ca urmare a exemplului pozitiv oferit de medicii și asistenții europeni, în mod special cei din România, care în timpul pandemiei s-au oferit voluntar pentru a ajuta în alte state europene, am propus crearea unei unități medicale permanente, axată pe intervențiile de urgență în zonele cele mai afectate. Pentru a deveni sustenabil, programul trebuie să producă impact și să arate că în fața provocărilor medicale trebuie și putem lucra împreună. O adevărată „Uniune a sănătății” reprezintă soluția pentru a ne asigura că niciun cetățean european nu rămâne în urmă. Mulțumesc.

  Jean-Lin Lacapelle (ID). – Monsieur le Président, l’Europe de la santé est un mirage et l’Union européenne n’a ni la compétence ni les compétences pour défendre les Européens dans une crise sanitaire comme celle que nous traversons depuis plus d’un an.

La négociation des vaccins a été un fiasco. Pas de négociateurs professionnels, juste des technocrates qui n’ont jamais connu l’entreprise et qui auraient été virés sur-le-champ, s’ils avaient été dans le secteur privé. Aucune transparence dans les contrats d’amateurs qui ne précisaient aucune condition de livraison, aucune implication des nations européennes et interdiction formelle pour elles de commander par leurs propres moyens. Quel piège!

Enfin, vous avez privilégié le prix comme clé d’entrée de la négociation. Mais quand on est en guerre, peu importe le prix quand il s’agit de protéger ses peuples. L’objectif, c’est d’être le plus fort, le plus efficace et le plus rapide. Tout le contraire, puisque nous sommes parmi les derniers en ayant vacciné seulement 6,2 % de la population européenne, quand les Britanniques, qui doivent bien sourire, ont déjà injecté une dose à plus de 32 % de leur population.

Alors, permettez-moi ces quelques questions: que fait la Commission pour tenter de corriger ses défaillances et où en est-elle dans l’homologation du vaccin russe? Quant à l’avenir, la Commission anticipe-t-elle les approvisionnements pour 2022 afin que le fiasco 1 ne se transforme pas en fiasco 2, si la pandémie ne disparaît pas? Enfin, quelles leçons retenez-vous de ces échecs industriels successifs et quelles décisions sont prises afin que l’Europe assure une souveraineté dans le domaine stratégique et notamment le médical? L’Union européenne est devenue la désunion européenne, il est temps de laisser aux nations la liberté de se protéger elles-mêmes. La protection de nos peuples ne se délègue pas.

  Beata Mazurek (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Najważniejsze jest zdrowie, bo bez zdrowego społeczeństwa nie będziemy się rozwijać i nie będziemy mogli osiągać ambitnych celów gospodarczych, środowiskowych czy społecznych. Pandemia COVID-19 obnażyła słabość wspólnego systemu opieki zdrowotnej, który nie był przygotowany na takie wyzwanie. Dlatego działania programu Unii w dziedzinie zdrowia muszą stać się kluczowe z punktu widzenia każdego obywatela. Sprawne wdrażanie i funkcjonowanie programu powinno odbywać się w ścisłej współpracy między Komisją a państwami członkowskimi. Istotne jest zapewnienie decyzyjnej roli państw członkowskich w zarządzaniu programem, a także jego doprecyzowanie w kwestii podziału środków i celów. Błędy związane chociażby z dystrybucją szczepionek czy zamówieniami środków ochrony osobistej nie mogą się powtórzyć.

Nie zapominajmy, że istotnym elementem programu powinno być leczenie i opieka w przypadku chorób niezakaźnych, a zwłaszcza nowotworowych, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem ich profilaktyki i diagnostyki.

  Edina Tóth (NI). – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! A jelenlegi világjárvány olyan egészségügyi válság, amely korábban soha nem tapasztalt káros hatással van társadalmunkra. A mi felelősségünk, hogy levonjuk a tanulságokat és azokat figyelembe véve megerősödve tudjuk magunk mögött hagyni ezt a válságot. Úgy gondolom, hogy az „EU az egészségügyért” program minderre lehetőséget biztosíthat. A tagállami hatáskör teljes körű tiszteletben tartása mellett az Európai Uniónak meg kell erősítenie koordinációs tevékenységét annak érdekében, hogy hatékonyan tudjunk fellépni bármilyen egészségügyi szükséghelyzet esetén. Nem szabad engednünk, hogy a kudarcba fulladt vakcinabeszerzéshez hasonló lassúság jellemezze e program végrehajtását.

Fontos, hogy hatékonyan járjunk el annak érdekében, hogy támogassuk az egészségügyi és az ellátórendszerek szükséges átalakítását, a rákellenes küzdelmet, a gyógyszerhiány okozta problémák kezelését és a digitális egészségügy fejlesztését!

  Λουκάς Φουρλάς (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κυρία Επίτροπε, το μάθημα που πήραμε από την πανδημία είναι ξεκάθαρο προς όλους μας και έφτασε, ή πρέπει να φτάσει, σε κάθε γωνιά της Ευρώπης. Μόνο ενωμένοι και με κοινή προσπάθεια μπορούμε να αντιμετωπίσουμε τις μεγάλες προκλήσεις στον τομέα της υγείας. Δεν υπάρχουν, και δεν πρέπει να υπάρχουν, σύνορα στην αντιμετώπιση των ασθενειών. Δεν υπάρχουν, και δεν πρέπει να υπάρχουν, ανισότητες στην παρεχόμενη υγεία για κάθε Ευρωπαίο πολίτη, για κάθε άνθρωπο. Δεν πρέπει να υπάρχει ούτε ένας ασθενής που να μην μπορεί να λάβει τη θεραπεία που χρειάζεται, είτε διότι η χώρα του δεν έχει την υποδομή είτε διότι αυτός δεν έχει την οικονομική δυνατότητα.

Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση έχει ένα πολύ φιλόδοξο σχέδιο και μπήκε μπροστά, δίνοντας σε όλους μας τη δυνατότητα να ελπίζουμε σε καλύτερες μέρες. Θέλω να σας συγχαρώ, κυρία Επίτροπε, για την αφοσίωση και τη μάχη που δώσατε, να έχουμε όλοι μας καλύτερες και πιο αποτελεσματικές υπηρεσίες υγείας, ανεξάρτητα από το αν προερχόμαστε από μεγάλη ή μικρή χώρα· να σας ευχαριστήσω για τον αγώνα σας, τον κοινό μας αγώνα, να σταθείτε δίπλα στους ανθρώπους που πάσχουν από καρκίνο. Έχουμε ακόμα δρόμο μπροστά μας να διανύσουμε σ’ αυτό το θέμα, για να πετύχουμε ίση πρόσβαση σε θεραπείες και καινοτόμα φάρμακα. Αν όλοι όμως πορευτούμε με τον ίδιο αυτόν κοινό στόχο, μπορούμε να τα καταφέρουμε και τότε μπορούμε να δηλώνουμε περήφανοι και ως Ευρωπαίοι και ως άνθρωποι.

  Romana Jerković (S&D). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, poštovana gospođo povjerenice, kolegice i kolege, predugo je Europska unije u zdravlje premalo i preslabo ulagala. Sada je trenutak da ispravimo tu nepravdu.

COVID-19 je jasno pokazao kako nam je na razini Unije prijeko potreban ambiciozan zdravstveni program kojim će se smanjiti nejednakosti u kvaliteti i dostupnosti zdravstvenih usluga između država članica.

Svi smo građani Europske unije, no unatoč tome, mnogi među nama zdravstvene usluge i lijekove, posebno lijekove za rijetke bolesti i inovativne lijekove, plaćaju i po nekoliko puta višim cijenama. Mnogi nemaju pristup centrima izvrsnosti, čime su šanse za preživljavanje ili izlječenje značajno manje.

Naš zajednički cilj mora biti da se te razlike smanje i nestanu. Našim građanima moramo osigurati jednake mogućnosti za ozdravljenje, a svi moraju imati podjednaku šansu za zdrav i kvalitetan život!

Stoga čvrsto vjerujem kako programom Europa za zdravlje možemo doprinijeti ravnoteži i pravednosti te kroz nova ulaganja u ljude, opremu i infrastrukturu, podići otpornost naših zdravstvenih sustava u suočavanju s epidemijama i dugoročnim izazovima.

Želimo snažnu europsku zdravstvenu uniju bez nestašice lijekova i opreme, bez nejednakosti i s jakim nacionalnim zdravstvenim sustavima.

 

Vjerujem da će program Europa za zdravlje biti ključan za naš oporavak i čim skoriji izlazak iz krize.

  Marlene Mortler (PPE). – Sehr geehrter Herr Präsident, liebe Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Der Internationale Frauentag ist zwar vorbei, doch gerade Frauen sind und waren während der COVID-Pandemie besonderen Risiken ausgesetzt, denn Frauen stellen überproportional das medizinische Personal in der Gesundheitsversorgung.

Wir sind uns einig, dass Arzneimittel für alle EU-Bürger verfügbar, bezahlbar und zugänglich sein müssen. Dafür brauchen wir resiliente diversifizierte Lieferketten und eine wettbewerbsfähige Pharmaindustrie. Die Herausforderungen für unser Gesundheitssystem sind aber – und bleiben – enorm. Ob seltene, neue, chronische oder nicht übertragbare Krankheiten, unsere Zusammenarbeit im Gesundheitswesen muss noch schneller und damit effizienter werden.

Innovative Therapien und Medikamente sowie verbesserte Diagnosen und Behandlungen können die Gesundheit unserer Bürgerinnen und Bürger verbessern, wenn wir deren Entwicklung und Zulassung erleichtern und beschleunigen. Ich unterstütze deshalb in jeder Hinsicht die EU4Health-Initiative der Kommission sowie den Bericht unseres Berichterstatters Buşoi.

Ein abschließender Appell an uns alle – er kostet nichts und bringt viel: Achten wir selber mehr auf eine ausgewogene Ernährung und ausreichende Bewegung.

  Christel Schaldemose (S&D). – Hr. Formand! Det er mere end et år siden at Covid-19 ramte Europa. Året har været hårdt, men hver dag bliver stadig flere europæiske borgere vaccineret, og det giver os håb om, at vi kan tage mundbindet af og ånde lettet op. Men vi må ikke lægge coronakrisen bag os uden at lære af den. Der er nemlig meget at lære, og det er nu, at vi skal ruste Europa mod den næste sundhedskrise.

Medlemslandene har allerede fået stresstestet deres nationale sundhedssystemer, og mange steder har det sat gang i nogle meget vigtige diskussioner om, hvordan man nationalt forbedrer borgernes adgang til sundhed. Ikke kun i forhold til corona. Coronakrisen har også vist os, hvordan vi kan styrke og bør styrke vores europæiske sundhedssamarbejde. Vi skal blive hurtigere til at opdage sundhedskriser, så vi kan reagere i tide. Vi har brug for lagre af medicinsk udstyr i Europa, så vi ikke først skal købe det, hvis krisen kommer, og vi skal bevare og styrke det internationale samarbejde, så EU fortsat kan være en ansvarlig sundhedsaktør i verden. Og så skal vi i øvrigt give flere muskler til vores ECDC, så de hurtigere kan gribe ind. Men programmet gør mere end det. Programmet er også med til at forbedre. Det gør mere end at forberede os på en ny sundhedskrise. Programmets styrker også forskningen og forebyggelsen af sygdomme og giver os bedre mulighed for, at vi sammen kan tage kampen op imod f.eks. cancer og diabetes. Der er rigtig mange gode tiltag, så lad os bare komme i gang.

  Krzysztof Hetman (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Szanowni Państwo! Często powraca dyskusja, że Unia Europejska zajmuje się kwestiami, które z punktu widzenia obywateli są drugorzędne i nie do końca zrozumiałe albo leżą w gestii państw członkowskich. Osobiście jestem zwolennikiem Unii, która będzie robiła mniej, ale będzie bardziej skuteczna w najważniejszych dla obywateli obszarach. Dlatego uważam, że system ochrony zdrowia powinien być jednym z priorytetów Unii Europejskiej, w którym Wspólnota mogłaby pokazać swoją skuteczność.

Nie trzeba było kryzysu związanego z pandemią koronawirusa, żeby dostrzec zbyt duże różnice w jakości opieki zdrowotnej w poszczególnych krajach członkowskich. Zbyt wiele białych plam na mapie Europy, gdzie mieszkańcy mają problem z dostępem do lekarzy. Zbyt wiele chorób, jak np. rak, jest zbyt późno wykrywanych. Szczególnie w kontekście nowotworów ważne jest stworzenie systemu leczenia bliżej pacjenta, pozwalającego na szybsze wykrycie choroby oraz skuteczniejsze jej leczenie.

Uważam, że działając wspólnie, uda się ten cel osiągnąć, i jestem głęboko przekonany, że Unia Europejska powinna mieć narzędzia do takiego działania. Dlatego popieram gorąco Program UE dla zdrowia i cieszę się, że udało się wynegocjować potrojenie tego budżetu. Te pieniądze powinny służyć likwidowaniu różnic międzyregionalnych, poprawie infrastruktury, cyfryzacji usług medycznych oraz zabezpieczeniu systemu ochrony zdrowia przed ewentualnymi kryzysami. I mam nadzieję, że będzie to element fundamentu pod przyszłą wspólną politykę zdrowotną Unii Europejskiej.

  István Ujhelyi (S&D). – Elnök Úr, Biztos Asszony! Szólhattam volna most Budapestről is online, de itt akartam lenni ezen a vitán személyesen, ugyanis történelmet írunk. Történelmet írunk, amit persze most a vírus miatt aggódó európai társadalom még nem biztos, hogy érzékel. Mi már tudjuk, hogy az egy igazi forradalom az európai közegészségügy ellátása kapcsán, ami itt zajlott az elmúlt években. Sokan és sokat dolgoztunk azért, hogy az európai egészségügyi unió programja hivatalos programmá váljon és például azért, hogy ebben a büdzsében, a következő hét évben tizenkétszer több euró legyen, mint az előző hét évben egészségügyi programokra. És igen, ennek két szintje van: az egyik szint az, amit tudomásul kell vegyenek a miniszterelnökök a tanácsban, hogy kell, hogy legyen európai szintje az egészségügy szolgáltatásának, biztosításának.

Mert kellenek olyan határon átnyúló egészségügyi programok, kell olyan közös egészségipar az Európai Unióban, ami minket, ezt a 450 millió embert hozzásegít ahhoz, hogy ha járvány van, ha helyzet van, hogy ha megelőzni kell, vagy éppen célokat kell kijelölni, akkor az Európai Unió legyen és benne a mi társadalmaink, mi például, magyarok azok, akik a legegészségesebb és a legjobb szolgáltatást nyújtó egészségügyi struktúráknak a részei. De a másik része a tagállamokban van. Ezért mondjuk azt, hogy kellenek olyan célok, olyan közös minimumok, amelyeket minden európai polgár meg kell, hogy kapjon a jövőben. Magyarok is, belgák is, mindenki más.

  Tomislav Sokol (PPE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, povjerenice, kolegice i kolege, kriza koju je uzrokovala pandemija otkrila nam je nažalost da Europa nije bila spremna za suočavanje s ovako ozbiljnom zdravstvenom krizom. Nikada se više ne smije dogoditi da liječnik mora odabrati tko će živjeti ili umrijeti jer bolnica nema resursa da svima pomogne.

Jedan od razloga za takvu situaciju leži u činjenici da Europska unija dosada naprosto nije imala sustavnu zdravstvenu politiku, što se samo dijelom ispravno pravdalo podjelom nadležnosti s državama članicama. To se sada promijenilo te se uvidjelo da goleme prekogranične zdravstvene probleme države članica ne mogu same rješavati. Rezultat toga je ovaj program koji je čak 12 puta veći od prethodnog zdravstvenog programa Europske unije.

Programom EU za zdravlje moramo poboljšati spremnost nacionalnih zdravstvenih sustava za buduće krize, povećati ulaganja u prevenciju, poboljšati pristup zdravstvenoj zaštiti, izgraditi mrežu zdravstvenih centara izvrsnosti, ojačati financiranje europskog plana za borbu protiv raka te povećati proizvodnju lijekova u Europi.

Važno je, međutim, napomenuti da ovaj program nije jedini izvor europskog financiranja za naše zdravstvene sustave. Kohezijska politika od golemog je značaja za ulaganja u zdravstvo, posebno zdravstvenu infrastrukturu, ali i osoblje s ciljem postizanja jednake kvalitete i dostupnosti liječenja u svim dijelovima Europske unije.

Samo sinergijom ova dva instrumenta možemo postići naš temeljni cilj, najbolju moguću zdravstvenu zaštitu za sve građane Europske unije.

Na kraju bih istaknuo da nam zdravlje naših građana mora biti prioritet i ovaj program pokazuje da smo na dobrom putu. Kredibilitet Europske unije doista ovisi o tome.

  Günther Sidl (S&D). – Herr Präsident, werte Frau Kommissarin! Die Corona-Pandemie hat uns zwei wesentliche Themen sehr drastisch vor Augen geführt: zum einen, dass die Rolle der Europäischen Union im Gesundheitsbereich und ihre Kompetenzen bei der Bekämpfung von Gesundheitskrisen noch massiv aufbaufähig sind; und zweitens, dass die beste Antwort auf Pandemien ein starkes, gemeinsames, öffentliches Gesundheitssystem ist.

Es braucht wieder ein Vorsorgedenken in der Gesundheitspolitik. Zu viele Intensivbetten, auch wenn sie gerade nicht gebraucht werden, dürfen kein Fehler im System sein. Im Gegenteil, unsere Antwort muss eine starke Gesundheitsunion in Europa sein, und dafür ist eine gute finanzielle Ausstattung unumgänglich.

In diesem Zusammenhang ist es uns wichtig gewesen, dass das Parlament für eine Anhebung des gemeinsamen Budgetbetrags um 3,4 Milliarden wirklich gekämpft hat, und nun stehen 5,1 Milliarden Euro für dieses Programm zur Verfügung.

Aber es gilt auch in Zukunft ganz klar: Keine weiteren Sparpakete und Kürzungen im Gesundheitsbereich.

  Paulo Rangel (PPE). – Senhora Comissária, Senhor Presidente, o lançamento deste programa EU4HEALTH, com mais de 5 mil milhões de euros, não podia ser mais oportuno. Nunca a saúde foi tão prioritária, como tópico e assunto europeu, como é hoje.

Queria dizer que saúdo a ideia de termos 20 % reservados para a medicina preventiva e, aqui, permita-me defender uma causa que é fundamental para a União, que é o combate à obesidade infantil, que será fonte de muitas doenças no futuro.

Segundo a ideia de reservas estratégicas - 12,5 % das verbas serem alocadas a reservas estratégicas - isto é fundamental para garantir que nunca mais teremos a aflição que tivemos no início da pandemia, onde medicamentos, equipamentos, estavam a faltar por toda a União.

A prioridade a dar à luta contra o cancro e, finalmente, deixe-me dar aqui um toque, que é uma lição da pandemia. Os serviços europeus de saúde não falharam. Eles não estavam era orientados para as infeções e, por isso, nós temos que voltar a reorientar - como no início do século XX - todos os nossos serviços de saúde para o novo problema que são as infeções. E o problema das infeções põe a questão da União da Saúde, porque as infeções não têm fronteiras, pressupõem mobilidade e, por isso, exigem uma resposta europeia no domínio da saúde.

  Predrag Fred Matić (S&D). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, poštovana povjerenice, kolegice i kolege, rasprava o djelovanju Unije u području zdravlja jedna je od najvažnijih koje vodimo u ovoj kući, posebice s obzirom na pandemijsku situaciju u kojoj se trenutno nalazimo.

Jednakost u pristupu zdravstvu, puni opseg i dostupnost zdravstvenih usluga za sve europske građanke i građane moraju biti temeljne vrijednosti našeg djelovanja u ovom području. O tome ovise životi. No nažalost, to danas nije realnost. Svjedoci smo velikih nejednakosti u pristupu zdravstvu kao i činjenice da je dio medicinskih usluga i postupaka diljem Europe okarakteriziran kao nevažan, marginaliziran i kontinuirano opstruiran.

Kada govorimo o takvim uslugama i postupcima, želim naglasiti da se to u velikoj mjeri događa u području seksualnog i reproduktivnog zdravlja, a koji je temeljni dio prava na zdravlje. Kao takvo, ono mora biti široko dostupno i oko toga ne pristajemo na kompromise. U nadi da će se osiguravanje pristupa seksualnom i reproduktivnom zdravlju implementirati kroz ovaj program u punom smislu, naglašavam da žensko zdravlje ne može biti predmet političkih manipulacija.

  Seán Kelly (PPE). – Mr President, while health remains a national competence, at EU level, there are opportunities to exchange best practices, support digitalisation, and promote medical excellence. Along with training more healthcare staff and supporting research, the EU4Health programme presents a leap forward in the health of our citizens. The pandemic exposed the vulnerability of our healthcare systems as we experienced care disruptions, medical shortages, health system inadequacy, and insufficient and unequal access to healthcare. So, there is a need for a common health policy that allows EU countries to properly cooperate and coordinate in times of crisis and to strengthen our capacity to respond to new cross-border health threats.

During the early stages of the pandemic especially, Europe reckoned with shortages in necessary medical supplies and medicines due to disruption and bottlenecks in global supply chains. We all agree that we can no longer have such dependence on one or two countries in key markets. To do this, we must help manufacture and produce more medicines in Europe, and by so doing, we will strengthen the Union to the benefit of all our citizens. And as our very dear Commissioner said in her opening remarks, with EUR 5.1 billion, a lot can be achieved – 12 times more than the previous mandate. A good news story.

  Στέλιος Κυμπουρόπουλος (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κυρία Επίτροπε Κυριακίδου, είμαι ιδιαίτερα χαρούμενος, γιατί η έκθεση για το πρόγραμμα ΕU4Health θέτει στο επίκεντρο μια σειρά από απαραίτητα στοιχεία που έχω θίξει κι εγώ στο παρελθόν, όπως την αντιμετώπιση των ανισοτήτων στην πρόσβαση στην υγεία και ειδικά στις πιο απομακρυσμένες περιοχές και τα νησιά μας, τη βελτίωση της πρόσβασης όλων των πολιτών σε οικονομικά προσιτές και υψηλής ποιότητας υπηρεσίες υγείας αλλά και την έμφαση σε προκλήσεις όπως η ψυχική υγεία και η δημογραφική γήρανση. Κυρίως όμως, γιατί είναι μια απτή απόδειξη της συνεισφοράς της πολιτικής μου Ομάδας, αλλά και όλου του Κοινοβουλίου, στο να καταφέρουμε να διπλασιάσουμε τους πόρους του προγράμματος.

Ωστόσο, αυτό πρέπει να είναι μόνο η αρχή. Χρειαζόμαστε περισσότερη Ευρώπη και στον τομέα της υγείας. Λαμβάνοντας λοιπόν σοβαρά υπόψη τα συμπεράσματα από την πανδημία, θα πρέπει να υλοποιήσουμε μια πραγματική Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση για την υγεία, μια Ένωση που θα προτάσσει την ανάγκη επένδυσης στις πρωτοβάθμιες υπηρεσίες υγείας, για να αποτρέψουμε την κατάρρευση των συστημάτων υγείας σε ενδεχόμενη νέα υγειονομική κρίση· αλλά και μια Ένωση με μια πραγματικά ολιστική στρατηγική για την κατάρτιση και την ενίσχυση του υγειονομικού προσωπικού, που θα επιτρέπει στα συστήματα υγείας μας να ολοκληρώσουν τον ψηφιακό τους μετασχηματισμό με έναν και μόνο στόχο: τη διασφάλιση σύγχρονων και ποιοτικών υπηρεσιών υγείας προς όφελος των Ευρωπαίων πολιτών.

  Stella Kyriakides, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, first of all, I would like to thank honourable Members very much for this very important discussion. I am very grateful to have had the opportunity to hear all your perspectives and positions.

As many of you have said, it’s thanks to this Parliament that we are here today. You shared our vision, you made it your own, and I am confident that we are going to be moving forward together. I heard so many overwhelming voices of support today, but of course I also take into account the criticism and all the comments made. Many of you discussed and mentioned vaccines, and issues of transparency, which, as you all know and I have said many times from this podium, is an absolute priority for us.

I have always said that out of crisis comes opportunity. Together we seized the opportunity. Together we made it our vision and we turned it into action, and this action is called EU4Health. It is called fighting inequalities. The European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control (ECDC) and the European Medicines Agency (EMA) will be strengthened. We have a new EU vaccine strategy with all the Member States on board and this has ensured that citizens are receiving vaccines in every single Member State, equally, despite the challenges.

We are not out of this pandemic. We are working 24/7. We will be putting forward our proposal for HERA later this year and we are ready to roll out the first actions under the HERA incubator to support production delivery and adapted or novel COVID-19 vaccines for the variants. And, because there was a question on this, we are in parallel working on therapeutics. This is a collective effort. We can exit this pandemic stronger and better prepared, but only if we all continue to work in the interests of European citizens. The new European Parliament and European Commission Contact Group on vaccines will provide this even greater collaboration.

I’m always a little bit anxious when there are so many high expectations, as there are in this new programme. But in this case, I’m not anxious. In this case, I feel strongly energised because, with all your support, I know that we can work together to implement our new ambitious EU4Health programme and bring about change. We will move ahead with Europe’s Beating Cancer Plan and the Pharmaceutical Strategy. We will address rare diseases, paediatric cancers, prevention, and access to health care.

I will end with what I began with. This is the end of a journey, but the beginning of another one, one that European citizens expect us to deliver on. I look forward to working with you continuously for the implementation of this programme once it is adopted.

(Applause)

  Der Präsident. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Abstimmung findet heute, Dienstag, 9. März 2021 statt.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 171)

  Daniel Buda (PPE), în scris. – Pandemia generată de Covid-19 reprezintă una dintre cele mai mari provocări ale omenirii din ultima perioadă. Chiar dacă la început individualismul și lipsa de cooperare părea să cuprindă întreg continentul, este important că până la urmă statele membre au înțeles că doar uniți și prin solidaritate putem să facem față unui virus care nu cunoaște granițe.

Programul UE pentru sănătate reprezintă dovada consolidării proiectului european post-pandemie. Prin EU4Health avem ocazia să digitalizăm și să modernizăm sistemul medical, astfel încât UE să facă față epidemiilor și bolilor care amenință sănătatea umană. Este momentul să eliminăm decalajele identificate între țările și regiunile UE. Este șansa țărilor din Europa de Est să își modernizeze sistemul medical, astfel încât să aibă aceleași standarde regăsite în țările vestice.

Această pandemie a demonstrat cât de important este ca Europa să aibă capacitatea să își producă medicamentele și echipamente medicale la nivelul Uniunii, astfel încât să își reducă dependența de statele terțe. Cercetarea medicală este mai departe vitală pentru găsirea unor răspunsuri prompte și adecvate, nu doar în vederea evoluțiilor recente ale pandemiei, ci și pentru viitor. Trebuie să fim cu un pas în fața provocărilor, astfel încât speranța de viață în interiorul Uniunii Europene să crească.

  Tudor Ciuhodaru (S&D), în scris. – Vreau ca viața fiecărui român să fie protejată. Cel mai ambițios program din istoria Uniunii Europene - EU4Health devine realitate. Toți vor putea beneficia de:

1. acces la îngrijiri medicale de calitate. Bugetul programului se ridică la 5,1 miliarde EUR;

2. acces la mai multe medicamente și dispozitive medicale performante la prețuri accesibile;

3. metode eficiente de prevenție. 20 % din fonduri sunt destinate doar pentru prevenirea bolilor și promovarea sănătății;

4. sprijin european medical de urgență în cazul apariției unei crize sanitare (livrarea de echipamente și materiale medicale esențiale din stocul nou înființat la nivel european, dar și o rezervă de personal medical de sprijin ce va putea fi mobilizat în cazul unei crize medicale);

5. pregătirea necesară pentru eventualele amenințări transfrontaliere.

Două noi programe sunt prioritare pentru mine:

1. Programul european pentru sănătatea copiilor. Vreau ca toți copiii afectați de cancer și boli rare să beneficieze gratuit de cea mai bună terapie, inclusiv acces transfrontalier la cele mai noi tehnologii.

2. Programul european pentru sănătatea femeilor - prin care toate doamnele și domnișoarele să beneficieze de acces gratuit la programe europene de diagnostic precoce și tratament pentru cele mai frecvente trei tipuri de cancer (mamar, col uterin și ovarian).

  Robert Hajšel (S&D), písomne. – COVID-19 odhalil nepripravenosť a neschopnosť EÚ reagovať na tento typ zdravotnej pandémie. Pritom zdravie musí byť absolútnou prioritou, a preto som, rád, že bol práve Pato rlament, ktorý dal rozhodujúci podnet k vytvoreniu funkčnejšieho, účinnejšieho a hlavne odolnejšieho zdravotného programu. Nový program sa bude bohužiaľ bude musieť uspokojiť s oveľa nižším rozpočtom, ako by sme si mnohí želali. Keď si len pomyslíme, že rádovo väčšie sumy dávame v členských štátoch na zbrojenie. Ale aj vďaka nášmu tlaku pôjde z rozpočtu EÚ do zdravia desaťkrát viac, ako tomu bolo doteraz, čo je dobrý začiatok a umožní nám to lepšie sa pripraviť na prichádzajúce zdravotné hrozby a byť autonómnejší od vonkajších hráčov. Správne využívanie programu by nám malo umožniť vytvoriť potrebné zásoby liekov, vakcín, ale aj zdravotníckych ochranných pomôcok a najmä dostatok zdravotníkov, nielen lekárov, ale aj zdravotných sestier a ošetrovateľov. Som rád, že pätina rozpočtu pôjde na prevenciu civilizačných ochorení, ako sú srdcovo-cievne choroby, ktoré spôsobujú približne polovicu všetkých úmrtí v Európe. Peniaze budú musieť ísť aj do vzdelávania a informovania, aby ľudia pochopili, ako svojím spôsobom života môžu predchádzať závažným civilizačným ochoreniam, pričom nejde len o tabak, ale napríklad aj o cukor a nezdravé tuky.

  Marian-Jean Marinescu (PPE), în scris. – Cu un buget semnificativ de 5,1 miliarde, acest program facilitează investiții pentru: digitalizarea asistenței medicale, formarea personalului medical, relocarea producției de medicamente în UE, crearea rezervelor de produse medicale esențiale.

În plină criză Covid, grupul PPE a fost cel care a solicitat insistent majorarea fondurilor alocate pentru programul de sănătate. În viziunea grupului PPE, obiectivele principalele ale EU4Health sunt consolidarea și modernizarea sistemelor de sănătate din toate statele membre, formarea personalului medical, promovarea excelenței medicale, reducerea inegalităților din interiorul UE, intensificarea schimbului de bune practici, finanțarea unui masterplan pentru combaterea cancerului.

Pentru atingerea acestor obiective PPE a susținut folosirea echilibrată a fondurilor prin introducerea unui set de plafoane: minim 20 % pentru promovarea sănătății și prevenirea bolilor, maxim 12,5 % pentru asigurarea stocurilor naționale de medicamente și produse medicale pentru situații de criză, maxim 12 % pentru angajamentele și inițiativele globale și maxim 8 % pentru cheltuieli administrative.

În plus, PPE a reușit introducerea a nu mai puțin de 24 de criterii pentru evaluarea implementării programului. Criza Covid a demonstrat că UE nu era pregătită să gestioneze o criză sanitară de amploare. EU4Health consolidează capacitatea de gestionare a unor asemenea situații.

  Alin Mituța (Renew), în scris. – Criza COVID-19 ne-a arătat cât de mare nevoie avem de o politică de sănătate europeană care să asigure că sistemele de sănătate lucrează împreună, în special în chestiuni esențiale cum este răspunsul la crize sanitare de amploare. EU4Health este un început bun în această direcție și aduce, pe lângă un buget mai consistent decât cel alocat pentru sănătate în anii precedenți, și alte elemente importante precum încurajarea programelor de prevenție pentru care este alocată 20 % din anvelopa financiară.

Însă avem nevoie de mult mai mult. Avem nevoie de o actualizare a legislației privind serviciile medicale transfrontaliere pentru a asigura un acces mai echitabil, avem nevoie de standarde comune de calitate a serviciilor medicale peste tot în Uniune, avem nevoie de o legislație europeană mai clară pentru a asigura accesul la medicamente esențiale și la tratamente pentru boli rare, avem nevoie de o rețea europeană de transplant de organe care să înlocuiască actuala cooperare interguvernamentală ad-hoc la care multe state membre nu au acces.

EU4Health este un pas înainte, dar nicidecum unul suficient. Sper ca în Conferința pentru viitorul Europei să reușim să avansăm către a avea competențe europene reale în domeniul sănătății și un buget pe măsură.

  Valdemar Tomaševski (ECR), raštu. – Palankiai įvertinau Komisijos pasiūlymą dėl atskiros Sąjungos sveikatos programos, kurios biudžetas būtų daug didesnis palyginus su ankstesne jos versija. Tai yra labai svarbu, ypač turint omenyje mažesnes valstybes, tokias kaip Lietuva, kurioms reikalinga papildoma parama sveikatos apsaugai. Tik atskira ir tvirta programa galės veiksmingai kovoti su būsimomis grėsmėmis sveikatai ir, kas yra dar svarbiau, jos dėka ES sveikatos sistemos taps atsparesnės ir sugebės įveikti dabartinius trūkumus. Dabartinė sveikatos krizė, atnešusi rimtas socialines ir ekonomines pasekmes bei žmonių kančias, ypač paveikė lėtinėmis ligomis sergančius žmones, nukentėjo labiausiai pažeidžiami asmenys - moterys, vaikai, globėjai, pagyvenę žmonės ir neįgalieji. Nors ES veiksmai sveikatos srityje yra riboti, Sąjunga turėtų įgyvendinti nuoseklią visuomenės sveikatos strategiją, kad galėtų reaguoti į esamas grėsmes, atsižvelgdama į regioninius ir nacionalinius ypatumus. ES turėtų remti valstybes nares mažinant skirtumus sveikatos srityje ir užtikrinant visuotinę sveikatos apsaugą bei sprendžiant pažeidžiamų grupių, tokių kaip vaikai, motinos ir mažas pajamas gaunančios šeimos, klausimus. Palaikydami sveikatos tarnybą, nepamirškime, kad svarbiausia yra žmonių sveikata ir gyvenimas.

(Die Sitzung wird um 12.51 Uhr unterbrochen)

6. Nadaljevanje seje

(Die Sitzung wird um 13.00 Uhr wieder aufgenommen.)

7. Prvi čas glasovanja

  Der Präsident. – Wir kommen zur ersten Abstimmungsrunde des heutigen Tages. Die Dossiers, über die wir nun abstimmen, sind der Tagesordnung zu entnehmen. Die Abstimmungsrunde ist von 13.00 Uhr bis 14.15 Uhr geöffnet. Es kommt dasselbe Abstimmungsverfahren zur Anwendung wie in der vorangegangenen Abstimmungsrunde. Alle Abstimmungen sind namentliche Abstimmungen.

Ich erkläre die Abstimmungsrunde für eröffnet. Sie können bis 14.15 Uhr abstimmen. Die Ergebnisse der ersten Abstimmungsrunde werden um 19.00 Uhr bekanntgegeben.

Die Aussprachen werden um 15.00 Uhr mit dem Bericht von Frau Aguilera über die Fischereiaufsicht wieder aufgenommen.

(Die Sitzung wird um 13.01 Uhr unterbrochen.)

PRESIDENZA: ROBERTA METSOLA
Viċi President

8. Nadaljevanje seje

(Ħin li fih tkompliet is-seduta: 15.00)

9. Nadzor ribištva (razprava)

  Il-President. – Il-punt li jmiss fuq l-aġenda huwa d-dibattitu dwar ir-rapport ta’ Clara Aguilera, f’isem il-Kumitat tas-Sajd, dwar il-kontroll tas-sajd (COM(2018)0368 – C8-0238/2018 – 2018/0193(COD)) (A9-0016/2021)

Nixtieq ninforma lill-onorevoli Membri li, għad-dibattiti kollha ta' din is-sessjoni parzjali, mhux se jkun hemm proċedura "catch-the-eye" u mhux se jiġu aċċettati karti blu.

Barra minn hekk, bħal fis-sessjonijiet parzjali preċedenti, huma previsti interventi mill-bogħod mill-Uffiċċji ta' Kollegament tal-Parlament fl-Istati Membri.

  Clara Aguilera, ponente. – Señora presidenta; buenas tardes a todas las personas presentes y que nos siguen; señor comisario Sinkevičius, bienvenido al Parlamento.

Por fin estamos presentando un informe muy importante, pero que nos ha llevado mucho tiempo en este Parlamento: casi tres años desde la publicación de la propuesta que hizo la Comisión, en el mes de mayo de 2018. Acabamos con este proceso, para comenzar el proceso del diálogo tripartito.

Quiero dar las gracias especialmente a mi compañera, la señora Isabelle Thomas, que no está en esta cámara, pero que fue la primera ponente de este dosier en la pasada legislatura y realizó un gran trabajo, aunque al comienzo de esta legislatura, y debido a que había bastantes diputados nuevos, decidí comenzar de nuevo con un proyecto de informe. Por lo tanto, mi agradecimiento a ella, mi agradecimiento, por supuesto, a todas las ponentes y los ponentes y a sus equipos técnicos, que han realizado un grandísimo trabajo en este dosier tan técnico. Gracias también a los servicios de la Secretaría de la Comisión de Pesca y, por supuesto, a mis asistentes, María Luisa Sevilla y Jesús Iborra, que han hecho un excelente trabajo.

Esta propuesta, señorías, fusiona cinco reglamentos y regulará uno de los elementos pendientes de adaptar de la reforma de la política pesquera común: yo creo que el gran elemento pendiente de la PPC es la normativa de control de la pesca y la acuicultura.

Este es un informe complejo y extenso, y pretendemos garantizar un régimen de control que sea simple, transparente, eficaz y armonizado. Es urgente la armonización del sistema de control e inspección pesquera para no crear un sentimiento de injusticia entre los pescadores de los distintos Estados miembros por aplicar distintos tratamientos.

Obtuvimos un buen resultado en la votación de la Comisión de Pesca, y ahora espero que sea ratificado en este Pleno y mejorado, si es posible, con las enmiendas.

Quiero agradecer las veinticinco enmiendas de transacción que fueron aprobadas en esa Comisión de Pesca, gracias a las cuales alcanzamos grandes e importantes objetivos. Voy a referirme a algunos de ellos por su singularidad y relevancia en el cambio en el control pesquero: hemos logrado afianzar la trazabilidad a lo largo de toda la cadena alimentaria en los productos pesqueros y acuícolas; la obligación de informar de cómo, dónde y qué especies se venden; nuevas definiciones de «lote» y «partida»… Sin duda, la trazabilidad es un elemento sustancial y esencial, como lo son el diario de pesca y de la geolocalización, con carácter obligatorio para todos los barcos de la Unión Europea, aunque sí hemos permitido que sea de una forma más simplificada para los buques de pequeña escala, menores de doce metros.

También hemos establecido un periodo de transición de cuatro años para la incorporación de los elementos tecnológicos: los Estados miembros y el sector necesitamos tiempo para instalar estos elementos novedosos que nos llevarán a la era de la digitalización.

Es necesaria la inclusión de la pesca recreativa en el sistema de control con un sistema de registro, licencia, declaración de captura y sanciones, y geolocalización para buques fletados y el turismo de pesca. Hemos propuesto nuevas medidas de salvaguardia para los productos de la pesca, la posibilidad de suspender las preferencias arancelarias —elemento novedoso también—, y una mayor transparencia en el control de la pesca: como políticos, estamos obligados a la transparencia en todos los ámbitos, también en el ámbito pesquero, en el control.

Proponemos una mayor cooperación de los Estados miembros y el reforzamiento de la AECP, creando incluso un registro europeo de infracciones y artes perdidos, y financiación del futuro FEMPA; quiero agradecer a mi compañero Gabriel Mato la labor coordinada para conseguir estos objetivos.

Voy a ir finalizando. También hay otras cuestiones que son significativas, como el control de la potencia de los buques: hemos aprobado las sanciones a buques que manipulen la potencia motriz del motor o la obligación de seguimiento continuo a buques que hayan cometido una infracción por manipulación con dispositivos que midan y registren la potencia motriz.

He presentado siete enmiendas para corregir algunas cuestiones. Se las he presentado a todos los grupos; algunos grupos las han asumido y las presentamos conjuntamente. Creo que es fundamental que los sistemas de CCTV sean necesarios para poder abarcar la obligación de desembarque, es fundamental que sean obligatorios. No rehúso el carácter voluntario, pero creo que la obligatoriedad es necesaria.

Por tanto, espero que estas siete enmiendas sean aprobadas mayoritariamente y tengamos un informe sobre el control de la pesca que realmente esté a la altura de la política pesquera común y de todos nosotros.

Agradezco el esfuerzo, una vez más, de todos los ponentes alternativos, con sus equipos técnicos y con la Secretaría de la Comisión de Pesca, para poder conseguir estos objetivos.

Muchas gracias y espero que esto sea ratificado mayoritariamente.

  Virginijus Sinkevičius, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, first of all, let me thank the rapporteur, Clara Aguilera, for her tireless work on this reform of our fisheries control system and for her support on many elements of the Commission’s proposal. Thanks, also, to all other Members involved, in both the Committee on Fisheries (PECH) and the Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety (ENVI) for their contributions.

The vote you will cast later today will have long-lasting effects, very likely for decades to come, as legislative reforms take time. We should, thus, take the opportunity now to get it right and ensure we have a modern and future—proof fisheries control system. With your vote, you have the choice to indicate the direction – whether these effects will be positive not only for the fish stocks in our seas and oceans, but also for the livelihoods of our fishermen and women, whether they will allow for a digital transformation of the fisheries sector, and whether they will be in line with the Green Deal, and with the EU’s industry and trade policy.

With this vote comes an important responsibility towards your constituencies, and more broadly towards EU citizens who call for a more sustainable future, but also towards our international partners – if the EU is to be credible in championing global efforts on international ocean governance. Why do I say this? Whilst I fully acknowledge the numerous positive aspects of the report, which is meant to become the European Parliament’s mandate for trilogue negotiations, I see big risks in some of the amendments adopted by the PECH Committee, and also in newly tabled amendments to which I would like to call your attention. Let me briefly explain which elements have triggered our particular concern.

Firstly, there is a clear risk that we are backtracking compared to current rules by relaxing current standards, and I am referring to the rules on the ‘margin of tolerance’, which sets the boundaries between what is considered to be legally and illegally caught and what is reported. Increasing the margin of tolerance or allowing generous derogations would legalise under-reporting and thus promote overfishing. Those amendments would actually erase 40 years of successive regulations and improvements in this field and would also largely benefit big operators as compared to small-scale fisheries. Such lax standards would therefore undermine the common fisheries policy and the objective of the EU biodiversity strategy, and there would be risks of reputational damage for the EU at international level.

How can we call for zero tolerance against illegal, unregulated and unreported fishing by third countries if we do not show exactly the same zero-tolerance approach in our own waters?

The second risk concerns illegal and undocumented discards at sea and is related to the amendments on closed-circuit TV cameras. We urgently need effective control tools to properly enforce the landing obligation. The landing obligation was the key element in the reform of the common fisheries policy in 2013, to finally end the wasteful practice of discards of unwanted fish, and if we fail to introduce compulsory remote electronic monitoring via closed-circuit TV cameras, we will continue to have illegal and undocumented discards, including of sensitive species. For the moment, there is no alternative control method here.

Not introducing closed-circuit TV camera controls will have several negative repercussions. Firstly, ineffectively controlled fishing activities may lead to a decline of many fish stocks in our waters. Secondly, this decline of fish stocks will eventually negatively affect the profitability of the EU fleet, in particular, of the artisanal sector. Thirdly, it will hinder the transition to cleaner and selective fishing methods.

The third risk concerns our ability to effectively control engine power. The engine power of a fishing vessel largely determines its fishing capacity, meaning, essentially, how much fish a vessel can catch and how long it can fish for, and therefore it is essential to be able to effectively monitor and control the engine power of fishing vessels to avoid manipulations and to prevent excessive fishing capacity.

As a last point, let me also express the Commission’s strong concerns regarding the introduction of a safeguard clause resulting in the suspension of trade preferences in case a third country receives a yellow card in the context of our policy on fighting illegal, unregulated and unreported fishing. Such an approach would undermine and strain our relations with third countries as, under the current EU policy, trade sanctions are applied only at the stage of red cards.

It is also contradictory to the EU’s trade and sustainable development policy, and it pre-empts the outcome of its upcoming review. Furthermore, unilateral EU action could also undermine the EU’s credibility on multilateral forums, notably in the ongoing multilateral negotiations in the WTO on fisheries subsidies.

After almost three years of discussions on the Commission’s proposal for a modernised fisheries control system, I am very much looking forward to Parliament adopting its negotiation position. I also hope that the Council will follow in May, so that we will be able to start the trilogue negotiations soon and move forward with this important and very much awaited reform.

The mandate for the negotiations you will vote on today and tomorrow will determine the chances of the new fisheries control regulation being kept in line with the European Green Deal and the digital transformation of the EU, the two most important political priorities on which the Commission and this European Parliament jointly agreed.

  Francisco José Millán Mon, en nombre del Grupo PPE. – Señora presidenta, celebro mucho que el comisario Sinkevičius esté hoy con nosotros.

El sistema de control es un pilar fundamental de la política pesquera común. La reforma que votamos en el Pleno hoy consiste en una actualización muy necesaria del Reglamento actual de 2009. Esta reforma legislativa incorpora aspectos muy positivos; por ejemplo, se armoniza a nivel de la Unión el régimen de sanciones por infracciones graves y se acabará con ello con agravios comparativos entre flotas nacionales. También avanzamos en la lucha contra la pesca ilegal, no declarada y no reglamentada, así como en el control de las importaciones de terceros países.

Por el contrario, no nos gusta la definición de «lote» en lo que respecta a la industria conservera; pero, como es natural, la atención mediática sobre este dosier se ha centrado especialmente en la cuestión —polémica— de usar cámaras de televisión a bordo para el control de la obligación de desembarque. Desde el principio los diputados del Partido Popular Europeo fuimos prudentes a este respecto: el sector, como es sabido, percibe esta tecnología como muy intrusiva y contraria a la privacidad y la protección de datos; hay voces que la llaman «el gran hermano».

La postura del Grupo Popular ha sido posibilista y constructiva, pero firme: que el sistema de cámaras de televisión se instalase de forma voluntaria y asociada a incentivos, o de forma obligatoria para infractores de la normativa sobre descartes, y me gustaría que esta posición, aprobada ya por amplia mayoría en la Comisión de Pesca hace unas semanas, sea ratificada por el Pleno del Parlamento.

Necesitamos proporcionalidad y gradualidad, también en el control de la pesca artesanal, tan importante en comunidades pesqueras, como de donde yo provengo, de Galicia, y, para acercar la legislación a la realidad del sector, mi Grupo propuso de nuevo, y lo ha reiterado con una enmienda, una definición multicriterio de «flota costera artesanal».

En el Grupo Popular conocemos bien las difíciles circunstancias en las que se trabaja en el mar y la complicada situación que ahora atraviesa el sector: el Brexit, la pandemia… Los pescadores no merecen ser tratados como presuntos infractores, como presuntos delincuentes; más bien necesitamos de su comprensión y colaboración y de su apoyo para que la pesca europea siga siendo la más sostenible del mundo.

  Manuel Pizarro, em nome do Grupo S&D. – Senhora Presidente, Senhor Comissário, Virginijus Sinkevičius, começo por agradecer a Clara Aguilera e à sua equipa pelo excelente trabalho realizado num regulamento que é de grande importância para todo o setor pesqueiro. O tema das margens de tolerância tem estado no centro de muitos dos debates. É uma questão complexa, mas que resulta de uma imperfeição. Não faz sentido basear as discussões sobre as quotas em estimativas de capturas.

Devemos evoluir para um regime em que o pescado desembarcado seja pesado num sistema independente, como uma lota, tal como acontece em Portugal. A alteração apresentada pelo S&D a este respeito garante alguma flexibilização, assegurando que não haverá sanções desproporcionadas para os barcos de pequena pesca artesanal apenas por pescaram, por vezes, um peixe a mais, peixe esse que ultrapassa já a margem de tolerância.

Ao mesmo tempo, quero exprimir o total apoio às medidas que contribuem para uma implementação uniforme do regulamento, cobrindo toda a frota e garantindo a recolha de informação sobre a atividade, incluindo a interação com espécies sensíveis. Este é o caminho certo. Vou terminar Sra. Presidente, combinando de forma harmoniosa a defesa da pesca e a proteção da vida marinha.

  Izaskun Bilbao Barandica, en nombre del Grupo Renew. – Señora presidenta, gracias a la ponente, a Clara Aguilera, a todo su equipo y, especialmente, quiero agradecer a Itxaso y a Isak el gran trabajo que han realizado en este informe.

Este Reglamento es un paso decisivo para fomentar con hechos una pesca sostenible económica, social y ambientalmente, objetivo principal de la PPC. Por ello, apostamos por digitalizar herramientas y procesos para que los datos sobre capturas sean más fáciles y baratos de recoger y más fiables. Así, tendremos información exhaustiva y garantizada del origen y las condiciones en que se ha capturado y tratado el pescado que vamos a comer. Esa información mejorará el etiquetado y los derechos de los consumidores, que así podrán premiar con su compra las producciones europeas realmente sostenibles.

Por eso se ha reforzado el concepto de «lote», lo que nos permitirá mejorar la trazabilidad y blindarnos frente a productos procedentes de operaciones de pesca ilegal, no declarada y no reglamentada. Hemos apostado por fórmulas innovadoras, digitalizando y homogeneizando procesos de seguimiento de capturas. Incentivamos la instalación voluntaria de cámaras en los barcos, que será obligatoria en caso de sanciones graves o reincidencia. La seguridad de los tripulantes y el control se dan la mano con el seguimiento por satélite de todo tipo de barcos pesqueros. La pesca recreativa, por primera vez, se incorpora al control sistemático de su impacto en las poblaciones de peces para medir cómo interfiere en la actividad profesional.

El sector realiza un nuevo esfuerzo de transparencia y asume nuevas obligaciones que merecen mejor consideración social. A esos efectos, la polémica impulsada por la Comisión sobre el margen de tolerancia es más fruto del prejuicio que del conocimiento. Se trata de un ajuste operativo de la estimación de lo que se captura al resultado que arroja la báscula en la descarga. No permite pescar más: cada barco se ajusta a su cuota.

Por eso, en su nombre y por petición expresa de las personas que viven en y de la mar, le traslado, señor comisario Sinkevičius, una petición expresa: olvide los prejuicios; acérquese a barcos, puertos y lonjas; hable con los pescadores; profundice sobre los valores que impulsan al sector. Eso es lo que esperan de usted.

  Rosanna Conte, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, a un anno dal Covid, la situazione della pesca oggi rimane tragica.

In questo scenario, la revisione del regolamento Controlli crea attesa ma anche preoccupazione. Il Parlamento ha sicuramente migliorato la proposta e ringrazio la relatrice per aver accolto le nostre modifiche, tra queste le deroghe per i piccoli pelagici, l'uso dei sottotaglia a fini caritatevoli e i quantitativi per la vendita diretta. Questo però non basta.

Permangono infatti delle disposizioni che non soddisfano e anzi preoccupano soprattutto la piccola pesca, in particolare il VMS, il logbook elettronico, la pesca ricreativa, il pescaturismo e soprattutto le telecamere a bordo. Sulle CCTV ribadisco la nostra contrarietà.

Abbiamo comunque lavorato con il settore e con il nostro governo per proporre un'alternativa di buon senso. Se le telecamere devono proprio essere installate, solo come sanzione accessoria, allora devono essere temporanee e rimosse dopo al massimo 3-6 mesi. Per il controllo dell'obbligo da sbarco promuoviamo invece un controllo della selettività direttamente sugli attrezzi di pesca, così sì da controllare, ma senza punire ingiustamente i pescatori.

Abbiamo grandi responsabilità verso migliaia di imprese, di pescatori e le loro famiglie. Non dimentichiamocelo quando prendiamo decisioni così importanti. E non lo dimentichi neanche la Commissione, soprattutto quando usa metodi discutibili per influenzare il voto di questo Parlamento: inviare informazioni fuorvianti solo ad alcuni membri di altre commissioni non è né serio né trasparente. Chiedo quindi al Commissario di fare chiarezza.

  Grace O'Sullivan, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, Commissioner Sinkevičius and colleagues, recently we’ve heard the term level playing field thrown about in debates around Brexit, but no sector is in need of a level playing field more than fisheries. Too often our small-scale fishers are squeezed out of the system while large companies make profits at the expense of sustainable stocks.

Despite flaws in the common fisheries policy, without effective monitoring and enforcement we cannot achieve a level playing field for fishers. Nor can we hope to conserve fish for future generations. Fairness and sustainability, this is what I fight for every day in the Fisheries Committee. Today we can make life easier for fishers and we can modernise the process. We can implement electronic monitoring to ensure industrial fisheries are not picking and choosing only the most profitable fish while discarding the rest. We can properly implement infringement procedures against rule breakers who put sustainable fisheries at risk. But we must not lower our standards. This is for our fishers and this is for our marine environment. We depend on good legislation and good control in fisheries.

  Bert-Jan Ruissen, namens de ECR-Fractie. – Voorzitter, we begrijpen uiteraard allemaal dat er ook voor de visserij controlevoorschriften nodig zijn, maar die moeten dan wel redelijk en billijk zijn. George Orwell liet in 1949 al zien in wat voor een verstikkende samenleving we terechtkomen als de overheid overal grip op wil houden en niets meer aan de eigen verantwoordelijkheid van mensen durft over te laten. Verplicht cameratoezicht moeten we daarom echt niet willen.

Ja, we weten dat er problemen zijn met de aanlandplicht. Maar laten we dat alstublieft niet oplossen door steeds maar weer opnieuw controle op controle te stapelen. Laten we teruggaan naar de oorzaak van de problemen: erkennen dat de aanlandplicht onwerkbaar is en dus afgeschaft moet worden. Dan doen we pas echt iets goeds voor de visserij en voor vermindering van de regeldruk, en voorkomen we in ieder geval Big Brother-achtige toestanden.

  João Ferreira, em nome do Grupo The Left. – Senhora Presidente, a nossa principal preocupação perante esta proposta de regulamento de controlo diz respeito à pesca de pequena escala, artesanal e costeira.

Este segmento da frota enfrenta um profundo e arrastado declínio, situação que é indissociável dos efeitos de uma política das pescas e de uma gestão de recursos centralizadas na União Europeia, que não tem em conta a realidade nem a diversidade que caracteriza o setor a nível europeu, que produz orientações com efeitos contrários aos objetivos enunciados e que promove a concentração da atividade nos operadores maiores e economicamente mais fortes.

Este regulamento de controlo pode contribuir para agravar este panorama ao prever um conjunto de obrigações que representam um peso desproporcionado para a pequena pesca. O enredo burocrático e técnico das medidas de controlo, desajustado da realidade deste segmento, das características da frota e da idade dos operadores, representará um espartilho adicional a que acrescem mais sanções e uma ainda maior centralização da política das pescas.

Reverter o declínio das pescas implica romper com a política que o gerou. Este regulamento, pelo contrário, pode acentuar as consequências desta política.

  Dino Giarrusso (NI). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la politica comune della pesca dell'UE deve mirare a garantire la salute dell'ecosistema marino, dunque uno sfruttamento sostenibile delle risorse ittiche e anche la redditività del settore della pesca, perché i pescatori sono parte integrante dell'ecosistema umano che dobbiamo preservare.

Questo regolamento sul sistema di controllo deve assicurare di tenere traccia del pescato, soprattutto – mi auguro – di quello importato, monitoraggio elettronico remoto, capacità di avere contezza di tutti i pesci estratti dai nostri mari, trasparenza della pesca, monitoraggio efficace della piccola pesca, che però non la soffochi, ma la aiuti.

Noi importiamo il 60 % dei pesci che mangiamo e non è corretto imporre regole severe ai nostri pescatori e non avere la certezza che queste regole vengano rispettate da chi ci vende del pesce. Dobbiamo tutelare i nostri mari, i nostri consumatori e anche i nostri pescatori. Se non tuteliamo in maniera equa tutti e tre, rischiamo di avallare ingiustizie e non tutelare nei fatti niente e nessuno.

  Gabriel Mato (PPE). – Señora presidenta, señora Aguilera, la revisión del Reglamento de control de la pesca debería buscar menos burocracia y menos trabas administrativas y económicas; pues bien, la propuesta de la Comisión introduce obligaciones para las embarcaciones de pequeña escala, como la de contar con un sistema de localización, la de llevar un cuaderno diario de pesca electrónico y la de emitir una declaración de desembarque, también electrónica, ignorando la realidad de la flota artesanal, los costes y la carga burocrática.

El gran debate lo marca hoy el uso de las cámaras a bordo, y creo que la propuesta de la Comisión de Pesca es la más sensata. Yo les preguntaría a muchos de los que hoy quieren imponer cámaras a todos los barcos si estarían dispuestos a instalar cámaras en sus despachos: ¿a que no? Entonces, ¿por qué perseguimos a los pescadores como si fueran unos delincuentes? Una vez más: basta de criminalizar al sector pesquero; ni es justo ni está justificado.

La flota europea es la más controlada y respetuosa del mundo, los datos así lo avalan. Las poblaciones de peces se van incrementando significativamente, y la gente que controla acredita que se detectan infracciones en alrededor del 5 % de inspecciones. ¿Sería esto posible si los pescadores no estuvieran cumpliendo escrupulosamente con las normas? Rotundamente, no.

Queremos control, claro que sí, pero lo que no queremos ni vamos a aceptar es ningún tipo de juego sucio, como ha denunciado el sector, ni que, siendo los pescadores los verdaderos guardianes de los océanos, se les acuse precisamente de lo contrario.

  Carmen Avram (S&D). – Doamna președintă, după trei ani de la comunicarea inițială a Comisiei, ne aflăm astăzi în fața unui vot istoric. Acest regulament de control este unul dintre cele mai importante dosare pentru întreg sectorul de pescuit european.

Țara mea, România, are o tradiție veche în pescuit, iar Marea Neagră, resurse pe cât de atipice, pe atât de ofertante și, cu toate acestea, 75 % din stocurile de pește sunt exploatate excesiv, pescuitul ilegal nedeclarat și nereglementat a atins cote alarmante, iar specii emblematice, precum sturionul, devin istorie.

Era mare nevoie, deci, de o schimbare radicală și imediată, iar acest regulament are soluția: reguli mai stricte, consolidarea sistemului de control al politicii comune în domeniul pescuitului, instrumentele necesare pentru a proteja resursele și ecosistemele marine și a decanta speculanții de adevăratele comunități de pescari. Toate acestea vor pune capăt concurenței neloiale și subjugării acestui sector românesc. Mai mult, ne vor ajuta să atingem țintele celor două strategii fanion ale Uniunii Europene: „Biodiversitate” și „De la fermă la furculiță”.

În final, vreau să-i mulțumesc colegei mele Clara și echipei ei pentru munca depusă, iar statelor membre le doresc să vadă oportunitatea acestui regulament.

  Pierre Karleskind (Renew). – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, je voudrais remercier évidemment la rapporteure pour le travail ainsi que toutes celles et tous ceux qui sont impliqués dans ce dossier, dont il convient de rappeler l’importance. Dossier de contrôle pour la mise en œuvre de la politique commune de la pêche. Il était temps de moderniser ce règlement, puisque les technologies avancent et ces technologies doivent nous permettre de réaliser un contrôle plus efficace.

De nombreux sujets controversés sont apparus dans cette révision. Je ne citerai que les caméras à bord des navires, les estimations de captures avec les marges de tolérance, le contrôle de la puissance des moteurs, la numérisation des contrôles des plus petits navires, etc. Cette révision, c’est un peu un exercice d’équilibriste. D’un côté, il faut renforcer l’efficacité du contrôle pour assurer une gestion durable, mais de l’autre côté, il faut maintenir la compétitivité économique du secteur. Il nous faut d’un côté numériser le contrôle, de l’autre assurer les libertés fondamentales des équipages. Il nous faut rendre certaines règles plus strictes et de l’autre assurer une certaine flexibilité pour prendre en compte les réalités du terrain.

Mes chers collègues, je crois qu’il y a un élément important qu’il nous faut garder en tête, c’est que sans la pleine compréhension et la pleine adhésion du secteur de la pêche, nous n’arriverons à aucun résultat et c’est pour cela que nous avons besoin d’un contrôle pertinent, proportionné et efficace, qui a réellement pour but de contrôler.

Dans ce débat, j’en appelle évidemment à la modération et non aux positionnements de principes qui n’auront pour résultat que de nous dresser les uns les autres. Modération qui devrait être aussi la règle dans les échanges entre les institutions, je ne peux pas ne pas évoquer la note transmise par la DG MARE. Sur la forme, on peut se demander si la DG MARE telle qu’elle a été écrite n’agit pas comme un lobby. Sur le fond, outre le côté discutable des arguments techniques, cette note repose sur le postulat que d’abord la commission de la pêche a mal agi et ensuite que les pêcheurs sont coupables. Je tiens à le dire, cela n’est pas acceptable.

  France Jamet (ID). – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, mes chers collègues, après avoir été la variable d’ajustement des calamiteuses négociations du Brexit, voilà que l’on inflige à nouveau à nos pêcheurs une réglementation absurde qui ne fera que compliquer l’exercice de leur métier.

Les petits pêcheurs et les petits métiers de la mer seront particulièrement frappés par ces nouveaux contrôles et particulièrement heurtés par cette volonté politique de harcèlement qui s’incarne parfaitement dans le projet de mise en place de caméras embarquées.

Il y a deux poids, deux mesures. Un deux poids, deux mesures qui permet à des bateaux-usines de piller nos ressources en toute liberté, alors que l’on s’acharne sur nos petits pêcheurs. Il y a un deux poids, deux mesures qui permet à des passeurs en Méditerranée de violer la loi en toute impunité, alors que l’on traite nos petits pêcheurs comme des délinquants.

Enfin, parce que la souveraineté de nos eaux territoriales ne peut être bradée, il n’est pas question de donner des pouvoirs exorbitants à des inspecteurs qui n’auront de comptes à rendre à personne.

Ce n’est pas sans nos pêcheurs ni contre eux que l’on protègera ce patrimoine et cette biodiversité inestimables mais avec tous les professionnels de la mer et toute la considération qui leur est due. Les pêcheurs ne sont pas le problème, ils sont la solution.

  Caroline Roose (Verts/ALE). – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, Madame la Rapporteure, sans contrôle efficace pas de données scientifiques, pas de lutte contre la surpêche pas de confiance possible entre les différents États membres. En bref, pas de politique commune de la pêche.

Un contrôle efficace est essentiel pour protéger les populations de poissons, mais aussi une mesure de justice. Je parlais il y a peu avec un fileyeur de Normandie: avec une transmission de la position des navires de pêche seulement toutes les heures, les plus gros chalutiers ont le temps de dévier de leur trajectoire et aller pêcher dans les aires marines protégées sans se faire repérer. C’est bien sûr impossible pour un petit fileyeur qui pose ses filets pendant plus d’une heure. Avec une transmission de leurs positions plus fréquente, tous ces pêcheurs seront à égalité et les aires marines protégées seront enfin respectées.

Moi, je suis inquiète de certains votes qui ont eu lieu en commission de la pêche, alors même que la technologie s’améliore, on propose de mettre en place des marges de tolérance insensées jusqu’à 25 %. Cela conduirait à une sous-déclaration massive des captures et rendrait inefficace tout un pan de la politique commune de la pêche. Il existe déjà une marge de tolérance suffisante de 10 %. Sur ce point, revenons à la position de la Commission.

  Mazaly Aguilar (ECR). – Señora presidenta, gracias a la ponente por este magnífico trabajo.

La Comisión Europea se ha dirigido a varios eurodiputados de nuestra Comisión de Medio Ambiente, no solo intentando condicionar el voto sobre una Posición que no deben de entender como suficientemente verde —por más que les gustaría—, sino que se ha permitido el lujo de tachar al sector pesquero de industria destructiva, ejerciendo de facto como si fuera un lobista a sueldo de las ONG medioambientales más radicales.

Esta forma de proceder no es nueva y no me sorprende, pero me sigue indignado porque lo que demuestra es una falta de respeto hacia este Parlamento y hacia sectores que, como el pesquero, tienen para otras naciones europeas, pero también para España —mi nación— una importancia estratégica, con una flota que supera los 8 000 buques, los 30 000 trabajadores y un valor anual de la producción de 2 000 millones de euros.

La Posición del Parlamento intenta matizar en algunos aspectos la propuesta de la Comisión, pero no es suficiente. Hay que ser más ambiciosos para garantizar la competitividad del sector y que nuestros pescadores tengan una renta digna y no sean injustamente criminalizados.

Tal vez el sector pesquero no merezca la confianza de la Comisión, pero demostrémosle con nuestro voto que sí tienen la de este Parlamento.

  Anja Hazekamp (The Left). – Voorzitter, elk jaar sterven meer dan 200 000 zeevogels en 10 000 dolfijnen en zeeschildpadden als bijvangst in visnetten. We moeten ervoor zorgen dat kwetsbare diersoorten in zee beter beschermd worden. Om in kaart te brengen in welke gebieden de bijvangst het grootst is, wil de Partij voor de Dieren inzetten op cameratoezicht en vooral op schepen die een groot risico vormen voor het leven in zee. Gebieden waar dolfijnen, zeevogels en schildpadden leven, kunnen dan worden afgesloten voor risicovolle visserijactiviteiten.

Daarnaast kan met cameratoezicht beter worden gecontroleerd of gevangen vissen die te klein of te goedkoop zijn, niet illegaal terug in zee worden gegooid. Ondanks de aanlandplicht gebeurt dit nog steeds massaal en het merendeel van de teruggeworpen vissen sterft. Vispopulaties staan hierdoor onder enorme druk. Betere controle op bijvangst van kwetsbare soorten en het illegaal teruggooien van vissen is in het belang van alle dieren in zee en dus ook in het belang van de vissers zelf.

  Peter van Dalen (PPE). – Voorzitter, onze vissers verdienen waardering. Lange tijd stonden veel visbestanden er slecht voor. Denk aan de Noordzee. Dat is nu totaal anders. De visserijdruk is enorm afgenomen. Er zijn wel offers gebracht door vissers. Veel schepen zijn uit de vaart genomen. Veel vissersbanen zijn verloren gegaan. Maar in plaats van waardering hoor ik hier heel veel kritiek. Sommigen willen zelfs de visserij afschaffen. Dat zou in deze tijd van corona heel dom zijn, want er is geen gezonder product dan vis met zijn goede vetten. En als we dan vis moeten gaan importeren uit landen die de controle niet zo nauw nemen, zouden we dat willen?

Ook de Commissie wantrouwt kennelijk de vissers, want de Commissie wil camera’s gaan inzetten. Wij vragen toch ook niet wanneer Sinkevičius zulke camera’s in de kantoren van Berlaymont gaat ophangen? Waarom deze criminalisering? Als er problemen zijn met bijvoorbeeld de aanlandplicht, dan moeten we die met elkaar oplossen en dat hebben we tot nu toe ook steeds goed kunnen doen. Dus waardering voor de visserij en geen criminalisering voor de hardwerkende vissers die elke dag zorgen voor een goed stukje eten.

  Isabel Carvalhais (S&D). – Senhora Presidente, Senhor Comissário, começo também por agradecer o excelente e aprofundado trabalho da Clara Aguilera neste dossiê tão importante. O regulamento de controlo é uma ferramenta fundamental da Política Comum das Pescas e tem de ser aplicada de forma clara e uniforme em todos os Estados—Membros. Este regulamento é também uma oportunidade de garantir que a informação relevante para uma boa gestão e acompanhamento científico da pesca estará disponível de forma ágil, através de uma maior digitalização da atividade de todo o setor.

Os dados das pescas são preciosos para uma gestão sustentável da atividade, pelo que considero fundamental a inclusão da recolha de dados sobre as interações dos navios de pesca com as espécies sensíveis. Neste sentido, termino apelando aos colegas que votem de forma positiva as emendas que dizem respeito ao registo destas informações, e relembro que, ao contrário daquilo que é por vezes dito, este registo não causará um aumento da burocracia, já que não levará mais de dois a três minutos num dia de trabalho, ao passo que a informação fornecida será de enorme importância e permanecerá no tempo.

  Adrián Vázquez Lázara (Renew). – Señora presidenta, señor comisario, señora Aguilera, la pesca es un tema central para Europa y lo es especialmente para España, país bañado por varios mares, con un sector robusto y una enorme tradición. Por eso este Reglamento de control de la pesca, cuya reforma se inició en 2018, es un texto importante: avanza en la modernización; aumenta la digitalización del sector y reduce las trabas; avanza en materia de pesca recreativa, haciéndola más europea, y avanza en la trazabilidad.

Sin embargo, debemos asegurar que en este avance no dejamos a nadie atrás. El sector pesquero europeo está sufriendo reveses graves, como el Brexit o esta crisis de la COVID—19. Hay que empujarles, por tanto, a transformarse, pero también hay que acompañarles en esa transformación. Por eso quiero reivindicar que aprobemos este texto equilibrado, ambicioso, pero también comprensivo, por ejemplo, con la definición de «lote» y sus grandes implicaciones en el sector conservero, clave en zonas como mi tierra, Galicia, donde genera más de 12 000 empleos directos.

En este año, más que nunca, la Europa que exige y también la Europa que protege a esas familias que viven del mar tiene que estar más presente que nunca.

  Rosa D'Amato (Verts/ALE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, un sistema dei controlli del settore della pesca equo deve essere applicato in maniera uniforme in tutti gli Stati membri. Oggi invece l'80 % dei controlli avviene in Italia e in Spagna. Deve proteggere le risorse marine, tutelare la piccola pesca costiera, ma agire contro la pesca illegale. Deve aumentare la tracciabilità del pescato, soprattutto quello proveniente da paesi terzi.

In commissione pesca abbiamo ottenuto risultati importanti in termini di tracciabilità, di trasparenza, di armonizzazione dei controlli. L'appello che faccio ai colleghi è di eliminare deroghe che favoriscano gli interessi dei grandi pescherecci e che lascino spazio alle frodi.

Oggi abbiamo l'opportunità di votare a favore sì di un sistema che protegga le risorse marine, ma passando attraverso la tutela della piccola pesca artigianale e che non si sottometta quindi agli interessi della grande flotta.

  Niclas Herbst (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin, meine sehr verehrten Damen und Herren! Es sind schon zahlreiche Aspekte dieses Vorschlags genannt worden. Ich will auf den Bereich der Freizeitfischerei eingehen.

Die Kommission hat eine ganze Reihe von Vorschlägen vorgelegt, um eben auch Informationen über diesen Bereich zu sammeln, um zu wissen, welche Auswirkungen die Freizeitfischerei auf die Fischbestände hat. Ich glaube, es geht auch darum, zu erforschen, welche sozioökonomischen Aspekte dieser wichtige Bereich beinhaltet. Gerade in der Pandemie haben wir ja bemerkt, wie wichtig dieser Bereich ist.

Natürlich brauchen wir ein vernünftiges Registrierungs- und Lizenzierungssystem in den Mitgliedstaaten; das muss der Startpunkt für alle Maßnahmen sein – das begrüße ich sehr. Allerdings brauchen wir den Grundsatz der Verhältnismäßigkeit und wir brauchen die Akzeptanz dieses Sektors. Das ist auch deshalb so wichtig, weil gerade vor Ort die Anglerinnen und Angler oftmals die wichtigsten Natur- und Gewässerschützer sind, manchmal auch die einzigen.

Wir brauchen also ein vernünftiges System. Wir brauchen aber auch die Akzeptanz. Wir brauchen die Verhältnismäßigkeit und wir müssen den wichtigen Bereich der Freizeitfischerei erforschen. Wir brauchen die Information darüber, wie wichtig er ist – die sozioökonomischen Aspekte. Er ist ebenfalls ein Teil der Lösung, und wir müssen diesen wichtigen Bereich wertschätzend im Blick behalten.

  Nicolás González Casares (S&D). – Señora presidenta, quiero empezar agradeciendo a Clara Aguilera su enorme esfuerzo realizado en relación con este Reglamento, clave para el sector, que es muy importante en mi región, Galicia.

El sector pesquero europeo es el más regulado del mundo y el que más esfuerzos realiza por garantizar la sostenibilidad. Y eso se ha traducido también en reducciones de flota y pérdida de puestos de trabajo. Hoy en el Atlántico casi el 100 % de las capturas desembarcadas vienen de poblaciones explotadas al nivel del rendimiento máximo sostenible.

Hoy los niveles de biomasa se han incrementado en un 50 % con respecto a hace una década. Y son datos científicos, no de parte, señor comisario. Se están reduciendo el número de infracciones: un 4 %; son datos de la AECP, no de parte.

¿Cámaras en los barcos? Estaría bien que se hubieran instalado para enseñarle a la gente cómo se jugaban la vida estos pescadores durante la pandemia. Eso no lo ha hecho la Comisión. Basta ya de extender la presunción de culpabilidad sobre un sector que cumple.

Esta propuesta ofrece las herramientas y la flexibilidad necesarias para seguir progresando en la sostenibilidad ambiental, pero también económica y social, que es lo que persigue la política pesquera común. No lo olvidemos.

Sin la pesca no habrá vida en amplias regiones de Europa.

  François-Xavier Bellamy (PPE). – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, permettez-moi de revenir sur une expression étonnante que vous avez employée tout à l’heure vous avez dit qu’accepter une marge de tolérance pour la pêche thonière dans l’océan Indien, ce serait accepter une tolérance envers la pêche illégale. Mais, Monsieur le Commissaire, nous parlons là de la pêche légale de la pêche européenne, celle qui respecte aujourd’hui les standards environnementaux les plus exigeants au monde. Et il me semble que lutter contre la pêche illégale, c’est précisément ce que nous attendons de la Commission, qu’elle engage véritablement un bras de fer avec des pays comme le Pakistan, comme l’Iran, comme le Sri Lanka, qui utilisent encore des filets maillants dérivants qui détruisent la biodiversité, qu’elle engage un bras de fer avec la Chine, avec l’Inde, la pêche européenne dans ces eaux de l’océan Indien c’est 30 % de la pêche globale.

Il me semble que derrière ce malentendu, il y a en réalité un sujet d’une très grande ampleur, d’une très grande importance. Nous ne réussirons pas à préserver la biodiversité marine, et c’est notre objectif, en fragilisant la pêche européenne. Si nous voulons toujours faire peser sur nos pêcheurs des contraintes de plus en plus lourdes, si nous voulons leur coller des caméras dans le dos, si nous voulons leur rendre la vie impossible, nous ne ferons que privilégier les importations, c’est à dire une pêche qui ne respecte pas nos règles. Est-ce cela que nous voulons? Je ne le crois pas, Monsieur le Commissaire.

  Иво Христов (S&D). – Уважаема г-жо Председател, г-н Комисар, бих искал да поздравя Клара за изключителния професионализъм и добра воля в изготвянето на този доклад.

Дребномащабният риболов е гръбнакът на рибарството в моята родина. Над 95% от рибарския флот в България попада в тази категория. Черно море има ясна сезонност, която обуславя по-краткия период за риболов в него. Морето е слабо солено, с малък брой икономически значими видове. Голяма част от рибарите в България са възрастни хора. Вярвам, че към тях е важно да има адаптиран подход, който да гарантира, че ще могат да съхранят поминъка си в бъдеще без затруднения и допълнителни разходи.

Приветствам идеята да се предостави и финансова помощ за оборудване от бъдещия Европейски фонд за морско дело, рибарство и аквакултури. Въпреки това аз смятам, че предложеният текст не гарантира интересите на дребните рибари по българското Черноморие, затова ако някои ключови предложения за изменения по него бъдат отхвърлени, ще се въздържа да дам подкрепата си за документа в сегашния му вид.

  Virginijus Sinkevičius, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, I would like to thank honourable Members for their interventions. I have taken due note of the various points raised during this debate.

I would like to address the following points from the debate, which are of particular importance to me. First of all, the installation of CCTV on board should be only voluntary. That was raised. The voluntary use of CCTV for control of the landing obligation is an illusion. Since the adoption of the common fisheries policy in 2013, Member States have already had the possibility to impose CCTV for the control of the landing obligation, but it has not happened and the illegal discards are continuing. Control tools cannot be optional. They should apply in a non-discriminatory way to all vessels belonging to the same risk category.

On your remarks that CCTV poses a risk for the personal data of operators and their staff, let me reassure you that the Commission is mindful of the importance of ensuring personal data protection because the objectives are to monitor possible discarding and slippage of marine resources. The cameras do not interfere with the lives of the crew. The European Fisheries Control Agency (EFCA) has designed guidelines for the installation of remote electronic monitoring, including CCTV, on many large vessels and smaller vessels. Yes, due to the pandemic, I didn’t have a chance to visit many of your constituencies, but the ones I visited have had CCTV cameras installed on board for many years. So I do not think this is a recent issue. And let’s not forget that the cameras on fishing vessels may also help to improve the working conditions of the fishers on board.

On the margin of tolerance, let me recall here one of the fundamental principles of the common fisheries policy, the accurate reporting of catches. Without this, setting quotas just has no purpose. The rule of 10% per species has been foreseen in the EU for more than ten years, and it is not changed by the Commission proposal. This rule applies to all fisheries in the different sea basins.

The margin of tolerance is meant to mitigate and discourage under—reporting, especially for species subject to quotas because they are in a fragile state. Some of them, such as yellowfin tuna in the Indian Ocean, are overfished. Most tuna are fished in the waters of third countries and landed in third countries where controls are not performed to the same standards as in the EU. It is therefore of the utmost importance that the tuna fisheries provide as accurate estimates of their catches as possible and use all available means and technologies to enable those estimations. Techniques and technologies available today and their use on board the large majority of fishing vessels, in particular the larger ones, make it possible to estimate catches much more accurately than ten percent while at sea. If we managed to send men to the moon in the 1960s, we can certainly estimate catches within 10% accuracy in 2021.

On small—scale fisheries, over 80% of the Union’s fishing fleet consists of vessels below 12 metres, accounting for more than 40% of employment. They are the backbone of our fisheries sector. Small-scale fisheries, therefore, play an important role in the Union from a biological, economic and social perspective. As such, it is fundamental to have accurate fisheries data from all fleet segments, including the small-scale and recreational ones, to measure the real impact on fish stocks. This is for the long—term sustainability and productivity of stocks and for the social, economic and employment benefits of the small-scale sector that depend on those stocks.

Some of you have raised concerns as to the burden and costs of electronic reporting for small—scale fisheries. Let me be clear that there will be no further burden on small—scale fishers. Digital and smart solutions are already available and they will be accessible at zero cost. The new European Maritime and Fisheries Fund (EMFF) managed to secure 100% aid intensity for small-scale vessels.

Finally, I cannot respond to some of the remarks made, but I have of course to address the Commission’s outreach with MEPs ahead of the European Parliament bid. I fully agree with and am extremely respectful of the Commission’s and the co—legislators’ respective institutional rules. The Treaty foresees that the Commission promotes the general interest of the EU and that it submits a legislative proposal to that end. The Commission proposal for fisheries control foresees the establishment of a modern and efficient control system, ensuring the green digital transition.

In the various discussions that have taken place in the Committee on Fisheries (PECH) over the last weeks and months, my services voiced their concerns regarding certain amendments, drawing Parliament’s attention to the possible consequences, including as regards critical issues of coherence with the other policy areas, such as trade for example. This is part of our institutional role and this is what is expected from the Commission. This has nothing to do with interfering in the decision—making process of democratically elected institutions.

The political decision is yours, but it is our duty to raise awareness and to sound alarm bells where necessary as regards possible problematic consequences, including on other policies. In this spirit and in full respect of our, and your, role, we have also brought these concerns to the attention of other Members of the European Parliament beyond the Committee, namely because of the potential impact on other policies. I believe that this increases the transparency of this democratic process and is therefore indeed in the interests of our citizens and, more broadly, the general interests of the European Union.

On the allegations that the Commission is criminalising the fishers, no, we do not criminalise fishermen and women, quite the contrary. I know very well that most of them comply with the rules and try to make a living, complying with the rules. The Commission is on the side of the fishers, especially on the side of those that comply with the rules and contribute to sustainable fishing. But that is the whole point. We need to protect fishermen and women who are complying with the rules. We need to protect them against unfair competition with those not complying. When catches are not accurately recorded and reported to circumvent fishing quotas, when one is using an engine above the authorised power or when illegal discards take place, let me be very clear, not complying with the rules is unfair competition.

Strong controls protect legitimate operators. The fisheries sector should therefore support the use of cameras, accurate catch reporting and control of engine power instead of combating it. A strong control system is essential to implement our ambitious common fisheries policy and thus to protect our valuable fisheries resources and to sustain the livelihoods of our fishermen and women, and of course our coastal communities in general. Without effective control and enforcement, the best policies risk remaining toothless. We need an effective fisheries control system to ensure that everybody plays by the same rules. I want to be very clear that this is, first and foremost, in the interests of all the fishermen and women who, day by day, respect the rules and are those contributing to sustainable fisheries. It is their interests that we all should have in mind on a daily basis, and is for them, and with them, that we want to modernise the control system.

I am sorry for taking this long, but I really wanted to answer all your concerns.

  Il-President. – Id-dibattitu ngħalaq.

Il-votazzjoni tal-emendi se ssir illum u l-votazzjoni finali għada.

10. Letno poročilo o dejavnostih evropskega varuha človekovih pravic za leto 2019 (razprava)

  Il-President. – Il-punt li jmiss fuq l-aġenda huwa d-dibattitu dwar ir-rapport ta’ Sylvie Guillaume, f’isem il-Kumitat għall-Petizzjonijiet, dwar l-Attivitajiet tal-Ombudsman Ewropew – rapport annwali 2019 (2020/2125(INI)) (A9-0013/2021)

  Sylvie Guillaume, rapporteure. – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Médiatrice, mes chers collègues, le rapport qui sera voté cette semaine porte sur les activités de la médiatrice européenne en 2019.

Comme rapporteure sur ce dossier, je veux vous féliciter, Emily O’Reilly, pour l’excellent travail de votre précédent mandat, dont 2019 a représenté la dernière année. Je veux également saluer tout particulièrement votre engagement indéfectible afin de garantir en toute indépendance les plus hauts standards d’éthique au sein des institutions et des agences de l’Union européenne. Combattre les risques de mauvaise administration ou de conflits d’intérêts, mais aussi assurer la transparence nécessaire des activités des institutions en direction du public, je considère que ceci permet une meilleure implication et un plus grand pouvoir de contrôle par les citoyens, renforçant ainsi l’obligation des institutions à rendre des comptes.

Je veux également saluer l’effort que vous soutenez et qui est peut-être moins visible au jour le jour, mais qui doit être à coup sûr bien perceptible pour les citoyens qui formulent des plaintes et pour ceux qui se penchent sur les rapports d’activité annuels du bureau du médiateur et mesurent le travail fourni. Je parle des réponses apportées aux plaintes des citoyens. Mission confiée par les traités et en accord avec la Charte des droits fondamentaux, d’assurer le droit pour les citoyens européens de voir leurs affaires traitées de manière équitable et dans des délais raisonnables par l’administration européenne. J’en veux pour preuve les 2 201 plaintes traitées en 2019, les 552 enquêtes basées sur des plaintes clôturées et les 456 enquêtes ouvertes qui ne constituent bien évidemment qu’une partie du travail. À cela s’ajoutent les huit enquêtes d’initiative clôturées et les deux enquêtes ouvertes qui ont pour objectif d’examiner les questions systémiques plus larges pour plus d’efficacité et d’impact envers les citoyens. Et j’en veux pour preuve encore les nouveaux systèmes mis en place pour accélérer le traitement des plaintes et je me réjouis que la nouvelle stratégie, qui doit guider les activités de la médiatrice jusqu’en 2024 et qui a été dévoilée au mois de décembre 2020, confirme cet engagement.

2019 a marqué la fin du précédent mandat de la médiatrice européenne et a été sanctionné par sa réélection. Preuve, s’il en était besoin, de l’appréciation positive portée sur son bilan.

Malgré tout, notre rapport saisit l’occasion pour insister sur l’amélioration du statut et des pouvoirs du bureau du médiateur européen, afin qu’il soit mieux équipé pour remplir ses missions et ses objectifs indispensables au bon fonctionnement des institutions et garants de leur ouverture. J’enjoins également les institutions et agences à coopérer et répondre plus systématiquement de manière positive aux recommandations formulées par la médiatrice européenne.

À l’occasion du 25e anniversaire de son institution, cet automne, le bureau du médiateur européen a pu mesurer l’évolution de ses réalisations sur un quart de siècle d’actions, soutenu dans ses objectifs par le Parlement européen, la commission des pétitions et également par le réseau des médiateurs européens et régionaux mis sur pied lors du précédent mandat et qui pourraient constituer une force intéressante à l’avenir.

Le rapport porte sur l’année 2019 et depuis, l’année 2020 et la pandémie de COVID-19 sont passées par là, révolutionnant pour une durée indéterminée les usages et peut être l’ordre des urgences. Malgré des transformations radicales opérées, les priorités identifiées par le bureau du médiateur européen demeurent, aujourd’hui plus que jamais, toujours aussi précieuses à défendre et à garantir au sein de nos institutions et de nos agences: je parle bien entendu de la transparence, des hauts standards d’éthique et d’une plus grande efficacité, ce qui définit en somme une bonne administration.

Quant à l’évaluation des actions menées par la médiatrice en 2020, ce sera le rendez-vous du rapport annuel de l’an prochain. Certains de mes collègues ont voulu anticiper et je les comprends. Plusieurs affaires choquantes mériteront toute notre attention dans une année portée par la pandémie et je pense qu’on entendra certainement parler de vaccination, de laboratoires, de BlackRock et de McKinsey. C’est pourquoi je veux encourager fermement Emily O’Reilly dans sa détermination et à continuer de mener avec le même critère d’exigence dans son travail d’enquête et de recommandation dans le contexte actuel qui a caractérisé cette année si particulière.

  Emily O’Reilly, Ombudsman. – Madam President, I’d like to begin by first of all thanking Ms Guillaume and all of the shadow rapporteurs for your work on this report, and I also welcome the presence of Commissioner Sinkevičius.

But I’d also like to begin by thanking Parliament staff who have worked so hard over the last year to ensure the continuation of its important work and to keep everyone safe. I also thank my own staff for ensuring that our service to the public has continued at a high level despite the personal and professional challenges that all of us have experienced. As Ms Guillaume has alluded to, this devastating pandemic has taught us many lessons, including the critical importance of trust in institutions, of being open and honest with the public in a time of crisis, of how everyone benefits from collaboration and of how central public administrations remain in the resolution of major crises.

All of these matters go to the heart of what an Ombudsman does. In addition, the European Ombudsman is a part of the rule of law infrastructure of this democratic union. I am therefore heartened when I hear this Parliament champion support for the rule of law in the Member States, aware that this support must also be demonstrated in everything the EU administration itself does. All of these issues have been reflected in the complaints I received in 2020, and which I have sought to address through my own-initiative strategic work. Never more so than in challenging times are the highest standards of good administration and transparency required to reassure the public that decisions taken are correct, proportionate and transparent, and that measures will be implemented properly and fairly. In the absence of that, public trust will decline and the challenges faced by administrations in encouraging the public to take certain actions to beat the pandemic may be hindered.

Your report and our debate today concerns the work of my Office in 2019, which was the final year of my first full term and coincided with my re—election in December 2019. I would again like to take the opportunity to thank you for your vote of confidence in my work.

In 2019, over 2 000 people submitted complaints to my Office, a number of which I would like to highlight. One which has particular relevance in the current context concerned the way in which the European Medicines Agency engages with pharmaceutical companies before they apply for authorisations to market their medicines. The inquiry, which also included a public consultation, resulted in the Agency introducing measures to improve the independence and objectivity of the process. Specifically, EMA agreed to introduce a log of the scientific advice concerning medicines going through the market authorisation process. This advice will be made public once the medicine is approved for sale in Europe. The Agency has also said that, to the greatest extent possible, the experts who are significantly involved in advising pharmaceutical companies in the pre-market application phase will not be those who draft EMA’s evaluation report for a new medicine.

In the current context, where EMA has been required to make recommendations on vaccines for COVID-19 in record time, it has been working with a fast-track procedure. This is something I am currently looking into as part of my work in 2020. Parliament will be well aware of my office’s ongoing work on Council transparency and two cases in particular demonstrate how the absence of such transparency has important real-life consequences.

One concerned the Council’s refusal to increase the transparency around the way in which national ministers negotiate the annual EU fishing quotas, and I’ve been listening with interest to the debate that preceded this. The all—night negotiations are legendary and their secrecy has long been taken for granted. But the world has never before been as acutely conscious of fish stocks and sustainability, and the EU never before as ambitious about the protection of our fragile environment. A new approach, in my view, is therefore imperative. Some advances in transparency were made by the Commissioner last year, but more needs to be done by the Council.

Another case concerned the lack of transparency around the positions of national authorities on the risk assessment of the effect of pesticides on bees. This involved guidance given by EFSA as far back as 2013 – almost eight years ago – and which has yet to be acted on. The lack of transparency allows this vital advice simply to sit there with no capacity for the public to influence a change because they are not allowed to know who is blocking the adoption of this guidance. I fully appreciate the need for space to deliberate but not, as in this case, apparently, indefinitely.

An important inquiry I closed in 2019 concerned the way in which the then Commission Secretary-General was appointed. Despite an initial negative response to my recommendations, within just a few months the Commission did conduct a specific appointment procedure for a new Secretary-General to serve under the new President, President von der Leyen. That case demonstrated a notable feature of the work of the Ombudsman. Sometimes a result can be achieved immediately, at other times it takes time for a recommendation to be fully realised, especially if it involves a change in a cultural mindset or a different approach by a different administration.

The two Council cases referenced above are cases in point. Given the pressure for greater transparency – encouraged by the pandemic – and given the EU’s great climate ambitions, I predict a different result should similar cases arise in the future.

In June 2019, it was my great pleasure to present the winners of the second edition of the Award for Good Administration – an important way of recognising the overwhelmingly good work of the administration. There were numerous inspiring projects, with the overall award going to the teams from the European Commission that had worked on the EU initiative to reduce plastic pollution and raise awareness. We are now looking forward to the third edition of the award, which will be held online in June of this year.

As European Ombudsman, I also coordinate the European Network of Ombudsmen – which comprises national and regional ombudsman institutions from 36 European countries and includes Parliament’s Committee on Petitions. The 2019 annual conference took place in April in Parliament’s premises in Brussels and, ahead of the European elections, the main theme was how to strengthen the participation of citizens in the democratic process.

Looking ahead, I am eager to continue the implementation of our ‘Towards 2024’ strategy. I hope to achieve a further positive impact on the EU administration, maintain the real-life relevance of our work and, by raising public awareness of our activities, enable citizens further to exercise their rights.

Madam President, honourable Members, Parliament and the Ombudsman are important allies in ensuring the EU’s accountability. Parliament provides democratic oversight and my Office provides administrative oversight. I thank you again for your great support for the Office of the European Ombudsman and, as we hopefully emerge from the pandemic, I very much look forward to continuing our valuable work together over the coming years.

  Virginijus Sinkevičius, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, I am very pleased to represent the Commission in this important debate today.

Let me start by recalling the 25th anniversary of the European Ombudsman that we celebrated in October 2020 and the essential role this office plays in maintaining public trust in the European Union, ensuring that the Union’s administration works in an open and transparent way, and safeguarding the integral idea of European citizenship. I would like to take this opportunity to once again personally express my praise and gratitude to the current Ombudsman, Ms O’Reilly, who has shown great dedication and commitment to her work.

I will turn now to the main subject of today’s discussion, the European Parliament’s resolution and the report of the Committee on Petitions (PETI) on the annual report on the activities of the European Ombudsman in 2019. These are annual cornerstones of good administration in the EU institutions, bodies, agencies and offices of the European Union. I would like to congratulate the rapporteur, Ms Sylvie Guillaume, the coordinators of the PETI Committee and all its Members who have been involved in this work. As every year, this report provides the views of the European Parliament on the issues that it considers noteworthy in the area of good administration procedures.

The field of action of the Ombudsman is broad: correspondance between the institutions and citizens, contractual issues between citizens or companies and the European administration, late contractual payments from institutions or agencies, requirement issues, and other staff matters, such as the implementation of anti-discrimination measures applying to requirement procedures. All of them remain in the remit of the Ombudsman.

As always, transparency is high on the agenda, notably in the area of access to documents, international negotiations, advisory bodies, or of the Eurogroup bodies, the transparency register, but also with other issues, such as job changes between the public and private sectors and the declaration of conflicts of interest. The Commission has multiple interactions with citizens, businesses, associations and NGOs, and is naturally the main addressee of the Ombudsman’s inquiries. The Commission attaches great importance to its relations with the Ombudsman and her services and is strongly committed to finding a solution to the problems raised by citizens. We will continue to work in this constructive spirit and hope all other institutions, bodies, offices and agencies do the same.

While it is not always possible to reach agreement on every case, I am pleased to know that the acceptance rate of the Ombudsman’s proposals by the Commission has increased to 75%. In the field of suggestions for improvement, the rate is even higher, and the Commission responded positively in 48 out of 53 cases in 2019. This is a clear demonstration of the constructive character of the relations between the Ombudsman and the Commission and the EU administration in general. Further good news for European citizens is that the Ombudsman very rarely finds that maladministration has taken place.

I conclude by noting the positive progress of the discussions on Parliament’s proposal to review the statute of the Ombudsman between the Council, Parliament and the Commission. All the teams involved, including the team of rapporteur Paulo Rangel, have been collaborating in a very constructive and open manner. I look forward to hearing the views of the honourable Members, and I thank you for your attention.

  Loránt Vincze, a PPE képviselőcsoport nevében. – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony! Köszönöm az ombudsman asszony munkáját, hiszen az emberközelibb, elszámolható és áttekinthetőbb Unió intézményi működéséért dolgozik. Nagyon fontos szerepe van a polgárok panaszainak kezelése során az intézmények eljárásainak javításában és pontosításában. Az előttünk lévő 2019-es jelentés értelmében az Emily O'REILLY asszony által vezetett intézmény ezt a munkát sikeresen végezte, és az Európai Néppárt képviselőcsoportja nevében ezt meg szeretném köszönni neki. Beszédes adat, hogy a panaszok nagy részét az átláthatóság, és a dokumentumok hozzáférhetőségének hiánya miatt nyújtották be. Mindkét téma gyakran napirenden van itt a Parlamentben. Egyetértünk az ombudsmannal abban, hogy elsősorban a Tanács előkészítő ülésein nagyobb átláthatóságra van szükség.

Bizonyára, erre lehetőség van anélkül, hogy az egyeztetéseket és a hatékony munkát veszélyeztetnék. A védőoltás-engedélyezések időszakában különösen értékes, hogy az ombudsman vizsgálatát követően az Európai Gyógyszerügynökség új intézkedéseket vezetett be. Ezek célja a kérelmezési eljárás függetlenségének és pártatlanságának javítása. Kérjük a Gyógyszerügynökséget, hogy az összeférhetetlenségek elkerülése érdekében hajtsa végre az ombudsman újabb ajánlásait. Fontos jelzés, hogy az ombudsman ügyel arra, hogy a hozzá forduló polgároknak azon a nyelven válaszoljon, amelyen a panaszt hozzá benyújtották. Hasznos lenne ugyanakkor, ha az intézmények weboldalaik szerkesztése során figyelembe vennék az ombudsman nyelvhasználatra vonatkozó iránymutatás tervezetét.

Ms O’Reilly, I wish you a lot of success in your future work. Thanks a lot for your commitment.

  Alex Agius Saliba, f’isem il-grupp S&D. – Sinjura President, l-ewwel nett nixtieq nibda billi nifraħ lill-kollega Sylvie għall-biċċa xogħol tajba li għamlet fuq dan ir-rapport. Nixtieq ukoll nifraħ lill-Ombudsman O’Reilly li reġgħet ġiet eletta fil-kariga ta’ Ombudsman Ewropew, filwaqt li nirringrazzjaha għax-xogħol mill-aqwa li dejjem tagħmel sabiex tassigura li l-Unjoni Ewropea timxi ‘l quddiem fuq l-aqwa standards, fejn tidħol l-amministrazzjoni, it-trasparenza, l-etika u l-aċċessibilità ta’ kwalità tajba, fejn jidħlu s-servizzi li l-Istituzzjonijiet Ewropej joffru liċ-ċittadini tagħna: aċċessibilità li fl-aħħar mill-aħħar ma teskludi u ma tħalli lil ħadd barra.

Kien ta’ sodisfazzjon għalija nara l-inkjesta mmexxija mill-Ombudsman dwar l-aċċessibilità fl-għodod diġitali li l-Kummissjoni toffri lill-persuni b’diżabilità u kien ta’ sodisfazzjon akbar nara r-rispons pożittiv tal-Kummissjoni, fejn sar sforz ġenwin sabiex l-ideat u s-suġġerimenti tal-Ombudsman jiġu attwati fil-prattika. Irridu mmexxu billi nagħtu l-aqwa eżempju, u rridu nassiguraw li l-paġni diġitali tal-Istituzzjonijiet kollha jkunu aċċessibbli għal kulħadd, inkluż bil-lingwi nazzjonali tas-sinjali. Nixtieq nirringrazzja wkoll lill-Ombudsman li b’mod spedit u mingħajr dewmien bdiet investigazzjoni oħra importanti u neċessarja fejn tidħol l-aċċessibilità tal-għodod diġitali tal-aġenzija OLAF, fejn wara talba li saret minn ċittadin Ewropew li għandu diffikultajiet viżwali, ittieħdet ukoll azzjoni.

Huwa obbligu tagħna li nirrappreżentaw lil kull ċittadin u li naġixxu b’mod adegwat meta l-ogħla standards ma jiġux milħuqa. Dan huwa l-uniku mod kif nistgħu nżommu liċ-ċittadini Ewropej fil-qalba tad-deċiżjonijiet li jittieħdu mill-Istituzzjonijiet tagħna u għalhekk ngħid li l-uffiċċju tal-Ombudsman għadu wieħed relevanti għaliex baqa’ jaġixxi fuq l-aspettattivi taċ-ċittadini tagħna.

  Ramona Strugariu, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Madam President, I would also like to thank the rapporteur for this excellent work that we were able to do together. As we debate today the European Ombudsman report, we are in the middle of an unprecedented crisis, and particularly now trust in public institutions is essential. This trust depends on a certain number of factors. Transparency is a key factor. It is a tool for empowering citizens and enabling them to participate in decision-making and engage in meaningful dialogue with the institutions. Accountability, integrity and respect for ethical rules are also important ingredients for building trust in the EU institutions. The European Ombudsman plays an important role here. It acts as a bridge between the EU and the citizens, and most importantly, it defends their rights. Or, as you aptly said in a recent speech, Ms O’Reilly, you are in the business of extracting accountability. Your office is therefore a natural ally in securing the highest standards possible for transparency and respect of ethical rules in all EU institutions. Just like you, we believe that the revolving door cases raise questions on defending public interest and enhancing public trust, and the Commission must recognise that if 99% of the requests for transfer into the private sector are approved, then the internal control mechanism does not work properly and we need to improve it.

Being a high ranking official entails responsibilities, and a tougher stance is needed in order to prevent conflicts of interest. I would like to commend you for your work and for your resilience. We also encourage you to do more and more within the European Network of Ombudsmen in order to exchange good practices, enhance cooperation and raise awareness among national ombudsmen of the importance of defending the rights of citizens. Thank you again. Thank you for the great collaboration and for everything that we were capable of doing together in order to extract accountability.

  Gianna Gancia, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ringrazio il Mediatore europeo per essere qui oggi. Sono sempre convinta che la sua figura istituzionale rivesta grande importanza per i cittadini europei.

Come relatrice ombra della relazione sulle attività del Mediatore europeo nel 2019, ho apprezzato molto l'impegno profuso dalla signora O'Reilly nel garantire piena disponibilità a collaborare e comunicare in modo trasparente con il Parlamento europeo, vero organo cardine e garante del rispetto delle prerogative degli europei. In particolare ho apprezzato, e metterei proprio il punto sull'attenzione che Lei ha dedicato al fenomeno delle revolving doors, che è un punto sul quale dobbiamo continuare sempre a tenere alto il livello di attenzione.

In particolare continuiamo poi a lavorare per garantire a ogni singolo cittadino europeo la possibilità di potersi sentire coinvolto appieno nel processo di unificazione europeo, che con questa legislatura vede un avviarsi ancora più deciso e importante. Quindi, signora O'Reilly, ogni Suo sforzo per garantire la maggiore trasparenza possibile e il pieno rispetto dei cittadini europei troverà sempre l'appoggio mio personale e del nostro gruppo.

Non dimentichiamoci che la democrazia si nutre di un equilibrio delicato e spetta a noi, rappresentanti dei cittadini, concretizzare questo principio.

  Margrete Auken, for Verts/ALE-Gruppen. – Fru Formand! Tak til ordføreren Sylvie Guillaume, og først og fremmest tak til Emily O'Reilly. EU-Ombudsmanden er så vigtig for borgernes tillid til EU, og hun har med sit kompetente arbejde yderligere styrket institutionen, selv om det er noget alarmerende, at 23 procent af hendes anbefalinger ikke bliver fulgt. For os Grønne – og som jeg hører det, for andre også – er den klare kritik af lukketheden i Rådets arbejde helt central. Europæiske borgere og pressen kan stadigvæk ikke følge med i, hvad deres egne regeringer siger og stemmer i arbejdet. Rådet bør være lige så transparent, som vi i Parlamentet er i vores del af lovgivningen. Ja gennemsigtighed er, som vi også har kunnet høre her, i det hele taget helt afgørende for arbejdet, og godt, at det rejses igen og igen. Men der er desværre tegn på, at hendes effektive indsats generer flere regeringer. I stedet for at rette ind prøver de at stække arbejdet. Det er alarmerende. Et eksempel er forslaget om at flytte Ombudsmanden væk fra Bruxelles. Det er desværre kommet med i beretningen. Alle de vigtigste med- og modspillere er jo i Bruxelles, og så sent som i oktober vedtog både Rådet og Parlamentet at forbedre arbejdsvilkårene og kontorerne dér i stort tal. Det vil besværliggøre og fordyre arbejdet urimeligt, hvis hun tvinges væk herfra. Jeg håber, at flertallet, der både plejer at stemme for, at vi skal stoppe rejseriet, og ønsker en effektiv Ombudsmand, vil stemme nej til paragraf 50 sammen med os Grønne.

VORSITZ: KATARINA BARLEY
Vizepräsidentin

  Kosma Złotowski, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Szanowna Pani Rzecznik! Instytucje Unii Europejskiej powinny utrzymywać maksymalny poziom przejrzystości i obiektywizmu. Jednym z zarzutów, jakie obywatele najczęściej stawiają Komisji, jest właśnie brak demokratycznego mandatu i niejasne procedury wewnętrzne.

Działalność Pani Rzecznik wskazuje, że pomimo deklaracji gotowości do zmian wciąż jest wiele do zrobienia. Dotyczy to kwestii konfliktu interesów, utrudniania dostępu do dokumentów czy braku wiążącego rozporządzenia w sprawie istniejącego kodeksu dobrego postępowania administracyjnego. Przypadki zaangażowania byłych i obecnych komisarzy w działalność biznesową budzą ogromne emocje, a łatwość w przechodzeniu z instytucji europejskich do biznesu rodzi obawy o obiektywizm podejmowanych przez urzędników decyzji.

Co prawda to sprawozdanie dotyczy 2019 roku, ale nie można pominąć zastrzeżeń, jakie pojawiły się podczas pandemii koronawirusa. Mam nadzieję, że Pani Rzecznik przyjrzy się uważnie wszystkim zarzutom stawianym Komisji Europejskiej w tym okresie, szczególną uwagę zwracając zwłaszcza na proces negocjowania umów na zakup szczepionek.

  Sira Rego, en nombre del Grupo The Left. – Señora presidenta, yo quisiera empezar poniendo de relieve el papel de la defensora del pueblo, a la cabeza de una de las pocas instituciones de acceso directo de la ciudadanía para defenderse de situaciones antidemocráticas o de vulneración de derechos. Por supuesto, quiero agradecer este trabajo y destacar algún aspecto del informe que, más allá de lo concreto, revela algunas contradicciones y algunas debilidades de las instituciones europeas.

Por ejemplo, llama mucho la atención que uno de los elementos reiterativos sea la falta de transparencia y la opacidad en Europa: yo creo que reconocerán que es un tanto contradictorio que los Tratados de la UE señalen la transparencia como un principio fundamental y que sea esa precisamente una de las denuncias recurrentes. Y mucho me temo que esta situación afecta tanto a la ciudadanía como a quienes somos representantes de la ciudadanía.

Yo, por mi propia experiencia, he de decirles que he tenido que recurrir a la colaboración de la señora O'Reilly para que los individuos que dirigen Frontex me proporcionen información que debería ser pública y que se han negado a darme. Yo creo que esto vuelve a confirmar la falta de transparencia. En ese sentido, hay que destacar el potencial que podría tener un instrumento como este, el cual, confieso, me hace no perder del todo la esperanza en que, entre otras cosas, averigüemos qué está pasando con Frontex y cuál es la cadena de responsabilidades.

Eso sí, señora O'Reilly, ojalá haya más investigaciones de oficio: nos hacen falta. Ojalá este año se anime a investigar la vulneración de derechos en las fronteras exteriores de la UE, o la presencia de menores en campos de detención en Canarias, o la propuesta fascista del pin parental en España. Por desgracia, hay mucho que investigar.

  Dorien Rookmaker (NI). – Madam President, as a chief risk compliance officer, I worked in corporates for many years. Everywhere people are mishaps occurs, fraud takes place and abuse of power is always lurking on the side. Within the European institutions and the rest of the world this is common practice. If the EU wants to take a stand against atrocities worldwide, it must set an example by being transparent, responsible and accountable. The Ombudsman plays an important role.

Unfortunately, the monitoring is not up to specs. We are discussing a report of 2019. Far too little, far too late. In the corporate world this is not acceptable and it should not be acceptable in the EU. That is why I would like to invite the Ombudsman to Parliament on a regular monthly basis, in which context she will report on the amount and nature of cases and their follow-up. This will enhance accountability of all EU institutions and build trust among EU citizens.

  Paulo Rangel (PPE). – Madam President, let me start by congratulating Emily O’Reilly on her re-election and wish her all the successes for the second term as European Ombudsman.

E sabemos que o Provedor de Justiça desempenha um papel fundamental no nosso sistema institucional. Ele é a ligação direta das instituições aos cidadãos e, usando meios informais, usando o soft power, ele é um garante dos direitos fundamentais dos cidadãos da União Europeia.

Temos, por isso, de o proteger contra as tentações: a tentação de algumas instituições que querem limitar e impedir um mandato amplo, livre, por parte do Provedor de Justiça, e contra instituições, como agora acaba de dizer da minha colega, que querem controlar o Provedor de Justiça.

O Provedor de Justiça não é responsável perante o Parlamento. É independente de todas as instituições, e uma das formas de ser independente é a circunstância de não ser nem um Procurador do Ministério Público, nem um juiz, nem um tribunal. A sua força reside na informalidade e na não vinculação das suas decisões.

Só dessa maneira garantiremos que os cidadãos estão em primeiro lugar na missão do Provedor de Justiça.

  Cristina Maestre Martín De Almagro (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señorías, aunque este informe evalúa la gestión de 2019, el pasado año la institución del Defensor del Pueblo —la defensora del pueblo en este caso— cumplía veinticinco años. Se suele decir que un derecho vale lo que vale su garantía. Pues bien, se puede afirmar que el Defensor del Pueblo Europeo cumple veinticinco años trabajando en la garantía de derechos, en la garantía de transparencia de las instituciones europeas y al servicio de la calidad democrática y la defensa del Estado de Derecho de la Unión.

Y, señorías, es muy importante que la ciudadanía europea conozca la labor del Defensor del Pueblo y, más aún, que lo identifique como un instrumento útil y accesible, con información clara sobre el ámbito competencial del mismo. En este sentido, analizando la evaluación anual, y bajo nuestro punto de vista, se está realizando un gran esfuerzo.

Pero estaríamos engañándonos si dijéramos que está todo hecho. Efectivamente, ya lo hemos dicho: la transparencia constituye un principio esencial de la democracia y no siempre está ampliamente considerada por las instituciones y órganos comunitarios. Yo creo que el silogismo es claro: si hay más información, hay más transparencia, y si hay más transparencia, hay más participación. Si la ciudadanía participa, se afianzan las estructuras democráticas y se fortalece el proyecto europeísta.

Por eso, cuando ha sido necesario, se han impulsado las acciones oportunas. Y aquí lo hemos defendido, junto a la defensora del pueblo, para elevar las exigencias de transparencia de los diferentes órganos comunitarios y defender el derecho a la información y la transparencia en sus deliberaciones. Sobre estas cuestiones, aún tiene mucho trabajo la señora O’Reilly. Felicito, por tanto, a la defensora también por esa capacidad de iniciativa que ha demostrado a la hora de emprender investigaciones y que aquí han sido mencionadas por mis compañeros.

Hace veinticinco años, en los debates de creación de este órgano, hubo quien intentó impedir la creación de la figura del defensor del pueblo, apelando a una suerte de confluencia, de competencia respecto a la Comisión de Peticiones del Parlamento Europeo y asimilándola poco menos que a un mero buzón de quejas. Ni una cosa ni la otra. El trabajo conjunto que se está llevando por parte de ambas instituciones está teniendo una sinergia perfecta en la salvaguarda del correcto funcionamiento de las administraciones, y se practica desde la absoluta independencia de ambas instituciones.

Por tanto, quisiera felicitar a la señora O’Reilly por su trabajo y también a la ponente, Sylvie Guillaume, por su trabajo justo, medido, imparcial y propositivo.

  Marie-Pierre Vedrenne (Renew). – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Médiatrice, Monsieur le Commissaire, Quarante-quatre pour cent. 44 %, c’est le pourcentage de citoyens qui ont confiance dans l’Union européenne. Insuffisant. Et la confiance, elle ne se décrète pas, elle se construit chaque jour. Chacun d’entre nous, chaque institution se doit de faire preuve de responsabilité. Et le travail que vous accomplissez, Madame la Médiatrice, est essentiel: rendre l’Union européenne plus exemplaire et gagner toujours plus la confiance de nos concitoyens et le processus démocratique européen ne peut en ressortir que renforcé.

La conférence sur le futur de l’Europe aura un rôle clé permettant aux citoyens européens de peser sur les actions de l’Union européenne. Aucun sujet ne devra être écarté et tout le monde devra pouvoir participer, c’est essentiel pour son succès.

Participation rime aussi avec transparence. La transparence doit ainsi se développer dans toutes nos institutions et dans tous les sujets. L’exemple des négociations commerciales est révélateur: avec le Brexit, un pas a été fait avec la publication de documents de négociation et les calendriers. Mais ce tel niveau de transparence doit être maintenu pour tous nos accords commerciaux, du Mercosur à la Chine.

Madame la Médiatrice, vous pourrez compter sur mon soutien pour vos activités, accès aux documents, lutte contre les conflits d’intérêts et surtout pour la mise en place effective de vos recommandations, car participation et transparence ne doivent pas être des paroles en l’air. Votre travail nous permet de ne pas oublier pour quoi et pour qui nous sommes élus. Et ce rapport montre aussi que vous avez le soutien constant du Parlement européen.

  Maximilian Krah (ID). – Frau Präsidentin! Liebe Kollegen! Ein Ombudsmann, eine Bürgerbeauftragte für die Rechte der Bürger ist eine grundsätzlich gute Idee. Aber entscheidend ist, was man daraus macht.

Und wenn wir uns den Bericht anschauen, dann geht es eben wie so oft darum, die Rechte von Minderheiten auf Kosten der Mehrheit durchzusetzen. Und es geht darum, Stellen zu schaffen, damit man die Ideen, die diese Institutionen hier so wichtig finden, durchsetzen kann, aber wenig um Bürgerrechte.

Im Jahre 2017 – es ist etwas her – wurde zu einem Vernetzungstreffen der Bürgerbeauftragten eingeladen, wo man sich der Frage widmete, inwieweit Populismus Bürgerrechte einschränkt. Im Jahresbericht 2018, der vor einem Jahr abgestimmt wurde, ging es wiederum darum, sicherzustellen, dass Populismus keine Chance habe.

Es geht also offensichtlich nicht um die Probleme der Bürger mit dem großen Bürokratiemoloch EU, sondern es geht darum, dass viele gut bezahlte Stellen dafür da sind, diesem Moloch EU noch besser zur Macht zu verhelfen. Und deshalb haben wir Bedenken dagegen.

  Daniel Freund (Verts/ALE). – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Emily, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Günther Oettinger hat 14 neue Jobs genehmigt bekommen. Sieben dieser neuen Jobs sind für registrierte Lobbyorganisationen, plus er hat seine eigene Beratungsfirma aufgemacht. Die Bürgerbeauftragte hat zu Recht darauf hingewiesen, dass einer dieser neuen Arbeitgeber als Hauptkunden Philip Morris hat.

Günther Oettinger ist ja nicht so gefragt, weil er sich so gut mit Tunnelbohrmaschinen auskennt, sondern er wird angeheuert, weil er beste Kontakte in die Politik hat. Er wird eingestellt, weil er dabei helfen soll, Gesetze und Entscheidungen zu beeinflussen. Genau das soll aber hier eigentlich nicht passieren. Die Kommission sagt immer, Oettinger solle seine Ex-Kollegen nicht lobbyieren. Ich frage mich aber: Was macht er denn bei einer Lobbyfirma, wenn er nicht lobbyieren darf?

Interessenkonflikte sind da vorprogrammiert. Sie, Frau Bürgerbeauftragte, haben das schon 2019 immer wieder beklagt. Sie haben auch gesagt: Es gibt ja die Möglichkeit, diese Folgebeschäftigungen zu verbieten.

Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, ich finde, es ist Zeit, dass wir den Empfehlungen der Bürgerbeauftragten noch deutlich mehr Gewicht geben und noch besser auf sie hören.

  Ádám Kósa (NI). – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony! Megtisztelő, hogy az ombudsman 2019-es tevékenységéről szóló jelentést árnyék-jelentéstevőjeként magam is alakíthattam. Ombudsman asszonnyal személyesen is találkoztam, egyeztettünk. 2019-ben az ombudsman asszony a Fogyatékossággal élő személyek jogairól szóló ENSZ-egyezmény végrehajtására, védelmére, előmozdítására és ellenőrzésére vonatkozó uniós keret elnöki tisztét töltötte be igen proaktívan. Ugyanakkor elfogadhatatlan, hogy az uniós intézmények honlapjai a mai napig még mindig nem többnyelvűek és nem akadálymentesek a fogyatékossággal élő személyek számára sem. Így például a nemzeti jelnyelvek használói számára sem. Ami az uniós intézmények átláthatóságát illeti, az állampolgárok részéről objektíven és észszerűen kell ezeket az elvárásokat átültetni a gyakorlatba.

A baloldal ez ügyben irreális elvárásokat követel és szavazott be a jelentésben. Ez már a munka minőségének a rovására is mehet. Kérem az ombudsman asszonyt, hogy ezen irányelvek mentén dolgozzon a jövőben!

  Brando Benifei (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la relazione annuale sulle attività della Mediatrice europea certifica nuovamente l'assoluto valore dell'impegno di Emily O'Reilly e dimostra ancora una volta come il Mediatore sia un prezioso alleato di questo Parlamento nell'avvicinare l'Europa ai suoi cittadini, alzando la qualità della democrazia dell'Unione europea.

Vorrei quindi usare questo tempo per ringraziare la Mediatrice e spronarla a insistere con ancora più forza, pretendere maggiore trasparenza dal Consiglio, rafforzare le misure volte a prevenire i conflitti di interesse, vigilare sui fondi europei, combattere le frodi, porre fine in maniera definitiva alla pratica dei tirocini non pagati nelle istituzioni europee, continuando il nostro impegno comune su questo tema.

Infine un plauso speciale al suo straordinario lavoro nel promuovere e monitorare la messa in atto della Convenzione delle Nazioni Unite sui diritti delle persone con disabilità: un impegno e una battaglia giusta e necessaria.

In commissione affari costituzionali stiamo lavorando per dotare il Mediatore di un nuovo statuto e assicurare sempre maggiore autonomia d'azione a questa Istituzione. Ci auguriamo di incontrare la stessa ambizione da parte dei governi in Consiglio.

  Maite Pagazaurtundúa (Renew). – Señora presidenta, quiero felicitar yo también a nuestra compañera Sylvie Guillaume, que ha hecho un trabajo excelente y, por supuesto, me uno a las felicitaciones y a los agradecimientos a nuestra defensora del pueblo. Muchísimas gracias por su trabajo.

Pero sobre todo eso ya han hablado la mayoría de mis compañeros, y yo quiero indicar que además nuestro Parlamento está intentando que usted tenga más competencias, estamos intentando que el Consejo nos escuche.

Queremos que el Defensor del Pueblo Europeo pueda realizar investigaciones de oficio para identificar casos repetidos o especialmente graves de mala administración; queremos que tenga acceso a más documentos que le ayuden en su trabajo de investigación; estamos defendiendo una cooperación reforzada con los defensores del pueblo de los Estados miembros, y todo esto es posible si el Consejo nos escucha. Lo quiero decir porque la cultura de la buena administración, de la transparencia y de las buenas prácticas debe echar mejores raíces, y el Consejo debe abrirse a ello.

Necesitamos que el Defensor del Pueblo Europeo sea independiente como punto de partida básico para ejercer sus funciones. Tenemos una oficina, no diré a medias, pero por completar, con competencias, no diré a medias, pero que se pueden mejorar, en un mundo que necesita una gobernanza eficaz y completa. Lo necesitamos, porque ofrecer información o la buena administración, la buena gobernanza, no pueden ser una gracia discrecional por parte de los poderes públicos. Es nuestra obligación y debemos abandonar cualquier docilidad en cuestiones de transparencia y buen gobierno: es crucial, especialmente en estos tiempos de Ejecutivos hiperreforzados.

  Matteo Adinolfi (ID). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ringrazio il Mediatore europeo, signora O'Reilly.

Stiamo vivendo un momento difficile: la pandemia che da un anno ci ha colpito ha acuito le crisi economiche e le diseguaglianze sociali. Nel mio paese, l'Italia, nel 2020 le persone in stato di povertà assoluta sono aumentate di oltre un milione rispetto all'anno precedente e dati simili arrivano anche dagli altri Stati membri.

Alla luce del momento storico che stiamo vivendo, assume sempre più importanza il ruolo che Lei riveste, essenziale per rafforzare la fiducia dei cittadini europei nei confronti dell'Unione, quella fiducia che troppe volte, va detto, è stata scalfita, come ad esempio per il recente caos sull'acquisto e la fornitura dei vaccini.

Signora O'Reilly, c'è ancora molto da fare per raggiungere questi alti standard in materia di buona amministrazione che i cittadini europei si aspettano, ma voglio dirle che ho apprezzato il suo approccio etico e ho apprezzato le indagini da Lei avviate sulla trasparenza, in particolar modo sull'EMA, l'Agenzia europea per i medicinali.

Da ultimo mi lasci ringraziarla per l'impegno profuso nel proteggere e garantire i diritti delle persone disabili, troppo spesso non abbastanza considerate.

  Isabel García Muñoz (S&D). – Señora presidenta, felicito a la ponente por su informe y especialmente a la señora O'Reilly por su reelección y por la excelente labor realizada en 2019: el alto número de reclamaciones tramitadas —más de dos mil en el año que nos ocupa— es un claro indicador del interés y la confianza que la ciudadanía deposita en esta institución.

Para que la Unión mantenga su credibilidad frente a la ciudadanía es imprescindible asegurar que se aplican los más altos estándares de administración, transparencia y ética, algo con lo que la señora O'Reilly ha demostrado estar absolutamente comprometida. Esta ha sido la razón por la que mi grupo apoya su trabajo y ha decidido conceder la aprobación de su gestión presupuestaria en el año 2019, a pesar de las voces que querían hacer todo lo contrario.

Los casos de mala administración que la defensora del pueblo europea investiga, incluidos la falta de transparencia o el incumplimiento de los marcos éticos, tienen un coste no solo de confianza, sino también económico, por lo que su labor ayuda a proteger el presupuesto europeo en beneficio de todos.

Finalizo animando a las instituciones y órganos de la Unión a recibir de manera constructiva las recomendaciones de la defensora del pueblo y aplicarlas debidamente.

  Gilles Lebreton (ID). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, comme chaque année, je m’apprêtais à féliciter la médiatrice européenne de son travail. Mais cette fois, j’utiliserai la minute qui m’est octroyée pour dénoncer un problème trop rapidement évacué par le point 46 du rapport Guillaume. La médiatrice a proposé d’accorder un droit à congé spécifique pour les membres du personnel de l’Union qui deviennent parents à la suite d’une gestation pour autrui.

Je m’élève avec force contre cette approbation implicite de la gestation pour autrui. La gestation pour autrui est un procédé barbare qui permet à un couple riche de louer le ventre d’une femme pauvre et de lui prendre l’enfant qu’elle a porté. C’est une nouvelle forme d’esclavage dont les femmes sont une fois de plus les victimes. En l’approuvant, l’Union trahit les valeurs qu’elle prétend porter. Elle sacrifie le respect des femmes sur l’autel d’un effroyable business en pleine expansion.

Pour ma part, je ne l’accepterai jamais. Si, au bout du compte, il ne doit rester qu’un seul vrai féministe dans cet hémicycle, ce sera moi.

  Massimiliano Smeriglio (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signora Mediatrice, rilevo come positivo l'elevato livello di vigilanza per il mantenimento degli alti standard di trasparenza ed etica, anche in una situazione inaspettata come quella della crisi sanitaria.

La trasparenza rimane il principale oggetto di denunce. Importante è il lavoro recentemente svolto sulla questione delle "porte girevoli". A seguito delle indagini portate a termine, ci aspettiamo che la Commissione adotti un approccio più rigoroso dando seguito alle raccomandazioni avanzate.

Rilevante è il ruolo della Mediatrice in riferimento al tema della disabilità: ricordo che è fondamentale una piena e coerente applicazione della Convenzione ONU sui diritti delle persone con disabilità.

Da ultimo, importante è l'iniziativa intrapresa dalla Mediatrice che ha portato l'EMA a introdurre misure volte ad aumentare la trasparenza in settori quali la sperimentazione clinica. Un'azione che risulta ancora più rilevante ora, a seguito della pandemia, vista la centralità del dibattito sul nazionalismo sanitario e sulla richiesta, anche da parte di questo Parlamento, di maggiore trasparenza sui contratti con le case farmaceutiche e maggiore solidarietà tra gli Stati membri.

  Joachim Kuhs (ID). – Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar! Frau O'Reilly, Sie haben ein sehr wichtiges Amt. Und dieses Amt hat zwar keine Exekutivgewalt, aber Sie haben die Macht des Wortes bei sich. Sie können mit Ihren Worten sehr viel erreichen. Aber ich mache mir Sorgen, dass Sie, wenn Sie Ihr Amt, wenn Sie Ihr Mandat überschreiten, dass dann Ihre Worte nicht mehr wirken. Deshalb bitte ich Sie ganz herzlich darum, einfach um Ihres wichtigen Amtes willen – Sie vertreten die ganzen Bürger der Union und als solche sind Sie verpflichtet, deren Anliegen auch wirklich zu vertreten und vorzubringen; aber Sie machen es wirkungslos, wenn Sie Ihr höchstes Gut, die Glaubwürdigkeit Ihres Amtes, verlieren, indem Sie Ihr Mandat überschreiten; es gibt einige Hinweise, dass Sie das getan haben –, deshalb bitte ich Sie inständig darum, um Ihres Amtes willen, das nicht mehr zu tun.

  Virginijus Sinkevičius, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, I would like to thank honourable Members and Ms O’Reilly for their comments.

Allow me again to underline that the Commission will continue to strive for the best possible level of good administration. Relations between my institution and citizens, companies, associations and NGOs are of key importance and this is particularly true in these difficult times. A transparent, open and accessible EU administration will always remain a priority for me and my colleagues. You can count on that.

In this context, the work of the Ombudsman, Ms O’Reilly, is essential and constructive cooperation is a must. The resolution of your House and the Committee on Petitions (PETI) Report on the activities of the European Ombudsman – annual report 2019 present your view on areas where our institutions do well and where they could improve in the future.

In the coming weeks, in line with established practices, the Commission will send its detailed replies to all the points concerning the Commission which you have raised in your resolution.

  Emily O’Reilly, Ombudsman. – Madam President, I would like to thank the honourable Members for all of that.

I always find this a very informative and very useful part of the year because it gives me confirmation in the direction that I am taking, and it also adds other elements in relation to where I might take the work of my office. Of course, all of the work that I do, whether the individual complaints that I get from citizens, from Members of Parliament, from business, from civil society, and also all of the investigations that I do, are inspired by the work of Parliament, the work of the institutions, and also the concerns that are brought to me by citizens.

Just to go through some of the comments that were made: obviously transparency was very much to the forefront of the comments that were made. I think what people were trying to say was that in order to give, to really execute and to allow citizens to exercise their right to take part in the democratic life of the Union, they have to know what’s going on, and they get that through the transparency of the institutions and that is why it’s so important.

Mr Agius Saliba, you talked a lot about my work on disability and accessibility. Again, that goes to the heart of what I just said in relation to people being able to take part in the life of the Union and they can only do that if everything is also made accessible to them, and particularly people who might struggle, people who might have disabilities.

Ms Strugariu, revolving doors, and Ms Gancia, that was also mentioned by you and by Daniel Freund. What I keep saying in relation to this particular issue is, rules are there but they’re not always being implemented, and even though I and you believe that there’s a huge public interest in dealing with this particular challenge, I’m not convinced that there’s a strong cultural acceptance necessarily of why this is important.

Ms Auken, yes, the transparency of the Council: things are moving slowly but in the right direction.

Ms Złotowski, negotiations on vaccine contracts, access to documents, those are cases that we’re actually dealing with at the moment.

Ms Rego, transparency and Frontex, you mentioned as well: we currently have two significant investigations going in relation to some of the issues that you mentioned.

Ms Rookmaker, you want more regular reporting. I think you were talking very much from a private-sector perspective, which is always refreshing. I would very much like to engage as much as Parliament wishes me to be engaged in your work and to come and report to you on what I’m doing. I should say that even though the 2019 report does seem quite a long time ago, I actually signed off on the 2020 report just two weeks ago, so I’m willing to come before this Parliament as soon as Parliament is ready.

Mr Rangel, I greatly appreciated your comments in relation to the structure and the independence of the office, which is its core.

Ms Maestre, yes, the office should not rest on its laurels, I very much appreciate that.

Ms Vedrenne, the Conference on the Future of Europe, also incredibly important for citizens, and we hope to be able to make our input into that. You also noticed the transparency of the Brexit negotiations, perhaps in contrast to other negotiations that are ongoing and I think Brexit set a template for that and the world did not collapse around it because of the transparency that was there and it’s something that we worked very hard on with Mr Barnier and his team.

Thank you for the general comments on the support for my work.

Clinical trials, vaccines, yes, we worked very closely with the European Medicines Agency (EMA). I have to say in relation to EMA that they are very open with us and collaborate very strongly with us.

Mr Freund, highlighting conflicts of interest again, the reluctance to tackle this, I have already mentioned that.

Mr Kósa, the accessibility of the EU websites particularly in relation to, different websites: we have worked on that. We will continue to work on that and thank you for highlighting it again.

Mr Benifei, cancer transparency, an ongoing project with us and with you. Conflicts of interest: interns. We’ve worked on that before and we hope that all of the institutions take up the recommendations that we’ve made. The transparency of EMA, another issue that was brought up, clinical trials, vaccinations, those I’ve already mentioned.

Again, I thank you all. I thank Ms Guillaume and the rapporteurs for all the really engaged work they’ve done. I thank you for your support. It’s lovely to come here and hear it verbalised in that way. And as I said, it gives me and my team confidence in what we are doing. So thank you very much for the engagement. As I’ve always said, an ombudsman is only as good as the support that he or she gets from Parliament, and I have received great support from this Parliament and that enables my office to do what you would wish it to do, so thank you very much.

  Die Präsidentin. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Abstimmung über die Änderungsanträge findet heute, Dienstag, 9. März 2021 statt, die Schlussabstimmung am Mittwoch, 10. März 2021.

11. Odpravljanje gospodarskih posledic pandemije covida-19 s poudarkom na naložbah, konkurenčnosti in spretnostih (razprava)

  Die Präsidentin. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärung der Kommission zur Bekämpfung der Auswirkungen der COVID-19-Pandemie auf die Wirtschaft insbesondere durch Investitionen, Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und Kompetenzen (2021/2580(RSP)).

Ich weise die Mitglieder darauf hin, dass es bei allen Aussprachen dieser Sitzung keine spontanen Wortmeldungen gibt und keine blauen Karten akzeptiert werden.

  Paolo Gentiloni, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, our economy is expected to have ended 2020 and started the New Year on a weak footing. This morning Eurostat confirmed that the euro area experienced negative growth of 0.7% in the last quarter of 2020. But we still expect growth to resume this spring and gather momentum in the summer. So there is hope on the horizon, the famous light ahead of the famous tunnel. But for now, the pandemic continues to hurt people’s livelihoods and the wider economy. And in this context, our first thoughts should be with the victims of the virus, their families and loved ones. In my own country yesterday a very terrible milestone was reached with 100 000 victims.

The negative impact on the economy, and we will have to be aware and even proud of this, would have been much bigger without fast and decisive EU and national action. Our decision last March to activate the general escape clause was a recognition of the gravity of the unfolding crisis. Together with the decisions to adopt a temporary framework for state aid rules and together with the decisions taken by the ECB, these institutions’ reactions enabled Member States to deliver an unprecedented fiscal policy response. Total direct fiscal support amounted to around 8% of GDP in 2020 in the EU.

Together with additional liquidity support measures, it is estimated the contraction of GDP in 2020 was cushioned by around 4.5 percentage points. National and common fiscal response go hand-in-hand. I think we should consider them together. When we, for example, make a comparison with what is happening in America, in the US, we should consider the two parallel track of the European reaction. We are not a federal state. We have to combine and make national and common reactions go together. I am telling this because, today, probably the American, the US House, will finally approve the 1.9 trillion stimulus package of the new US Administration. This will also have a very positive impact in our economy. But all in all, I think we have to consider the whole reaction and not only our common tools.

Vital liquidity support made possible by the temporary framework for state aid prevented liquidity shortages from turning into solvency problems. And we would have had solvency problems without this extraordinary authorised State aid. And we had the contrary. We had the lowest level of bankruptcies in many years in 2020. Now our message is clear to further cushion the impact of the crisis. Fiscal support should continue as long as needed. And it is the same message which comes from multilateral fora such as the G7 and the G20 and by key international partners.

We must ensure that we don’t repeat the mistakes of a decade ago by pulling back support too soon. And so for 2022, it is clear that fiscal support will still be necessary. Better to err towards doing too much rather than too little. Based on current indications, the general escape clause would remain active in 2022 and be deactivated in 2023.

I think conditions are there for a strong recovery. Again today, the OECD confirmed in its forecast a growth for 2021 of 3.9% and for 2022 of 3.8%, which is very near to the Commission’s forecasts presented one month ago. This is a strong economic growth for an economic area such as the EU. So we will face the crisis. We are still five points behind what we were at the end of 2019, but we have all conditions for a strong recovery in the next couple of years, beginning this summer. Fiscal policy then should be differentiated according to the pace of each country’s recovery and the underlying fiscal situation. Timely, temporary and targeted measures will allow us to move towards a return to sustainable budgets in the medium-term, ensuring debt sustainability while also enhancing investment.

Finally, a few remarks on our common EU tools. Of course, the RRF is a game changer. Its effective implementation could deliver up to 2% of additional GDP by 2024 and create two million jobs, including by accelerating the green and digital transition. It is vital that we make use of this opportunity to increase both the level and the quality of our investment. InvestEU is another critical tool. We discussed it this morning, and I think that also thanks to the strong support of Parliament, this tool will also help to crowd private investment for the transition.

The SURE instrument has proven very popular. We have already proposed over 90 billion of support out of a total envelope of 100 billion and 19 Member States asked for this support despite the very low interest rate environment we are in. Finally, EASE, Effective Active Support to Employment, is also a new and important tool. It provides guidance for Member States to accompany labour market transitions from decline into expanding sectors, including green and digital, anticipating change and assisting workers affected by restructuring processes.

So, ladies and gentlemen, honourable Members, with the economic outlook surrounded by uncertainty, we must deliver on all these fronts to make sure the recovery takes hold on our economies, that we emerge renewed and more resilient from the crisis and stronger for the twin transition. This should equip our economy for the present and for the future. And fairer because no one should be left behind.

  Markus Ferber, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen! Die Pandemie hat die Wirtschaft in eine tiefe Rezession gestürzt. Die Wirtschaft ist eingebrochen und die Staatsschulden sind in vielen Mitgliedstaaten regelrecht explodiert.

Wenn wir aus dieser Situation wieder hinauskommen wollen, dann brauchen wir zwei Dinge: Impfen, Impfen, Impfen und Wirtschaftswachstum. Um dieses Wachstum zu generieren, reicht es aber nicht, einfach den Geldhahn noch weiter aufzudrehen. Schließlich haben wir bereits vor der Pandemie gesehen, dass der Wachstumsmotor in vielen europäischen Ländern erheblich ins Stottern gekommen ist.

Das Ziel darf also nicht darin bestehen, auf den Wachstumspfad von vor der Krise zurückzukommen, sondern es muss darin bestehen, einen neuen, einen steileren Pfad zu finden und ihn einzuschlagen. Dafür brauchen wir zwei Dinge: Strukturreformen und Investitionen, die das Potenzial Wachstum deutlich erhöhen, natürlich auch in den Bereichen Nachhaltigkeit und Digitalisierung.

Mit der Aufbau- und Resilienzfazilität, die wir in der vergangenen Sitzung verabschiedet haben, mit InvestEU, das wir heute Vormittag diskutiert haben – der Herr Kommissar hat ja darauf hingewiesen – und mit einem neuen Fonds bei der Europäischen Investitionsbank haben wir auf europäischer Ebene Programme geschaffen, die den Mitgliedstaaten diese Investitionen ermöglichen sollten.

Jetzt kommt es vor allem auf zwei Dinge an. Erstens: Das Geld muss schnell fließen – bei den EIB-Mitteln haben es die Mitgliedstaaten selber verursacht, dass es nicht schnell fließen konnte, das darf sich nicht wiederholen; und zweitens muss auch die Kommission, Herr Kommissar, mit Adleraugen darüber wachen, dass die europäischen Mittel von den Mitgliedstaaten auch tatsächlich für die richtigen Investitionen eingeplant werden und damit langfristiges Wachstum ausgelöst wird.

  Pedro Marques, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, after the outbreak of the pandemic crisis, the European institutions met citizens’ expectations. Of the decisions taken to tackle the economic and social consequences of the crisis, Next Generation EU has to be highlighted, not only for its size, but also for the issuance of common debt, which broke a taboo and is a clear step forward in European integration, a decisive step in the right direction.

Overall, the EU response to the crisis represents around 9% of GDP, which is very close to the US federal response, but for the first wave of the pandemic alone. We are now experiencing the third wave of the pandemic, and while the Americans have tripled their stimulus package to 30% of GDP, including direct transfers to households, in Europe, not only did we not increase the response, but we are still struggling to get Next Generation EU off the ground.

The new OECD projections for the global economy, which have just been published, highlight the consequences of these different choices of response between the US and Europe. The US will grow much more than Europe in 2021 because of this different response. If we want to save millions of jobs in Europe, we need a real spur on demand to push for the economy. Fiscal policy must be more ambitious, for sure. Prolonging the general escape clause is a good first step, but is far from enough. The EU needs to step up and speed up to keep pace with the dimension of this crisis.

  Valter Flego, u ime kluba Renew. – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, poštovane kolegice i kolege, poštovani povjereniče Gentiloni, prije točno godinu dana stajao sam ovdje i pričao o nadolazećoj recesiji, pričao o tome kako će nažalost COVID-19 imati poguban utjecaj na ekonomiju i na BDP.

I ono što je dobro, Europa, Europska komisija, Vijeće i Parlament znali smo reagirati i danas imamo novca nikad više nego prije za oporavak od upravo tog COVID-a. Ono što danas želim ovdje naglasiti je poruka prema državama članicama, poruka prema Komisiji. Budite hrabri i brzi. Da, hrabri i brzi. Države naravno trebaju biti hrabre u donošenju takvih planova oporavka, a znate da je 1.4. rok koji će prije svega poticati iz tih novaca investicije i reformu javnog sektora, ali i veliko ulaganje u privatni sektor jer oni stvaraju novac, njima treba pomoći da ostvaruju novu i bolju ekonomiju 4.0, zelenu tranziciju, da investiramo u pogođene sektore.

I Komisija mora biti hrabra i brza, da nema previše administracije, birokracije, posebice od Hrvatske da bude fleksibilna jer smo zemlja koja je samo financijsku omotnicu 14.20 iskoristila i zato mislim da treba hitno i odmah reagirati.

Poštovane kolegice i kolege, ovaj fond za oporavak zove se EU Next Generation i zato je ključno pitanje da se zapitamo kakvu želimo Europu i države članice ostaviti budućim generacijama. Ako budemo tako radili kao što sam rekao, mislim da možemo pustiti jednu bolju Europu, jedne bolje države članice nego što su to danas.

  Paolo Borchia, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Commissario, guardare al futuro implica prendere atto degli errori che si sono commessi nel passato e per farlo serve l'umiltà di riconoscere che alcune ricette adottate in passato sono state controproducenti e magari hanno portato l'Unione europea alle soglie di una recessione: pensiamo ad esempio a quelle che potrebbero essere le conseguenze di un troppo brusco ripristino del patto di stabilità e crescita.

Affrontare l'impatto economico della pandemia implica riflettere su NextGenerationEU che, effettivamente, ha avuto delle tempistiche troppo lunghe e quindi c'è il timore che lo stimolo all'economia non sia sufficiente, nonostante la montagna di debiti che graverà sulle generazioni future, nonostante le troppe condizionalità ancora presenti nel testo del regolamento, una sorta di spada di Damocle che avrà delle conseguenze sulla programmazione del bilancio degli Stati nei prossimi anni.

Affrontare l'impatto economico della pandemia implica la capacità di ascoltare, senza dividere per forza di cose l'Europa tra un esercito di yes men acritici e invece chi è abituato ad analizzare, ragionare ed eventualmente criticare quegli strumenti che non funzionano.

  Jordi Solé, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, there has been a remarkable paradigm shift in responding to the impact of the current crisis. Now, contrary to the 2008 financial crisis, there is a broad consensus on the need to intensify public spending to get our economies off the ground, including at EU level with the Next Generation. This is good news.

Now we need this public spending to focus on those key investments that can bring more added value to our economies and more power to transform them. This means green and digital investments, but also investing in research, innovation and skills for a more resilient economy and for decent jobs. This is all the more urgent, given that in some countries there are young generations that have only experienced one economic crisis after the other. They don’t see any bright future and they are beginning to show their discontent. So, fiscal stimulus and future—oriented investments will be very important, but they alone won’t get us out of the COVID crisis stronger. We also need the economic foundations to be inclusive and fair for everyone.

  Beata Szydło, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Szanowny Panie Komisarzu! Przede wszystkim ten plan się powiedzie wtedy, kiedy poradzimy sobie z największym problemem, który teraz mamy, czyli z pandemią. Żeby to się udało – była już o tym mowa na tej sali – musimy przede wszystkim rozwiązać problem ze szczepionkami. Wyszczepienie tych wszystkich, którzy tego chcą, którzy chcą się szczepić, jest kluczem do naszego sukcesu.

Natomiast niewątpliwie plan odbudowy, inwestycje, wszystko to możemy zrobić, żeby wspierać przedsiębiorców, szczególnie tych mniejszych, z tych branż, które są w wyjątkowo trudnej sytuacji. Ale nie zapominajmy też o tym, że każdy musi czuć wsparcie, zarówno wszystkie kraje członkowskie, jak i wszystkie grupy. Nie zapominajmy o osobach starszych, o seniorach, którzy są wykluczeni i znaleźli się przez pandemię w bardzo trudnej sytuacji. Niezwykle istotne jest również wsparcie dla młodych ludzi, bo oni dzisiaj borykają się także z problemami dotyczącymi kształcenia, niemożności korzystania z tych wszystkich projektów i programów, które do tej pory były w ich zasięgu.

  Idoia Villanueva Ruiz, en nombre del Grupo The Left. – Señora presidenta, un año del inicio de la pandemia, una pandemia que arrastra una crisis sanitaria, social y económica. La vida ha podido continuar gracias al cuidado, a la protección, de las trabajadoras que han estado en primera línea, fundamentalmente en los sectores más precarizados: el sanitario, el agroalimentario, transportistas, cajeras, residencias…

La pandemia nos ha enseñado que solo con unos servicios públicos fuertes podemos hacer frente a retos así, pero también ha puesto de manifiesto un sistema insostenible, una interdependencia de la producción de materiales, las consecuencias que el modelo tiene actualmente para nuestro medio ambiente. ¿Hemos reaccionado de manera diferente a 2008? Sí, pero no es suficiente: el Mecanismo de Recuperación y Resiliencia necesita proteger la vida y las personas y generar un futuro sostenible, no afianzar un modelo agotado.

Necesitamos un pilar social sólido, investigación e innovación, revivir y modernizar sectores esenciales, atajar la despoblación y fortalecer el mundo rural, y también planes de formación y empleo para la incorporación juvenil. Solo en clave de igualdad, de justicia social, económica, climática y territorial, podremos atajar el futuro: nada cambiará si nada cambia.

  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE). – Senhora Presidente, caro Comissário, caras e caros colegas, a Comissão Europeia, o Parlamento Europeu, o Banco Central Europeu, têm estado à altura da crise pandémica. Nomeadamente nas suas respostas, o trabalho é positivo. A flexibilização dos fundos da Política de Coesão, que passaram, aliás, a partir de julho de 2020 a ter um cofinanciamento de 100 %, a suspensão das regras do Pacto de Estabilidade e Crescimento, a abertura para as ajudas de Estado, e também o trabalho do BCE que possibilita taxas de juro baixas, são bem disso exemplo.

Mas os Estados-Membros têm estado ausentes e não têm estado à altura. Têm estado ausentes como hoje o Conselho esteve ausente também aqui neste plenário nos principais debates. Os Estados-Membros, hoje, têm ainda 57 % do montante da Política de Coesão 2014—2020 por executar. O quadro financeiro 2021-2027 já está pronto mas, no entanto, ainda não há acordos de parceria sequer firmados.

O Conselho não retirou lições da pandemia. Acabou com a janela dos investimentos estratégicos do InvestEU. O Conselho eliminou o instrumento para a solvabilidade das pequenas e médias empresas. Depois a culpa é da Europa. Depois mete—se tudo dentro do mesmo saco, mas infelizmente têm sido os Estados-Membros que não têm estado à altura. Vai-nos valendo a Comissão Europeia, o Parlamento Europeu e o Banco Central Europeu.

  Milan Brglez (S&D). – Gospa predsednica! Spoštovani komisar Gentiloni, spoštovane in spoštovani.

Next Generation EU je s 750 milijardami evrov pomemben začasni instrument za omilitev gospodarske in socialne škode zaradi pandemije. Ali jo bo zares ublažil, je odvisno od pravilnega načrtovanja držav članic in usmerjanja sredstev v odpornost, socialno pravičnost, zeleno ter digitalno prihodnost.

Ob tem želim poudariti dvoje. Prvič: v procesu okrevanja povratek na star model delovanja ni možen in ni dopusten. Evropska unija je veliko več kot zgolj skupni gospodarski prostor.

V preteklih krizah so se države in EU osredotočale na neposredno pomoč gospodarstvu ter za to žrtvovale ljudi in okolje. Ta kriza mora prinesti preobrat in začetek vlaganja v ljudi in okolje, v tem vrstnem redu.

Drugič: 750 milijard evrov je le obliž na gospodarske in socialne posledice krize. Potrebovali bomo nove naložbe in nove oblike partnerstva z zasebnim sektorjem.

Velik, premalo izkoriščen potencial predstavljajo investicije z družbenim učinkom. Gre za zasebne investicije v socialno storitev, ki v primeru pozitivnega družbenega učinka dobijo poplačilo s strani države. Pomembno lahko dopolnijo javne naložbe ter humanitarno dejavnost ter prispevajo k dostojnemu življenju in dobrobiti vseh ljudi.

Uspešnost tovrstnih poslovnih modelov, ki imajo pozitiven družbeni in socialni učinek ter se finančno izplačajo, pa je tudi odlična reklama in zgled za primerno skrbnost ter večjo družbeno odgovornost vseh podjetij oziroma gospodarstva. Hvala za pozornost.

  Engin Eroglu (Renew). – Frau Präsidentin, sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren zu Hause an den Bildschirmen, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wir diskutieren heute über die wirtschaftlichen Folgen der COVID-Pandemie.

Die Problematik, die wir hier in der Wirtschaft haben, Herr Kommissar, ist weniger der Virus, sondern der politische Lockdown. Und ich möchte ausdrücklich sagen, dass der erste Lockdown richtig und gerechtfertigt war. All das, was dort letztes Jahr im März stattgefunden hat, würde ich heute auch wieder so machen – mit dem Wissen, das ich damals hatte.

Beim zweiten Lockdown müssen wir durchaus darüber reden, ob die dort als Politik gut vorbereitet waren. Und wenn wir die wirtschaftliche Krise aus so einer Pandemie beherrschen wollen, kann man das ganz richtig machen – da bin ich völlig bei Ihnen – und den Markt mit Geld schwemmen. Aber man sollte auch – und da bin ich der festen Überzeugung – schauen, was wir machen müssen, um in zukünftigen Krisen halt nicht immer bei jeder Krise den Markt mit Geld zu schwemmen.

Ich bin der festen Überzeugung, dass wir Arbeitsplätze schaffen müssen – da bin ich bei Ihnen. Jedoch müssen auch neue Wirtschaftsgüter entstehen und hergestellt werden. Und ein ganz wichtiger Punkt dabei ist, dass wir hier aufpassen müssen, dass das viele Geld nicht zu Preissteigerungen führt. Denn die Preissteigerung, sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar, führt nicht dazu, dass neue Arbeitsplätze geschaffen werden, sondern eher im Gegenteil.

Was wir schaffen müssen, ist ähnlich wie bei den Autos. Alle Autos sind mit Airbags ausgestattet, so müssen auch alle Gebäude mit Lüftungsanlagen ausgestattet werden. So brauchen wir neue Produktionsketten für Lüftungsanlagen, automatische Desinfizierungsgeräte und und und – und nicht nur die alten Ideen.

  Guido Reil (ID). – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wir diskutieren heute über die Bekämpfung der COVID-19-Krise für unsere Wirtschaft. Und da ist man sich ja sehr einig, wie man die bekämpfen will. Man will Geld drucken oder wie wir heute sagen: Wir erzeugen es einfach. Und dieses Geld verteilen wir dann mit der Gießkanne für grüne Projekte. So wird diese EU scheitern. Und ich werde ihr keine Träne nachweinen.

Ich bin hier, um die Interessen für Deutschland zu vertreten. Und wie wir es in Deutschland schaffen können, das – glaube ich – weiß ich ganz genau. Wir müssen in unsere Infrastruktur investieren, aber nicht mit gedrucktem Geld. Auf deutschen Sparbüchern liegen 2,5 Billionen Euro, 2,5 Billionen, die jedes Jahr durch die Nullzinspolitik der EZB weniger werden. Dieses Geld muss investiert werden. Wir brauchen attraktiv verzinste Staatsanleihen, um in unsere Infrastruktur zu investieren, ein Investitionsprogramm von 2,5 Billionen für Bildung, Digitalisierung und unsere Infrastruktur. So überstehen wir die Krise zum Wohle unseres Landes, zum Wohle von Deutschland.

  Pietro Fiocchi (ECR). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Commissario Gentiloni, La ringrazio per essere qua.

Essere competitivi in tempi di Covid significa accettare una nuova sfida in cui creare efficienza e competitività.

Vi sono due punti fondamentali da raggiungere assolutamente se vogliamo avere successo negli investimenti: la rapidità di esecuzione. Prima investiamo e prima l'economia riparte: questo vuol dire anche semplificare e sburocratizzare, con un occhio di riguardo per le microimprese soprattutto.

E poi la qualità dei progetti: la digitalizzazione è fondamentale, ma se non si approfitta del cambiamento di metodi e di tempi per sburocratizzare, per rendere tutto più semplice, per rivedere le procedure e i processi abbiamo fallito.

Ultimo punto: alcuni paesi sono particolarmente inefficienti nell'usare i fondi europei, tra cui l'Italia, Lei lo conosce benissimo. Lei pensa di mettere un po' di pressione su questi Stati? In particolar modo, per esempio dell'Italia, nel caso del codice degli appalti, pensa di dare un consiglio al neopresidente Draghi di rivederlo e allinearsi con le più semplici procedure europee?

  Pernando Barrena Arza (The Left). – Señora presidenta, señorías, no podemos hablar del impacto económico y social de la COVID-19 y situar como objetivo volver a la normalidad, a una supuesta normalidad, en la que parece ser que vivíamos antes de marzo de 2020: porque esa situación no era normal, en el sentido de aceptable, y porque había unas enormes desigualdades sociales y situaciones de emergencia que ya teníamos en ese momento y que no han parado de crecer y multiplicarse en este último año.

Por lo tanto, hablemos más de utilizar los fondos de recuperación y resiliencia para sentar las bases, para transformar esa realidad social tan injusta y tan desigual; desde la sostenibilidad y la apuesta por la digitalización y la competitividad, sí, desde luego, pero con el objetivo de no dejar a nadie atrás, no con el objetivo de volver atrás al 2020. En ese camino las instituciones locales juegan un papel fundamental, y se debe también garantizar a todos los ciudadanos y ciudadanas ingresos mínimos para asegurar la sostenibilidad social.

La crisis económica que ha provocado la COVID-19 no puede llegar para quedarse y habrá que seguir tomando medidas excepcionales, como la condonación de la deuda pública de las diferentes administraciones por parte del Banco Central Europeo. No nos digan que no se puede, que no lo permiten los Tratados: tampoco era posible en el 2008 y, ahora, sí.

  Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). – Paní předsedající, Evropská unie se rozhodla čelit krizi masivní investicí do odvětví, která jsou nejvíce zasažena pandemií. Je to po aerolinkách právě kreativní průmysl a kultura. Evropská lidová strana říká, že chceme „Jobs, Jobs, Jobs“. Právě tato sféra vytváří 5 % procent HDP a zaměstnává více než 8 % obyvatel v průměru. Jsou to lidé, kteří jako dobrovolníci působí v mnoha projektech, v solidárních projektech, a pomáhají vzbuzovat motivaci a dobrou náladu, i když právě slunce nesvítí. Evropský parlament doporučil, aby do těchto odvětví bylo alokováno alespoň 2 % z Nástroje pro obnovu. Proto nemohu souhlasit s návrhem české vlády, která ve svém národním plánu alokuje pouze necelé 1 %. To je nepřijatelné. Musíme navýšit.

A další obrovský dopad je na vzdělávání. Na jedné straně zde máme děti, které v době lockdownu jsou stále závislejší na sociálních sítích a mají dokonalý přístup k digitálním technologiím. A máme oblasti a děti a rodiče, kteří nemají vůbec žádný přístup ke vzdělávání. Je to až 20 % v některých oblastech. Evropský parlament znovu doporučuje až 20 % alokovat právě z Fondu pro obnovu pro tyto děti a pro vybavení a výuku. Členské státy proto musí vyčlenit prostředky na digitální vybavení a doplnění dovedností. Zkrátka všichni musí mít možnost realizovat kvalitní online výuku. To by znamenalo, že z této krize vyjdeme posíleni a využijeme ji pro lepší příležitost.

  Jonás Fernández (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señor comisario, sin duda, esta crisis nos ha pillado desprevenidos, ha llegado aquí inesperada y ha puesto en tela de juicio todos los principios, todos los acuerdos, toda la base sobre la cual se había ido construyendo Europa en los últimos años; acuerdos que en algunos casos habían sido en nuestra opinión equivocados, como fue la respuesta a la crisis financiera de hace ya una década. Sin embargo, en esta ocasión se ha logrado el consenso político necesario para poner en pie un programa de inversión europeo financiado con deuda común, y además el Banco Central Europeo no tuvo que esperar a que la situación empeorara lo suficiente como para hacer lo que fuese necesario, como dijo Draghi, sino que, desde el primer momento, el BCE puso en pie un programa de compra de deuda para facilitar la financiación.

En cualquier caso, y permítanme que comparta con sus señorías mis sentimientos, esta crisis está siendo ya muy larga, quizá más larga de lo que preveíamos hace un año, sin duda más larga. Y el proceso de vacunación está siendo también demasiado lento. Tras la tercera ola que hemos vivido en este invierno, realmente no podemos negar ningún escenario en el futuro. Por lo tanto, la respuesta europea, que hasta ahora ha sido acertada y oportuna, tiene que estar preparada para ser aún mayor, porque desconocemos lo que va a ocurrir, y el Banco Central Europeo, pero sobre todo la Comisión, tienen que estar preparados para amplificar la política fiscal expansiva si esta fuera necesaria.

  Marco Dreosto (ID). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Commissario, in Italia solo nel 2020 un milione di persone in più si trovano in stato di povertà. Un milione, non si tratta di uno slogan ma di un dato fornito dall'Istituto nazionale di statistica.

L'incremento della povertà assoluta è maggiore al Nord del nostro paese, quel Nord fatto di piccole e medie imprese e partite IVA, che sono il vero motore produttivo dell'Italia e dell'Europa. Mi rivolgo con il cuore a voi della Commissione e al Commissario Gentiloni: vogliamo trovare la maniera di contrastare l'effetto della pandemia sull'economia? Aboliamo la burocrazia in eccesso, eliminiamo i regolamenti inutili e le procedure complesse, che costano soldi e tempo agli imprenditori e che riducono la produttività e la competitività delle nostre imprese.

E infine, per rilanciare gli investimenti pubblici, non facciamo l'errore di reintrodurre il patto di stabilità: serve maggiore flessibilità e non più austerità. In poche parole, lasciamo lavorare le nostre imprese in pace, lasciamole risollevarsi con la loro forza, che è sempre più grande, e la loro forza è l'impegno e la capacità di produrre.

  Robert Roos (ECR). – Voorzitter, de economische gevolgen van COVID treffen vooral het midden- en kleinbedrijf. Veel winkeliers en horecabedrijven moesten hun deuren sluiten, terwijl de grote e-commercepartijen recordomzet behaalden. Corona zelf is niet funest voor het mkb, maar wel de overheden die beperkende maatregelen blijven opleggen. Veel ondernemers zijn daardoor niet in staat om ook maar een deel van hun kosten terug te verdienen. Waar ondernemers met oplossingen komen, ziet de overheid vooral problemen.

Toegang tot kapitaal is voor het midden- en kleinbedrijf nog steeds heel moeilijk vanwege de bureaucratische regels die hier in Brussel aan banken zijn opgelegd. Daardoor komt het mkb nu dubbel in moeilijkheden. Brussel moet zich niet verliezen in theoretische beleidsplannen. Geef ondernemers hun economische vrijheid terug en verlaag de regeldruk. Eerder pleitte ik er hier al voor om dertig procent van de regels voor het mkb te schrappen. Dat is het beste herstelplan voor onze economie.

  Leila Chaibi (The Left). – Madame la Présidente, aux quatre coins de l’Europe, les gens se serrent la ceinture. Et dans le même temps, certains ont le bouton du pantalon qui explose: c’est le cas de Jeff Bezos, le patron d’Amazon. Depuis l’arrivée de la COVID-19, il y a un an sur notre continent, des secteurs entiers de l’économie sont ravagés, alors que pour Amazon, la COVID c’est un jackpot qui dure depuis des mois et des mois. Pendant tous ces mois où une partie de l’Europe était confinée, où les magasins étaient fermés, il vous suffisait d’aller sur le site d’Amazon pour vous faire livrer un vernis à ongles ou un collier pour votre chien. Depuis un an, les politiques sanitaires déroulent un tapis rouge à Amazon et au commerce électronique. Il est indécent que ces entreprises ne participent pas à l’effort collectif pour sortir de la crise. C’est pourquoi je vous propose, chers collègues, que nous mettions en place une taxe européenne obligatoire sur tous les profiteurs de crise. Ils sont les grands gagnants de cette crise, forçons-les à en financer les conséquences économiques.

  Seán Kelly (PPE). – Madam President, how do we tackle the economic impact of COVID-19? Well, the economic recovery is not just about money but about individual employees, entrepreneurs, business owners and other people that make up the European Union. The pandemic has provided an opportunity. We should not simply wish to return to how things were, but to rethink how we do things and come back better and stronger.

In particular, this is an opportunity to reaffirm and implement our commitments to a green and digital future. Now more than ever, we are aware of the importance of digital literacy. We need to invest in educating children and upskilling adults in this area to ensure that we have a competitive workforce. The green transition also has a vital role to play in the recovery and a competitive Europe.

To take just one example, the renovation wave will have a big impact on reducing carbon emissions while creating green jobs in local economies. Between lockdowns, distance learning and higher levels of youth unemployment, young people in particular are suffering right now. We need to secure a bright future for our young people, create quality jobs and build back better than ever.

Earlier today, I spoke about InvestEU. This programme will create conditions to allow us to increase competitiveness and reach the goals we are speaking of today. I have no doubt that, together, we will build back better post-COVID.

  Brando Benifei (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Commissario Gentiloni, senza vaccini non c'è ripresa. Senza l'Unione la corsa ai vaccini sarebbe stata un disastro, non avremmo una sola dose in più oggi e avremmo una lotta fra gli Stati.

Per quanto concerne la velocità delle procedure di attualizzazione, di cui si è parlato molto, in Europa si è scelta la sicurezza del metodo scientifico garantito dall'EMA, a tutela del principio assoluto della salute dei cittadini. Altre aree del mondo hanno optato diversamente, correndo un rischio grosso, partendo prima, certamente. Ora bisogna accelerare, ma tutti i contratti sono stati stipulati con l'accordo degli Stati che hanno scelto quantità e tipi di vaccini, non ha senso prendersela con l'Europa per le difficoltà.

Chiediamo alla Commissione europea tutta di tutelare gli interessi dei cittadini europei e pretendere che le aziende farmaceutiche rispettino gli impegni contrattuali, con sanzioni pesanti, compreso il blocco delle esportazioni. Pretendiamo trasparenza e uno sforzo ingente per potenziare la capacità produttiva. E sui brevetti, certo, bisogna proteggere la capacità della proprietà intellettuale, ma siamo in una pandemia mondiale, il rischio d'impresa è minimo, data la certezza delle vendite e lo sviluppo è stato supportato da fondi pubblici ingentissimi.

Oggi però, proprio per ripartire a livello economico, bisogna raggiungere l'obiettivo di vaccinare il 70 % degli europei prima della fine dell'estate e di ripartire bene. Per questo, Commissario Gentiloni, è fondamentale il lavoro che come Commissione state portando avanti per aprire una discussione sulla riforma del patto di stabilità.

Noi abbiamo le idee chiare, serve cambiare le regole per favorire gli investimenti e prolungare NextGenerationEU, per riequilibrare le diverse capacità di indebitamento e di messa in campo degli aiuti di Stato da parte dei diversi paesi.

Il Parlamento è pronto a fare la propria parte, insieme a voi, per il futuro dell'Europa.

  Daniel Buda (PPE). – Doamna președintă, pandemia ne—a demonstrat că doar o Europă unită poate să facă față provocărilor actuale și viitoare. Criza de astăzi a reașezat societatea noastră pe noi valori, unde solidaritatea a fost și trebuie să rămână un element central.

Reușita comunității științifice de a găsi vaccinul anti-Covid și utilizarea acestuia reprezintă în mod cert o victorie, dar încă nu putem afirma că am câștigat războiul. Uniunea Europeană trebuie să continue investițiile majore în sistemul medical astfel încât să ajungem la o adevărată Uniune a sănătății.

Covid-19 a influențat negativ activitatea economică și a dus la pierderea locurilor de muncă, afectând bunăstarea oamenilor. Este momentul să ne uităm spre viitor, să construim o Europă post-pandemică. Agricultura a fost grav perturbată de această criză sanitară, fermierii și lanțurile agricole se confruntă cu dificultăți majore în accesarea piețelor pentru a-și vinde produsele, provocându-le astfel o instabilitate financiară severă. Sectorul cărnii de vită și cel al vinului au fost cele mai afectate de închiderea HoReCa.

Întreprinderile mici și mijlocii trebuie încurajate, prin finanțări nerambursabile provenite de la Uniunea Europeană, să își dezvolte activitatea, astfel încât să consolideze locurile de muncă existente și să creeze altele noi și bine plătite.

Indiferent dacă vorbim de fermieri sau IMM-uri, Uniunea Europeană trebuie să dovedească prin crearea unor politici bazate pe investiții și competitivitate că este aproape de fiecare sector economic și de fiecare cetățean. Astfel sunt necesare strategii coerente care să consolideze mediul economic pentru următoarea perioadă.

  Alex Agius Saliba (S&D). – Madam President, the impact of the COVID—19 pandemic is of an unprecedented scope, extent and magnitude, affecting the health and the socio—economic situation of millions of European citizens. An unprecedented crisis requires an unprecedented response and a strategy that leaves no one behind, focusing on people, workers and businesses.

Yes, we need investment, competitiveness and skills, but we also need quality jobs. We need to reduce inequalities and address youth unemployment and the fight against poverty and social exclusion, including child poverty. We need to ensure decent working conditions, long—term security, adequate social protection, affordable gender—based opportunities, and a safe working environment, including for persons with disabilities.

We should not limit ourselves to the purely economic dimension of the crisis and instead also tackle its social impact in creating greater prosperity for all. To this end, we need a strong social dimension that boosts sustainable growth, cohesion and upward social convergence and promotes socio—economic governance. The economic and the social are not detached. They are inseparable and have to be addressed together.

  Λουκάς Φουρλάς (PPE). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, οι οικονομικές επιπτώσεις από την κρίση που βιώνουμε, σε επίπεδο όχι μόνον κρατών αλλά και πανευρωπαϊκά, είναι τεράστιες και ακόμα δεν φτάσαμε στο τέλος του δρόμου. Θέλω όμως να πιστεύω ότι μέσα από κάθε κρίση μπορούμε να βρούμε και μια ευκαιρία. Ευκαιρία να δούμε μπροστά και να αξιοποιήσουμε όλα αυτά που μάθαμε προς όφελος των πολιτών, των επιχειρήσεων, των επενδύσεων και των χωρών μας. Θα πρέπει λοιπόν πρώτα απ’ όλα να επενδύσουμε σε τομείς όπως η υγεία και ο φαρμακευτικός τομέας, που κατέδειξαν τη σημασία τους σε περιόδους όπως αυτή που βιώνουμε τώρα. Θα πρέπει επίσης να αναπροσαρμόσουμε τη στρατηγική μας για το πού θα πρέπει να κατευθυνθούμε στον τομέα των δεξιοτήτων.

Η κρίση του κορονοϊού μάς έδειξε νομίζω τον δρόμο, κύριε Επίτροπε. Κατέδειξε ότι οι επαρκείς ψηφιακές δεξιότητες είναι κρίσιμης σημασίας, για να μπορούν οι πολίτες να έχουν πρόσβαση σε πληροφορίες, την εκπαίδευση ακόμα και την εργασία τους. Σήμερα 40% περίπου των Ευρωπαίων πολιτών εξακολουθούν να μην διαθέτουν καν τις βασικές ψηφιακές δεξιότητες, και αυτό πλέον είναι μη αποδεκτό αν θέλουμε να μιλάμε για ασφαλές περιβάλλον, είτε για επιχειρήσεις είτε για επενδύσεις. Εδώ ακριβώς θα πρέπει να στραφούμε δίνοντας έμφαση στη χρηματοδότηση και ανάπτυξη των ψηφιακών δεξιοτήτων πανευρωπαϊκά, χρησιμοποιώντας αυτό το εργαλείο για τη δημιουργία χιλιάδων θέσεων εργασίας. Ας μετατρέψουμε λοιπόν την κρίση σε ευκαιρία για αναπροσαρμογή στόχων, επιδιώξεων και πολιτικών που θα αποβούν προς όφελος των πολιτών.

  Βαγγέλης Μεϊμαράκης (PPE). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, το τελευταίο διάστημα οι συζητήσεις μας επικεντρώνονται στους τρόπους με τους οποίους οι ευρωπαϊκές οικονομίες θα πρέπει να δράσουν, ώστε να αντιμετωπίσουν την επόμενη μέρα της πανδημίας, η οποία προοιωνίζεται εξαιρετικά δύσκολη και με ανυπολόγιστες επιπτώσεις σε όλα τα επίπεδα. Τον τελευταίο ενάμιση χρόνο ο τουρισμός, η εστίαση, το λιανεμπόριο έχουν πληγεί ανεπανόρθωτα, τομείς δηλαδή οι οποίοι αποτελούν τα θεμέλια των εθνικών οικονομιών και προσφέρουν πολλές θέσεις εργασίας. Στη χώρα μου, την Ελλάδα, η οποία βγήκε πρόσφατα από μια επώδυνη δεκαετή οικονομική κρίση, οι κλάδοι αυτοί βρίσκονται πάλι στη δίνη του κυκλώνα και χρειάζονται την έμπρακτη στήριξή μας με εμπροσθοβαρή στοχευμένα μέτρα, προσαρμοσμένα στις ανάγκες των τοπικών κοινωνιών. Η Ευρώπη, ως οφείλει να είναι πρωταγωνιστής στην πράσινη και ψηφιακή μετάβαση, άλλο τόσο κι ακόμη περισσότερο οφείλει να διασφαλίσει τις θέσεις εργασίας και να κρατήσει τους τομείς αυτούς ζωντανούς. Αν δηλαδή πριν την επόμενη μέρα δεν έχουν θεμελιωθεί γερές βάσεις για την ανάκαμψη και ανασυγκρότησή τους, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση δεν θα έχει καταφέρει να σταθεί στο ύψος της απέναντι σε επιχειρήσεις που αποτελούν τη ραχοκοκαλιά των οικονομιών των κρατών μελών της.

Βεβαίως, μέσα από τις γενναίες πρωτοβουλίες και τα προγράμματα χρηματοδότησης που ήδη έχουν ανακοινωθεί και τρέχουν σε ευρωπαϊκό επίπεδο διασφαλίζεται σε μεγάλο βαθμό η επανεκκίνηση των οικονομιών, με την προϋπόθεση βεβαίως ότι οι εθνικές κυβερνήσεις θα αξιοποιήσουν τα κεφάλαια αυτά για την ενίσχυση της επιχειρηματικότητας, την τόνωση του υγιούς ανταγωνισμού με διαφάνεια και σεβασμό στο κράτος δικαίου και ότι δεν θα τα σπαταλήσουν. Το διακύβευμα λοιπόν σήμερα είναι να φτάσουμε στην επόμενη μέρα και να είμαστε όλοι όρθιοι.

  Karlo Ressler (PPE). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, povjereniče, kolegice i kolege, koronavirus danas više nije novina i postoji značajan zamor u praćenju pandemije, premda je očito da su zdravstvene, društvene i gospodarske posljedice na naše živote puno veće nego što smo se to nadali prije godinu dana.

Zatvoreni su milijuni obrta i poduzeća, a milijuni obitelji još uvijek strepe pred neizvjesnom budućnošću. Još jednom posebno su pogođeni mladi, koji zaslužuju snažnu podršku.

Još uvijek je nemoguće predvidjeti trajanje pandemije, brzinu oporavka, ali isto tako i budućnost turizma, obrazovanja i budućnost ureda kao mjesta rada.

Trend digitalizacije bio je prisutan i ranije, ali ga je pandemija dramatično ubrzala. Zato je ključno kvalitetno i odgovorno iskoristiti europska sredstva na raspolaganju.

Za povećanje transparentnosti javnih usluga, za konkurentnost privatnog sektora, ali i za podizanje digitalne pismenosti i vještina kod svih generacija, kako nitko ne bi bio isključen u novom, digitalnom, postpandemijskom društvu.

  Pedro Silva Pereira (S&D). – Senhora Presidente, o reforço do investimento é o único caminho para recuperar as economias europeias atingidas por esta crise. Para não repetir o erro que a Europa cometeu na crise anterior temos de alinhar a política económica europeia e a política orçamental dos Estados—Membros com a política monetária expansionista do Banco Central Europeu. Só isso permitirá que o investimento público seja o motor de uma nova confiança e de um novo dinamismo nas nossas economias.

O plano de recuperação, que aprovámos, é uma resposta financeira poderosa e solidária que é hoje motivo de esperança para muitos europeus. Mas é preciso que todos respondam ao apelo da Presidência portuguesa, fazendo o necessário para que o dinheiro chegue à economia real o mais rapidamente possível. E é preciso também que os estímulos financeiros se mantenham o tempo suficiente, e por isso é tão importante a decisão de prolongar a suspensão das regras do défice. Tirar os estímulos orçamentais cedo demais seria um erro grave que não podemos cometer, a bem do projeto europeu.

  Paolo Gentiloni, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, I think the debate we had this afternoon shows the awareness of the strengths – I would say the unprecedented strengths – of the European response, the common response and the response of the Member States. But it also shows the difficulty of the moment we are in, where at the same time we have to fight the pandemic because we are not yet out of the pandemic and invest in the future. And this is something that we have to work on together, fighting the pandemic and investing in the future.

Investing in the future means keeping supportive policies as long as they are needed. It means making good use of EU common funds. It means filling the investment gap that we will have, or that will risk public and private investment – this is also the discussion we had this morning on InvestEU – and it means concentrating our resources on the green transitions, the innovation and resilience of our societies. Because indeed I think we have a good opportunity to build back better.

  Die Präsidentin. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 171)

  Ioan-Rareş Bogdan (PPE), în scris. – Covid-19 este o urgență majoră în materie de sănătate publică pentru cetățenii, societățile și economiile noastre, care reprezintă, de asemenea, un șoc economic major pentru UE. În acest moment, a fost înregistrat un pas important mai ales din perspectiva găsirii unui vaccin anti-Covid. Cu toate acestea, lupta UE împotriva acestui temut virus trebuie să continue. Este necesar ca Uniunea să investească major în sistemul medical astfel încât să putem fi siguri că oferim protecție și siguranță cetățenilor noștri. În egală măsură, trebuie să ne concentrăm toate eforturile pentru a genera creștere economică.

În acest sens, Uniunea a luat măsuri importante și a creat programe la nivel european care permit statelor membre să facă față crizei prin investiții masive în sectoarele cele mai afectate de pandemie. Contextul existent ne oferă oportunitatea de a reafirma și de a pune în aplicare angajamentele noastre pentru un viitor ecologic și digital.

Acum, mai mult ca oricând, trebuie să investim în educarea copiilor și în perfecționarea adulților în acest domeniu cheie, pentru a ne asigura că avem o forță de muncă competitivă. Noi ne-am luat angajamentul să facem tot ceea ce este necesar pentru a-i sprijini pe cetățenii noștri și economia europeană.

  Josianne Cutajar (S&D), in writing. – The COVID-19 pandemic has shaken the very foundations of our society. Its impacts will be felt for years to come both from a social and economic standpoint. Nonetheless, human society has once more demonstrated its ability to survive through adaptation. Not only the pandemic proved human resolve, it also enhanced our vision, opening our eyes, pinpointing and highlighting the many problems spanning across the entire socio-economic structure. Let us take this pandemic as an opportunity to ‘build back better’. As I have repeated many times, we should start from education. Education is the cornerstone of our society. As the world rapidly evolves, it will become ever more difficult to endow new generations with the skills they will need twenty years ahead. We must invest heavily in STEM education and upskilling and reskilling programs, to help workers easily adapt to changes and demands of the labour market. We need to adequately address the shortfalls the pandemic brought to our attention. We need to be pragmatic, placing investments where needed. This is how we remain competitive. Let’s ensure that the EU recovers sustainably, guaranteeing a healthy future for the generations to come.

  Krzysztof Hetman (PPE), na piśmie. – Kiedy rozpoczęła się pandemia COVID-19, Unia zareagowała szybko, wprowadzając tymczasowe ramy pomocy państwa, zwiększając elastyczność w wydatkowaniu funduszy czy wprowadzając instrumenty takie jak SURE. Jednak nawet mimo tych działań długotrwałe obostrzenia doprowadziły do gospodarczej zapaści. Teraz mówimy o potrzebie dużych inwestycji, które miałyby z jednej strony realizować unijne priorytety, wypełnić luki w zakresie cyfryzacji, przeciwdziałania zmianom klimatycznym, badań i innowacji, a z drugiej strony ożywić naszą gospodarkę. Działanie to może mieć wiele pozytywnych skutków. Przede wszystkim chcemy pobudzić prywatne i publiczne inwestycje, co wesprze odbudowę gospodarczą, ale też ukierunkować te inwestycje tak, aby doprowadzić do trwałej przemiany naszej gospodarki, uodparniając ją na przyszłe kryzysy i zwiększając konkurencyjność Unii.

Same założenia są więc właściwe. Problem polega jednak na tym, że ciągle borykamy się z kryzysem. Wycieńczone wielomiesięczną walką o przetrwanie firmy, stojące często na krawędzi bankructwa, nie mają środków, aby przeprowadzać inwestycje, nawet jeżeli umożliwiłyby im one pozytywną przemianą i nawet jeżeli byłyby wzmocnione unijnymi środkami. Najbardziej dotknięte sektory nadal potrzebują naszego wsparcia i uwagi. Tymczasowe ramy pomocy państwa powinny zostać utrzymane tak długo, jak to konieczne, a najbardziej poszkodowane sektory powinny otrzymać konkretne wsparcie, aby mogły się odbudować. Tylko wtedy będziemy mogli mówić o sukcesie w walce z kryzysem.

  Ondřej Kovařík (Renew), in writing. – Recovering from negative effects of this terrible pandemics also about rethinking how we can do things better to become stronger creating greater prosperity for all and re-orientating Europe towards a digital and sustainable future. SMEs play a key role in the twin transitions and the recovery. As the backbone of the EU economy SMEs should be supported so they can remain competitive on the global stage. The response to this crisis both at EU and national level it’s been unprecedented. Thanks to these public support schemes, economic and social damages will be mitigated and the level playing field within the European internal market will be maintained. It is vital to increase both the level and the quality of our investment and instruments such as the Recovery and Resilience Facility and Investment programmes are critical tool to achieve this. The financial institutions will play a crucial role in the transmission of state aid assuring liquidity to the relevant undertakings. This will allow research and development for testing and upscaling infrastructures, skilling and up-skilling. In the longer run, it will stimulate innovation, leading to new and better products and services therefore strengthening European competitiveness on global markets and it will also create quality jobs and strengthen our social infrastructure.

  Javi López (S&D), por escrito. – La respuesta de la UE a la presente crisis económica ha sido radicalmente distinta a la de hace una década. En esta ocasión, el Banco Central Europeo ha puesto en marcha desde el primer momento un ambicioso plan de compra de deuda, y el Banco de Inversiones Europeo, un importante programa de apoyo a las pymes. Además, se ha logrado el consenso político necesario para poner en marcha un plan de inversiones europeo, el programa Next Generation EU, financiado con deuda comunitaria.

Sin embargo, la actual crisis económica se está alargando más de lo que podíamos prever hace un año. Por tanto, es fundamental que se prolongue la relajación de las reglas fiscales para que los Estados miembros sigan estimulando sus economías.

En este contexto, los socialistas damos la bienvenida al mantenimiento de la cláusula general de salvaguardia al menos en 2022 —anunciado recientemente por la Comisión—, al tiempo que incidimos en la necesidad de que tanto el BCE como la Comisión estén preparados para, si es necesario, dar un nuevo impulso a la política fiscal expansiva.

  Adriana Maldonado López (S&D), por escrito. – La respuesta de la UE a la presente crisis económica ha sido radicalmente distinta a la de hace una década. En esta ocasión, el Banco Central Europeo ha puesto en marcha desde el primer momento un ambicioso plan de compra de deuda, y el Banco de Inversiones Europeo, un importante programa de apoyo a las pymes. Además, se ha logrado el consenso político necesario para poner en marcha un plan de inversiones europeo, el programa Next Generation EU, financiado con deuda comunitaria.

Sin embargo, la actual crisis económica se está alargando más de lo que podíamos prever hace un año. Por tanto, es fundamental que se prolongue la relajación de las reglas fiscales para que los Estados miembros sigan estimulando sus economías.

En este contexto, los socialistas damos la bienvenida al mantenimiento de la cláusula general de salvaguardia al menos en 2022 —anunciado recientemente por la Comisión—, al tiempo que incidimos en la necesidad de que tanto el BCE como la Comisión estén preparados para, si es necesario, dar un nuevo impulso a la política fiscal expansiva.

  Domènec Ruiz Devesa (S&D), por escrito. – La respuesta de la UE a la presente crisis económica ha sido radicalmente distinta a la de hace una década. En esta ocasión, el Banco Central Europeo ha puesto en marcha desde el primer momento un ambicioso plan de compra de deuda, y el Banco de Inversiones Europeo, un importante programa de apoyo a las pymes. Además, se ha logrado el consenso político necesario para poner en marcha un plan de inversiones europeo, el programa Next Generation EU, financiado con deuda comunitaria.

Sin embargo, la actual crisis económica se está alargando más de lo que podíamos prever hace un año. Por tanto, es fundamental que se prolongue la relajación de las reglas fiscales para que los Estados miembros sigan estimulando sus economías.

En este contexto, los socialistas damos la bienvenida al mantenimiento de la cláusula general de salvaguardia al menos en 2022 —anunciado recientemente por la Comisión—, al tiempo que incidimos en la necesidad de que tanto el BCE como la Comisión estén preparados para, si es necesario, dar un nuevo impulso a la política fiscal expansiva.

  Alfred Sant (S&D), in writing. – When discussing the COVID pandemic, the first thoughts always go to the victims. After that comes the economic hardship that many are going through. In all of this, public intervention, at both European as well as national level, has been crucial in cushioning the impact. This should clearly continue, ideally focusing on future-oriented investment. At a national level, state aid and the related EU’s temporary framework have been a lifesaver in many sectors and countries. The Commission, in its various statements, asserted that it is committed to ensure a coordinated and consistent response. Yet, figures published show that the level of state aid between Member States differ immensely. Although state aid rules apply equally to all, the resources available to national governments do not. This discrepancy is leading to an intensification of the already existing socioeconomic cleavage between European regions and Member States. In all of this, I call on the Commission to take the needed steps to maintain a level playing field between Member States. Most importantly, the Commission needs to assure that money granted in the form of state aid does not end up being used by benefitting companies to take over struggling companies in other Member States.

12. Podaljšanje mandata posebnih odborov (nadaljni ukrepi): gl. zapisnik

13. Delegirani akti (člen 111(6) Poslovnika) (nadaljnje obravnavanje): gl. zapisnik

14. Politične razmere v Gruziji (razprava)

  Die Präsidentin. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärung des Vizepräsidenten der Kommission und Hohen Vertreters der Union für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik zur gegenwärtigen politischen Lage in Georgien (2015/2575(RSP)).

  Josep Borrell Fontelles, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Madam President, honourable Members of the European Parliament, Georgia remains a key associated partner of the European Union. With Georgia we have an ambitious association agreement that has offered closer political association and economic integration with the EU. However, unhappily, the political situation in the country has been a cause for serious concern over recent months owing to an increasing political polarisation.

This situation risks undermining Georgia’s democracy. I repeat our strong view that it is now important for all parties to step up efforts to de-escalate the situation and come together to identify and agree on common ground. The President of the European Council has just visited Georgia and had the opportunity to meet with the President, the Prime Minister and the leaders of the main opposition parties. During this visit, he was engaged in discussions with his political parties and upon his return, in cooperation with the High Representative, he gave a mandate to a European Union civil servant, Mr Christian Danielsson, to engage in these EU-backed mediation efforts.

We look forward to seeing the Georgian parties’ progress with this urgent dialogue. We will follow this process closely. The head of the European Union delegation in Georgia will also facilitate these mediation efforts. All sides need to contribute to agreeing on a compromise, respect the government to provide inclusive leadership, putting the interests of the Georgian people first, and all actors need to refrain from provocative actions and rhetoric.

In terms of the elements for progress, the European Union sees as priorities the consolidation of democracy, including electoral reform, political stability and an inclusive parliamentarian process. A fair, independent, yet accountable judiciary is also of paramount importance. These are prerequisites for Georgia to further deepen its partnership with the European Union in line with the Association Agreement. We will have an opportunity to assess progress soon when we meet in the Association Council with the Georgian Prime Minister on 16 March. This will be an important date and I sincerely hope that we can report on progress then.

No country can thrive in a situation of political crisis for long, and the Georgian political actors owe it to the Georgian people to offer a stable political context in which the country could recover from the covid pandemic to build back better and reap the potential benefits of our Association Agreement to the fullest. Along with President Michel, we will encourage all political actors in Georgia to commit fully to the dialogue in a constructive spirit and with a view to pursuing mutually agreeable outcomes in the interests of a stable, democratic and reform-oriented Georgia, able to successfully advance on its pro-European path.

We also supported Georgia’s reform efforts as well as the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country, within its internationally recognised borders and with peaceful conflict resolution. The work of the EU special representative for the South Caucasus and the crisis in Georgia and the work of the European Union monitoring mission demonstrate this strong commitment. I also value the role of the European Parliament as a support for democracy in Georgia and look forward to closely cooperating on such opportunities.

Puhetta johti HEIDI HAUTALA
varapuhemies

  David McAllister, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, we are all following the political developments in Georgia with great concern. The political situation in the country has rapidly deteriorated. Therefore, I support the efforts of all facilitators to relaunch and strengthen dialogue between the Opposition and the Government.

Georgia is indeed facing numerous challenges, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, economic development, social cohesion and security. Therefore, political leaders need to overcome this political crisis quickly and to find long—term solutions together. The way forward should include an ambitious electoral reform, a rule of law and court reform, also addressing politicised justice, power sharing in parliament, including the setting up of the investigative commission and potentially new elections, and also the preparation for the local elections planned for autumn this year.

As the High Representative just mentioned, next week’s EU-Georgia Association Council in Brussels will hopefully state some progress that has been made in the dialogue. Let me wish the newly appointed envoy, Christian Danielsson, and also our EU Ambassador in Tbilisi, Carl Hartzell, and their teams all the best in overcoming the current political tensions in this great country.

  Sven Mikser, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, High Representative, dear colleagues, first, I want to express my full support for the mediation effort launched by Council President Michel aimed at finding a way out of the political crisis in Georgia.

Secondly, I want to say that even when responding to provocative behaviour those in power must maintain cool heads and not act disproportionately or in a way that further inflames the situation.

Thirdly, I believe it’s important that the six points the parties signed up to be addressed in a systemic and comprehensive manner, looking beyond the immediate crisis. This applies to the electoral reforms as well as the reform of the judiciary and the judicial appointments.

And finally, it is important that the political differences and disagreements be sorted out in the format of democratic parliamentary debate. I call on all my colleagues to impress on their Georgian friends and interlocutors from across the political spectrum that they need to engage in a democratic parliamentary process and not sacrifice the legitimate aspirations of Georgian people to anyone’s short—term party political interests.

  Petras Auštrevičius, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Madam President, High Representative, dear colleagues, recent political events in Georgia illustrate a systematic political crisis that prevents further democratic consolidation. The fact that Georgia ranks 91st among 165 countries in last year’s Democracy Index reconfirms the seriousness of the situation.

Georgia can be commended for its open economy and structural reform efforts, but we cannot ignore a long list of work in progress in the political field. Georgia in political crisis cannot become a hostage of long and fruitless deliberations, as society demands continuous progress in fulfilling its pro-European ambitions. I welcome a timely visit of President Michel to Tbilisi and his personal engagement in search of a durable solution.

Either side of the conflict should not interpret his six-point plan, which includes the possibility of holding early elections, as carte blanche. Resolving such a severe political crisis requires involvement, compromise, mutual respect and full adherence to an agreement reached by both sides. Actors of the Georgian political system must understand that citizens’ trust in government and public institutions, the independent judiciary and the media, and the inclusive power-sharing, are key prerequisites for justifying Georgia’s European aspirations.

  Markéta Gregorová, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, dear colleagues and also dear Georgia, I simply can’t avoid talking about the symbolism. The 8 March agreement happened almost exactly a year ago after many months of internal turmoil. Here we are on 9 March, after a year of promises and with an even worse situation. It saddens me to see it, but I am not one to linger on that feeling.

Last year, Georgia was able to get out of the crisis, turn over a new leaf and get an electoral reform. And we helped. We were there. I am certain we can help again and Georgia can get back on track again, ensure further reforms to the electoral and judiciary system, let go of political prisoners, such as Mr Rurua, promised already by the agreement, and Mr Melia, and let citizens decide who represents them, in a fair system, without a shadow of a doubt about its fairness.

But for that, we need to be there. We have to give more support and a stronger mandate to the team and our EU and national ambassadors there to help with mediation, send a supporting delegation. What President Michel began was a great step and the first step. Let’s follow up on what both he and we already did and help our neighbours. Dear colleagues, let’s help our friends.

  Anna Fotyga, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, for decades, I supported Georgia advocating the country’s Euro—Atlantic vocation. I still do. But the time has come to voice my deepest possible concern.

Since June 2019, we have heard so much bad news coming from Tbilisi, probably with one exception, the agreement of 8 March of the previous year, marking an accord between the opposition and the government. Bad news culminated in the period after the elections, with the recent storming of the opposition party headquarters and the arbitrary detention of the leader. I hope for President Michel’s mediation. I strongly support the newly appointed EU Special Envoy to Tbilisi. We must all put the utmost effort into facilitating dialogue, probably leading to new inclusive elections.

  Clare Daly, on behalf of The Left Group. – Madam President, I have to say it’s hard not to see the irony in this discussion. Last month we had people queuing up to condemn the arrest of opposition leader Navalny for breaching his bail conditions, blanket media coverage, MEPs clamouring for the head of the High Representative, sanctions imposed ... This month with the arrest of another opposition leader, Nika Melia, following the storming of his offices again for bail breaches. Not a word in the media. Charles Michel visits, invites everybody to dinner and tells everybody to calm down. And the MEPs are happy with that. Is it any wonder that the interventionists are getting worried. Seriously here? I support the stance of not taking sides. I support the call for dialogue and diplomacy. Of course, the Georgian government and opposition should be talking, and while they’re at it, they might talk about the devastating impact on Georgian citizens of years of neoliberal shock therapy and free market reforms implemented by all of them. They might talk about the human rights abuses implemented by all. The truth is, the EU’s non-intervention is because you’re happy to do business with all of them. We should advocate dialogue and non-interventionism everywhere, not just in Georgia.

  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (NI). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Alto rappresentante, ripetere ancora una volta i problemi sociopolitici della Georgia risulterebbe senz'altro un esercizio vano e non orientato al perseguimento di un risultato concreto.

Oggi dovremmo parlare di soluzioni, di come l'Unione possa assumere un ruolo di guida nell'apertura di una stagione di riforme democratiche nel paese. La regione del Caucaso ci ha già fornito drammatici esempi di come un vuoto, lasciato da un'Europa immobile, può essere riempito da altri attori geopolitici che giocano le proprie partite e, ovviamente, a farne le spese non possono che essere le popolazioni civili. Non possiamo lasciare che questo accada di nuovo.

Vorrei pertanto esprimere il mio fermo e convinto sostegno al presidente del Consiglio europeo Charles Michel, a Lei, signor Alto rappresentante Borrell, per il suo impegno per favorire l'apertura di un negoziato tra le varie forze politiche basato su obiettivi concreti.

Chiediamo alle forze di governo di sedersi al tavolo dei negoziati con spirito cooperativo; chiediamo di coinvolgere la società civile nel processo di riforme che si renderà necessario; chiediamo ancora che cessino immediatamente gli arresti basati su motivazioni politiche e l'immediato rilascio anche di Nick Melia.

Dal rispetto di questi principi passa il futuro europeo della Georgia, le strade di Tbilisi sono tappezzate di bandiere dell'Unione: è tempo che i valori che esse rappresentano entrino a pieno titolo nel dibattito politico di Tbilisi stessa.

  Michael Gahler (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die innenpolitische Konfrontation in Georgien gefährdet die demokratische Konsolidierung. Die Bürger des Landes drohen, das Vertrauen in die demokratischen Institutionen und in die gewählten Repräsentanten – in Regierung und Opposition – zu verlieren.

Wir haben ein starkes Interesse an einer Deeskalation und es ist gut, dass wir eine dichte Tagesordnung mit dem Land haben: Letzte Woche der Besuch von Charles Michel in Tiflis, nächste Woche der Assoziationsrat mit dem Ministerpräsidenten hier in Brüssel. Charles Michel hat alle Parteien an einen Tisch bekommen, und man hat sechs Punkte identifiziert – die Kollegen haben sie bereits erwähnt –, wo es nötig ist, dass alle Beteiligten einen Schritt aufeinander zugehen und zu Lösungen kommen.

Es geht nicht um kurzfristige taktische Vorteile für die eine oder andere Partei, sondern um die Rückkehr zu einem gemeinsamen Weg, der Richtung Europa führt. Wir möchten auch nicht, dass die entscheidenden Personen für Regierung und Opposition im Hintergrund oder aus dem Ausland agieren.

Ich bin überzeugt, dass wir mit der Ernennung von Christian Danielsson und mit unserem Botschafter Carl Hartzell vor Ort ein Dream-Team haben, die unseren Vermittlungswillen klarmachen, die Bedeutung klarmachen, die wir den Beziehungen zu Georgien beimessen. Ich bin auch überzeugt, dass sie einen wesentlichen Beitrag zu einer Lösung des Konflikts leisten werden.

  Marina Kaljurand (S&D). – Madam President, thank you to the High Representative. First of all, I fully agree with the statement made by my good colleague Sven Mikser. As the Chair of the Delegation for relations with the South Caucasus, I have followed with concern the political polarisation and internal division in Georgia. However, today I would like to speak on an optimistic note as I see a clear momentum for a long—awaited political reconciliation.

I would like to recognise the visit of the EU Council President Michel to Tbilisi, his personal engagement and the appointment of Mr Christian Danielsson to guide the mediation. This is an important addition and upgrade to the extraordinary work that EU Ambassador Carl Hartzell is doing. It is also a clear signal that the EU does not only make political statements but gets involved if needed. There is no time to lose. I urge all Georgia’s political actors to put the interests of their people above party politics and focus on the tasks ahead, including pro—European reforms on democracy and rule of law.

  Nicolae Ştefănuță (Renew). – Madam President, on 21 January Georgia said it was ready to apply for membership of the Union in 2024, and we were glad to hear that. While we want Georgia in, does it know what it means to be in? I know that transition from a closed society to a just, transparent and democratic system is never an easy one. I come from Romania and we have experienced that for the last 30 years.

If Georgia truly wants to change the trajectory and ascend to a Euro-Atlantic integration, it needs to really show commitment. It needs to be more reform-oriented and more creative and open in its foreign policy. It must fully undo the damage left by the previous flawed regime. It must commit to the rules and values that make us Europeans.

Georgians can no longer situate themselves between real democracy and imitation democracy. Violent clashes, the use of excessive force and the suppression of civil society are unacceptable. I hope that Georgia will find that point of balance where political pluralism is reinforced and the pluralisation of the society is toned down.

If Georgia wants European and Atlantic integration, it cannot slip down the claws of corruption. Democracies are tested every day throughout the world. It is a win or lose game. Georgia, I believe, needs to win at this one.

  Viola Von Cramon-Taubadel (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, Georgia, the leader of the Eastern Partnership, faces a political crisis.

Politicians from both camps are to be blamed for this mess. They put their egos above the country’s interest and choose polarisation over cooperation.

To resolve the crisis, the EU needs to move from facilitation to mediation, as we have done now. The people of Georgia need to be the cornerstone of the solution. They should decide the date and time of the next elections. Those elections would only be an emergency fix and not a long-term solution. Without a completely new electoral system, we will see the crisis repeating itself. The reform of the judiciary and more parliamentary oversight for the opposition must be the political priority. Both harmful shadow actors – Mr Saakashvili and Mr Ivanishvili – should stop any further interference.

High Representative, the EU needs to act in Georgia. We cannot be absent once again during the next crisis in this region. This House, myself included, is more than ready to lead the way.

  Zdzisław Krasnodębski (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Wydarzenia w Gruzji słusznie napawają nas niepokojem, to kolejny objaw rosnącej destabilizacji politycznej Kaukazu powodującej niebezpieczeństwo większego uzależnienia tego regionu od Moskwy. Unia jako mediator i uczciwy pośrednik powinna pomóc w przezwyciężeniu tego konfliktu, ale ten kryzys polityczny nie jest tylko rezultatem wewnętrznego sporu między władzą a opozycją, jest także efektem niespełnionych przez nas, drodzy koledzy, nadziei Gruzinów na integrację ich kraju ze strukturami euroatlantyckimi, z Unią i NATO. To efekt naszej europejskiej niekonsekwentnej polityki wobec Gruzji – rozbudzenie, a potem stłumienie nadziei na wyrwanie się z rosyjskiej strefy wpływów oraz na członkostwo w strukturach euroatlantyckich. Czas, abyśmy przystąpili do realizowania tych nadziei, to jest najlepsza, choć niełatwa droga do uśmierzenia... (wystąpienie mówcy zostało na chwilę przerwane z powodu awarii instalacji elektrycznej).

(Istunto keskeytettiin hetkeksi sähkökatkon vuoksi)

  Zdzisław Krasnodębski (ECR). – Rozbudzenie, a potem stłumienie nadziei na wyrwanie się z rosyjskiej strefy wpływów oraz na członkostwo w strukturach euroatlantyckich – to jest nasz błąd, Koledzy. Czas, abyśmy przystąpili do realizowania tych nadziei, nadziei Gruzinów. To jest także najlepsza, choć niełatwa droga do uśmierzenia wewnętrznych konfliktów i do stabilizacji Gruzji.

(Istunto keskeytettiin klo 18.33.)

15. Nadaljevanje seje

(Istuntoa jatkettiin klo 18.53.)

16. Politične razmere v Gruziji (nadaljevanje razprave)

  Puhemies. – Jatkamme nyt keskustelua komission varapuheenjohtajan / unionin ulkoasioiden ja turvallisuuspolitiikan korkean edustajan julkilausumasta Georgian tämänhetkisestä poliittisesta tilanteesta (2021/2575(RSP))

  Andrius Kubilius (PPE). – Madam President, really I will not try to start from a serious statement that my speech about the crisis in Georgia is so important that this was the reason why somebody was attempting to prevent my statement. Well, we’ve overcome this crisis and I hope that we shall be able to overcome also the political crisis in Georgia.

I will start with very simple words. Let me say that all of us, we love Georgia and Georgian people. And that is why it is so difficult to see Georgia in this deep and long lasting political crisis. Because this is a crisis of democracy. Maturity of democracy means transparency of elections, rule of law and non-politicisation of justice, real adherence to democracy values and fair parliamentary processes.

As a Co-Chairman of the Euronest Parliamentary Assembly, one year ago I sincerely congratulated ruling party and opposition on March 8 agreements, and hoped that Georgian democracy will come back to normality. Unfortunately, one year later Georgia is in an even worse situation than before. I am not going to take part in the popular Georgian political game of blaming one another, I simply would urge both sides to start to behave as real Europeans, who are striving to join a European and transatlantic community of democracies.

I would like to take the opportunity to praise the job, recently done by Charles Michel. I hope that our friends in Georgia do understand that this is the highest level of EU involvement into management of their crisis. And I would urge our friends in Georgia not to waste this opportunity.

  Carmen Avram (S&D). – Doamna președintă, sunt cetățean al unei țări, România, care a trecut și mai trece uneori prin mari turbulențe politice. Ca și Georgia, avem și noi în vecinătate același stat ai cărui lideri aleg războiul sub toate formele lui ca unică formă de comunicare. Ca și georgienii, am traversat și noi o epocă toxică și neagră care părea interminabilă, dar am reușit să progresăm pentru că în câteva momente cheie am făcut front comun - cetățeni și clasă politică deopotrivă. Acum e un moment cheie pentru Georgia.

Prelungirea acestui conflict care a durat deja prea mult ar putea avea consecințe grave timp de ani sau decenii. Orice convingere că lupta politică e mai importantă decât soarta unei națiuni va lăsa ruine acolo unde începuse să se ridice o construcție democratică și orice discurs extern care va încuraja o tabără în detrimentul celeilalte va fi nociv, căci va înteți doar ura într-o țară care vrea să iasă la lumină.

Datoria noastră aici este deci să facem tot ce este omenește posibil pentru a aduce puterea și opoziția la aceeași masă. E singura soluție pentru democratizarea Georgiei și apropierea ei de Uniunea Europeană.

  Kosma Złotowski (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Szanowny Panie Wysoki Przedstawicielu! Szanowni Państwo! Gruzja to jeden z najważniejszych partnerów Unii Europejskiej. Nasze relacje muszą być oparte na wzajemnym zaufaniu i zrozumieniu. Kryzys, jaki obserwujemy od kilku miesięcy, budzi nasz niepokój, ponieważ zdajemy sobie sprawę, że budowanie trwałego systemu demokratycznego to proces delikatny i wymagający współpracy wszystkich partii i sił politycznych. Bardzo łatwo przez jedną pochopną decyzję zaprzepaścić to, co udało się osiągnąć do tej pory.

Nie chcemy naszych przyjaciół krytykować ani pouczać, ale nie możemy też udawać, że nic się nie dzieje. Wiele z państw członkowskich miało podobne doświadczenia i przechodziło przez podobne kryzysy. Jesteśmy gotowi dzielić się naszą wiedzą i wspierać demokratyczny dialog między rządem a opozycją. Gruzini jednoznacznie opowiadają się za państwem nowoczesnym i demokratycznym, które jest integralną częścią świata zachodniego. Klasa polityczna i liderzy partyjni w Tbilisi powinni o tym pamiętać i wydaje mi się, po rozmowach z nimi, że pamiętają. Powodzenia!

  Vladimír Bilčík (PPE). – Madam President, I am deeply concerned with the ongoing situation in Georgia and I would like to join the calls for the de—escalation of tensions. Leaders across the political spectrum in Georgia must find European solutions for the current crisis, solutions based on democratic standards, respect for dialogue between political opponents and the ability to compromise for the good of the Georgian people.

I appreciate the immediate European reaction to mediate in the current crisis and, while I welcome the efforts by President Michel and the incoming personal envoy, Christian Danielson, I would like to emphasise that the European Parliament can also play a constructive role in the mediation process. We, as Members of this House, have parliamentary instruments, such as the Jean Monnet Dialogue, and should stand ready to do our utmost to help Georgia out of this crisis, not only by debating in Brussels, but also on the ground in Tbilisi. The bottom line is that pro—European and democratic Georgia must prevail and we must also do everything in order to stop Russia from using this crisis to meddle in the geopolitics of the Southern Caucasus.

  Tomasz Piotr Poręba (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Gruzja od lat odgrywała wiodącą rolę wśród wszystkich państw Partnerstwa Wschodniego, i to pod wieloma względami: poparcia dla proeuropejskiego i pronatowskiego kursu ze strony obywateli, rozwoju i poziomu świadomości społeczeństwa obywatelskiego czy wreszcie prędkości i głębokości reform, w tym tych związanych z przemianami demokratycznymi. Choć aspiracje i dążenia Gruzinów nie uległy zmianie, wygląda niestety na to, że zaangażowanie rządzącej partii Gruzińskie Marzenie w tej dziedzinie zdecydowanie zmalało.

Obserwujemy kolejny już powyborczy kryzys polityczny z bardzo podobnym scenariuszem: wykorzystanie narzędzi administracyjnych i nacisków przedwyborczych uciszanie opozycyjnych mediów oraz aresztowania ważnych członków partii opozycyjnych. Oczywiście kryzysy rządowe i polityczne, brak współpracy między koalicją rządzącą a opozycją to rzecz normalna w każdym państwie i nie powinniśmy się temu dziwić czy się do tego wtrącać, bo to wewnętrzna sprawa Gruzinów. Jednakże aresztowanie przywódców opozycji, rajdy policji na siedzibę partii czy aresztowanie osób wspierających opozycyjne media daleko wykraczają poza demokratyczne normy i naszym obowiązkiem jako partnerów i przyjaciół Gruzji jest głośne ostrzeżenie przed zmierzaniem w tym kierunku.

IN THE CHAIR: MARCEL KOLAJA
Vice-President

(The debate was suspended)

17. Razglasitev izidov glasovanja: gl. zapisnik

18. Politične razmere v Gruziji (nadaljevanje razprave)

  President. – We now continue with the debate on the statement by the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on the current political situation in Georgia (2021/2575(RSP)).

  Riho Terras (PPE). – Mr President, Vice-President of the Commission let me join the ranks of the colleagues who have voiced their concern about what is taking place in Georgia. We, the European Union, cannot tolerate the raiding of the office of the main opposition party and the imprisonment of its chairman. How can we expect the opposition to negotiate if one of the negotiating parties has been put behind bars?

Finally, the EU must have stronger leverage over Bidzina Ivanishvili, who is acting as a puppeteer. He’s not leading from behind. He’s leading from behind the curtains.

  Rasa Juknevičienė (PPE). – Mr President, today I have more questions about Georgia than answers. Until now, it was clear that Georgia was the leader of reforms in the Eastern Partnership region. But today, our close partner has gotten into a political responsibility crisis.

I have always had doubts about the commitment of the de facto leader of the ruling Georgian Dream party to pursue Euro-Atlantic integration. But today, I do not see anybody on either side of the political spectrum willing and ready to take responsibility for the future of the country. Charles Michel offered a helping hand from the EU. If nobody in Georgia accepts it, our common failure will be celebrated by one country only, the one that already holds the occupied Georgian territories.

Dear friends in Georgia, nobody from outside can be more Georgian than Georgians themselves. I wish you courage to take political responsibility for a European democratic Sakartvelas.

  Paulo Rangel (PPE). – Mr President, dear High Representative, recent political developments in Georgia are extremely worrying, especially for a country which has privileged ties to the European Union. With my experience – that is quite reasonable within the Caucus region and even in some respect in the Western Balkans – I can say that the Georgian aspiration to join the European Union and even transatlantic engagement is very strong.

And so we have to say very clearly: politically motivated arrests are unacceptable. This conduct is completely at odds with the values of freedom and democracy and a further polarisation is not the answer. It is time for the parties to adopt a constructive and solution—oriented approach to the current situation. Return to dialogue and find a way to focus on the reforms that matter, especially the rule of law, the judiciary and even electoral rules. I say to all Georgians: we don’t give up, we don’t forget you.

  Josep Borrell Fontelles, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, many things have been said, but I would like to answer Ms Clare Daly, who, if I understood correctly, mentioned the case of Mr Nika Melia and suggested that there was a silence on the part of the European Union. Let me state that there was no silence.

On 18 February, my spokesperson issued a statement on the day following the Tbilisi City Court’s decision of 17 February on the pre-trial detention of Mr Melia and the resignation of the Prime Minister, Mr Gakharia. In this statement, we urged both the authorities and the opposition in Georgia to act with restraint and responsibility to avoid further escalation, making a specific reference to the case of Mr Melia. So, I think this explanation is interesting and useful to explain how things were.

Then there is the whole debate about the situation in Georgia. All of you have been mentioning it. I can only explain, once again, our position and what we can expect in order to try to resolve this difficult situation. We are helping Georgia a lot. We are the largest donor in Georgia. We have allocated important support to Georgia to face the coronavirus pandemic. We hope that, with the mediation efforts launched by President Charles Michel, we will be more ready to help to resolve the issues involved in the search for a political agreement. We have been talking about it.

The main outstanding issues in the political stalemate are the issues of electoral reform, justice reform, perception of a politicised justice, power sharing in Parliament and – this is the most difficult issue – the question of early new elections or a possible plebiscite. All of these issues will have to be dealt with during the efforts that we are going to develop with the nomination of this mediator. I hope that this will be useful to resolve the political crisis in Georgia.

  President. – The debate is closed.

Written statements (Rule 171)

  Andrea Bocskor (NI), írásban. – Egy éve a georgiai politikai pártok között egyetértési megállapodás jött létre, amit mindannyian üdvözöltünk, hiszen a belpolitikai csatározások károsak az ország számára. Ősszel a georgiai nép választott és ezt mindenkinek tiszteletben kell tartania, az ellenzéknek a parlamentben van a helye, nem az utcán, a tiltakozások nem segítik a jelenlegi helyzetet, csak súlyosbítják a feszültséget és fokozzák a koronavírus terjedését. A kormánypártnak és az ellenzéknek konstruktívan a párbeszédre kell törekedni, tárgyalóasztalhoz kell ülni és mielőbb megoldást, kiutat kell találni a helyzetből, hiszen ez szolgálja az ország és a georgiai nép érdekeit. Georgia bejelentette, hogy 2024-ben EU-tagsági kérelem benyújtását tervezi.

Georgia nagyon fontos keleti partnerországa az EU-nak, de az Európai Unióhoz való csatlakozáshoz az országnak bizonyos feltételeket teljesítenie kell. Ez akkor érhető el, ha a kormányzó és ellenzéki pártoknak sikerül megállapodniuk és együttműködniük a reformok végrehajtása, a COVID-19 járvány megfékezése és a gazdaság stabilizálása érdekében. Fontos, hogy az EU segítse Georgia demokratikus törekvéseit, európai integrációját, de ez csak akkor valósulhat meg, ha ebben Georgia is partner. Egy évvel ezelőtt a georgiai pártok példát mutattak, sikerült egy olyan megállapodást kötniük, amely a georgiai nép és az ország érdekeit szolgálta, remélem, ez ezúttal is sikerülni fog.

  Sandra Kalniete (PPE), in writing. – Following the recent disturbing events in Georgia, I have asked to add this item to the upcoming Plenary agenda. The EU stands firmly alongside Georgia in supporting its sovereignty and territorial integrity as well as its reform process on the path to realising the European aspirations. Unfortunately, the unacceptable arrest of opposition politician Nika Melia on the basis of politically motivated charges as well as the raiding of opposition party offices has placed Georgia on a dangerous trajectory. The use of the force by the government marks a perilous moment for Georgian democracy. Political prisoners and attacks on party headquarters are not acceptable in democratic societies and neither is the pervasive influence of the oligarchs through hidden networks. The only way forward is a broad and committed de-escalation of the situation and facilitation of the conditions for peaceful negotiations before the point of no-return. I call for both sides to respect the commitment to the political dialogue which was relaunched together with President of the European Council Charles Michel. From our side, we must ensure that EU the acts as a good and honest moderator and that Georgia can continue its path of European and Euro-Atlantic integration.

  Gheorghe-Vlad Nistor (PPE), in writing. – I commend the people of Georgia for all the progress they have made over the last thirty years. Georgia’s post-Soviet transition was a very difficult and tumultuous one, as we well know, facing both internal problems and foreign aggression. Despite all these, Georgia managed to keep on the European path of reform and modernisation. Regarding ongoing developments, it is indeed a worrying moment for Georgian democracy. Keeping in mind the negative recent and current developments in the South Caucasus, EU support and guidance is extremely needed at this time. I salute Council President Michel’s recent mediation in Tbilisi and the creation of the position of special envoy who’s aim is to facilitate dialogue between government and opposition and resolve the current crisis. All these measures, together with the debate we are having here today, clearly show Georgia’s importance for its EU partners. I wish the best of luck, both to our representatives and to the political negotiators within Georgia in finding a solution to this stalemate which, if continued, will harm Georgia’s democracy, its relations with the EU and the Association Agreement and make it more vulnerable to other threats.

  Urmas Paet (Renew), kirjalikult. – Pärast Gruusia suurima opositsioonipartei Ühinenud Rahvuslik Liikumine esimehe Nikanor Melia arreteerimist on poliitiline polariseerumine riigis kahetsusväärselt veelgi süvenenud. Riigi poliitiline olukord on viimastel kuudel põhjustanud tõsist muret ning poliitiline polarisatsioon on kasvamas. Valitsev olukord võib kahjustada Gruusia demokraatiat. Gruusia on olnud ja jääb Euroopa Liidu peamiseks assotsieerunud partneriks. Gruusia ja EL on koos loonud assotsieerimislepingu, mis on kaasa toonud tiheda poliitilise koostöö ja majandusliku integratsiooni. Oluline on, et eelkõige Gruusia osapooled ise panustaksid ja peaksid omavahel dialoogi. Vaid kõikide osapoolte täielikul osalusel ja panustamisel on võimalik jõuda kompromissini. Oluline osa on ka Gruusia opositsioonil, kelle käes on konstruktiivne roll demokraatia ja õigusriigi tugevdamisel. Gruusia valitsuselt eeldatakse kaasavat juhtimist, seades nii just Gruusia rahva huvid esikohale. Provokatiivsed teod ja retoorika tuleb kõrvale heita. Rahvas ei pea elama pideva poliitilise kriisi keskel. Gruusia poliitilised otsustajad võlgnevad Gruusia rahvale kindla ja turvalise poliitilise keskkonna, kus riik saab keskenduda COVID-19 pandeemiast taastumisele, panustada rahvusvahelisse koostöösse ning saada osa Euroopa Liiduga sõlmitud assotsieerumislepingust.

19. Sirski konflikt - deset let po vstaji (razprava)

  President. – The next item is the debate on the statement by the Vice—President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on the Syrian conflict – 10 years after the uprising (2021/2576(RSP)).

I would like to remind Members that for all debates during this part—session there will be no catch—the—eye procedure and no blue cards will be accepted. Furthermore, as has been the case during recent part—sessions, debates will include remote speeches from Parliament’s liaison offices in the Member States.

  Josep Borrell Fontelles, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, dear Members of the European Parliament, the conflict in Syria has lasted now 10 years. Ten years of tragedy for the people of Syria; displacement, exile, poverty, destruction, torture, enforced disappearances, barrel bombs, chemical weapons. We thought that we would never need to see this again at our doorstep.

Five countries have soldiers in Syria at this moment, but even with the military support of Russia and Iran, Assad cannot win and only a political solution is sustainable. And yet the political process set out by the United Nations Security Council in its Resolution 2254 is stuck, completely stuck.

A constitutional committee has been set up to negotiate a new constitution, providing the basis for free and fair elections supervised by the United Nations. But the Assad regime blocks any real discussion and does not want free and fair elections. Instead, in June, Assad will hold his own elections to make sure he wins, to convey that Syria is at peace, that reconstruction should begin and sanctions be lifted, and that we should recognise that he won. Nothing else would be a bigger mistake. Peace is not won by crushing the people, by crushing opposition and pursuing a war until the country, the whole country, is on its knees.

In Syria, over 500 000 people have died. The economy is literally collapsing. More than half of the population have fled their homes. In northern Syria today, hundreds of thousands live in tents. The pandemic has exacerbated the challenges. Latest data suggests the poverty rate stands at 80% and 12 million Syrians, nearly 60% of the population, are severely hit by food insecurity.

All this is happening on our borders, in our immediate neighbourhood, on the other side of the Mediterranean. We should not and we cannot and we will not allow Syria to be forgotten. On 13 March I will co—chair with the United Nations a fifth Brussels conference on the future of Syria and the region. We must give the United Nations and its special envoy, Mr Pedersen, our full support and continue to push for a genuine political solution, according to the United Nations Security Council resolution.

The political process has to move forward with a new negotiated constitution, free and fair elections, release of political prisoners. The EU is ready to provide its support and, once the time is right, to focus on reconstruction funds and the rebuilding of Syria and of the lives of its citizens. We are ready to provide very substantial support but business as usual is not an option.

We demand a safe Syria for refugees to return to their homes and a real search for the missing. The Commission is calling for the creation of an international mechanism to locate the missing – or their remains, some in mass graves – accountability for the many war crimes and crimes against humanity and the impunity and until we see this, we must keep up the pressure. There will be no end to sanctions, no normalisation, no support for reconstruction until a political transition is underway. This must be the message from the Brussels conference.

We must keep providing assistance to the Syrian people in need, both in Syria and in neighbouring countries, in particular in Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey, which host millions of refugees. These people deserve our continued support. In 10 years, the European Union and its Member States, have provided 22 billion. It means on average 2.2 billion every year in assistance for needs inside Syria, in support of refugees and in support of refugee hosting countries. We are the biggest donor and we will continue showing our solidarity. The support of this Parliament to these efforts has been and remains crucial. The needs are immense and we will call on other donors to provide support too because we cannot do everything.

And, of course, we will continue engaging with civil society. Their voice is crucial to fully understand what’s happening and what is needed to bring hope for the future, for a peaceful and different Syria. We cannot let them down, we cannot give up. Thank you for your interest and I count on your full support.

  Lukas Mandl, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Hoher Außenbeauftragter, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Es ist nicht mehr üblich, das Wort „Krieg“ zu verwenden. Man sagt dann oft nur „bewaffneter Konflikt“. Aber wenn wir darüber sprechen, was schon seit zehn Jahren in Syrien los ist, dann ist das Krieg. Und wenn wir über Krieg sprechen, müssen wir uns dessen bewusst sein, das ist für manche Menschen auf dieser Welt nicht graue Theorie, sondern tägliche, blutige Realität – für Kinder, Frauen und Menschen, die betroffen sind von diesem seit zehn Jahren andauernden Krieg in Syrien.

Wenn wir über Migration und Flucht sprechen, dann sprechen wir sehr viel über die Auswirkungen an unseren Außengrenzen der Europäischen Union, innerhalb der Europäischen Union, aber wir sprechen noch immer zu wenig über die Fluchtursachen, über die Entwurzelung von Menschen dort, wo sie ihre Heimat haben. Und die geschieht durch den Krieg in Syrien seit zehn Jahren.

Wenn wir über die Rolle der Europäischen Union sprechen, ja, dann müssen wir darüber sprechen, Hoher Außenbeauftragter, was Sie getan haben, dass wir als Europäische Union der größte Geldgeber sind. Mit 22 Milliarden Euro in diesen zehn Jahren Krieg hat die Europäische Union geholfen – auch im eigenen Interesse. Das ist kein bloßes Geschenk und die Europäische Union spielt damit eine bessere Rolle als etwa der Iran oder die Türkei oder Russland, die an diesem Krieg beteiligt sind. Aber wir müssen bei der Rolle der Europäischen Union auch die Frage stellen: Wie entwickelt Europa mehr Stärke nach außen? Und wir müssen diese Frage beantworten, und das können Sie, Hoher Außenbeauftragter, bei der Syrien-Konferenz in Brüssel am 30. März. Dazu fordere ich Sie auf!

  Isabel Santos, em nome do Grupo S&D. – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Alto Representante, dez anos de destruição e martírio na Síria sem que se consiga um cessar—fogo sustentável. Isto remete-nos ao silêncio e talvez só nos reste apelar ao pragmatismo do possível. Quando mais de 11 milhões de pessoas dependem da ajuda humanitária, impõe-se libertá-la de aproveitamentos políticos e fazê-la chegar a todo o território, incluindo os locais de confinamento e detenção, e que o Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas mantenha aberta a passagem de Bab al-Hawa e autorize a reabertura de todas as passagens de acesso humanitário atualmente fechadas.

Não podemos continuar a falar da miséria humanitária do campo de Al-Hol e outros, um solo fértil para a radicalização, sem assumirmos as responsabilidades que nos cabem.

É imperioso que os Estados—Membros procedam com rapidez ao repatriamento dos seus cidadãos, respondam à necessidade de proteção das crianças, e seria imperdoável permitirmos a perda de mais uma geração. É preciso que se continue a apoiar os refugiados e que não se permita o retorno até que condições de segurança e dignidade para tal estejam atingidas.

Sim, não há outra solução para este conflito que não a negociação de uma nova Constituição dentro do processo de Genebra. Apoiamos o esforço das Nações Unidas e do seu enviado especial, mas é preciso lembrar que a paz exige a participação construtiva de todos e o prestar de contas pelos crimes cometidos nesta guerra, passo fundamental para a reconciliação.

  Nathalie Loiseau, au nom du groupe Renew. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Haut représentant, dix ans. Dix ans d’horreur et de souffrance. Dix ans qu’un régime, celui de Bachar el-Assad, massacre son peuple, emprisonne, torture, affame, tue. Car à l’origine, la guerre en Syrie n’a rien d’une guerre civile, c’est la guerre d’un homme et de son système contre ceux qui ne sont pas d’accord avec lui. Une guerre sans merci où tous les moyens sont bons: armes chimiques, bombardements, terreur. C’est devenu une guerre où le terrorisme a fait son nid, où Daesh et d’autres ont fait d’innombrables victimes syriennes et ont aussi frappé l’Europe. C’est devenu une guerre où des djihadistes européens ont pris part à des crimes odieux. C’est devenu une guerre que des millions de Syriens ont fui pour trouver refuge en Europe et dans les pays voisins de la Syrie.

Que nous le voulions ou non, la tragédie syrienne est notre problème. Alors, qu’avons-nous fait? Au moins, n’avons-nous pas ajouté de la souffrance à la souffrance. Au moins à la différence de la Russie, de l’Iran, de la Turquie, ne sommes-nous pas allés assouvir en Syrie notre soif de puissance au mépris du droit international. Au moins, lorsque la coalition internationale combat Daesh, le fait-elle avec un mandat de l’ONU. Au moins, essayons nous d’alléger les souffrances du peuple syrien en accueillant des millions de réfugiés et en prenant toute notre part, la première, dans l’aide humanitaire aux populations martyrisées.

Mais nous devons faire, plus parce que les Syriens regardent vers nous, espèrent en nous. Nous devons lutter pied à pied contre l’impunité des crimes de guerre et des crimes contre l’humanité perpétrés en Syrie. Certains pays, la France, l’Allemagne, les Pays-Bas ont commencé à le faire et je voudrais saluer leur action.

Mais je voudrais vous demander plus, Monsieur le Haut représentant. Je voudrais vous demander de porter auprès de la Commission la promesse d’un engagement beaucoup plus fort, beaucoup plus unanime de toute l’Europe pour que les criminels qui ont parfois trouvé refuge soient poursuivis, pour que nos justices travaillent encore mieux ensemble, pour venir en aide aux victimes et aux activistes syriens qui se battent pour le droit. En Syrie, il n’y aura pas de paix sans justice. Il n’y aura pas de retour des réfugiés syriens dans leur patrie sans retour du droit dans leur pays. Alors agissons pour eux et agissons pour nos valeurs.

(The sitting was suspended at 19.32)

20. Nadaljevanje seje

(The sitting resumed at 19.44)

21. Sirski konflikt - deset let po vstaji (nadaljevanje razprave)

  President. – We now continue with the debate on the statement by the Vice—President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on the Syrian conflict – 10 years after the uprising (2021/2576(RSP)).

  Thierry Mariani, au nom du groupe ID. – Monsieur le Président, (début de l’intervention hors micro) ... en 2011 ce Parlement s’extasiait devant les printemps arabes. Il refusait d’y distinguer les manipulations géopolitiques, les dangers du terrorisme islamiste, les terribles effets de l’anarchie dans cette partie du monde. En 2021, notre Parlement refuse toujours de regarder ce bilan en face et ce bilan est terrible. En Syrie, l’argent du contribuable européen a été en partie utilisé ou plutôt détourné au profit de rebelles islamistes. Ces rebelles ont assassiné, téléguidé des attentats, généré des vagues migratoires sans précédent. Deux pays ont réellement bénéficié de la situation: la Turquie de M. Erdoğan et les Etats-Unis, via leurs compagnies pétrolières, qui pillent illégalement la zone la plus riche du pays, la zone où se trouve le pétrole. Cette politique inconséquente a déstabilisé de nombreux pays comme l’Irak ou le Liban. Il est à ce titre urgent d’accompagner le retour volontaire des réfugiés syriens présents au Liban. Avec les sanctions César et les sanctions européennes, les Syriens sont affamés. Monsieur Borel, vous l’avez dit tout à l’heure 75 % de la population est en insuffisance alimentaire, mais aujourd’hui nous en portons une responsabilité. J’ai connu il y a un an Damas, où tout le monde pouvait manger. Aujourd’hui, avec les sanctions que nous avons rajoutées, c’est effectivement une partie de la population qui est soumise à la famine. Avec la fixation du conflit par l’occupation turque du Nord-Est de la Syrie, l’OTAN laisse s’établir une zone de non-droit au mépris du droit international. Médicaments, transferts bancaires, denrées, carburants: tout manque au peuple syrien par la faute des sanctions internationales. En Syrie, comme ailleurs, la démocratie ne nait pas sous les bombes, ne pousse pas dans l’islamisme et ne donne pas de fruits si elle est fabriquée depuis l’extérieur. Ne rajoutons pas un crime humanitaire aux crimes de guerre.

  Katrin Langensiepen, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, in mid—March 2011, the Syrian revolution started in the streets of Daraa, Homs and Aleppo. People went on the streets for more democracy and freedom, press freedom and food, but what they got were bombs. They got a war. We are talking about President Bashar al-Assad, who thinks that he has won the war. Let’s tell him that he didn’t win the peace.

There is no democracy in Syria. There is still suicide recruitment, arbitrary arrests, and disappearances. We urge that all who are detained be released immediately. We demand that all our missing and disappeared are searched for and identified, and that all these cases are investigated. Many actors see the country as a playground for their own interests. It’s not a civil war. It is a proxy war and the victims are Syrian civil society. We must put Syria on our political agenda to give hope to those who are counting on the European Union.

There’s a small glimmer of hope. The al-Gharib trial in Koblenz, Germany, was an important trial in our Union to judge two Syrian intelligence officers. We call on the Commission to design an accountability strategy to support Member States and non-EU countries in applying the principle of universal jurisdiction to further end it in the domestic legal systems, Mr Borrell. I attended that trial. It was dramatic what the victims told us. We must show the world that mass crimes do not go unpunished.

  Anna Fotyga, on behalf of the ECR Group. – [start of speech off-microphone] outbreak of the war in Syria, we see devastating, breathtaking results of this conflict. You described them well and precisely, High Representative.

Allow me one remark. All of us wish for a political solution to this awful, devastating conflict. We supported defeating Daesh and now support a political solution. Yet there is one aspect: al-Assad’s regime is allegedly responsible for committing war crimes and crimes against humanity, including numerous uses of chemical weapons and atrocities against his own society. No dirty bargain with this regime should be possible. We have to ensure that no genocide remains unpunished. It is our role, the EU’s role as well.

  Özlem Demirel, im Namen der Fraktion The Left. – Herr Präsident! Seit zehn Jahren tobt in Syrien ein brutaler Krieg, ein Stellvertreterkrieg auf dem Rücken der Bevölkerung.

Geopolitische Interessen, eine Regime-Change-Politik und klingelnde Kassen für die Rüstungsindustrie, das ist die eine Seite der Medaille. Die andere: Tod, Leid, Hunger, Elend und Flucht – Flucht auch vor Kriegsgerät made in EU, Tod auch im Mittelmeer wegen der inhumanen EU-Migrationspolitik. Krieg bedeutet immer humanitäre Katastrophen. Laut der Welthungerhilfe haben 12 Millionen Menschen in Syrien nicht genug zu essen. Die Wirtschaftssanktionen verschärfen diese Katastrophe.

Ja, die Assad-Dynastie regiert das Land; nicht die Interessen der Bevölkerung, Demokratie oder soziale Errungenschaften bestimmen die Politik des Regimes. Doch das kann keine Rechtfertigung für Krieg sein, weder wirtschaftlich noch militärisch. Statt Sanktionen braucht das Land materielle Unterstützung. Für das syrische Volk müssen endlich die Waffen ruhen. Alle ausländischen Kräfte – alle – müssen das Land umgehend verlassen.

  Κώστας Παπαδάκης (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, καταδικάζουμε τους νέους δολοφονικούς βομβαρδισμούς των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών στη Συρία, και με διακυβέρνηση Biden. Εκτέθηκαν όσοι με κλάδους ελιάς έσπερναν αυταπάτες περί ειρήνης επί προεδρίας Biden. Η επίθεση αυτή επιβεβαιώνει τη σταθερή επιδίωξη των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών για συνέχιση των επεμβάσεων και των πολέμων στη Συρία και την ευρύτερη περιοχή εν μέσω σφοδρών ανταγωνισμών με Ρωσία και Κίνα. Αυτό τεκμηριώνει και η τεραστίων διαστάσεων επικίνδυνη νατοϊκή άσκηση Defender Europe που με εμπλοκή και της ελληνικής κυβέρνησης συνιστά προσομοίωση πολέμου του NATO με τη Ρωσία. Δέκα χρόνια από την έναρξη της ιμπεριαλιστικής τους επέμβασης ΗΠΑ, ΝΑΤΟ, Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση αξιοποιώντας τόσο την εισβολή της Τουρκίας όσο και τον αποκρουστικό ISIS αιματοκύλησαν τον συριακό λαό, που κατατρεγμένος βίωσε το μεγαλύτερο προσφυγικό κύμα μετά τον Δεύτερο Παγκόσμιο Πόλεμο. Απέναντι στις επικίνδυνες αυτές εξελίξεις να δυναμώσει η πάλη του ελληνικού λαού ενάντια στην εμπλοκή της χώρας σ’ αυτούς τους επικίνδυνους σχεδιασμούς και ανταγωνισμούς.

  György Hölvényi (PPE). – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! A szíriai polgárháború 10 éves megoldatlan fegyveres konfliktust, humanitárius válságot jelent közvetlenül Európa küszöbén. A polgárháború nem csak Szíriát érinti, hanem a környező országok stabilitását is fenyegeti. A menekültek ellátása, gazdasági visszaesés és a biztonsági kihívások mind súlyos terhet jelentenek elsősorban Libanon, illetve Jordánia számára. A szíriai vérengzések hatalmas áldozatot követelnek többek között, mások között a keresztény közösségektől, amelyek több ezer éve itt élnek ezen a területen. Tényfeltáró látogatásaim alkalmával saját szememmel láthattam, amint ezek a közösségek a lerombolt Aleppó, Homsz, Damaszkusz házai között két kezük munkájával akarják az élet legegyszerűbb feltételeit biztosítani. Jelenleg az egyik legsürgősebb feladat egész Szíriában az oktatás megszervezése.

Közel hárommillió szíriai gyerek nem jár iskolába. Oktatásból kiesett, jövőkép nélküli fiatalok ki vannak téve a szélsőséges iszlamista ideológiák csábításának, így helyzetük kezelése biztonsági kérdést is jelent. Gondolnunk kell azokra, akik önként vállalják, hogy visszatérjenek szülőföldjükre. Számukra az alapvető infrastruktúrák, ivóvíz, iskolák, egészségügyi ellátás megteremtése létkérdés. Az EU nem hagyhatja őket sem magukra.

  Tonino Picula (S&D). – Mr President, yes, I agree with Mr High Representative, horrible statistics speak for themselves. More than half a million dead, seven million internally displaced and 5.6 million forced to flee their country; 80% of the population live in poverty, 500 000 children are suffering from the effects of stunting. This is a tragic summary of the biggest humanitarian crisis in our neighbourhood after 10 years.

Syria became a meeting point of particular involvements, different conflicts and geopolitical interests challenging the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Syrian state. The most urgent action to take, and prediction for any peaceful solution, is an immediate and permanent ceasefire and the withdrawal of foreign forces from Syrian territory, while fully supporting the UN-led Geneva negotiation process.

The EU should also play a more proactive role. We need to help the ones needing protection, adopt new sanctions under the EU global human rights sanctions regime. The Syrian people cannot and should not wait any longer.

  Barry Andrews (Renew). – Mr President, Mr Borrell, Syria has become a forgotten crisis. It’s easy to forget the joyous outpouring of democratic activism and hope in March 2011, and it’s easy to forget that most Syrians are horrified to be caught between, on the one hand, the brutal Assad regime and on the other hand, by the adherence of Jihad. And it’s easy to forget the horror we feel around chemical attacks, around a drowned child lying on a beach, around the hundreds of thousands that have been killed, those that have been tortured and mutilated and detained to this day.

And it is only in these circumstances of indifference that Russia could coldly veto a humanitarian access Security Council resolution. Non-renewal of this resolution could have devastating impacts on the three million people currently living in Idlib when that comes up for review in July. I pushed for this resolution and debate because I believe that we cannot forget this tragic anniversary and we cannot ignore the impending Russian veto. I also wanted to draw attention to the demands for justice for those who have been victims of these crimes. At a seminar last week, people that are involved in the Coblenz trial told us that the EU is their best and last hope for justice.

So I call upon you, VP/HR Borrell to prepare an action plan on impunity and I also urge you to appoint an EU representative, a special representative, to the Syrian conflict. They say that justice delayed is justice denied. But even if it takes another decade to bring perpetrators to justice, we the EU must not forget and we must accept that without justice, there is no sustained peace.

(The debate was suspended)

22. Sporočilo predsedujočega

  President. – Before we proceed with the next speaker, I have an announcement. Following the power surge and the technical issues, which are still being experienced in certain buildings of the European Parliament where Members have their offices, and in order not to endanger their participation in the votes, the voting session of tonight is cancelled. The votes scheduled for this evening will be distributed in different sessions tomorrow.

23. Sirski konflikt - deset let po vstaji (nadaljevanje razprave)

  President. – We now continue with the debate on the statement by the Vice—President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on the Syrian conflict – 10 years after the uprising (2021/2576(RSP)).

  Jaak Madison (ID). – Austatud istungi juhataja, austatud härra Borrell, mul on rõõm siin viibida. Ma räägin oma emakeeles, olles oma rahvusriigi esindaja. Esiteks, mul on tõsiselt kahju loomulikult kõikidest inimestest, kes on pidanud põgenema Süüriast seoses kodusõjaga. Riigist, mis on tüüpiliselt Lähis-Idale omaselt sattunud mitme suurjõu võitlustallermaaks, kus on mängus nii Venemaa, Türgi kui ka Ameerika Ühendriikide huvid. Ja seetõttu loomulikult me peame aitama tõelisi põgenikke, kes põgenevad sõja ja surma eest. Kuid lähtuvalt rahvusvahelisest õigusest, siis põgeniku staatus asüüli saamiseks on ainult tingimuslik ja ajutine, ajani, kui sõda lõpeb ja taas on rahu nende koduriigis. Ja seetõttu mul oli väga huvitav näha nädal aega tagasi, kuidas Taani immigratsiooniminister sotsialistlikust parteist näitas väga head eeskuju ka teistele sotsialistidele Euroopas ja ütles, et Damaskus on nüüd piisavalt turvaline, et süürlased saavad tagasi pöörduda oma kodumaale, kuhu nad peaksid ka minema, et oma riiki üles ehitada.

  Mounir Satouri (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, c’est en effet très inquiet que je reviens d’une mission au Kurdistan. Le régime Assad a survécu. Les Kurdes sont en très grande difficulté, l’économie est détruite et Daesh se réorganise et reprend de l’espace.

Oui, l’Europe doit être au rendez-vous. Dans les camps syriens, 600 enfants européens sont retenus depuis plus de trois ans. 200 enfants français, dont les deux tiers ont moins de 6 ans, et leurs mères sont retenus dans le déni de toutes nos libertés, de toutes les règles de droit. 200 enfants et leurs mères que nous n’avons pas pu voir parce que le président de la République française Emmanuel Macron et le gouvernement veut les garder à l’abri des regards, veulent continuer à en faire les invisibles de la République. Nous avons la responsabilité d’agir pour coordonner une réaction européenne à ce sujet et pour faire en sorte que, enfin, ces enfants et ces femmes puissent être rapatriés.

Quand Daesh nous attaque, c’est d’abord pour faire des morts, mais c’est aussi pour attaquer nos libertés, notre état de droit et nos principes. Chaque jour, où on laissera ces enfants là-bas sera une petite victoire qu’on aura concédée à Daesh et à sa terreur.

  Assita Kanko (ECR). – Mr President, Syria is a cautionary tale. It shows that the cost of inaction can be higher than the cost of action. It also shows that when America and her allies leave a vacuum, then it’s filled by malign actors – Putin, Erdogan, the Islamic State. Now, Syria is both a no-man’s land and the site of a proxy war. Europe has been unable to act against atrocities committed in our neighbourhood. We have been confronted by the limits of our famous soft power when dealing with autocrats. But we have also seen the consequences of our incapacity from the migration crisis to the radicalisation of so-called foreign fighters using ISIL propaganda. But even today, Syria cannot look to the future until a political solution is found. Here we have to accept that the UN-led peace processes have failed. It’s now time for new thinking after a decade of failure.

  Manu Pineda (The Left). – Señor presidente, señor Borrell, a los diez años del inicio de la guerra en Siria, está claro cuál era el objetivo de quienes la alimentaron: apropiarse de sus recursos, avanzar la hegemonía en la zona y, si hubieran podido, cantonizar el país hasta debilitarlo al máximo.

Pero Arabia Saudí, Qatar, Turquía, Israel y otros actores, siempre apoyado por los Estados Unidos, no lo han logrado. Por ello, ahora asfixian al país económica y diplomáticamente, impidiendo una solución política.

Señor Borrell, dice usted que hay quien aboga por el levantamiento de sanciones. Sí, entre otros las Naciones Unidas o la señora Alena Douhan, relatora del informe de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos sobre medidas coercitivas. Y nosotros lo pedimos también, señor Borrell, especialmente en esta situación de pandemia, ya que estas sanciones impiden que Siria acceda al mercado global de medicamentos.

Señor Borrell, le pedimos que impulse una nueva relación con Siria realmente beneficiosa para su pueblo y que comience restableciendo las relaciones diplomáticas para asegurar el diálogo y coordinación, tanto política como humanitaria.

  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (NI). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Alto rappresentante, mentre in Siria la violenza degli scontri si è attenuata, le sofferenze della popolazione restano inaccettabili.

La pandemia ha ulteriormente martoriato una popolazione in ginocchio dopo un decennio di violenze e tragedie umane inenarrabili, mentre potenze esterne continuano a dividere informalmente il paese in zone d'influenza.

Da oltre un anno rappresentanti politici e società civile stanno elaborando una nuova Costituzione per aprire la strada alle elezioni di quest'anno sotto la supervisione delle Nazioni Unite, ma i progressi sono tortuosi e ancora insufficienti, proprio a causa delle pressioni di chi sarebbe ben più propenso a svolgere questo voto nel quadro costituzionale vigente.

Eppure è proprio dalla nuova Costituzione che può trovare compimento un processo di riconciliazione, è lì che si devono trovare le risposte fondamentali sul sistema di governo, sulla distribuzione del potere, sull'identità, sui diritti delle donne e delle minoranze, in una società che da sempre è multietnica e multiconfessionale, ma anche questioni di governance, ovvero come un sistema federale possa tener conto delle esigenze delle minoranze etniche e, in particolare, della popolazione curda, che più di tutti ha combattuto e sofferto e che ha subito l'ennesimo voltafaccia da parte dell'Occidente.

Non abbandoniamoli e con la conferenza di fine mese diamo un'occasione preziosa per rilanciare questo processo, sotto la guida anche dell'Unione europea.

  Željana Zovko (PPE). – Mr President, we commemorate the 10th year since the start of the conflict in Syria, the region that became the arena of proxy wars and instability. Twelve million Syrians have fled their homes. Five million have become refugees. Half a million have lost their lives. These numbers resonate in our heads as a warning that human misery is calling for a solution to this never-ending conflict.

I welcome the upcoming fifth Brussels conference, where we will again pledge assistance to rebuild this country and help its people. Looking at these statistics makes me sad. In the light of the Pope’s recent visit to Iraq, we have learned the sad fact that a disproportionately high number of Christians have abandoned these areas, maybe forever. Once again, religious extremism is pressuring minorities to look for refuge. We must acknowledge that our foreign policy lacks a strong tool that interreligious dialogue can play in creating reconciliation among the population.

I welcome the Pope’s message of brotherhood among religions and the need to offer shelter to the weaker community. But do we have to wait for the mercy of the ones who feel stronger on the ground? When will we finally condition our aid on respect for freedom of belief as well as the other human rights?

Here’s some food for thought for those working on a solution for reconciliation in the country: never leave the smaller ones out of the equation.

  Maria Arena (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Haut représentant. 2011: l’espoir d’un peuple d’en finir avec un régime et l’obstination d’un président de rester sourd à ces revendications, laissant la place à l’organisation djiadiste la plus violente et plongeant son pays dans le chaos. 2021, après dix années de guerre, plus de 500 000 Syriens morts, 5 millions de réfugiés et déplacés internes. Le coût économique de cette guerre est estimé à 1 200 milliards de dollars. Bachar est toujours là. Il contrôle deux tiers de son territoire, mais à quel prix? Les violations sont aujourd’hui encore généralisées. Le rapport de la commission d’enquête des Nations unies qui a été réalisé révèle l’ampleur massive des détentions et disparitions forcées perpétrées tant par le gouvernement que par des forces armées externes.

Nous nous joignons à l’appel de la commission d’enquête et ses recommandations, notamment la mise en place d’un mécanisme international indépendant afin d’identifier et de retrouver les personnes disparues. Les crimes qualifiés de crimes contre l’humanité et de crimes de guerre ne pourront rester impunis.

  Bernhard Zimniok (ID). – Herr Präsident, werte Kollegen! Der Bürgerkrieg in Syrien hat das zuvor stabile Land in den Grundfesten erschüttert. Akteure von außen versuchten ihre geostrategischen Interessen mithilfe bestialischer Islamisten durchzusetzen, was ein hohes Leid für die syrische Bevölkerung hervorgerufen hat.

Doch der Krieg ist fast ganz vorbei in Syrien. Assad hat gesiegt. Dänemark hat diese veränderten Realitäten anerkannt und Teile Syriens als sicher eingestuft. Nur noch Idlib als letzte Bastion von islamistischen Terroristen ist übrig.

Diese Terroristen werden nach wie vor von Erdogan unterstützt. Hier muss durch die EU mal ein klares Wort gesprochen werden: keine weiteren Anbiederungsversuche, sondern ganz einfach Sanktionen.

Wir brauchen endlich wieder diplomatische Beziehungen zu Assad, um die Rückkehr aller syrischen Flüchtlinge zu ermöglichen. Nicht nur die EU würde davon profitieren, nein, die ganze Region würde davon profitieren. Damit würde auch Erdogan sein Flüchtlingsdruckmittel verlieren, welches ihm die EU in ihrer Dummheit zu Füßen gelegt hat.

Also, mit Assad reden, syrische Flüchtlinge heimschicken und den Wiederaufbau Syriens unterstützen.

  Tineke Strik (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, in spring 2011 I visited the first Syrian refugees in south-east Turkey. They were worried about their families and eager to return home. But, since then, many people have died, many cities have been destroyed, many hopes have vanished. And even the lack of food and shelter is becoming alarming.

We need to increase humanitarian aid in the Kurdish region, including Idlib, too, but we also need a sustainable solution. People need and deserve a future. And this is also true for the refugees in Lebanon, Jordan and Turkey. With the EU-Turkey statement, we locked up the refugees in Turkey. Not only can they not return, but they cannot easily build a future in Turkey. The EU should share this responsibility, step up support for Syrian citizens wherever they are, and invite the most vulnerable to our own hosting societies and begin a strategy of rebuilding Syria. Ten years of limbo is harmful. Let’s give Syrian citizens their lives back inside, but also outside, Syria.

  Hermann Tertsch (ECR). – Señor presidente, señor Borrell, el desastre de Siria, que comenzó hace diez años, es una catástrofe humanitaria de dimensiones bíblicas y una inmensa hecatombe estratégica y de seguridad para la alianza occidental —para todos los países occidentales, para Europa y para los Estados Unidos—. Es una tragedia lo que hay allí: cientos de miles de muertos, millones de desplazados, Siria troceada y toda la región desequilibrada.

Todo esto comenzó en junio de 2009 con aquel disparate del señor Obama en la Universidad de El Cairo. Desde entonces empezaron a caer: cayó Ben Ali en Túnez, cayó Mubarak en El Cairo y cayó Gadafi en Libia; y se creó en la región un vacío que han ocupado Irán, Rusia y Turquía.

Nosotros estamos dando dinero a cambio de nada, y no tenemos ningún tipo de influencia para ejercer poder allí. Veremos si pasa algo con las Naciones Unidas, pero no tiene ninguna pinta.

  Sylvie Guillaume (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, la semaine dernière, je me suis rendue au Kurdistan syrien où une centaine d’épouses françaises de djihadistes et 200 enfants sont détenus depuis trois ans dans les camps de Roj.

Le message que j’en tire est que certains pays, comme la France, commettent une erreur stratégique en refusant de rapatrier les femmes et en donnant leur accord seulement au cas par cas pour les enfants. Si la question de la sécurité est importante, et elle l’est, qu’est ce qui est le plus intelligent? Les rapatrier tous, juger, condamner et faire purger leur peine aux mères qui ont toutes reçu un mandat d’arrêt européen et placer les enfants ou bien les laisser mijoter encore pendant plusieurs années, risquer leur évasion, leur disparition dans les filières djihadistes reconstituées et les laisser développer une haine recuite à l’égard de leurs pays, dont la France?

Je crois que le choix est clair, à défaut d’être facile devant l’opinion publique. Tous les experts de l’antiterrorisme sont convaincus que l’option de rapatriement est la bonne pour des motifs de sécurité. 64 000 personnes, dont de nombreux ressortissants européens, sont au camp d’Al-Hol. Monsieur le Haut représentant, ne pensez-vous pas que les gouvernements européens concernés auraient un intérêt politique à prendre une décision commune de rapatriement?

  Anna Bonfrisco (ID). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, riguardo alla crisi siriana vorrei vedere un'Europa meno cinica e meno indifferente rispetto a Russia, Iran, Turchia.

La Siria rappresenta una minaccia alla sicurezza e alla pace sia del Medio Oriente che dell'Europa, per via del permanere di sacche terroristiche dell'Isis, del presidente Assad, che rimane un dittatore per formazione, dell'influenza dell'Iran che esporta la propria forma di terrorismo, dei dubbi sullo smantellamento del programma chimico siriano e della crisi migratoria e umanitaria che sta riducendo il popolo siriano alla fame.

Signor Alto rappresentante, in Siria è sempre stata in gioco la democrazia, la libertà religiosa, il pluralismo. La diplomazia europea, con tutti i suoi strumenti, non può giocare un ruolo di secondo piano nel forgiare una soluzione politica in Siria e lo deve fare ora.

  Hannah Neumann (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, the war in Syria has now lasted for ten years, the political process in Geneva is stuck and Mr Borrell has come here today to just read out a statement about how much money we have thrown at the problem.

Mr Borrell, I really don’t think that’s enough. So, while listening to you and my colleagues, I drew up a list of things that we can actually do now. The first one is to finally use the political leverage that comes with all the money that we have spent. For that, we need a strategy. Our strategy comes from 2017, so maybe we should revise that. Then, continue the fight against impunity by supporting all the universal jurisdiction processes that are happening in the European Union, and make sure there are more of them. Repatriate European citizens from Al-Hol and Roj camp. Ease family reunification and resettlement. And, finally, please treat those in camps inside Europe with dignity. Support peaceful and democratic activists in exile, and ease the visa and protection mechanism for everyone who needs to get out.

Mr Borrell, dear colleagues, that is the least we owe to the people who have stood up against Assad’s regime for the last ten years.

  Beata Kempa (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! To już 10 lat ogromu cierpień, łez, wielu zabitych, okaleczonych, zniszczone miasta, gospodarka, niestabilność, upadek instytucji państwowych. W ciągu ostatnich trzech tygodni waluta syryjska straciła 20% swojej wartości, a ponad 80% od początku trwania kryzysu. 40% budynków nie nadaje się do zamieszkania, a w ciągu dziesięciu lat syryjskie PKB spadło o 75%. 90% Syryjczyków żyje poniżej granicy ubóstwa. To twarde dane pokazujące obraz tragedii, która dzieje się o godzinę drogi od granic państwa członkowskiego Unii Europejskiej.

W ubiegłym tygodniu zorganizowałam konferencję, jak nieść pomoc humanitarną w czasach COVID-19 (bo trzeba jeszcze dodać, że w Syrii jest COVID-19). Dzieci nie chodzą do szkoły, są kilometrowe kolejki po chleb i produkty żywnościowe. Jesteśmy wyrzutem i dzisiaj jasno i wyraźnie chcemy zawołać, że Europa ma tak wiele do zrobienia, że trzeba pomóc narodowi syryjskiemu, jeżeli nie można tam zaprowadzić pokoju, a powinniśmy zrobić wiele właśnie po to, aby zaprowadzić pokój.

  Domènec Ruiz Devesa (S&D). – Señor presidente; señor alto representante, gracias por su presencia y paciencia en este largo debate.

No voy a repetir todo lo que han dicho sus señorías; me voy a centrar en tres aspectos que espero que puedan ser de utilidad para la conformación de nuestra política exterior en el caso de Siria: el tema de la impunidad, el tema de los refugiados y el tema de las repatriaciones.

En el tema de los refugiados, hemos visto —y espero que usted pueda ayudar a conformar una posición común europea— como, por ejemplo, Dinamarca de repente se permite declarar a Siria un país seguro y empieza a denegar solicitudes de asilo o suspender reconocimientos de asilo.

En el tema de las repatriaciones, vemos también una gran heterogeneidad entre los Estados miembros, y creo que tenemos que estar todos de acuerdo como europeos en que todos los menores deben ser repatriados; en realidad, también los adultos, para que puedan responder, en su caso, ante la justicia.

Y en el caso de la impunidad, también vemos distintos enfoques. Tal vez debamos volver al Consejo de Seguridad: lo intentamos en 2014 para que la Corte Penal Internacional pudiera actuar y no fue posible; quizás es el momento de intentarlo otra vez.

  Reinhard Bütikofer (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, I would like to refer to Mr Borrell’s statement that Assad cannot win. Well, Assad is a criminal. He has turned his country into a slaughterhouse but, let’s face it, he has won. Yes, the country is on its knees and the people who have been forced to flee their homes need unconditional humanitarian support. But when you say we cannot give up, Mr Borrell, I would insist on a distinction. We cannot give up with regard to our demand for accountability. There must be no impunity. But we have to give up on our illusions and on our complacency. And we have to start asking ourselves what our own responsibility is for the last ten years, and the fate that has befallen the people of Syria.

  Pierfrancesco Majorino (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, 384 mila morti, più di 5 milioni di profughi scappati all'estero, 6 milioni gli sfollati interni, il 90 % della popolazione che vive oggi in condizioni di povertà estrema e più di 100 mila prigionieri politici imprigionati dal regime di Assad.

Questo è il bilancio terrificante che abbiamo davanti, dieci anni dopo una rivolta che aveva invece acceso speranze. Un bilancio tragico, che ci chiama a esercitare un ruolo diplomatico, certo, ma anche umanitario, innanzitutto nei confronti di chi fugge da quell'orrore o troppo spesso rimane bloccato, respinto ai nostri confini, nel nostro colpevole immobilismo come Stati e Istituzioni europee.

I profughi siriani spesso vorrebbero tornare a casa ma non possono. Il nostro dovere è garantire loro sostegno, corridoi umanitari, accoglienza vera. E ovviamente dobbiamo essere a fianco di chi non vuole più un regime sanguinario, nemico dei valori in cui crediamo.

Infine io credo che dobbiamo dirci la verità e i nostri errori riconoscerli: non sempre abbiamo fatto in passato le scelte giuste.

  Jordi Solé (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, Mr Borrell, the war in Syria has become one of the biggest catastrophes of our times a terrible and inhuman conflict with many internal warring parties, exacerbated by external actors that have prolonged hostilities by deepening their military involvement and providing money, fighters and weapons.

The interests of influential third states and a divided international community let down those protesters that, ten years ago, simply demanded freedom and democracy to the advantage of the criminal Assad regime.

Now, we are still far from a political solution that brings lasting peace in Syria. The upcoming fifth Brussels conference should be an opportunity to advance towards this goal, and I would like to address you, Mr Borrell, with two basic demands.

First, the need to involve all ethnic and religious minorities in building this future, including the Kurdish people who have been making a tremendous sacrifice under extremely harsh conditions. And secondly, the need to ensure accountability for the many war crimes that have been committed.

  Josep Borrell Fontelles, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, after listening to everyone I agree with what you have been saying, but the important thing is not to repeat the same figures or how many more people have been killed, how many people are refugees, the end of impunity, the fact that foreign troops have to leave, etc. The repetition of wishful thinking does not change reality. Let’s try to be realistic. The European Union cannot solve this conflict alone.

The United Nations Special Envoy Pedersen has made it clear that a common understanding among the Astana guarantors and like-minded Western stakeholders is only necessary if the conflict is to be resolved. We are ready to provide for a forum of this type, but we know that it will be very difficult to hold talks. But without an international understanding there is no solution, and even an international understanding will not be sufficient on its own.

So the only solution for the time being is to maintain pressure for a transition in the way Syria is governed for real change; for the Assad regime to be held accountable for a decade of brutal war and repression. But this is not going to happen just because you invoke them.

We are going to hold this Brussels conference on Syria at the end of this month. It is an opportunity to revitalise the United Nations process, and it should be successful in raising pledges to meet the dramatic humanitarian needs for the Syrian people. Let’s start with this. Let’s start by collecting the resources needed to help in practical terms the people in need here and now. I will do my best to push for this conference to be a success, but I am afraid that once again the European Union will be the most important actor the one that brings the most resources. And there is a certain fatigue among the international community to continue supporting this defeat before the Syrian people after ten years of pledging. I hope that you will participate in making this conference a success and I would like to take this opportunity to thank you for your constant support and for your demand for the need for justice and accountability.

But this will not come from demands alone. We have to put political agreements among the actors on the table. This is the only way out. Assad will not leave because you ask him to do so. We make mistakes, yes. Ten years of suffering says yes. The important thing is how to get out of this. It has to be step by step. We have to be looking for a consensus among the most important actors. If not, we will not be able to resolve it. Don’t ask the European Union to solve what we cannot solve alone.

But let’s start by bringing the resources needed to help the people in need, and let’s work for the United Nations to open humanitarian access to the people in Idlib, or at least to continue keeping open the points of access that are still open. And I repeat: let’s also engage politically with the actors present in this war in order to reach a consensus to end this war. But this is not going to happen just by asking for it.

  President. – The debate is closed.

The vote will take place on Thursday, 11 March 2021.

Written statements (Rule 171)

  Andrea Cozzolino (S&D), in writing. – I feel the urge to stress that today, ten years after the uprising, more than 4 million Syrian civilians and refugees are victims of a conflict they have no part in. Among our primary purposes as a democratic, peaceful, and safe Union, it is the duty to prevent and end wars, bring countries together, find diplomatic solutions, and save lives. The EU has to be ready to sustain Syrian citizens by directing its reconstruction funds to the rebuilding of the country, to ensure a safe return home for refugees, to relocate the missing, and finally pursuing punishment for the many war crimes against humanity.

  Kinga Gál (NI), írásban. – Tíz éve zajlik a szörnyű pusztítással járó szíriai polgárháború. Több mint 5,6 millió szír hagyta el hazáját a konfliktus kirobbanása óta, mintegy négymillió embernek Törökország nyújtott menedéket. Szíriában a helyzet rendkívül kritikus, az ország számos érdekzónára szakadt, és a gazdasági összeomlás határán van, amely újabb migrációs hullámok megindulásával fenyeget. A Covid19-világjárvány pedig csak tovább tetézi a nehézségeket. Átfogó diplomáciai folyamat kialakítására van szükség a mára már nemzetközi konfliktussá alakult helyzet megoldása érdekében.

Emellett sürgősen támogatást kell mozgósítani a Szíriában és a szomszédos országokban élő szír polgárok életfeltételeinek javítása érdekében, hogy hazájukban vagy otthonaikhoz közel maradhassanak, és ne induljanak el – saját és családjaik életét kockáztatva – Európa irányába. A fiatal generációkra Szíriában lesz szükség az ország újjáépítésében. Ennek érdekében mielőbb meg kell szervezni az ötödik brüsszeli Szíria-konferenciát a megfelelő támogatások biztosítása érdekében. Rendkívül fontos a szír keresztény közösségek támogatása, amelyek különösen sokat szenvedtek a konfliktusban. Magyarország a Hungary Helps program keretében jelentős forrásokkal támogatta az olyan keresztény missziókat Damaszkuszban, Aleppóban, Homszban, amelyek belső menekültek ellátását szolgálják, lerombolt iskolák újjáépítését és működését segíti, valamint olyan kezdeményezéseket támogat, amelyek célja, hogy az elmenekült családok visszatérhessenek Szíriába. Az Uniónak hasonló humanitárius projekteket kellene indítania a keresztények megsegítésére.

  Elżbieta Kruk (ECR), na piśmie. – Od 10 lat trwa konflikt w Syrii, a sytuacja się nie zmienia, wpływając negatywnie na życie mieszkańców kraju i uchodźców. Dzisiejsze wyzwania to przede wszystkim pogarszająca się sytuacja gospodarcza, trudna sytuacja humanitarna, brak postępu na drodze do politycznego rozwiązania kryzysu czy dalsza militarna obecność krajów trzecich – Rosji, USA, Iranu, Turcji i Izraela. Jak wynika z dostępnych danych, konflikt doprowadził do śmierci ponad 500 000 osób i spowodował przesiedlenie około 13 milionów ludzi, czyli ponad połowę przedwojennej populacji Syrii. Liczba uchodźców, którzy przebywają głównie w Libanie, Jordanii i Turcji, szacowana jest aktualnie na 6,7 mln, a przesiedlonych wewnętrznie na terenie kraju na około 6,2 mln.

Niezwykle ważne jest, abyśmy nadal z najwyższą uwagą śledzili rozwój sytuacji w Syrii, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem rozmów toczących się w ramach Komitetu Konstytucyjnego w Genewie. Trwałe rozwiązanie konfliktu w Syrii można osiągnąć jedynie w drodze procesu politycznego, zgodnego z postanowieniami rezolucji Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ i komunikatu genewskiego z 2012 r. W pełni popieramy wysiłki specjalnego wysłannika Geira Pedersena i wzywamy wszystkie strony do zaangażowania się w negocjacje. Potępiamy rosyjskie i irańskie wysiłki zmierzające do udaremnienia pokojowego rozwiązania konfliktu.

  Rob Rooken (ECR), schriftelijk. – De oorlog in Syrië duurt nu al tien jaar. Miljoenen Syriërs zijn het land ontvlucht. Een afschuwelijke situatie. Voor de vluchtelingen, maar ook voor het land dat zij achterlieten. Want zij namen op hun vlucht belangrijke kennis en kunde mee. Vele Syriërs hebben hun toevlucht gezocht in Nederland, Zweden en Denemarken. Op zoek naar bescherming, maar ook op zoek naar een beter leven. Daar hebben wij alle begrip voor. Afgelopen week heeft Denemarken bepaalde gebieden van Syrië als veilig gebied verklaard. Van 94 Syrische vluchtelingen is hun tijdelijke verblijfsvergunning ingetrokken. De Deense minister, sociaal-democraat en zelf zoon van een Ethiopische vluchteling, is direct vanaf het begin duidelijk geweest. Tijdelijke verblijfsvergunningen worden ingetrokken wanneer na zorgvuldige afweging wordt geoordeeld dat bescherming niet langer nodig is. Nederland, maar ook andere EU-lidstaten zouden hier een voorbeeld aan moeten nemen. Tijdelijke bescherming mag geen permanente migratie worden. Het is niet meer dan humaan om hier tegenover migranten duidelijk over te zijn Een houder van een verblijfsvergunning zou daarom niet na drie jaar al in aanmerking moeten komen voor een vergunning als langdurig ingezetene, zoals nu voorgesteld in het Migratiepact. Hiermee wordt de deur wagenwijd opengezet naar een permanente migratieroute, met alle nadelige gevolgen vandien.

24. Obrazložitve glasovanja: gl. zapisnik

25. Popravki in namere glasovanj: glej zapisnik

26. Predložitev dokumentov: glej zapisnik

27. Dnevni red naslednje seje: gl. zapisnik

28. Zaključek seje

(The sitting closed at 20.31)