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Menetlus : 2021/2579(RSP)
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RC-B9-0183/2021

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PV 11/03/2021 - 9.3
CRE 11/03/2021 - 9.3

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PV 11/03/2021 - 11
PV 11/03/2021 - 18

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P9_TA(2021)0087

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Neljapäev, 11. märts 2021 - Brüssel

9.3. Opositsiooni ja kodanikuühiskonna vastu suunatud kollektiivsed kohtuprotsessid Kambodžas
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  Puhemies. – Esityslistalla on seuraavana keskustelu seitsemästä opposition ja kansalaisyhteiskunnan vastaisia joukko-oikeudenkäyntejä Kambodžassa koskevasta päätöslauselmaesityksestä (2021/2579(RSP))*.

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* Ks. pöytäkirja.

 
  
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  Seán Kelly, Údar. – A Uachtaráin, bhí áthas orm a bheith i m’idirbheartaí ar son Ghrúpa EPP ar an tuarascáil seo. Tá an tAontas Eorpach tar éis deiseanna trádála a thabhairt don Chambóid. Chabhraigh na deiseanna seo leis an tír forbairt a dhéanamh ar an earnáil easpórtála, agus na mílte poist a chruthú. Tá athrú tagtha ar an ngaol trádála seo anois de bharr fadhbanna ó thaobh cearta daonna agus chearta an lucht oibre.

É sin ráite, gan dabht, más rud é go dtagann feabhas ar an scéal sa Chambóid, ba cheart dúinn a bheith réidh agus sásta cead a thabhairt dóibh teacht ar mhargadh na hEorpa arís gan bhac. Is ar mhaithe le muintir na Cambóide a bheadh sé seo.

Ar mhí-ámharaí an tsaoil, níl feabhas tagtha ar choinníollacha go dtí seo. Mar sin, táimid anseo i bParliamint na hEorpa, ag labhairt le guth amháin, ag cáineadh an chiaptha, an imeaglaithe, agus gach míchleachtas atá i bhfeidhim i gcoinne lucht an fhreasúra sa Chambóid. Táim ag iarraidh ar údarás na Cambóide meas a bheith acu ar shaoirse cainte lucht an fhreasúra, na méan cumarsáide, agus a leithéid.

Faoi latháir, tá foiréigean iomarcach á usáid i gcoinne agóideoirí síochánta. Tá dlíthe nua á gcur i bhfeidhm atá ag déanamh dochar do chearta daonna. N’fheadar an féidir ‘toghchán’ a ghlaoch ar cad atá ar siúl ann, mar nílid cothrom ná saor. Táim ag impí ar an gCambóid stop a chur leis seo.

Tá ár dteachtaireacht sóiléir: athbhunaigh an daonlathas agus cinntigh cearta daonna. Ba cheart tús a chur leis an obair seo trí iad siúd a ghabhadh, gan cúis cheart, a ligean saor. Seo é an achainí agus an teachtaireacht don Chambóid.

 
  
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  Evin Incir, author. – Madam President, I want to first of all express our heartfelt thanks to my colleagues for a good cooperation during the negotiations.

It’s not the first time we in this Parliament are discussing the strangulation of democracy in Cambodia and the larger ASEAN region, and I’m afraid it is not the last time. The Cambodian Government has since 2017 deliberately worked to undermine the country’s democracy, its democratic institutions and attacked opposition, NGOs, trade unions and media. Just earlier this month, nine leaders of the opposition were sentenced in their absence to 20 to 25 years in prison for the false accusation of trying to stage a coup.

In this resolution, which the S&D Group and I fully support, we call upon the Cambodian Government to immediately reverse this slip into an authoritarian abyss and to repeal all repressive laws and stop any forms of harassment and abuse against all dissidents. We call on the European Council to take a formal position on the human rights situation and deterioration of democracy in Cambodia and to adopt further restrictive measures against key figures in the government and security forces.

Lastly, we urge the European Commission and the Council to draw up a comprehensive and strategic democracy initiative directed to the countries of the ASEAN region and to present it to the European Parliament within six months.

Cambodia is on a dangerous path, but the people of Cambodia deserve better. They deserve their democratic and human rights.

 
  
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  Svenja Hahn, author. – Madam President, in 2017’s local elections, 43% voted for the one opposition party, the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) – a signal of change a year ahead of the general elections. But the government, under its leader Hun Sen, didn’t want to share power. The opposition leader was arrested and the party dissolved. Hun Sen’s party was the only one running in the neither free nor fair general elections, winning all seats. Then he stripped the 5 000 opposition councillors of their mandates. Many were arrested, others escaped into exile.

In 2019, the opposition leaders tried to return to their home country. For that, they and their supporters are now being tried, in a fake mass trial that is politically motivated, for attempting a coup. It’s the latest push to silence the opposition. But democracy in Cambodia can be restored. Opposition and civil society are not giving up, and are asking the international community for help. The EU has the tools to support them.

Last year’s partial withdrawal of trade preferences is putting economic pressure on the regime. Target Hun Sen and his accomplices with individual sanctions; freeze their assets and ban them from EU travel; and don’t give them a symbolic win. The next Asia—Europe summit is scheduled to take place in Cambodia. This cannot happen. This form of cooperation cannot happen in a country that has overthrown democracy.

The way back to democracy won’t be easy, but the people of Cambodia deserve that we support them in their striving for freedom and a better life.

 
  
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  Hannah Neumann, author. – Madam President, the Prime Minister, Hun Sen, clearly misuses the COVID-19 pandemic to crack down on human rights and civil liberties in these countries. The recent mass trials against opposition and civil society are just the last step on a very dangerous path towards dictatorship.

In Cambodia, we are now looking at intimidation of environmental activists and restrictions of internet access, governmental censorship, violence against peaceful demonstrators and so much more. This is how the government undermines democracy and builds a breeding ground for fear and mistrust, and none of this is actually helpful to fight a pandemic.

So, it is very much time that the Foreign Affairs Council sends a very clear signal to the leaders of Cambodia. Either they end all forms of harassment, repeal the long list of restrictive laws, and drop all charges against opposition, or they will have to face the consequences, including – and that is very important – targeted sanctions against Cambodian leaders and their egoistic economic interests.

 
  
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  Elżbieta Kruk, autorka. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Od 2017 r., kiedy kambodżański reżim przy pomocy sądu najwyższego zdelegalizował największą partię opozycyjną, w Kambodży zaostrzyły się represje wobec działaczy politycznych. Z powodu prześladowań politycznych wielu liderów opozycji musiało udać się na emigrację. Według ONZ od 2019 r. aresztowano w Kambodży ponad 150 zwolenników opozycji pod bezpodstawnymi zarzutami zdrady. Były lider opozycji skazany został zaocznie na 25 lat więzienia.

W ubiegłym miesiącu rząd Hun Sena, jednego z byłych przywódców Czerwonych Khmerów, który sprawuje w Kambodży samodzielne rządy nieprzerwanie od 36 lat, podjął decyzję o utworzeniu tzw. narodowej bramy sieciowej. To przez nią ma się odbywać cały ruch internetowy. Opozycja ocenia, że rząd chce budować odpowiednik tzw. cyfrowego Wielkiego Muru w Chinach, który doprowadzi do stłumienia wolności słowa, ograniczy dostęp do informacji i posłuży do inwigilacji obywateli.

Czy Komisja Europejska podejmuje działania w tym zakresie? Czy Komisja udziela wsparcia organizacjom społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Kambodży? Czy Unia Europejska i zachodni świat zareaguje, skoro toleruje u siebie podobne działania, tyle że już nie rządów, a międzynarodowych korporacji Big Tech?

 
  
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  Emmanuel Maurel, auteur. – Madame la Présidente, mes chers collègues, je partage votre constat sur le caractère alarmant de la situation au Cambodge. Alarmant d’un point de vue politique, puisque nous avons affaire à un régime qui dérive quasiment vers un régime de parti unique qui détient l’immense majorité, voire tous les sièges à l’Assemblée nationale, idem pour le Sénat. Mais aussi une situation alarmante du point de vue des libertés publiques: 130 personnes ont été mises en accusation, puis jugées pour la seule raison qu’elles défendaient les droits de l’homme, donc il est normal que l’Union soutienne les dirigeants d’opposition dont les partis ont été interdits pour des motifs fallacieux, mais il faut aussi soutenir les syndicalistes, les journalistes, les défenseurs de l’environnement qui sont visés par le gouvernement cambodgien aujourd’hui.

La décision de la Commission de geler une partie des préférences douanières accordées dans le cadre de l’accord «Tout sauf les armes», c’est une bonne nouvelle, mais elle doit faire jurisprudence, parce qu’il n’y a pas que le Cambodge. Depuis des mois, le Parlement demande à la Commission d’appliquer les mêmes règles pour, par exemple, le régime philippin de M. Duterte, qui est un régime totalement dictatorial et d’une certaine façon, on pourrait dire aussi la même chose pour la Chine, mes chers collègues, qui pratique aussi un régime de parti unique et dans lequel les droits humains sont gravement menacés.

Il ne faut pas qu’il y ait deux poids, deux mesures, il faut avoir une application cohérente de notre politique européenne.

 
  
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  Thierry Mariani, auteur. – Madame la Présidente, le 1er août 2020, l’accord de libre-échange entre l’Union européenne et le Vietnam entrait en vigueur. Le 12 août 2020, les sanctions européennes contre le Cambodge entraient en vigueur. Droits de l’homme et législation sur le droit du travail étaient invoqués pour isoler Phnom Penh, où les conditions sont pourtant bien meilleures qu’au Viêt Nam.

Le rapprochement de ces deux dates n’est pas innocent, il montre que l’Union européenne, une fois de plus, instrumentalise les droits de l’homme à des fins géopolitiques. En Asie, d’ailleurs, nous pourrions aller plus loin et dire que Bruxelles utilise les droits de l’homme pour favoriser certaines industries et en pénaliser d’autres. Le Cambodge entretient un rapport apaisé à la France, ancienne puissance protectrice. Le Cambodge s’efforce de progresser dans tous les domaines des droits de l’homme et collabore avec les grandes institutions internationales pour améliorer ce qui doit l’être dans sa législation et le Cambodge est un État souverain. Avons-nous réellement suffisamment d’informations pour juger si les événements de 2019 visaient ou non à renverser le pouvoir central? Avons-nous sollicité une autre version que celle de l’opposition? Qui dans ce Parlement sait, par exemple, que Radio Free Asia ou Voice of America sont libres de diffuser leurs émissions au Cambodge sans la moindre censure.

Je pense que nous devons cesser les ostracismes et sortir de l’arrogance. Il faut lever les sanctions contre le Cambodge. Ce pays doit faire encore des progrès, mais il faut l’accompagner sur cette voie.

 
  
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  Isabel Santos, em nome do Grupo S&D. – Senhora Presidente, o último ano no Camboja foi marcado por diversos ataques ao Estado de direito e às liberdades dos seus cidadãos, disfarçadas, muitas vezes, de medidas de combate à pandemia.

Infelizmente estas medidas repressivas não são novas. Nos últimos quatro anos assistimos a uma escalada nas ações opressivas por parte das autoridades do Camboja, não só contra adversários políticos, mas também contra sindicatos, defensores de direitos humanos, organizações da sociedade civil e órgãos de comunicação social.

O país caminha, a passos largos, para um regime de partido único, com leis e ações que limitam, ou impossibilitam, a oposição política e restringem as liberdades individuais violando, reiteradamente, as suas obrigações internacionais em matéria de direitos humanos.

Esta situação não pode ser tolerada. Impõe-se que as autoridades do Camboja ponham termo a todas as formas de repressão e aos julgamentos com motivação política, libertando todos os presos políticos. Mas é também preciso que a União Europeia dê sinais claros às autoridades do Camboja que é preciso mudar e aplique todos os recursos no reforço da sociedade civil.

 
  
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  Angelo Ciocca, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, io penso che l'Unione europea abbia una grande occasione, l'occasione di passare dalle chiacchiere al coraggio di osare.

La violazione dei diritti umanitari in Cambogia o in tanti altri paesi del Sud-Est asiatico è evidente, è evidente la schiavitù moderna, la schiavitù di ragazzini di 6-7 anni, di bambini di 6-7 anni, che lavorano a due dollari al giorno in condizioni inaccettabili nel settore del tessile e in quello dell'agricoltura, che usano sostanze chimiche vietate in Europa da decenni.

E allora, se l'Europa vuole trovare realmente il coraggio di osare per fermare queste vergogne, deve cambiare le politiche che hanno delocalizzato le produzioni in quel paese, deve cambiare l'atteggiamento di essere complice o addirittura di essere concausa di queste violazioni. Come fare questo? Correggere gli accordi di libero scambio.

Io tre anni fa feci una dura battaglia sul tema del riso cambogiano che arrivava sulle nostre tavole, che arrivava nelle bocche della nostra gente e dei nostri figli. Ecco, si era riusciti grazie all'Europa a mettere la clausola di salvaguardia.

Dobbiamo andare in questa direzione, i dazi e le clausole di salvaguardia sono uno strumento per evitare la schiavitù moderna, dobbiamo evitare che questi lavoratori siano schiavizzati sotto l'aspetto chimico e sotto l'aspetto lavorativo. Dobbiamo evitare che le sostanze pericolose da questi paesi arrivino nelle bocche dei nostri figli, anche perché il Covid sta fermando lo screening e gli esami sanitari di molti nostri cittadini.

Pensiamo quindi a proteggere il riso italiano, pensiamo a proteggere le nostre produzioni: questo è il modo migliore per evitare che ci sia la schiavitù in questi paesi.

 
  
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  Petras Auštrevičius, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Madam President, since 2017 when the Cambodia National Rescue Party, the only parliamentary opposition party, was dissolved, we have been witnessing Cambodia’s rapid transition towards an authoritarian state. The ruling Cambodian People’s Party is ruthlessly violating the Cambodian Constitution in its successful attempts to seize all powers and to suppress all dissident voices.

Recent trials of opposition leaders and supporters are an onslaught on the last remnants of democracy in Cambodia. This is also an intimidating message to surviving opposition ahead of upcoming elections. The strong response of the European Union to political persecutions and human rights violations in Cambodia is long overdue. An immediate review of the relations with Cambodia is really needed.

Our support must be directed at the Cambodian people and their struggle for the rights to freedom of association and expression.

 
  
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  Carles Puigdemont i Casamajó (NI). – Madam President, prison sentences, criminal proceedings and political persecution against dissidents and opponents are a feature of authoritarian models that are a threat to peaceful coexistence in the world. When a political regime such as that of Cambodia represses dissidents, the victims are all of us. Cambodia is about ten thousand kilometres from this Parliament, but we feel the repression against its political dissidents is very close.

The EU should be the strongest voice in the world in defending human rights and taking effective action to combat regimes that violate them. If our voice is not strong enough or our actions are not effective enough, it is not because repression against fundamental rights around the world has diminished and we are no longer needed so much, but because the EU has weakened and reduced its inner exigency to the point that its voice arrives but sounds phonic.

 
  
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  Jutta Urpilainen, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members of the European Parliament, human rights and democracy continue to be denied in Cambodia. Over the last four years, the Cambodian authorities have taken a series of repressive actions designed to curtail political opposition and restrict the space for civil society. Cambodia has become a de facto one-party state.

Last year, the EU decided to partially withdraw the tariff preferences granted to Cambodia under the Everything But Arms (EBA) arrangement, due to serious and systematic violations of human rights. Still, over the past months, there has been a surge in the arrests of human rights defenders and political activists. The trial of opposition leader Kem Sokha was suspended in March 2020 and there is no indication on when it will resume. Earlier this month, a Cambodian court sentenced nine leaders of the opposition in exile to 20 to 25 years in prison.

We, as the European Union, made clear in our statements that the Cambodian authorities must respect the rule of law and due processes. The EU remains open to re-engaging with Cambodia, provided Cambodia demonstrates substantial improvement regarding the EU’s concerns, as highlighted in the Commission Regulation on the EBA withdrawal.

Cambodia should take immediate action to reopen the political space in the country, in particular a swift resolution of the case of Kem Sokha and reinstatement of his political rights; reinstate the political rights of the opposition members banned from political activities; fully release all human rights defenders and activists recently put under detention; and reverse the shrinking space for civil society.

The EU reiterates its call on the Cambodian authorities to initiate a process of national reconciliation through inclusive dialogue. We strongly believe that the principle of democratic inclusion and dialogue, including with civil society, is key to lasting peace and stability in the country.

 
  
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  Puhemies. – Keskustelu on päättynyt.

Äänestys toimitetaan tänään torstaina 11. maaliskuuta 2021.

(Istunto keskeytettiin klo 12.56)

 
Viimane päevakajastamine: 8. mai 2024Õigusteave - Privaatsuspoliitika