Compte rendu in extenso des débats

Mardi 18 mai 2021 - Bruxelles

4. Morts récentes en Méditerranée et recherche et sauvetage en mer (débat)

  Il-President. – Il-punt li jmiss fuq l-aġenda huwa d-dibattitu dwar id-dikjarazzjonijiet tal-Kunsill u tal-Kummissjoni dwar L-imwiet reċenti fil-Mediterran u t-tiftix u salvataġġ fil-baħar (2021/2690(RSP)).

  Augusto Santos Silva, President-in-Office of the Council. – Madam President, let me start by emphasising that all loss of human lives at sea is tragic. Tragic. Seven hundred and forty-seven lives were unfortunately lost this year when people tried crossing the Mediterranean towards European shores.

It is imperative that all actors comply with all applicable international rules to ensure the efficient coordination of search and rescue operations by the respective national competent authorities. In particular, EU values and fundamental rights must be upheld, and we need to do everything to prevent loss of human life. If you look at the figures in 2020, approximately 100 000 irregular migrants crossed the Mediterranean Sea in total on the three main migratory routes. This year by end of April, we are at 20 000 arrivals, which is the same level as last year at this point in time.

Following the migration crisis in 2015, it has been recognised by the EU leaders that the most effective and long-term solution to this issue is a comprehensive approach to migration which combines more effective control of the EU’s external borders and increases external action and internal aspects. At the same time, enhancing the efforts to stem illegal trafficking of people and to stop smugglers’ operations are going on, on the basis of international operational cooperation with third countries at Member State level and at EU level through EU agencies such as Frontex and Europol.

As regards the control of external borders, the EU and its Member States have also been reinforcing their capacity in the Mediterranean through maritime operations coordinated by the European Border and Coast Guard Agency Frontex, such as Themis, Poseidon and Indalo.

Search and rescue is of paramount importance in such types of operations, in situations of distress at sea where the priority is to save lives. The main principle applicable in this operation is unquestionably, and I quote from the regulation: ‘Measures taken for the purpose of a sea operation shall be conducted in a way that, in all instances, ensures the safety of the persons intercepted or rescued, the safety of the participating units or that of third parties.’ End of quote. In other words, safety of persons prevails over border management.

In accordance with this principle, in the central Mediterranean region, within the framework of the Themis operation, any time a Frontex plane spots a boat in distress it immediately alerts the national rescue centres in the region – Italy, Malta, Libya and Tunisia. All four are internationally recognised maritime rescue coordination centres. These centres are responsible for coordinating the search and rescue and will order the nearest vessel, be it a coastguard vessel or commercial ship, to assist the boat in distress.

With a view to implementing the recommendation on search and rescue, included in the new Pact on migration and asylum, Member States already started convening a contact group to enhance their cooperation in relation to operations carried out by privately-owned or operated vessels for the purpose of search and rescue activities. Furthermore, the Malta Declaration of February 2017 brought together a number of work strands in order to save lives and reduce the migratory pressure across the Mediterranean Sea.

Also at Member State level, initiatives such as the operational Mediterranean initiative launched in July 2020 continue now in a Team Europe spirit where the Commission and the External Service, together with interested EU Member States, coordinate and implement migration management projects in western African countries.

On the external dimension, the cooperation with northern and western African states is underpinned by dedicated EU funds as well as by individual contributions by Member States, mainly through the EU Trust Fund for Africa. The EU also works together with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the International Organization for Migration.

In a broader context, the presidency is working both with Member States and the Commission with a view to implementing a holistic approach in migration and related policy areas in line with the conclusions of the joint Foreign Affairs’/Home Affairs Council of March. In this context, and I conclude, the Ministerial Conference on the management of migratory flows, organised by the Portuguese Presidency, gathering ministers from Member States and from relevant North African state partners, discussed the management of migration flows and particularly the establishment of pathways for legal migration.

Finally, on the general dimension, since binding rules on solidarity have not yet been adopted, Member States have been cooperating on a voluntary basis, relocating persons rescued in the Mediterranean Sea that applied for international protection.

  Ylva Johansson, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, about six weeks ago, Aicha, a 17—year—old teenage girl from Ivory Coast, got into a small boat with 58 others off the coast of Mauritania. She had only told her sister of her dream to go to Europe. The European dream became a nightmare. On the second day in the boat, the water ran out, and the food. On the fourth day the petrol. Soon people started to scream for water. The only thing to drink was seawater. And then people started to die. At first, Aicha said prayers for the dead. After a while, there were no more prayers, not even the strength to put the dead bodies overboard.

We can only imagine the fear and terror as water and food ran out and one by one people died, the growing despair as time went by without land or ship in sight. They stayed in that trauma for three weeks until only three were left alive – barely, too weak to stand. When after three weeks at sea, on 26 April, a Spanish aircraft spotted the boat 500 kilometres from land, and sent a helicopter to rescue Aicha from what has been called a mass grave in the middle of the sea.

This is a tragedy. A European tragedy. Like the nightmare experienced around the same time by 130 men, women and children, in a small rubber boat in 6 metre—high waves in the Mediterranean. A European tragedy with 130 people losing their lives.

Yesterday, at least 6 000 people from Morocco reached the city of Ceuta, a very substantial number of them children. The flow of these irregular arrivals continues as we speak. Many of them have been saved and one person died. I will come back to that at the end.

This is why we need to do everything to save lives. To prevent these extremely dangerous journeys, and why we need our new Pact on Migration and Asylum. To manage migration, to save people’s lives, to show solidarity with people in need, and with the countries concerned. Like the 24 boats with the 2 100 people who arrived in Lampedusa last week in just two days. Out of these people, at least 600 unaccompanied minors.

I call on Member States to help these people and the people being saved from the waves right now, to support Italy and to help with relocations. My services are reaching out to Member States as we speak and I thank Ireland for being the first to offer help.

Over 600 people died in the Mediterranean this year. We must fight the smugglers who have blood on their hands. They are organised criminals who take advantage, on an industrial scale, of vulnerable people in a pandemic. Who deceive people with promises of easy entry to Europe, with lies about safe and comfortable crossings in big boats. Who charge EUR 3 000 for a crossing – a life—saving or a crippling loan – and after cashing in, put 130 people into a small rubber boat in stormy weather, or teenagers like Aicha onto a small boat on the Atlantic with little water and petrol, knowing full well they won’t stand a chance. Who beat people into rubber boats if they don’t want to go.

Law enforcement supported by Europol is successfully disrupting smuggling networks in Europe, arresting criminals and pressing charges for murder, but we must do more. To stop the smugglers who took advantage of Aicha’s dream, to stop the criminals who put her life at risk, we need to work with countries of origin, transit and departure. That has been my priority from Day 1. The EU will support partners to crack down on smuggling, to build capacity, to manage migration and protect people in need.

Over the last year, I’ve forged a strong political commitment to fight smuggling, manage migration and help desperate people. I will now intensify my political dialogue with third countries. After visiting Morocco, Mauritania and Tunisia last year, in the coming weeks and months, I will further strengthen ties with North African partners. This week I will go to Tunisia again.

And soon I will present my action plan against migrant smuggling to strengthen operational cooperation, counter digital smuggling, go after the money – the EUR 200 million in criminal profits migrant smugglers make –, and protect the rights and lives of smuggled victims like Aicha. All in all, to build strong anti—smuggling partnerships with countries of origin and transit, including border management, joint investigations and awareness—raising campaigns on risk of smuggling.

But fighting smugglers is not enough. We must ask ourselves why a teenage girl like Aicha sees no other choice but to get into a small dangerous boat. We must give better perspectives, especially to young people, by creating economic opportunities and investing in jobs at home, and we must provide alternatives for people with dreams, skills and talent – safe and legal pathways to Europe.

I will organise a high—level event in June to launch talent partnership to support mobility and migration for labour and training. I will continue to invest in resettlement and other safe legal pathways to Europe for people in need of protection. Soon I will organise a high—level forum on resettlement. Europe needs skilled people of all levels. Yesterday evening, we made an agreement on a blue card and that sends a strong signal that we welcome labour migration and shows that Europe can agree on migration.

I admire the Spanish officer who saved Aicha, who dropped down from the helicopter focusing on rescuing the living, who said there are things you can’t train for, who see themselves not as heroes but public servants, and who are now on their next mission, as are many of their colleagues who are saving lives all over Europe.

Saving lives at sea is a moral duty and a legal obligation. We need to streamline our operational cooperation to ensure a fast response at sea. We need to speed up disembarkation. Search and rescue is primarily a national responsibility, but the Commission does have a political responsibility and we are taking this responsibility.

Last September, I presented a recommendation calling for a stronger cooperation on search and rescue. In March, I set up the new European contact group on search and rescue, bringing together Member States and Schengen countries and all relevant parties, including NGOs and our agencies, to help shape a common approach to search and rescue. Finally, we have proposed a tailor—made binding mechanism on solidarity for search and rescue cases. It’s crucial now to agree on the pact.

Aicha cried when she saw the helicopter. After 10 days in hospital, Corporal Juan Carlos Serrano, who saved her from the water, invited Aicha to meet his family. They welcomed Aicha with a big hug, offered to help her and invited her to stay. And she says, ‘it feels like I have found my family’. Summer is coming, there will be more stories like Aicha’s. We need to work together to fight smugglers, to save lives at sea, to get an agreement on the pact. And as a society we must see people like Aicha with the same eyes as Juan Carlos Serrano; a human being like you and I who needs our help and support.

Before I finish, let me conclude on the unprecedented irregular arrivals to the city of Ceuta from Morocco since yesterday, which continue as we speak. It is worrying that at least 6 000 people, a big number of them children, have been swimming to Ceuta, putting their lives in danger. Many had to be rescued. One person died.

The most important thing now is that Morocco continues to commit to preventing irregular departures and that those that do not have the right to stay are orderly and effectively returned. Spanish borders are European borders. The European Union wants to build a relationship with Morocco based on trust and shared commitments. Migration is a key element in this regard. I’m following this very closely together with the High Representative / Vice—President Borrell, Commissioner Várhelyi, and of course with the Spanish authorities.

  Jeroen Lenaers, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, 667: that is how many people have lost their lives in the Mediterranean this year, the worst number in three years. People with a name – fathers, mothers and children. People like you and me drowning in the cold water after being pushed onto a crappy boat by unscrupulous criminals. Each and every one of them an unspeakable tragedy.

We must break these cynical business models, and to do that we need a common European answer. And it’s not rocket science. The proposals are there. Strong border control and cooperation with third countries. Quick screening to distinguish between refugees and economic migrants. Fair and fast procedures to help those in need and return others. And solidarity among Member States to tackle this together.

The proposals have been here for many years but what we need is real willingness from the Member States, from you Minister in the Council, to break finally the deadlock. Because it’s a scandal that six years after the peak of the migration crisis, thousands more people have drowned while we are not one single step closer to a European solution.

So please Member States, spare us the empty expressions of shock at yet another tragedy. Spare us the hollow words of sympathy with victims and families. Spare us the bureaucratic news speak on constructive cooperation in the Council. Spare us all of this and instead finally take responsibility. Lives depend on it. Our citizens expect it of you. You must finally deliver.

  Simona Bonafè, a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, siamo qui ancora una volta a parlare in questa plenaria di un nuovo drammatico naufragio al largo delle coste libiche, che è costato la vita a tutte le persone presenti sul gommone, forse 130 ma forse anche di più. Una tragedia annunciata, che poteva e doveva essere evitata, e che ancora una volta mette in luce l'assenza di un chiaro ed efficace coordinamento delle operazioni di ricerca e salvataggio in mare.

Le autorità preposte europee e libiche erano informate di quanto stava accadendo in mare, ma sono passate più di quarantott'ore prima che qualcuno arrivasse a soccorrere e, quando sono arrivati i soccorsi, ormai era troppo tardi.

Come è potuto succedere tutto questo? L'Europa non può più girarsi dall'altra parte e fare finta di non vedere la realtà. Senza un coordinamento efficace europeo, è impossibile qualsiasi operazione di ricerca e salvataggio in mare e il numero di morti nel Mar Mediterraneo è destinato a crescere.

Salvare le vite umane in mare è un obbligo secondo il diritto internazionale ma ancora di più la difesa della vita umana per noi è un principio non negoziabile, un dovere morale e viene prima di tutto.

Come Gruppo dei Socialisti e Democratici riteniamo che sia indispensabile e urgente un nuovo approccio alle operazioni di ricerca e salvataggio, che preveda uno strumento permanente europeo con un più efficace coordinamento fra le autorità nazionali, dotate di materiali e supporto finanziario per rafforzare la loro capacità di intervento.

Le procedure in vigore oggi non funzionano e con l'arrivo dell'estate e le migliori condizioni metereologiche la situazione umanitaria nel Mediterraneo diventerà ancora più insostenibile. Non basta la presentazione del nuovo Patto di migrazione e asilo su cui, peraltro, continuiamo ad assistere alle stesse resistenze da parte di alcuni governi nazionali che hanno già impedito alla riforma del regolamento di Dublino, votata dal Parlamento, di essere definitivamente approvata. Adesso è il momento di far prevalere una gestione europea e solidaristica del fenomeno migratorio.

La Commissione deve essere messa immediatamente in condizione di lavorare a un nuovo piano operativo efficace ad hoc per le operazioni di soccorso e salvataggio, accompagnato da impegni precisi sui ricollocamenti in Europa, dall'individuazione di porti sicuri per sbarchi, che sicuri siano davvero, dal contrasto ai trafficanti e da una politica estera di cooperazione nei luoghi di conflitto e miseria da cui i migranti partono.

Ogni altra risposta emergenziale, semplicistica o propagandistica costa vite umane e sposta solo la soluzione più in là.

  Malik Azmani, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Madam President, for how many years have we already been debating the terrible deadly tragedies in the Mediterranean in this House?

As long as we keep a migration system in the air in which there is a perverse incentive that an irregular trip gives you a chance to get a residence permit in Europe, the cynical business model of people smugglers will reign supreme and more people will die on boats.

The only way is to prevent migrants from leaving the mainland via people smugglers in unsteady boats. Agreements with third countries are then necessary by providing shelters in the region, to tackle people smuggling and offer legal avenues, such as asylum by invitation and resettlement, but also thorough reform of the labour migration policy. Because we know that the majority of those who want to reach Europe from North Africa are not seeking protection but are looking for a better future in Europe. And I don’t blame them.

It has already been eight months since the Commission presented the new migration package but there is no real progress among the Member States. Southern Member States don’t like the border procedures and some other Member States do not want complete reallocation. We saw the same dilemma in the previous proposals, and how do we resolve this deadlock?

The answer is simple. We currently put all our energy into the internal dimension of migration. What we need is to shift our focus on the external dimension to avoid those terrible tragedies in the Mediterranean. It is precisely in this external dimension that Member States find each other. If you focus on the external dimension and regulate migration to Europe via legal channels, the problem of the internal dimension will diminish.

Which brings me to my concluding question. Which steps do the Commission and the Council representative foresee in the coming months on the external dimension of migration?

And Madam President, allow me to thank also Madam Commissioner for her statement on the current situation in Ceuta, and indeed the Spanish borders of Ceuta and Melilla are also European borders and Morocco also needs to acknowledge that.

  Annalisa Tardino, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signora Presidente, signor Commissario, onorevoli colleghi, numerosi dibattiti su questo tema in quest'Aula ad oggi e nessun risultato: le morti in mare continuano e con esse gli arrivi illegali. I dati in Italia sono triplicati: Frontex ci parla di un più 157 % nel Mediterraneo e in 70 000 sarebbero pronti ad arrivare in Sicilia.

A parte l'azione di qualche singolo, come quella di Matteo Salvini che da ministro ha gestito con coraggio l'emergenza, dall'Europa arrivano solo segnali di debolezza e immobilismo. Le parole di solidarietà e cordoglio da Bruxelles non bastano: occorrono politiche concrete.

Questo dibattito rappresenta l'ennesima sconfitta grazie a chi, qui e in commissione, continua a inseguire idee irrealizzabili, tanto ammantate di buonismo quanto fallimentari nella pratica. Anche il titolo lo prova: si doveva discutere di morti in mare e della situazione di Lampedusa ma si è preferito parlare di attività di ricerca e salvataggio in mare, anche se, ricordiamoci, nell'ottobre 2019 l'Aula ha già bocciato la risoluzione su questo argomento.

L'attività delle ONG non può essere la soluzione e nemmeno le vecchie operazioni europee in mare che, anzi, incentivano le partenze illegali. Evitiamo le morti, fermiamo le partenze, tuteliamo veramente i diritti di tutti: di chi ha bisogno di protezione e di chi è stanco di subire disagi. Basta con gli hotspot dei falsi buonisti, utilizzati solo per accogliere coloro che state rendendo voi gli schiavi del nuovo millennio.

  Erik Marquardt, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Ich finde es eigentlich spannend, dass der Titel dieser Debatte ja „Seenotrettung“ ist und wir um die Toten trauern wollen, und dann reden eigentlich fast alle über Migrationspolitik. Das finde ich auch interessant, aber ich glaube, wenn wir das Thema, das dort an der Tafel steht, ernst nehmen, dann hat das mit Migrationspolitik doch erstmal nichts zu tun. Das ist doch eine Entscheidung, die wir erstmal treffen müssen – wenn man sagt, es ist die Priorität, Leben zu retten, wie Sie das gesagt haben, oder wir müssen alles tun, damit Leben gerettet werden –, dass man diese Priorität dann auch klar umsetzt.

Wenn man über Migrationspolitik redet, dann entscheidet man sich in diesem Fall eben nicht dafür, zu sagen: Die Menschenwürde, die Menschenrechte, das Recht auf Leben ist erstmal unantastbar, und wir müssen alles dafür tun, damit Menschen in Seenot gerettet werden. Es ist doch absurd, dass wir eine Situation haben, wo man in Malta bei der Seenotrettungsleitstelle siebenmal anrufen kann und man dort keinen Seenotrettungsfall melden kann, weil sich Malta dann dazu entschieden hat, dass sie lieber zwei Tage warten, bis ein Seenotrettungsschiff geschickt wird! Es ist doch absurd, dass Frontex mit Flugzeugen über Seenotrettungsfälle fliegt und dann nicht Booten im Umfeld Bescheid sagt, weil es uns lieber ist, dass diese Menschen entweder ertrinken oder nach Libyen zurückgeschickt werden, als dass sie schnellstmöglich gerettet werden!

Und ich finde, wenn wir uns wirklich ernst nehmen und sagen, wir sind Europa, wir stehen zu der Menschenwürde, wir stehen zu den Menschenrechten, wir wollen alles tun, damit Menschenleben gerettet werden – wenn wir uns da wirklich ernst nehmen –, dann verstehe ich nicht, warum die Kommission nicht beispielsweise Seenotrettungs—NGOs im Mittelmeer finanziert, dann verstehe ich nicht, warum der Rat nicht bei Frontex entscheidet, dass ab sofort Boote im Umfeld alarmiert werden, wenn es zu Seenotrettungsfällen kommt. Und ich glaube, dass diese Entscheidung, die ja getroffen wurde – eben nicht alles zu tun, damit Menschenleben gerettet werden –, nicht nur eine falsche, sondern auch eine scheinheilige Entscheidung ist und dass wir uns dort ernst nehmen sollten und alles tun sollten, damit in Zukunft Menschenleben gerettet werden, und nicht irgendwelche Debatten um Migrationspolitik führen!

  Nicola Procaccini, a nome del gruppo ECR. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sappiamo da anni che se aumentano gli immigrati illegali in mare, aumentano anche le morti in mare: più partenze, più tragedie e più affari per i trafficanti di esseri umani, che spesso si avvalgono anche della collaborazione attiva delle navi di ONG, come dimostrato recentemente dalla giustizia italiana.

Noi della destra europea non possiamo accettare alcuna morte di alcun migrante, mentre è ormai chiaro come per le sinistre più radicali queste morti siano necessarie per alimentare la propria ideologia immigrazionista, anche detta no borders.

Noi crediamo che sia necessario un presidio navale in collaborazione con gli Stati africani; pensiamo che si debba stabilire prima della partenza chi ha diritto alla protezione internazionale e garantirgli un trasporto in Europa sicuro e gratuito, oltre che un lavoro e un'esistenza dignitosa.

Questa è la nostra soluzione per fermare le stragi in mare ma anche per dare sollievo alle nazioni di frontiera, come l'Italia o la Spagna, la cui tenuta sociale, sanitaria ed economica viene periodicamente travolta dal numero ingestibile degli arrivi.

Le Istituzioni europee abbiano finalmente il coraggio e l'onestà di scegliere la nostra proposta, invece di perseverare su una linea che fino ad oggi ha causato solo disperazione, dolore, disordine e illegalità.

  Malin Björk, för The Left-gruppen. – Fru talman! Detta är inte en ny debatt. År 2013 drunknade 360 människor utanför Lampedusas kust. De var nästan i trygghet.

Efter det drogs en stor livräddningsinsats igång, som flera länder deltog i. Italien var det land som bidrog mest genom sin operation Mare Nostrum.

Sedan dess har emellertid flera politiska ledare och EU:s ledare dragit sig tillbaka och sagt att vi inte ska ägna oss åt att rädda liv på Medelhavet. Men när enskilda regeringar och EU drog sig tillbaka, då klev frivilligorganisationer in. De har räddat tiotusentals liv på Medelhavet. De har varit våra solidariska ögon och händer ute på Medelhavet. Men vad möts de av? Jo, de möts av förföljelse och kriminalisering. Man försöker beslagta deras båtar. Man förföljer dem i domstol. Det där måste vi sätta stopp för!

Men inte nog med att man förföljer dem som faktiskt utför livräddningen i Medelhavet, utan man har dessutom – bland annat genom att göra upp med den här libyska milisen som man döper om till kustbevakning – bidragit till döden i Medelhavet.

Nu har vi Frontex som bidrar till olagliga och livsfarliga pushbacks i Medelhavet. Att då börja vilja prata om en massa olika förslag om hur vi ska lösa den stora, stora migrationspolitiken i EU är faktiskt inte okej. Vi ska prata om hur vi ska rädda liv. För att göra det måste vi ha en europeisk livräddningsinsats, och vi ska sluta kriminalisera och förfölja dem som faktiskt räddar liv i Medelhavet. Det kan kommissionen göra. Det står i kommissionens makt.

  Laura Ferrara (NI). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, secondo l'OIM dall'inizio dell'anno il numero più elevato di vittime si è registrato lungo la rotta del Mediterraneo: parliamo di circa 555 morti e dispersi, triplicati rispetto all'anno precedente.

Dobbiamo chiederci allora quanto abbia inciso la carenza di coordinamento o anche l'assenza di politiche europee efficaci o, ancora, la criminalizzazione dell'attività di soccorso sulle recenti tragedie.

Ecco noi da anni invochiamo inutilmente una posizione comune sulle attività di ricerca e salvataggio, nonché sugli sbarchi e sul ricollocamento fra tutti gli Stati membri dell'Unione europea; sono rimasti vani gli appelli a un'efficace solidarietà con gli Stati membri in prima linea e anche con un'equa condivisione delle responsabilità; non c'è stato un ampliamento o una creazione di percorsi legali e sicuri per contrastare i trafficanti ma si tollera la cooperazione con paesi accusati di violare i diritti umani.

E allora la corresponsabilità della tragica perdita di vite umane riguarda da vicino le politiche dell'Unione europea: salvare le vite del mare è un obbligo morale prima ancora che giuridico.

  Paulo Rangel (PPE). – Senhora Presidente, Senhor Ministro, Senhora Comissária, seja bem-vindo, Senhor Ministro, ao fim de 5 meses pela primeira vez nessa qualidade, à Casa da Democracia Europeia. Muitos falarão hoje, e com propriedade, nos mortos do Mediterrâneo que só em 2021 já ultrapassam 700 e já agora nos do Atlântico e na situação desesperada em que se encontram nas Canárias e em Ceuta. Mas esta tragédia inqualificável não nos deve fazer esquecer a tragédia dos migrantes que não estão no mar nem nos campos de refugiados, mas que são explorados e escravizados em terra, no continente europeu e também no meu país.

Há duas semanas que sabemos que dezenas de milhares de imigrantes, quase todos asiáticos, vivem em condições infra-humanas de total exploração económica, quase no limiar do cativeiro ou da escravatura. Dezenas vivem num só quarto, pagam rendas proibitivas, ficam sem parte do seu vencimento, por vezes privados do seu passaporte, trabalhando de sol a sol na agricultura e o Governo português, como outros na Europa, estavam a par desta exploração intolerável.

Também estes migrantes têm de ser resgatados e também os nossos Governos têm obrigações, não apenas os países terceiros. Temos de cuidar de todos os migrantes, os que arriscam a vida no mar e os que perdem a dignidade em terra. Não há emigrantes de primeira nem de segunda. Como ensinou João XXIII, toda a gente é pessoa.

  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señora comisaria, señor presidente en ejercicio del Consejo, deaths in the Mediterranean, search and rescue at sea, again! De nuevo, muertes en el Mediterráneo, en ausencia de suficiente salvamento y rescate, nos recuerdan que cada vida humana cuenta: las ciento treinta que se perdieron intentando llegar a Lampedusa el 21 de abril, la que ayer se perdió intentando llegar a nado entre cinco mil otras en Ceuta —frontera exterior de la Unión Europea, la única frontera terrestre de la Unión Europea con el continente africano— y, por supuestos esas sesenta que salieron de Mauritania, cuyos tres supervivientes, Aicha entre ellos, como usted ha recordado, comisaria Johansson, vivieron un auténtico infierno que evoca esa pesadilla acontecida en 1816 que inmortalizó el óleo romántico de Géricault La balsa de la Medusa.

Esto no se arregla cooperando con la guardia costera libia en un no país en el que se producen violaciones masivas de los derechos humanos de los que intentan alcanzar las costas de la Unión Europea, ni se arregla tampoco externalizando las fronteras, ni olvidando que la vida y su integridad debe prevalecer sobre el blindaje de las fronteras de la Unión Europea.

Es preciso, lo decimos de nuevo en este Parlamento Europeo, un mecanismo europeo de salvamento y rescate, que no confíe solamente en esa heroica fuerza aérea española que rescató a tres supervivientes de sesenta que salieron de Mauritania; hace falta, además, que haya vías legales y seguras, visados humanitarios, como este Parlamento Europeo ha exigido una y otra vez, y desembarcos seguros en puertos europeos, y, por supuesto, ayuda en origen y en los países de tránsito, pero también una implacable persecución penal del tráfico de seres humanos para que no tengamos que estar permanentemente, o recurrentemente, convirtiendo estos debates sobre muertes en el Mediterráneo en un duelo, no solamente en el Mediterráneo, sino en el Parlamento Europeo, que representa a la ciudadanía que lo ve con consternación y con auténtico escándalo.

  Fabienne Keller (Renew). – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, chère Ylva Johansson, Monsieur le Ministre d’État, cher Augusto Santos Silva, nous disposons d’outils pour agir dès maintenant et cesser ces drames humains en mer. Deux ans après la résolution du Parlement européen sur le même sujet des morts et des sauvetages en mer, ne nous cachons pas derrière la lenteur de la négociation du pacte asile et migration pour laisser triompher l’inaction. Les pays de première entrée ne peuvent gérer seuls les arrivées nombreuses de migrants par la Méditerranée. Les Siciliens, les Maltais, les Canariens, les Grecs et depuis hier, les habitants de Ceuta appellent à la solidarité.

Deux actions concrètes, Madame la Commissaire, Monsieur le Ministre. J’invite d’abord les États à remettre sur pied la déclaration de Malte, qui avait été lancée à l’initiative de la France et de l’Allemagne pour soulager les pays de première entrée dans l’accueil des demandeurs d’asile. Monsieur le Ministre d’État, seriez-vous prêt à réunir rapidement au Conseil une coalition forte d’États volontaires pour apporter une vraie solidarité de l’Union européenne?

D’autre part, Madame la Commissaire, la Commission peut organiser une gestion de crise plus coordonnée pour soutenir les autorités nationales d’asile des pays concernés, c’est prévu dans l’article 33 du règlement de Dublin. Cela permettrait, Madame la Commissaire, de mieux coordonner les capacités de soutien, notamment les agences EASO et Frontex, et d’apporter une aide d’urgence à Lampedusa ou à Ceuta confrontées à une situation critique. Nous avons besoin d’une Europe des solutions et de terrain, comme elle a su le faire dans la réponse à la crise sanitaire.

  Harald Vilimsky (ID). – Frau Präsidentin, sehr geehrte Damen und Herren! Wenn hier zu Recht von meinen Vorrednern darauf hingewiesen wurde, dass es eine Debatte zur Seenotrettung ist, dann kann man nur klar und deutlich sagen: Natürlich muss jeder Mensch, dessen Leben in Gefahr gerät, hier gerettet werden. Die politische Frage ist doch vielmehr jene, was es für einen Sinn macht, jemanden etwa 20 Kilometer vor der libyschen Küste zu retten und dann 500, 600 Kilometer nach Europa zu bringen, oder ob diese Menschen, die man retten muss – keine Frage –, nicht besser zurück nach jenem Ort, woher sie gekommen sind – in dem Beispielfall Libyen –, zurückgesandt werden.

Sie haben dann absurde Situationen wie etwa auf der spanischen Enklave Ceuta, wo letzte Nacht und gestern bis zu 6 000 Menschen einfach von Marokko nach Spanien gewatet oder geschwommen sind. Damit erzeugen sie einen Effekt, dass noch viel mehr kommen wollen, als jetzt schon gekommen sind. Die Debatte rennt eigentlich seit dem Jahr 2015, und ich bin seit 2014 hier im Haus, und jedes Jahr haben wir dieselbe Debatte. Die Europäische Union ist nicht – ich komme zum Schluss – in der Lage, dieses Problem auch effektiv zu lösen, und das kann nur heißen, dass Europa seine Grenzen endlich schließen muss.

  Saskia Bricmont (Verts/ALE). – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, Monsieur Silva, je vous ai écoutés attentivement, mais je me demande d’un débat à l’autre ce qui change réellement.

667 morts, c’est le nombre de personnes qui ont péri cette année en Méditerranée. Où est passée la réelle indignation? Combien de débats devons-nous encore réclamer au Parlement, combien de morts, combien de familles sans nouvelles, combien de personnes sans sépulture, combien de cadavres en Méditerranée faut-il encore pour que les politiques de nos États changent?

Prétendre lutter contre les trafiquants et les trafics, externaliser le traitement de nos demandes d’asile vers la Libye, porter les murs et les obstacles toujours plus haut, sabrer dans les droits fondamentaux, refuser la solidarité mais aussi rendre l’accueil inhumain, empêcher des opérations de sauvetage en mer, se persuader que la migration peut s’arrêter et que les arrivées vont s’arrêter, c’est cela l’ambition des États membres, avec la contribution toujours plus volontaire de Frontex et de la Commission européenne, résultant dans une Europe forteresse chaque jour plus meurtrière.

Se montrer dur au nom de la lutte contre cette extrême droite? C’est au contraire en défendant fermement les valeurs que l’extrême droite exècre qu’on pourra la faire reculer. Ce n’est plus son arrivée au pouvoir qu’on doit craindre, mais la propagation de son idéologie de haine et de rejet de l’autre, si l’on continue sur cette voie. Les solutions sont connues: chaque jour, la société civile, les ONG et les associations nous montrent le chemin, le virage radical de l’accueil et de la solidarité que l’Union européenne doit prendre. La mise en place d’opérations de sauvetage en mer et de recherche doit se faire par l’Union européenne elle-même. L’ouverture de voies légales et sûres d’accès vers le continent n’est pas seulement des choix légaux et de raison, mais des choix moraux.

  Jorge Buxadé Villalba (ECR). – Señora presidenta, en un acto de agresión sin precedentes en los últimos cincuenta años, más de cinco mil marroquíes, alentados por su Gobierno, entraron ilegalmente en las fronteras de España ayer. Es una invasión programada utilizando a menores de edad como armas contra España. Ya no son las mafias: es un Gobierno radical musulmán que alienta esa entrada ilegal en territorio nacional; un Gobierno que recibe miles de millones todos los años de Bruselas.

Supongo que los ricos globalistas estarán encantados ante la llegada de mano de obra barata, pero en Ceuta, en Melilla, en Andalucía, en Canarias y en todos los barrios humildes de Barcelona, Madrid, Valencia o Sevilla, les aseguro que no piensan lo mismo.

Demuestren la solidaridad europea. Exigimos la suspensión inmediata de cualquier pago a Marruecos; la imposición de sanciones; la paralización inmediata de la emisión de visados o el reconocimiento de residencia legal o nacionalidad a nacionales marroquíes; la deportación masiva a Marruecos de todos los ilegales, y que esos niños vuelvan con sus padres.

El futuro de Europa no se juega en los debates online sobre federalismo y climatismo; el futuro de Europa se está jugando hoy en las calles de Ceuta con el Ejército español desplegado. Ustedes eligen: o civilización o barbarie. Luego quizá llegue el conflicto y, en ese momento, tener dinero no valdrá de nada.

  Idoia Villanueva Ruiz (The Left). – Señora presidenta, 667 personas asesinadas este año, la tumba de más de siete mil personas desde 2014. Europa no es solo cómplice, es también responsable: una política de desarrollo ligada al control de fronteras, no a un desarrollo justo; una política comercial que aumenta la desigualdad, que carece de herramientas para empresas trasnacionales europeas que garanticen el cumplimiento de los derechos humanos y condiciones laborales dignas; una política exterior ineficaz; un régimen de fronteras ilegal que persigue a las organizaciones que están haciendo el trabajo que la Unión Europea deja de hacer.

Sembramos bombas, recogemos refugiados; sembramos miseria, recogemos refugiados. No podemos construir una Europa con futuro si permitimos que los derechos humanos estén en venta; no podemos permitir deshumanizar vidas que huyen de la pobreza y los conflictos, criminalizarlas y perseguirlas, ni tampoco a otras personas y organizaciones, como en los últimos casos de Helena Maleno en Marruecos y Juana Ruiz en Israel. La solución no es más Frontex; la solución es una política exterior autónoma justa que vaya a la raíz de los problemas y a la corresponsabilidad de todos los países de la Unión: solo así podremos levantar la cabeza y empezar a hablar de valores de la Unión.

  Clara Ponsatí Obiols (NI). – Madam President, while humanitarian organisations like the Catalan NGO Open Arms that rescue people at sea face the ballot on the austerity of governments, too often border patrols welcome migrants with violence, shoot them or let them drown, and these crimes are left unpunished. Member States are only trying to cover it up and the Commission has not clarified what role Frontex is playing in this.

As we speak, hundreds are trying to swim to reach Tarajal beach in Spain. In this same place, in February 2014, the Spanish Guardia Civil fired rubber bullets against a group of migrants desperately trying to swim ashore and 15 of them drowned. All efforts to clarify responsibility for this atrocious crime have failed. Fifteen people were murdered at Tarajal beach. Seven years later, no one has been convicted. When it comes to investigating the Guardia Civil, Spanish judges are blind and, as usual, this case has been met with just indifference and silence on the part of the Commission.

  Lena Düpont (PPE). – Madam President, there can be, and there will be, no doubt: saving lives at sea, fulfilling international European and moral obligations is key. But search and rescue alone won’t solve the dire situation, because crossing the Mediterranean is still the effect and not the cause. Thus our aim still needs to be working together closely with third countries, improving sustainable living conditions, preventing people from making these dangerous crossings, taking specific actions against smugglers and traffickers.

Colleagues, we all know that it’s far easier to give simple answers than addressing a complex issue with an even more complex political answer, trying to get three institutions, 27 Member States and at least most political families on board. Nevertheless, future assessments will be made on the improvement on the current situation, so it was good that we at least started discussing the new pact that Member States were willing to talk about it again. But we need more than willingness: we need decision and compromise. And part of the truth is that the whole pact will not work without effective border control and border management, and it will not work if we don’t step up our efforts for effective returns.

So for this year, discussion is good; delivering is better. With illegal crossings on the rise, with secondary movement on the rise, we see that there is an urgent need for more pace, more ambition, more Europe at the heart of the asylum and migration package. The only thing we don’t have more of is time. So let’s not waste any more of it, cautiously staring at each other, waiting for the other institution to move first. Let’s start delivering.

  Pedro Marques (S&D). – Madam President, the humanitarian crisis started too many years ago. Europe is still trying to find and implement the proper answers, unfortunately. More than 600 people have already died this year – human beings. A solidarity response from Member States, Minister, is needed when scores of refugees seek protection in our countries. Basic values are at stake when we talk about saving lives, about rescues at sea. Protect and not criminalise those that are protecting our basic values like the NGOs at sea. Criminalise and never protect the smugglers that profit from desperation.

On the external dimension of our policy, if we want to save lives, what we have to do is to properly handle through the partnerships with countries, in Africa in particular, the situation of these migrants and refugees. Promote economic and social development. Commissioner, we need it for now, not for tomorrow: the full implementation of the Global Europe Initiative.

The strength for the southern countries can provide up to 30 billion in investment in these countries. Certainly, the complex situation of Ceuta, as you have mentioned, is now in our eyes, but also the situation of countries of origin like Libya or of sub-Saharan Africa from which these people in despair come to Europe. We need to act now to create hope where they only see despair at this moment.

  Maite Pagazaurtundúa (Renew). – Señora presidenta, señora comisaria, ministro Santos, la letalidad, la mortalidad en el Mediterráneo central está creciendo. Estamos hablando de más de setecientos muertos, cuando no son tantas las personas que se están moviendo ahora, y el pasado 22 de abril —y por eso estamos aquí—, unas ciento treinta personas en dos barcazas se ahogaron, y pudo haberse evitado porque se sabía que estaban a la deriva. De esta tragedia no hace ni un mes.

No hay capacidad de rescate en la zona central del mar Mediterráneo por parte de las autoridades. El Centro de Coordinación de Emergencias en tierra está realizando su trabajo, pero no funciona correctamente. Y hemos visto a barcos comerciales y a ONG haciendo lo que las instituciones tendrían que hacer, y nadie parece avergonzarse, porque el foco mediático ya no está ahí. Ya no se escucha ni al papa.

Hay que tener mucha imaginación y muchas ganas para creer que la guardia costera libia está evitando muertes de forma seria. Así que vamos a hablar de lo serio.

El Consejo sigue evitando su responsabilidad común, y muy especialmente con la frontera sur europea. Sin un modelo de asilo y refugio, sin un modelo de migración legal, las costuras de la Unión Europea se resienten. Y ya no es solo un tema humanitario, es también un tema estratégico.

Un dato: Marruecos está jugando con España y con toda la Unión Europea al permitir ayer, en un solo día, que más de seis mil personas llegaran a Ceuta a nado, organizadamente. Esto significa una nueva crisis humanitaria y una bomba social en una pequeña ciudad de 85 000 habitantes.

Es un suma y sigue, porque esa es una debilidad de la Unión de la que ya saben terceros países. Es urgente un modelo común de asilo, una acción común europea. Es preciso evitar chantajes y es precisa una misión urgente a Ceuta. ¡Es precisa la ayuda de la Unión Europea ya!

  Peter Kofod (ID). – Fru formand! Tusindvis af migranter drukner i Middelhavet. Menneskesmuglerne bliver rigere. De ydre grænser sejler, og samtidig er der i Europa massive problemer med uintegrerbare migranter fra islamiske lande i Mellemøsten og Afrika. Det nuværende migrationssystem fungerer ikke. Det er en katastrofe, og det er tragisk. Hvordan kan EU opretholde det her system efterhånden i årtier, mens I prædiker om menneskerettigheder og barmhjertighed for os andre, der vil stoppe dette migrationscirkus? Den eneste gode, holdbare og sikre model er den australske model, for vi har brug for sikre, lukkede grænser. Vi har brug for at bremse migrationen og starte på hjemsendelserne. Og så har vi brug for at redde Europa for enhver pris. Derfor lad os bygge Fort Europa.

  Damien Carême (Verts/ALE). – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, Monsieur le Ministre, quatre: c’est le nombre de débats en plénière depuis le début de cette législature sur la situation en Méditerranée. Quatre débats, cela fait plus de sept heures de discours.

Pendant ce temps-là, plus de 3 400 femmes, enfants et hommes ont trouvé la mort en Méditerranée. Le constat est toujours le même. En mer, les morts s’accumulent et les dirigeants politiques n’entendent même plus leur agonie; ils regardent ailleurs. Pendant combien de temps encore allons-nous débattre, au lieu de prendre les décisions qui s’imposent pour sauver des vies humaines? Pendant combien de temps allons-nous encore laisser Frontex abandonner les embarcations en grande détresse ou pire, passer la main aux garde-côtes libyens? Combien de temps encore allons-nous croire que le pacte migration présenté par la Commission européenne apportera les solutions nécessaires, alors qu’il s’agit d’un pacte au rabais largement inapplicable et fortement inspiré des positions d’Orbán et consorts? L’Europe fait l’autruche, l’Europe est complice et, pire encore, elle criminalise celles et ceux qui viennent en aide aux exilés. L’Europe est devenue cynique.

Madame la Commissaire, Monsieur le Ministre, Mesdames et Messieurs, mes chers collègues, prenons nos responsabilités maintenant, tout de suite. Créons une mission de sauvetage européenne et retrouvons notre humanité.

  Assita Kanko (ECR). – Voorzitter, al 701 mensen stierven of raakten vermist op de Middellandse Zee dit jaar, volgens de VN. 701. Tegenwoordig komt men zelfs voor de rechten van dieren op, en dat is goed. Maar wat met de rechten van die mensen van vlees en bloed? Daaraan is het EU-non-beleid medeplichtig. De mensensmokkelaars weten het en profiteren ervan.

701, dat is bijna zes mensen per dag. Bijna evenveel mensen als in dit halfrond.

De EU laat met zich sollen en maakt niet de juiste afspraken met de juiste landen. Kijk naar de Spaanse enclave Ceuta, waar 5 000 migranten illegaal binnenzwommen of de zee overstaken met opblaasbootjes.

Op EU-niveau is er geen enkel spoor van een strategisch of krachtdadig migratiebeleid. Doe toch iets:

Pak de mensensmokkelaars aan!

Toon je tanden aan partners die afspraken niet nakomen!

Maak nieuwe afspraken!

Bouw mee aan stabiliteit waar er oorlog is!

Ondersteun de lidstaten om hun buitengrenzen beter te bewaken!

Maar leg geen nieuwe pleister op de wonde! Alleen zo zullen we tragische doden op de Middellandse Zee voorkomen.

  Sira Rego (The Left). – Señora presidenta, señora Johansson, no sabe lo complicado que es condensar este debate en solamente un minuto. Resumir en un minuto el dolor de la pérdida de vidas; este año, más de seiscientas. Explicar en un minuto que no es casual, que no son hechos fortuitos, sino el resultado de decisiones políticas europeas, de los muros de las operaciones masivas e ilegales de devoluciones en caliente, de sus deportaciones a la carta. Un minuto para decir que es el sucio y lucrativo negocio de unos pocos.

Pero hay algo que sí le puedo decir en este minuto, señora Johansson. Que no hay fuerza policial, no hay decisión política, no hay muro que pueda parar la voluntad humana de sobrevivir, de salvarse de la miseria, de la guerra, de las consecuencias del cambio climático.

Por favor, hagamos algo, señora Johansson. Dejemos de enviar a los sicarios de Frontex a hacerles naufragar. Abramos vías legales y seguras, creemos un cuerpo público y civil europeo de búsqueda y rescate. Por favor, señora Johansson, abramos la vía de los derechos humanos.

  Balázs Hidvéghi (NI). – Madam President, thousands of migrants arrived on the shores of Italy last week, and the numbers keep rising. It’s been six years since the migration crisis began. We have had several debates. Yet, the EU is still making the same mistakes.

The crisis will never be stopped and solved unless a completely new approach is taken. Sentimentalism is not the right answer here. The EU should clarify, once and for all, that illegal arrivals are not tolerated, either at sea or on land. Decisions on applications should be made prior to entry into Europe, and those who do not have the right to enter or to stay should be returned.

Europe has to send the right messages. NGO ships, for instance, that cooperate with human smugglers must be stopped, and it’s not acceptable to tolerate and to encourage the activism of these NGOs as a transport service for illegal migration. The best way to avoid such tragedies on the Mediterranean is to make every effort to ensure that those ships never leave the coasts of Africa in the first place. We have to help where help is needed in Africa, instead of bringing a problem into Europe that we cannot solve.

  Tomas Tobé (PPE). – Madam President, since yesterday, more than 6 000 migrants arrived at the Spanish enclave, Ceuta. Almost 30 000 people arrived in the Union through one of the Mediterranean routes during the first five months of this year, of which almost half arrived in Italy. More than 600 migrants have died trying to cross the Mediterranean Sea. Perhaps we will never know the real numbers.

It is clear that we need – and it’s our obligation – to rescue distressed people at sea, but we must also effectively combat migrant smuggling networks which cold—heartedly put vulnerable people’s lives at risk, also leading to increased irregular migration. We need closer cooperation with third countries to combat, investigate and prosecute human traffickers. The impunity must end.

We also need a better functioning EU migration policy, effective external border controls, fair and swift asylum procedures, and efficient return of those not granted status. We must distinguish between asylum seekers in need of protection and irregular migrants. There is no time to waste. The Council must start acting. It is not getting any easier to break the deadlock if we wait. We need to start to talk now.

  Pietro Bartolo (S&D). – Signora Presidente, signora Commissaria, onorevoli colleghi, ad ogni nuova tragedia nel Mediterraneo fa seguito questo ridicolo rito del dolore: ci sarà una nuova Norimberga ma, a differenza del passato, oggi sappiamo tutto.

Io non ci sto. Se non siamo in grado di affrontare questo fenomeno, allora risparmiamoci questa politica ipocrita. A cosa servono le istituzioni e i luoghi della rappresentanza politica e democratica se non a gestire fenomeni epocali come questo?

Parliamoci chiaro: qui dentro e fuori da qui c'è chi finge pietà e chi ragiona con cinismo. Ci sono Stati membri che ci tengono le mani legate e impediscono una riforma radicale del regolamento di Dublino, di istituire una missione navale di soccorso in mare, di creare canali di accesso sicuro in Europa per evitare altre stragi nel Mediterraneo.

A Lampedusa, la mia isola, ho guardato negli occhi tanti giovani e bambini mentre scendevano dalle barche fatiscenti, persone che ce l'avevano fatta senza annegare. E noi stiamo qui ancora a parlare, ma di che cosa parliamo?

  Nicola Danti (Renew). – Signora Presidente, signora Commissario, signor ministro, onorevoli colleghi, nell'ultimo anno e mezzo la pandemia ha messo in secondo piano la gestione dei fenomeni migratori, il grande tema irrisolto dell'Unione europea, una sfida essenziale che non possiamo più affrontare con soluzioni temporanee, ma che richiede una risposta definitiva a partire dall'obbligo giuridico e morale di salvare le vittime umane in mare, anche attraverso operazioni di ricerca e soccorso europee.

Dopo la prima tragedia nel 2015, che vide affondare una barca con più di 300 persone a bordo, l'Italia recuperò quella barca perché fosse monito alle coscienze europee. Quel monito non è servito se ancora oggi siamo a parlare e a piangere una tragedia come questa. Il patto per la migrazione e l'asilo presentato dalla Commissione è miope e ancora una volta lascia soli gli Stati di frontiera, sia nei salvataggi che nella gestione dell'accoglienza, senza prevedere riallocazioni obbligatorie.

Insomma, serve più coraggio per affrontare il fenomeno migratorio in tutte le sue complessità. Finché l'unico modo per arrivare nel nostro continente sarà un barcone clandestino, guidato da trafficanti di esseri umani, noi e le nostre coscienze ne usciremo sempre sconfitti. Solo con canali di immigrazione regolari e con flussi programmati possiamo dare un messaggio di speranza, sconfiggere i trafficanti e regolare un fenomeno in grande espansione.

L'Europa o affronta questa grande sfida o è destinata a essere logorata e, alla fine, alla sconfitta.

  Jaak Madison (ID). – Madam President, first of all if you are looking at those numbers about migration flows to Italy, in 2017 it was 117 153; in 2018 it was 23 037 people; and in 2019, only 11 471 people. And it started to rise again. Last year, 34 000 migrants went to Italy.

What happened between? Between 2018 and 2019 the Minister of Internal Affairs in Italy was Matteo Salvini, who just closed all the harbours to foreign ships which were carrying people without any notification and without any background checks, with the result that they couldn’t control who they were, where they were coming from, whether they were real refugees, whether they were criminals or terrorists... And what we are doing here in this House is attacking Frontex, a body which is supposed to protect the EU’s external borders and we are attacking them because they are simply doing their job.

Most of us here in this Chamber are saying that we should continue with an open border policy and we should just let them in because otherwise they will die. But the problem is that if you don’t close the borders then you are just donating to human traffickers who are earning billions of euros with this business and more people will still die, and actually that is your fault. It’s the fault of the Commission, it’s the fault of all the leftists and liberals here who are just asserting solidarity and tolerance. They are telling us that we need more solidarity and at the same time of course they will not open their own homes to those people. They are saying that we have to do it. So it means that other people have to do it, not themselves who are living in a nice area with a good salary.

  Tineke Strik (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, Council and Commission, 10 years ago the world was shocked about the left-to-die boat, a boat that was not rescued in the Mediterranean Sea, which led to the death of 63 people. Since then, however, many more people have drowned despite the clear obligations of maritime law to go to their rescue and disembark people in a safe haven.

Libyan ports are no safe haven. We know that migrants are sent to awful detention centres where they suffer from torture and even slavery. The EU funds and trains the Libyan coast guard and this outsourcing policy makes the fate of pullback migrants a European responsibility. It’s high time that we comply with our obligations and our values at the external borders, ensure search and rescue and disembarkation at European ports. And this is a common European responsibility.

The biggest task now for the EU as a whole is ensuring that lives are saved and responsibility for asylum seekers is shared equally, otherwise we will not have a common asylum policy.

  Beata Kempa (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca, Pani Komisarz, Panie Ministrze! Każde życie ludzkie jest święte. To, które próbujemy dzisiaj chronić, jest wielką sprawą. Tylko w tym roku na Morzu Śródziemnym utonęło blisko siedmiuset imigrantów. To prawie trzy razy więcej niż w 2020 r. Liczby nigdy nie oddadzą powagi tragedii, a jedynie jej skalę. Nie powiedzą nam o bólu bliskich osób zmarłych i nie opiszą emocji.

Bezwzględnie należy pomagać tym, którzy tej pomocy potrzebują. Ale nasze emocje, nasze współczucie trzeba natychmiast przekuć na bardzo konkretne działanie. I mamy do tego instrumenty. Po pierwsze, należy bezwzględnie walczyć z przemytem ludzi. To oni powodują tak naprawdę to, że ci biedni ludzie, chcący lepszego życia... Wczoraj rozmawialiśmy o klimacie. To też ma wpływ na migrację, podobnie jak wojny i wszystkie inne konflikty. Przecież ci ludzie nie są temu winni. Dzisiaj giną tylko dlatego, że ktoś im obiecuje lepszy świat, bierze za to pieniądze i prowadzi na pewną śmierć. Zatem pierwsza kwestia to walka z przemytnikami, druga to pomoc na miejscu, bezwzględnie pomoc rozwojowa. Myślę, że to jest niezwykle ważne. A trzecia – pakt migracji i azylu oraz dyrektywa powrotowa.

  Γιώργος Γεωργίου (The Left). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, κυρία Johansson, ακούστε μια φωνή:

«Ήμασταν τρεις εβδομάδες χαμένοι και πεινασμένοι στη θάλασσα. Ρίχναμε θαλασσινό νερό στα παπούτσια μας για να ξεγελάσουμε τη δίψα μας».

Αυτές ήταν οι πρώτες κουβέντες της δεκαεφτάχρονης Αΐσα όταν την περισυνέλεξαν. Πενήντα έξι άνθρωποι πέθαναν πάνω στη βάρκα της Αΐσα. Αυτή δεν είναι δυστυχώς ούτε η πρώτη ούτε η τελευταία ιστορία. Πίσω από κάθε άτομο που πεθαίνει προσπαθώντας να φτάσει στη γη της Επαγγελίας -έτσι νομίζουν οι καημένοι ότι είναι η Ευρώπη- είναι ένας πατέρας, μια μάνα, ένας αδελφός, φίλοι που μένουν πίσω για να ξεπληρώσουν τον διακινητή, με την ευχή και την ελπίδα ότι το ταξίδι του παιδιού τους δεν θα είναι μοιραίο.

Πεντακόσιοι μετανάστες φέτος πνίγηκαν στα νερά της Μεσογείου, στην προσπάθεια να έρθουν στην Ευρώπη, 36.000 από το 1993. Ψυχροί αριθμοί για κάποιους, την ώρα που πνίγεται στα νερά της Μεσογείου το κύρος της ανθρωπότητας. Σταματήστε να φτιάχνετε φρούρια! Σταματήστε να φτιάχνετε φρούρια επί γης...

(Η Πρόεδρος αφαιρεί τον λόγο από τον ομιλητή.)

  Λευτέρης Νικολάου-Αλαβάνος (NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, με το νέο αντιδραστικό Σύμφωνο για το Άσυλο και τη Μετανάστευση, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και η κυβέρνηση της Νέας Δημοκρατίας προκλητικά βαφτίζουν «αλληλεγγύη» τον διαμοιρασμό της καταστολής και των απελάσεων στα κράτη μέλη. Ενισχύεται η πολιτική εγκλωβισμού προσφύγων και μεταναστών στα κράτη πρώτης εισόδου, ενσωματώνοντας και επεκτείνοντας την απαράδεκτη συμφωνία Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης-Τουρκίας, ενώ παραμένει άθικτος ο Κανονισμός του Δουβλίνου που προμηνύει νέες Μόριες, κλειστές φυλακές, τις οποίες καταδικάζουν με τον αγώνα διαρκείας τους οι νησιώτες, αλλά και νέες δοκιμασίες και βάσανα για πρόσφυγες και μετανάστες.

Οι επαναπροωθήσεις με την εμπλοκή της Frontex, που θέτουν σε κίνδυνο τη ζωή προσφύγων και μεταναστών, προκαλούν ερωτηματικά που δεν απαντώνται από το μπαλάκι ευθυνών μεταξύ κυβέρνησης και Frontex, ούτε με «ομάδες εργασίας» για τη δήθεν διόρθωσή της, ενώ η δράση της αναβαθμίζεται στρατιωτικά και παραβιάζει τα κυριαρχικά δικαιώματα κάθε κράτους, με την ανάληψη της φύλαξης των συνόρων.

Ζητούμε να κλείσουν όλα τα κέντρα υποδοχής και να μη φτιαχτούν άλλα. Να απεγκλωβιστούν οι πρόσφυγες και οι μετανάστες, μεταφερόμενοι σε ανθρώπινες δομές φιλοξενίας στην ενδοχώρα, προκειμένου με γρήγορες διαδικασίες να μεταβούν στις χώρες προορισμού τους και να αιτηθούν άσυλο.

  Juan Ignacio Zoido Álvarez (PPE). – Señora presidenta, entre ayer y hoy, más de seis mil inmigrantes —mil quinientos de ellos menores y una persona tristemente fallecida— cruzaron a nado la frontera de Ceuta, la frontera entre Europa y África, ante la pasividad de los agentes marroquíes; una pasividad que no es imprevista, sino todo lo contrario: es el esperado fruto de la nefasta política exterior del Gobierno de Sánchez frente a Marruecos.

Marruecos es un socio estratégico para España y para toda Europa; Marruecos muestra la necesidad de una colaboración fundamental en materias como la inmigración, la inteligencia, la lucha contra el yihadismo, el crimen organizado y las mafias que trafican con seres humanos.

Por eso, en España, todos los Gobiernos, tanto socialistas como populares, han cultivado una relación de buena vecindad y estrecha cooperación que ha servido de modelo a la Unión Europea. Todos, hasta ahora.

El Gobierno de Sánchez ha permitido a los radicales y populistas de Podemos que boicoteen las relaciones entre España y Marruecos. Tras numerosos desaires diplomáticos e irresponsables declaraciones, ahora Sánchez permite la entrada en nuestro país del líder del Frente Polisario Brahim Gali, enemigo público de Marruecos y acusado de crímenes contra la humanidad.

Con esta nueva afrenta, Sánchez está deteriorando gravemente las relaciones de España y de toda Europa con Marruecos, y la llegada de miles de inmigrantes irregulares a la Unión Europea es la consecuencia.

Por eso, pido a la Comisión Europea que ayude a reconducir las relaciones entre España y Marruecos, que no permita que Sánchez y la izquierda radical tiren por la borda décadas de colaboración y que ponga freno a la nueva oleada migratoria.

  Bettina Vollath (S&D). – (Beginn des Redebeitrags bei ausgeschaltetem Mikro) … sind im Mittelmeer über 17 000 Menschen gestorben – 17 000 Menschen! Bei zahlreichen Debatten in diesem Plenum und auch heute wurden immer und immer wieder dieselben Forderungen erhoben, um dieses Sterben endlich zu beenden – bisher vergeblich.

Darum fordere ich heute einmal nicht, sondern erinnere ausschließlich daran, dass es um Menschen geht und nicht nur um Zahlen und wir keine Reden mehr brauchen, sondern echte Lösungen. Es geht um Menschen wie Rehan Kurdi und ihre Söhne Galip und Aylan, dessen Leichnam am Strand durch die internationale Presse ging, wie Ali Mbengu, dessen Sportkarriere mit 22 Jahren grausam endete, wie Safi Siyap, die nie ihren zweiten Geburtstag erlebte, weil sie zuvor vor Lesbos ertrank, wie Midour Mohamed, dessen Boot die spanische Küste nie erreichte – er war 29 –, wie Darin, Didar, Shiar, Amina und Dijwar Rashid – fünf Geschwister alle unter 13 Jahren –, als sie vor den Toren Europas starben. 17 000 Menschen – ich würde Tage brauchen, um diese Liste zu verlesen.

  Sandro Gozi (Renew). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il Mediterraneo, la culla della civiltà europea, è diventato un cimitero a causa dell'egoismo e della miopia di alcuni europei. Alcuni, perché l'Europa è ancora troppo divisa: una vera vergogna!

Per me vale un principio molto semplice: quando una persona rischia di morire in mare, va salvata. Altro che porti chiusi o blocchi navali di cui straparla qualcuno! Eppure, il vero problema non è neppure il salvataggio: il vero nodo è dove sbarcare dopo aver salvato degli esseri umani.

La Libia non è un posto sicuro. C'è un vuoto giuridico, un problema che, per gli Stati con frontiere marittime, è aggravato dalle sempre più assurde regole di Dublino, assolutamente da superare. Stabilizzare la Libia e garantire la sicurezza dei suoi confini a Sud resta la priorità di lungo periodo. Lavorare con gli Stati di origine per smantellare i traffici di esseri umani, anche usando la politica di cooperazione, è una scelta ormai imprescindibile.

Gestire la migrazione economica, insieme, è urgente. Ma riattivare gli accordi Malta del 2019 e ridistribuire i richiedenti asilo tra gli Stati di buona volontà è l'unica soluzione immediata. La Commissione deve sostenere con fondi europei delle procedure d'asilo accelerate, i rimpatri dei non aventi diritto, dare dei fondi ai Paesi di origine che collaborano sui rimpatri.

Non perdiamo altro tempo: non lasciamo spazio ai troppi spacciatori di demagogia a buon mercato; assumiamoci tutte le nostre responsabilità. Siamo europei: è il momento di dimostrarlo.

  Tom Vandendriessche (ID). – Voorzitter, de voorbije jaren werden we overspoeld door illegale migratie. Door de coronacrisis echter sloten de grenzen opnieuw en daalden de migratiecijfers spectaculair. Het bewijs is hiermee geleverd dat een ander migratiebeleid wel degelijk mogelijk is.

Nu de grenzen opnieuw openen, staan er opnieuw miljoenen klaar op de kusten van Afrika om met behulp van mensensmokkelaars en criminele ngo’s onze thuislanden illegaal binnen te dringen. We mogen de fouten van het verleden niet herhalen. Daarom is een paradigmashift nodig in het migratiebeleid, dat, net zoals in Australië, veiligheid, menselijkheid en solidariteit moet verenigen.

Wie Europa illegaal binnendringt, moet elke kans op verblijf verliezen. Enkel zo breken we het businessmodel van de mensensmokkel. Asielrecht mag niet langer als migratiekanaal misbruikt worden. Opvang moet per definitie in de regio van herkomst gebeuren. In plaats van het rampzalige “Wir schaffen das”-beleid is het tijd voor het beleid van het gezond verstand.

  Karlo Ressler (PPE). – Madam President, despite all the challenges Europe is facing, the reform of EU migration laws cannot be postponed and new tragedies cannot be neglected. States with external borders still face high migratory pressure and face the risk of becoming hotspots. We cannot risk another crisis like the one we saw in 2015. Tragic outcomes we witness at sea have to be avoided.

Some progress has been made. The package presented last September was not a work from scratch, but has developed from previous experiences that we have to take into account. We now have to take this opportunity to continue with the progress made.

The Parliament is ready to do the work, and we expect from our colleagues in the Council the move towards compromise. All the pieces of the puzzle are on the table: better protection of external borders; efficient asylum procedures where we distinguish between refugees and economic migrants; humane reception conditions for refugees; effective returns and better cooperation with third countries.

Now it’s time to act.

  Dietmar Köster (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin! Flüchtlingsabwehr statt Menschenrettung –anstelle von Rettungsschiffen schickt die EU Frontex—Flugzeuge ins zentrale Mittelmeer. Frontex arbeitet in Abfang— und Pullback—Aktionen systematisch mit der sogenannten libyschen Küstenwache zusammen. Für diesen Völkerrechtsbruch gibt es zahlreiche Belege. Konsequenzen – keine.

Letzten Donnerstag stand der siebenundzwanzigjährige Flüchtling Mohamad auf Lesbos vor Gericht. Als das Schlauchboot, auf dem er und 33 weitere Personen saßen, in Seenot geriet, versuchte Mohamad, das Boot sicher an Land zu bringen. Dabei ertranken zwei Frauen. Nach dem griechischen Migrationsgesetz reicht die bloße Berührung des Steuerrads aus, um als Schleuser zu gelten. Konsequenzen? Mohamad H. wurde wegen Schmuggels und des Verschuldens des Todes von zwei Menschen angeklagt und zu 146 Jahren Freiheitsentzug verurteilt.

Das ist die bittere Realität in der Europäischen Union heute. Wenn wir konkret etwas tun wollen, um die humanitäre Krise auf dem Mittelmeer zu überwinden, wenn Menschen nicht mehr ertrinken sollen, dann appelliere ich an die Kommission und den Rat: Organisieren Sie endlich ein ziviles Seenotrettungsprogramm!

  Jean-Lin Lacapelle (ID). – Madame la Présidente, nous débattons aujourd’hui des morts récentes de migrants en Méditerranée, que vous imputez toujours à un manque de protection ou de bienveillance des nations européennes.

Mais cette situation est en réalité en grande partie de votre responsabilité, car c’est vous qui votez et entretenez les pompes aspirantes de l’émigration; car c’est vous qui désarmez moralement et juridiquement Frontex; car c’est vous qui accueillez et applaudissez Carola Rackete, capitaine du Sea-Watch, accusée de forcer le blocus des ports italiens et de récupérer les embarcations des passeurs dans les eaux territoriales libyennes.

Vous déclarez que les migrants se précipitent vers l’Europe en prenant le risque de mourir; mais en fait, vous les encouragez. Notre devoir de solidarité – la vraie solidarité, pas votre charité hypocrite – exige que nous arrêtions de présenter l’Europe comme un eldorado pour les populations du tiers-monde.

Nous devons, à l’instar des Australiens, construire une politique migratoire dissuasive en contrôlant nos frontières, en intensifiant les refoulements, en expulsant les clandestins et en réformant le droit d’asile. C’est avec cette politique de fermeté et de dissuasion, comme l’ont fait les Australiens, que nous empêcherons de nouveaux drames en Méditerranée.

  Cyrus Engerer (S&D). – Sinjura President, in-numru ta' mwiet fil-Baħar Mediterran li wħud minna nsejħulu d-dar tagħna, din is-sena diġà laħaq kważi s-700 persuna - più o meno, l-istess numru ta' deputati li għandna f'dan il-Parlament. Immaġinaw dawk is-700 persuna bilqiegħda fuq is-siġġijiet ta' quddiemna jgħidulna x'wassalhom biex jitilgħu fuq id-dgħajjes, għaliex raw li kienu aktar siguri mir-realtà illi kienu qegħdin jgħixu fiha f'pajjiżhom. Is-sigurtà hi dritt fundamentali tal-bniedem.

Ir-reazzjoni Ewropea għal dan kollu dejjem kienet li noffru t-talb u li nippruvaw ngħattu din l-isfida bil-flus. Intant, inħallu l-pajjiżi fil-fruntiera tal-Unjoni Ewropea waħedhom, minkejja li dik il-fruntiera hija Ewropea, fruntiera tagħna lkoll.

Kemm ħa ndumu ngħoddu l-iġsma fil-Mediterran? Hemm bżonn ta' sistema Ewropea kkoordinata mill-Istati Membri, waħda li mhux biss tieħu ħsieb is-salvataġġ, imma li tara li l-piż tar-rifuġjati jinqasam bejn l-Unjoni Ewropea kollha.

  Teuvo Hakkarainen (ID). – Arvoisa puhemies, päällimmäinen tunne hukkumisissa on tietysti sääli. Mutta kenen syytä ovat nämä kuolemat ja murhat? Euroopan unionin itsensä ja palvomansa humanistisen hulluuden. Miksi rajat ovat yhä auki? Kukaan ei huku, jos ilmoitamme, että vastaanotto Eurooppaan on loppunut. Kukaan ei lähde matkaan. Erinäisten epämääräisten järjestöjen ylläpitämät laivat vahtivat Libyan rannikolla houkutellen veneilijöitä lähtemään. Näiden ihmiskauppiaiden häätäminen mereltä vähentäisi lähtijöiden määrää. Miksi heidät tuodaan ollenkaan Eurooppaan? Heidäthän pitäisi käännyttää takaisin lähtöpaikkaansa. Yhäkö täällä lapsellisesti uskotaan, että Eurooppa pystyy huoltamaan kaikki kymmenet ja kymmenet miljoonat ihmiset, jotka ovat lähtötelineissään odotellen vain otollista hetkeä kääntääkseen kenkänsä kohti Eurooppaa.

(Id-dibattitu ġie sospiż)