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Četvrtak, 24. lipnja 2021. - Bruxelles Revidirano izdanje

2. Europski propis o klimi (rasprava)
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  Die Präsidentin. – Als erster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über den Bericht von Jytte Guteland im Namen des Ausschusses für Umweltfragen, öffentliche Gesundheit und Lebensmittelsicherheit über den Vorschlag für eine Verordnung des Europäischen Parlaments und des Rates zur Schaffung des Rahmens für die Verwirklichung der Klimaneutralität und zur Änderung der Verordnung (EU) 2018/1999 (Europäisches Klimagesetz) (COM(2020)0080) – C9-0077/2020 – 2020/0036(COD) (A9-0162/2020).

Ich erinnere die Mitglieder daran, dass es bei allen Aussprachen dieser Tagung keine spontanen Wortmeldungen gibt und keine blauen Karten akzeptiert werden.

Außerdem sind wie bei den letzten Tagungen Zuschaltungen aus den Verbindungsbüros des Parlaments in den Mitgliedstaaten vorgesehen.

 
  
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  Jytte Guteland, rapporteur. – Madam President, Commissioner, today is a historic day. Today, we will enshrine into law that the EU, which started as a coal and steel union more than 70 years ago, will become the first carbon—neutral continent by 2050 at the latest. With this law the EU maintains its leadership as the region with the most ambitious targets for climate.

The climate crisis is the one issue our children will judge us upon in the future. They already do.

Today, we are all stuck in the fossil economy. A large share of our emissions comes from a few countries, a relatively few individuals, but all of us emit. And the consequences – the heatwaves, the floods, the forest fires – they are felt by all of us. Unless we rapidly cut our emissions, the science is crystal clear: the future will be catastrophic.

During the past months, I had the honour of leading the European Parliament’s team in the negotiations with the Commission and the Member States. It has been difficult and very intense but I am very happy to be present here today with our agreement.

Increased ambition for 2030, negative emissions after 2050, a new target in 2040, a greenhouse gas budget on the way and a climate advisory board are all important wins for the European Parliament. The new Climate Law strengthens the ambition of the EU’s climate target.

Perhaps the most contentious issue was the target for 2030. All of you know that. We have agreed on reduced emissions by at least 55% compared with 1990. This includes negative emissions, so-called sinks, and we also got a separate agreement on an increased level of ambition for Europe’s sinks. That will mean in practice that the 2030 climate target will mean almost 57%.

In addition, by setting a cap on how much sinks can count towards the 2030 target, we also made sure that the priority is right, that the reduction is in focus. With our insistence we made sure that the 2030 target is more ambitious and the Climate Law is more fit for purpose in that sense.

The long-term goal is climate neutrality by 2050 at the latest. After 2050, emissions will be negative. To ensure that everyone does their fair share, Member States must report their progress every second year.

On the way to 2030, we now have an intermediate target for 2040 and a greenhouse gas budget. The greenhouse gas budget will make sure that we will not leave future generations to bear the burden. The emissions must go down here and now if we are to live up to the Paris Agreement.

A final important win is that science is now at the heart of the EU policy. Through the brand new independent European Scientific Advisory Board on Climate Change, this binding law will be constantly evaluated to make sure that enough action is taken in light of the most recent science. This will push the Climate Law to be a very important one.

I also know that the Climate Law will not only make sure that we are doing more, that we actually also make the sectoral legislation fit for purpose. It will also push for innovation and create more jobs in Europe. This is good news also for our future in that sense.

It is not a secret that I wanted more: even more ambition for the climate, even sharper targets for 2030, a binding 2050 carbon-neutrality target on the Member State level. That is sure. But I can assure each and every one of you that I have left no stone unturned to get as ambitious a Climate Law as possible. Not just during the final 14 hours of negotiations, but throughout each and every one of our six trilogues.

The alternative is not a more ambitious law. Those who vote against it today, they vote in favour of the old climate policies. They vote against climate neutrality. They vote for much lower targets for 2030 and they vote against the Climate Advisory Board. It is easy to yell for more from the side, but its much harder to take responsibility and make a true difference.

I am also convinced that the Climate Law has the potential of being even more ambitious in the future. The Climate Law is like a new-born baby, with a good character, with a very strong foundation, that has the potential to grow into a very, very strong law, also in the future.

Now starts the journey forward, where we need to go from word to action. We need to do more in one decade than we have done in the previous three decades together. Under the Green Deal, we must begin the socially inclusive and just transition to a sustainable economy. Everyone must take responsibility, but no one can be left behind. We now go from the time of promises to the time of action. And I want to call on the European Commission when coming in a few days with its proposals for the Fit for 2030 package, I want to make sure and push so that the proposals that will translate the Climate Law provisions into sector—specific legislation will be ambitious, future—proof and socially just.

I want to conclude by thanking everyone involved in this journey. I want to thank Pedro Lourtie from the Portuguese Presidency for your very good push and for being a very strong negotiator, but also very fair.

I want to also thank Executive Vice-President Frans Timmermans for every constructive negotiation we had together. Thank you so much.

I want to thank the entire negotiating team, including the Chair of the Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety (ENVI) and the shadows for not giving up. Thank you also to the staff in the ENVI secretariat and the S&D Group. I want to mention all of you of course, but I will say Nicolás, Pedro and Iratxe, who worked so hard all of you.

I also want to personally thank my advisor Eleanna and my assistant Tobias for always coming with smart solutions in difficult times. Of course Markus I don’t forget you who came in the end and made sure we still had energy at the very last trilogue.

In the end I also want to thank all of those who were not there but who are doing so much for the climate. I want to thank the youth movements for raising their voices, the scientists for pointing at the facts. I want to also thank everyone who does that little extra in their daily lives and think about climate.

There are those who wanted to give up on climate action during the pandemic. There are those who always talk in favour of climate action but back down as soon as there is a concrete proposal on the table. Today we will show that we are a majority that stands up for the climate and stands up on the right side of history.

(Applause)

 
  
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  Zdzisław Krasnodębski, autor projektu opinii Komisji Przemysłu, Badań Naukowych i Energii. – Pani Przewodnicząca! O skutkach prawa klimatycznego dowiemy się dopiero za kilka lub za kilkanaście lat. Czy rzeczywiście uda się pogodzić cele klimatyczne z równoczesnym zachowaniem, a nawet wzrostem konkurencyjności gospodarki europejskiej i modernizacją? Czy tak wyśrubowane cele nie doprowadzą do wzrostu cen i biedy energetycznej znacznej części europejskich społeczeństw? Koleżanka Guteland uważa, że będzie inaczej. Ale możemy pytać, czy Europa pozostanie kontynentem z przodującym w świecie przemysłem? Czy w Europie nadal będzie gospodarka rynkowa czy już tylko planowa? Tego rodzaju wątpliwości traktowane są w Parlamencie Europejskim jak herezja, ale mają je również przedstawiciele przemysłu europejskiego.

Tak było w Niemczech na wtorkowym Tag der Deutschen Industrie, gdzie mówiono o kolosalnym wyzwaniu dla przedsiębiorstw i niebezpieczeństwie wypędzenia przemysłu z Europy. Jeśli takie są obawy przemysłu niemieckiego, to co mówić o słabszych niż niemiecka, a więc wszystkich pozostałych unijnych gospodarkach. Nie wszyscy przywódcy państw, jak kanclerz Merkel w czasie tego kongresu, mogą obiecać ogromne sumy wsparcia przez państwo. Czy więc prawo to nie doprowadzi do Europy dwóch prędkości, do podziału na tych, których będzie stać, aby wydawać takie ogromne sumy, i na wszystkich pozostałych. I czy Europa będzie wtedy jeszcze kontynentem spokoju i dobrobytu?

 
  
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  Ana Paula Zacarias, President-in-Office of the Council. – Madam President, dear Commissioner, Madam rapporteur, honourable Members, today is a special day indeed. You will approve the first European Climate Law and later you will receive here in this plenary the recently elected Secretary—General of the United Nations.

There are no coincidences. This is a unique moment for Europe and for the world and I’m really proud to be part of it. I really want to thank the negotiating team of the European Parliament, led by the Chair of the Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety, Mr Canfin, and the rapporteur, Ms Guteland, for the efforts and constructive spirit shown throughout the negotiations.

I want to thank you for your kind words towards the Portuguese Presidency team. I also want to thank the Commission, and in particular Executive Vice—President Timmermans, for playing a very active and positive role in helping us reach a compromise.

Despite the exceptional circumstances imposed on us by the pandemic, the trilogues were conducted efficiently and the cooperation between the institutions was nothing short of exemplary. When we embarked on the negotiations, it was clear from the outset that the task was going to be challenging. The positions of the Parliament and of the Council were far apart on several important issues. However, very strong political will from all sides, recognising the need to act swiftly, was crucial to create momentum that led us to a successful outcome in the early hours of 21 April.

The Climate Law Regulation will guide EU climate action for decades to come. Allow me to underline four main points for the Council. First and foremost, it is now a legally binding, long—term target for climate neutrality by 2050. This sets the long—term direction, and to meet this objective it’s important to all EU policies. It was of the utmost importance to the Council that the objective of climate neutrality was defined as a collective for the EU as a whole, in recognition of the principles of solidarity and cost effectiveness in the pursuit of our collective efforts. Decarbonisation will not happen at exactly the same pace in all Member States because they have different circumstances and starting points. Moreover, the Climate Law recognises adaptation as a key component of the long—term global response to climate and provides for stronger action by the EU, by its Member States, to enhance their adaptive capacity, increase resilience and reduce vulnerability to climate change in line with the Paris Agreement. Furthermore, to ensure that the EU and the Member States remain on track to achieve the objectives, the Climate Law establishes a framework for monitoring progress.

Secondly, the Climate Law addresses the intermediate steps on its way to 2050. It sets a new, significantly increased EU target for 2030 of reducing net greenhouse gas emissions by at least 55% compared to the levels of 1990. The 2030 target will be implemented through the Commission’s upcoming July package ‘Fit for 55’, which we much look forward to.

The law also contains a process for setting an intermediate climate target for 2040 to provide predictability and confidence to all economic actors. When making its legislative proposal for this target, the Commission is required to publish the EU’s projected indicative greenhouse gas budget for the 2030—2050 period, which will set out the total expected emissions of the EU that the EU can produce without putting at risk its commitments under the Paris Agreement. The greenhouse gas budget was one of Parliament’s main requests in these negotiations, and it is not a secret that it was a bit difficult for the Council, but we achieved a compromise.

This brings me to the third key element in the law, namely the establishment of a new European scientific advisory board on climate based on another important amendment proposed by Parliament. The advisory board, an independent body of scientific experts, will serve as a point of reference for the EU on scientific knowledge on climate change.

Finally, let me mention the issue of sector—specific roadmaps. This was also a Parliament amendment. This mandates the Commission to engage with sectors that themselves choose to prepare indicative roadmaps for charting the path to climate neutrality.

To conclude, I believe that the text before you today is a good agreement which sends a clear signal to European citizens and the world that the EU is strongly engaged in the fight against climate change. Now starts our journey towards a more sustainable future, a journey of work and commitment.

I look forward to your debate and to your vote, and if Parliament approves the text today, the Council intends to move forward swiftly to adopt the regulation before the end of the month. So let’s move forward together for our planet.

 
  
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  Frans Timmermans, Executive Vice-President of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, I want to start by congratulating both Parliament and Council for what I’ve experienced as one of the most constructive and forward—looking trilogues I’ve ever had the pleasure to participate in. Rapporteur Jytte Guteland, President Canfin, but also the whole Portuguese team, played an essential role to get us across the line with what I believe is a historic piece of legislation.

This is the law of laws. This is the law of laws because it will discipline us in the years to come to stay within the boundaries we have set, which is a reduction of at least 55% of greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 as compared to 1990, and climate neutrality by 2050.

If Parliament votes for this and Council then adopts the regulation, we will be leading the world. Europe will be leading the world in a way that is not just about words. It is a goal we have set that is concrete and feasible: feasible on the basis of the analysis we’ve made at the Commission, which was supported by both co—legislators.

It sets us on a course. Then, politics is politics. There will always be, as we’ve seen with the pandemic, issues that will potentially distract us from this historic responsibility of saving humanity, because that’s what we do with climate policy. But then we have the law to fall back on. We have the law to fall back on that will remain the framework, whatever distractions might occur along the way.

I have to commend Council – that Council was prepared to take on board some of the demands of Parliament that initially were completely unacceptable to many Member States. Parliament was also prepared to see that some of the red lines of the Council needed to be respected by Parliament. We live in a day and age in politics where very often compromises are derided, are seen as a sign of weakness. This compromise is a sign of incredible strength because by deciding this, Europe leads the way for the rest of the world.

Having said that, I want to end by saying that this is not the end. This is not even the beginning of the end. This is at best the end of the beginning, because even if we have this Climate Law in place, which I think is a historic decision, the only real measure of our success will be whether we will be able to change the policies on all these issues, on which we will present proposals on 14 July. All these measures will then also have to be translated into changes. Some of these changes will not be to the liking of some Member States or some parts of the European Parliament. Others will be, etc., etc.

I call upon the co—legislators, in this process that will last for years, to show the same spirit of cooperation and compromise that you have shown in deciding on the Climate Law. We do not do this for ourselves; we do this for our children and grandchildren. This is our prime responsibility.

I want again to thank both co—legislators for having been so constructive. I certainly hope for a positive vote today and then a positive decision in Council. This will allow us to move ahead.

 
  
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  Tilly Metz, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Transport and Tourism. – Madam President, today we are voting for something historic: Europe’s first climate law.

Even if it is a clear step forward, I regret that this law will not be enough to reach the goals of the Paris Agreement. To avoid disastrous climate change, we need swift and concrete action.

The transport and tourism sectors are responsible for almost a third of EU greenhouse gas emissions. Transport is the only sector where emissions are still increasing.

To achieve the climate targets, we need a concrete roadmap for decarbonising all transport modes, in particular aviation and maritime, as they are responsible for the sharpest increase in emissions.

In that regard, I expect the Commission will present new legislative proposals to phase out the internal combustion engine by 2030, to introduce a kerosene tax and to ensure that railway travel is more accessible and affordable.

The science is clear about what to do, now it’s time to act!

 
  
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  Caroline Roose, rapporteure pour avis de la commission du développement régional. – Madame la Présidente, les scientifiques nous disent qu’il faudrait baisser nos émissions de gaz à effet de serre d’au moins 65 % d’ici 2030 pour atteindre les objectifs de l’accord de Paris.

Il y a quelques mois, notre Parlement votait l’objectif de 60 %. Aujourd’hui, on nous propose de voter pour une réduction de moins 53 %. Comment s’en satisfaire? Aujourd’hui, ce sont quelques points qui peuvent vous sembler dérisoires, demain, ce sera plus d’inondations, plus de sécheresses, plus d’insécurité alimentaire, plus de vies humaines perdues.

En mon âme et conscience, je ne peux pas voter cette loi climat, qui ne fait pas le nécessaire pour lutter contre le dérèglement climatique et va à l’encontre de l’accord de Paris. Cela ne nous empêchera pas de continuer à nous battre pour mettre fin aux subventions aux énergies fossiles, pour mobiliser des fonds européens afin de soutenir la transition écologique, pour mettre en place des stratégies nationales d’adaptation et pour une véritable réforme écologique de la PAC.

Les écologistes continueront de promouvoir une transition juste qui ne laisse personne en arrière, qui renforce la cohésion économique, sociale et territoriale, une transition qui inclut les citoyens, les régions et les communautés urbaines et rurales. Notre combat pour le climat ne fait que commencer.

 
  
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  Asger Christensen, ordfører for udtalelse fra Landbrugsudvalget. – Fru formand! Kommissær! Det er en meget vigtig dag for EU-borgerne, for klimaet og for den grønne omstilling. I dag stemmer vi om EU's klimalov. Den giver et rigtig godt afsæt for, hvordan EU bliver klimaneutralt i 2050, og sætter meget ambitiøse mål for 2030. Jeg har været ansvarlig for udtalelsen fra Landbrugsudvalget. For mig er det meget vigtigt, at der er en sammenhæng mellem klimaloven, jord til bord-strategien og metanstrategien. I klimaloven bliver det slået fast, at landbruget er en del af løsningen: at skabe nye grønne energikilder igennem udnyttelse af restaffald til biogas. Biogas bliver en vigtig del af løsningen i fremtiden. Jeg håber også, at landbruget inden længe kan bidrage til CO2-neutral flybrændstof gennem en ny højteknologi. At udvikle den cirkulære økonomi i Europa, at lagre kulstof i jorden og derigennem reducere udledningen markant. Vi skal udvikle ny teknologi, som vi ikke kender i dag. Disse ting har fået en vigtig plads i den nye klimalov, og det er jeg meget stolt af. Landbruget har løsningen og landmændene er klar til at give deres bidrag til en CO2-neutral landbrugsproduktion i 2050.

 
  
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  Peter Liese, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Heute ist wirklich ein historischer Tag: Europa schreibt als erster Kontinent die Klimaneutralität gesetzlich fest. Klimaschutz ist wohl die wichtigste Aufgabe unserer Politikergeneration. Wenn wir nicht handeln, erreichen wir gefährliche Kipppunkte im Klimasystem, und unsere Kinder und Enkelkinder werden es nicht mehr schaffen, einen sehr gefährlichen Klimawandel zu verhindern.

Deswegen bin ich froh, dass wir heute voraussichtlich eine große Mehrheit für dieses Gesetz haben werden. Ich danke meiner Fraktion für die Unterstützung und insbesondere Mairead McGuinness, die das Gesetz mit vorbereitet hat, bevor sie Kommissarin wurde. Ich danke der Berichterstatterin Jytte Guteland und der S&D. Vielen Dank an den Vorsitzenden Pascal Canfin und Nils Torvalds für die Renew.

Das wird ja wohl die Mehrheit sein, mit der wir heute abstimmen. Es ist verständlich, dass ganz links und ganz rechts gegen das Gesetz gestimmt wird. Ich finde es wirklich schade, dass die Grünen nicht mitstimmen, und schließe mich Jytte Guteland an: Wer heute dagegen stimmt, der stimmt gegen das Klimaschutzgesetz. Das ist erst einmal das, was zur Abstimmung steht.

Es ist die Begründung, es reicht nicht. Aber ist das wirklich so? Herr Vizepräsident, Sie müssten gleich noch einmal erklären: die Analyse der Kommission, warum das kompatibel mit Paris ist, was wir hier heute beschließen. Und es ist wirklich ambitioniert. Wir haben 30 Jahre gebraucht, in Europa um 25 Prozent zu reduzieren. Und jetzt wollen wir in neun Jahren 30 Prozent schaffen. Wir müssen unsere Anstrengungen also nicht nur verdoppeln, sondern mehr als verdreifachen! Dieses Gesetz ist ein Klimaschutz-Turbo, und den brauchen wir.

Bei der Umsetzung kommt es jetzt aus Sicht der EVP auf drei Dinge an: Erstens, wir setzen auf Marktwirtschaft und Anreize, auf die Kreativität der Menschen, auf den Emissionshandel als ein System, das uns hilft, wirklich die Ziele zu erreichen, und nicht auf Detailregelungen, wo wir alles genau von Brüssel aus vorschreiben. Zweitens, wir wollen mit der Land— und Forstwirtschaft die Potenziale in diesem Bereich nutzen und die Senken aktivieren. Und wir wollen in Partnerschaft mit der Industrie eine klimaneutrale Industrie und die Arbeitsplätze in der Industrie sichern.

Wir wollen mit den Menschen gemeinsam dieses ambitionierte, aber erreichbare Ziel wirklich umsetzen. Und ich freue mich auf die Zusammenarbeit mit allen, die betroffen sind, und mit allen hier in diesem Hause.

 
  
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  Mohammed Chahim, namens de S&D-Fractie. – Voorzitter, toen ik lid werd van het Parlement waren veel collega’s terughoudend bij het vastleggen van de CO2-reductie van 55 procent in 2030 ten opzichte van 1990. Ik had voor mezelf als doel gesteld om mee te werken aan de wetgeving die onze Europese klimaatdoelstelling verankert en zo de hoeksteen vormt voor de Europese Green Deal. Waar er eerst sprake was van veel twijfel, is er nu een breed gedragen uitgangspunt. Ik vind dat echt een prestatie, een prestatie die ook komt door de visie gepresenteerd in de Europese Green Deal, waarbij we klimaatverandering niet benaderen als bedreiging, maar zien als kans.

Laten we stilstaan bij dit historische moment en deze wetgeving, die met onze goedkeuring werkelijkheid wordt. Dat we onze ambities omzetten in een klimaatwet, is een fantastisch begin. Deze wet geeft voldoende basis om met vertrouwen te voldoen aan de Overeenkomst van Parijs en de wereld bij de aankomende klimaatconferentie te inspireren om ons voorbeeld te volgen.

Voorzitter, als sociaaldemocraat ben ik erg blij dat veel van onze ideeën zijn overgenomen. Zo komt er een koolstofbudget. Daarmee weten we precies hoeveel we mogen uitstoten om te voldoen aan de Overeenkomst van Parijs. En we zetten een wetenschappelijke raad op die toeziet op dat budget en ook op de plannen van de EU en de lidstaten, en daarmee de vooruitgang meet. Ook ben ik blij met de stappenplannen voor de sectoren.

Maar we zijn er nog niet. Het is belangrijk om te beseffen dat deze klimaatwet niet het einde is, maar het begin. Het is tijd om door te pakken en de hoe-vragen te beantwoorden. Hoe gaan we onze emissies verminderen? Hoe kunnen we efficiënter omgaan met het energieverbruik? Hoe geven we een impuls aan de waterstofeconomie? Hoe kunnen we onze manier van produceren en consumeren meer circulair maken? Daarvoor hebben we het “Fit for 55”-pakket nodig. Dat moet ons helpen de hoe-vragen te beantwoorden. Met dat plan gaan we onze industrie stimuleren te investeren in de meest groene technologieën. We vragen hun niet te streven naar winst op korte termijn, maar naar de grotere successen die wij samen op lange termijn kunnen bereiken, successen die onze economie toekomstbestendig maken en ons technologische vooruitgang opleveren. De klimaatwet is de kapstok om al deze wetgeving aan vast te hangen.

Beste collega’s, laten we ons blijven inzetten voor het klimaat, en dat begint vandaag met het steunen van deze klimaatwet. Wie vandaag tegen stemt, stemt tegen vooruitgang.

 
  
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  Nils Torvalds, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Madam President, I’m not much for solemn speeches. When we look at the different amendments and votes, we see that there is a great consensus and that something radical has to be done. But if we look beneath the surface we see a certain division of how: the main lines, the main principles, and here the consensus seems to be breaking up and the division seems to be twofold.

On the one side, we have those who are speaking for a market economy and free market, and we have those who are putting into force more and more regulation. This division can be put in the names of different congregations. On the one side, we have the Ursulines, and on the other side we have the Franciscans, preaching for the birds and for biodiversity but probably forgetting that if you look at the IPBES—IPCC triangle, yes – biodiversity, climate and the good life. But we can’t achieve the good life without taking care of the economy.

Therefore we need less red tape, and sometimes we need also less green tape. So when the Commission is now sitting down for the last meetings for Fit for 2030, I think they have a very great opportunity to show that the market economy, the free market, is the way forward – not too much red tape, not too much green tape. That’s my central message.

 
  
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  Michael Bloss, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, first of all I want to thank Jytte Guteland and all the other colleagues who I have had the honour to work with in the last one and a half years.

We all started here in 2019 when hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets and they asked us to take the climate emergency seriously. They made the EU elections the first climate election, and they had a clear demand: listen to science and implement the Paris Agreement.

What does it mean?

It means to limit global temperature rise to well below 2°, but actually to do everything we can to limit it to a 1.5° temperature rise. What we have on the table now with the Climate Law, science tells us that it will lead to a global temperature rise between 2° and 3°. So it clearly fails the Paris Agreement.

But these are not just numbers we are voting on today. We are voting on people’s lives, on our own lives, on huge consequences for nature on this planet. A leak from the IPCC yesterday says that already 2° exposes 420 million more people to extreme deadly heatwaves. Heatwaves like in 2018 killed in Europe thousands of people.

Therefore, the German constitutional court tells us that it is our duty to limit global temperature rise to 1.5° because the climate crisis will infringe on our future human rights.

Colleagues, is it too much to ask that my generation, or the generation of my daughter, will have the same freedom as the generation of my parents had? I don’t think so. Therefore, we Greens will vote against this Climate Law because it fails to keep the promise of the Paris Agreement.

Colleagues it pains me. It pains me because we failed and it pains me because the next years are the most important ones to stop the climate crisis.

But also, colleagues, don’t be afraid. We won’t stay silent the next years. We will fight hard in Europe to make your upcoming legislation, Mr Timmermans, fit for the 1.5° temperature goal, and we want to use emissions trading to phase out coal by the year 2030. And we need to finally cut CO2 emissions from cars by phasing out the combustion engine by the same year.

We will fight to make all upcoming elections climate elections, so that the political roadblocks by the Council cannot continue, and they will not be able to stop the climate ambitions of Parliament any more.

We are the Greens. We are the force to implement the Paris Agreement. We are ready because the people are ready – ready to save the climate and to create a better world for all.

 
  
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  Silvia Sardone, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, siamo tutti favorevoli a un forte impegno per la tutela dell'ambiente, ma la legge sul clima è uno spot finto-ambientalista che rischia di penalizzare pesantemente l'Europa.

Il vostro ecologismo alla Greta Thunberg si basa su tasse verdi ed etiche e porterà alla deindustrializzazione, alla scomparsa di intere filiere produttive a favore di quelle extraeuropee, a danni sociali per i lavoratori e a maggiori costi per i consumatori. Siamo contrari alla vostra propaganda che porta avanti un modello in cui l'uomo è una minaccia per l'ambiente e non, invece, una risorsa per proteggerlo.

Dietro la scusa del clima volete arrivare al controllo degli stili di vita e al controllo dei pensieri: la decrescita felice che portate avanti prevede tasse sulla plastica, tasse sugli zuccheri, tasse sui combustibili e colpisce la gente comune, su cui alla fine ricadono i costi. Accusati ai cittadini di crimini di crimini climatici, perché? Perché osano permettersi una dieta completa, perché osano avere un'abitazione, perché utilizzano l'auto per andare a lavorare e magari – pensate un po'! – vogliono anche viaggiare su aerei low cost.

Ma quanti di voi sono disposti a rinunciare allo smartphone, a rinunciare al 5G, a rinunciare ai viaggi low cost in aereo, a rinunciare a mangiare la carne, a evitare l'aria condizionata, che abbiamo anche qui?

Le politiche che portate avanti da anni hanno portato l'Europa a essere sempre più debole economicamente rispetto ai Paesi extraeuropei, senza però risultati apprezzabili in termini di emissioni. Forse non capite che meno aziende che potranno lavorare a causa di tasse e regole limitanti significano più disoccupati e più povertà.

Chiedete ai Paesi europei standard sempre più ambiziosi ma poi, magicamente, vediamo che voi stringete accordi commerciali anche con Paesi asiatici che questi limiti non li hanno, né hanno alcuna intenzione di metterli e rispettarli. Il vostro modello a emissioni zero è una pericolosa utopia.

Qual è il vostro modello da sogno? La fine di interi settori produttivi europei sacrificati per pannelli fotovoltaici cinesi, monopattini cinesi e batterie cinesi? Questo non significa che l'inquinamento non esista e nemmeno che non si debba fare nulla per ridurlo, al contrario! Ma bisogna farlo a livello globale, ragionando sulla tutela dei territori, senza ideologia, con un confronto scientifico onesto e lontano dal tribunale del popolo creato dagli ecologisti da salotto.

 
  
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  Anna Zalewska, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Komisarzu! Pozwólcie, że po wygłoszonych manifestach będę głosem rozsądku. Prawo klimatyczne to ważny dokument. Ważny dokument dlatego, że próbuje ubrać nasze marzenia, nasze życzenia w garść przepisów. To nie jest koniec początku, to jest dopiero początek. To są myśli, jeszcze niestety nieuczesane, myśli, które musieliśmy przez półtora roku porządkować. Jeszcze nie wiemy, jak przełożą się na dyrektywy, rozporządzenia. Przypomnę, że musieliśmy upominać się o podstawowe wartości, te które będą decydować, czy prawo klimatyczne będziemy realizować wspólnie – między innymi o solidarność, europejską solidarność, współodpowiedzialność. Jeszcze kilka godzin przed zakończeniem negocjacji w sprawie zeroemisyjności do 2050 roku nie mówiliśmy na poziomie europejskim, mówiliśmy na poziomie każdego kraju członkowskiego. Tak jak nie mówiliśmy o pochłaniaczach, tak jak nie mówiliśmy o tym, że będziemy liczyć netto, co jest przecież ważne.

I myślę, że to co powiedział Peter Liese na temat pochłaniaczy, powinno być przedmiotem naszej troski, powinniśmy budować koalicję, powinniśmy poświęcić pochłaniaczom dużo pracy, bo to zdaje się być absolutnie kluczowe, jeżeli chodzi o zeroemisyjność. Nie sztuka wszystko zamknąć i zniszczyć, niszcząc ludzkie życie, powodując bezrobocie. Sztuka pochłonąć. I na tym powinniśmy się koncentrować. Panie Komisarzu, chcę przypomnieć, jak prawnicy ocenili i prawo klimatyczne i Impact Assessment. Służby prawne Parlamentu Europejskiego były bezlitosne, powiedziały, że nie ma tam dobrych wyliczeń, że ustalono algorytm taki, jaki życzył sobie Pan Komisarz na poziomie 50%, ale nawet takie wyliczenia pokazywały, że tego zabezpieczenia finansowego po prostu nie ma.

Bez pieniędzy nie przeprowadzimy prawa klimatycznego, a to są te, które mamy w wieloletnich ramach finansowych czy Funduszu Odbudowy. Są po prostu niewystarczające i nie odpowiadają sprawiedliwej transformacji. Ludzie są bardzo ważni w tym procesie. Chronimy wodę, lasy i przyrodę. Tak, musimy pamiętać o człowieku. Nie wiem, czy Państwo wiedzą, ale dwa tygodnie temu, półtora tygodnia temu w Szwajcarii też głosowano nad ich prawem klimatycznym. Obywatele powiedzieli „nie”. Dlatego że przełożyło się to na dużo większe koszty życia. Musimy być razem, musimy być odpowiedzialni, współodpowiedzialni i solidarni. Wtedy będziemy mogli realizować prawo klimatyczne.

 
  
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  Silvia Modig, The Left-ryhmän puolesta. – Arvoisa puhemies, nyt esitetty ilmastolaki sisältää vakavia ongelmia, mutta sen päämäärä on kuitenkin kannatettava. Se asettaa sitovaksi tavoitteeksi EU:lle olla hiilineutraali viimeistään vuonna 2050. Se esittää perustettavaksi tieteellisen neuvoa-antavan elimen ja vaatii tulevissa päätöksissä nojautumaan tieteelliseen neuvoon, ja se kirjaa vaatimuksen olla linjassa lakiin, vaatimuksen olla linjassa Pariisin sopimuksen kanssa.

Siksi onkin täysin paradoksaalista, että itse laki ei ole linjassa Pariisin sopimuksen kanssa eikä ole tieteellisen neuvon mukainen. Erityisen ongelmallinen on vuoden 2030 päästövähennystavoite. Tieteellinen neuvo kertoo, että sen tulisi olla vähintään 65 prosenttia, nyt neuvoteltu kompromissi asettaa sen 55 prosentin nettotavoitteeksi, mikä tarkoittaa, että todellinen päästövähennys jää alle 53 prosentin, mikä on kaukana siitä mitä pitäisi. Miksi aion kuitenkin äänestää tämän lain puolesta, vaikka se monilta osin on täysin riittämätön? Koska aika on meiltä loppumassa ja tämä on selvä parannus nykytilaan.

Ei ole mitään varmuutta, että uusi mahdollinen neuvottelukierros takaisi merkittävästi parempaa lopputulosta, mutta varmaa on se, että uusi kierros viivästyttäisi lain voimaantuloa vähintään vuodella, luultavasti enemmän. Ja siten myös kaikkia niitä muita päätöksiä, joita tulemme tarvitsemaan tukemaan hiilineutraaliustavoitetta. Tähän meillä ei ole varaa.

Työpaikkojen, investointien, ylipäätänsä teollisuuden ja elinkeinoelämän kannalta olisi paljon viisaampaa asettaa tavoite nyt riittävälle tasolle kuin joutua matkan varrella korjaamaan tavoitetta voimallisesti ylöspäin. Se on kaikille vaikeampaa ja kalliimpaa. Mutta niin me varmasti joudumme tulevina vuosina tekemään, koska tavoite olla hiilineutraali viimeistään 2050 ei voi muuten toteutua. Tällöin otamme askelen eteenpäin mutta meidän on rehellisesti myönnettävä, että se on riittämätön pitämään meidät Pariisin polulla. Se ei vastaa eurooppalaisten vaatimuksia tehdä riittäviä ilmastotekoja eikä se poista meiltä meidän vastuutamme. Ne päätökset ovat vielä edessämme.

 
  
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  Antoni Comín i Oliveres (NI). – Señora presidenta, señor comisario, la Comisión y el Consejo han cometido un grave error afrontando esta negociación sobre la Ley Europea del Clima como si fuera una negociación clásica. En una negociación clásica, los Estados intentan minimizar sus compromisos confiando en la paciencia de los otros Estados, o los Gobiernos intentan escapar de sus compromisos con la población, contando con que esta se resignará.

Pero actuar así, con este método tradicional en un tema como este, es no entender nada, porque la naturaleza no negocia, la naturaleza no tiene paciencia, la naturaleza no se resigna. Si incumplimos nuestros compromisos con la naturaleza, ella reaccionará siguiendo sus leyes implacables. Y las consecuencias —lo sabemos— para los sistemas naturales y humanos pueden ser devastadoras.

Muchos pensarán que rebajar el objetivo de reducción de emisiones del 60 % al 55 % tampoco es tan grave, pero pensar así es ir en contra de la ciencia y es no asumir que estamos en una situación de emergencia climática.

No estamos en contra de la Ley Europea del Clima algunos de los que votaremos en contra, pero estamos en contra de que se hayan rebajado tanto tanto sus ambiciones. Porque reducir las emisiones no es una opción: es una necesidad.

 
  
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  Jessica Polfjärd (PPE). – Fru talman! Tillsammans har vi i EU satt ambitiösa mål. Vi har en ambition om att bli världens första klimatneutrala kontinent till 2050. Vi har satt det målet för att vi vet att klimatet är en av våra viktigaste frågor i vår tid.

Men för att klara det krävs ett omfattande arbete med att ställa om den europeiska ekonomin. Den nya klimatlag som vi röstar om i dag utgör själva hjärtat i det arbetet. Genom att rösta ja till den här överenskommelsen förbinder vi oss att sänka våra utsläpp med 55 procent till 2030 jämfört med 1990 års nivåer.

Det är ett ambitiöst mål. Det är också ett genomförbart mål grundat i omfattande utvärderingar och analyser gjorda av EU:s experter. Men för mig är det också ett mål som är grundat i värderingar, i optimism, i framtidstro och i en trygghet att veta att vetenskapen inte bara behövs för att se problemen, men också för att kunna hitta lösningarna.

Med den nya lagstiftningen på plats kan nu EU visa att vi är ambitiösa, vi är effektiva i vårt klimatarbete och att det fortsatt kan vara förenligt med stark ekonomisk tillväxt. Vi kan visa omvärlden att vi har en hållbar utveckling som faktiskt är möjlig.

Med det vill jag vända mig till de som överväger att rösta emot förslaget idag. Antingen väljer ni att blunda för problemen eller så använder ni det som ett slag av billig och kontraproduktiv klimatpopulism. Vi måste ha ett Europa som driver en politik där det är möjligt och ställa om och inte stänga ner.

 
  
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  Pedro Marques (S&D). – Madam President, dear Vice-President Timmermans, dear Secretary of State Ana Paula Zacarias, Caros colegas, hoje temos uma certeza: não podemos continuar a adiar a mudança. A ação climática é o único caminho a seguir. Mas hoje também podemos dizer de modo confiante que estamos no caminho certo. A Lei Europeia do Clima que agora aprovamos, espero, em definitivo, é o símbolo do compromisso da União de enfrentar as alterações climáticas. Dou os meus parabéns ao Vice-Presidente Timmermans pela sua liderança no processo, à Presidência Portuguesa pela capacidade de negociação deste acordo, mas também à nossa relatora, Jytte Guteland, que fez com a equipa negocial do Parlamento um extraordinário trabalho. Todos representaram o Parlamento Europeu, muito bem, os cidadãos neste processo.

Agora, com o arranque da transição climática, é urgente combinar duas dimensões fundamentais e esta é a minha principal mensagem: a ambição verde com um forte coração social. Esta transição terá impactos na nossa vida em sociedade, nos transportes, na indústria, no emprego, na energia, na agricultura. O nosso objetivo, o nosso dever, é garantir que temos uma transição justa onde ninguém fica para trás, com transportes sustentáveis e acessíveis para todos, públicos, a maior parte, mas também nos individuais, com oportunidades para todos, com programas de apoio à formação, com programas de criação de empregos verdes, com habitação digna, com habitação onde o inverno não significa frio dentro de casa.

Temos de garantir que o novo paradigma verde também funciona para as pessoas, para os trabalhadores. Será isto que impedirá a saída à rua dos coletes amarelos. Será isto que permitirá construir um futuro melhor. Hoje, com a Lei Europeia do Clima, com o Fundo de Transição Justa, mas também com o Pilar Europeu dos Direitos Sociais, reforçado pela recente Cimeira do Porto, temos a oportunidade de fazer a diferença pelo planeta e pelas pessoas. É assim que poderemos construir um futuro melhor.

 
  
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  Pascal Canfin (Renew). – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Ministre, Monsieur le Vice-président de la Commission, chers collègues, en tant que président de la commission de l’environnement, de la santé publique et de la sécurité alimentaire, je voudrais évidemment féliciter l’équipe de négociation, particulièrement la rapporteure, Jytte Guteland, qui a trouvé un bon compromis.

C’est un compromis, on le sait tous. Le Parlement était prêt à aller plus loin mais, avec cette loi climat, nous allons aller deux fois et demi plus vite dans la décennie qui vient que dans la décennie passée. Donc, oui, bien sûr, il faut voter cette loi climat et je dois dire que la position du groupe des Verts votant contre cette loi climat est d’une irresponsabilité politique majeure, parce que si nous faisions tous la même chose, alors cette loi climat ne passerait pas et nous serions à 40 % de réduction d’émissions de gaz à effet de serre. Heureusement, nous, nous prenons nos responsabilités.

Mais je voulais dire, comme le rappelait Frans Timmermans, que cette loi climat est un début. Le début d’une longue aventure qui va nous conduire au 14 juillet avec la réforme de 12 textes. Et je voudrais solennellement dire à la Commission européenne: ne faites pas l’erreur d’étendre le marché du carbone au chauffage et aux carburants. Nous l’avons vécu en France, cela a donné les gilets jaunes. Vous êtes en train de le vivre en Allemagne, cela donne un débat toxique pour la lutte contre le dérèglement climatique. On l’a vu en Suisse, cela a mené au refus à une courte majorité de la loi climat.

Ne le faites pas en Europe, ne donnez pas aux populistes de gauche et de droite l’argument consistant à dire que nous allons rembourser une partie du plan de relance européen avec l’augmentation des factures de chauffage et des factures de diesel de l’ensemble des citoyens: c’est politiquement et climatiquement suicidaire. Ne le faites pas, c’est l’appel solennel que je vous lance aujourd’hui.

 
  
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  Bas Eickhout (Verts/ALE). – Voorzitter, deze week is er weer een tip van de sluier opgelicht van wat de klimaatwetenschap ons straks weer gaat vertellen. Het aantal kantelpunten, dus het aantal momenten in ons klimaatsysteem die klimaatverandering straks onomkeerbaar maken, komt steeds dichterbij. En die verslagen laten zien dat we niet kunnen onderhandelen met het klimaatsysteem. Als wij bewijzen, áls wij de wereld beloven dat wij de doelen van de Overeenkomst van Parijs willen gaan halen en dat wij ruim beneden de twee graden willen blijven met ons klimaatbeleid, dan moeten we dat ook omzetten in een goede klimaatwet.

En meneer Liese, check the climate action tracker! Die zegt heel duidelijk: “De nieuwe ambities van Europa zijn onvoldoende”. Dit brengt de wereld naar een temperatuurstijging van twee à drie graden. Dat is onvoldoende en we kunnen daar niet mee wachten, want de komende tien jaar worden cruciaal. De komende tien jaar zullen die sectoren die het kunnen naar een nuluitstoot moeten. En de komende tien jaar moeten we gaan investeren in die sectoren die nu moeten innoveren om straks naar nuluitstoot te kunnen.

En daarom ben ik het helemaal eens met u, meneer Timmermans, uitvoerend vicevoorzitter, als u zegt: “Dit is eigenlijk pas the end of the beginning”, het einde van het begin. We gaan nu pas beginnen. Het klimaatpakket wordt op 14 juli gepresenteerd. Dan wordt het omgezet in actie en dan moet het echt gebeuren. Dan moeten we zien dat we naar 100 procent duurzame energie gaan. Dan moeten we zien dat het einde van de verbrandingsmotor wordt ingesteld. Dan moeten we zien dat ook de vervoersinfrastructuur ervoor zorgt dat we weg van fossiele brandstoffen gaan. Dan moeten we er ook voor zorgen dat er een emissiehandelssysteem komt waarin we stoppen met gratis rechten. Dát zijn de uitdagingen waar we voor komen te staan.

De groenen zullen zoals altijd aan uw zijde vechten, maar wel voor een klimaatwet die écht levert wat wij beloofd hebben in Parijs.

 
  
 

(Die Aussprache wird unterbrochen.)

 
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