Posėdžio stenograma

Ketvirtadienis, 2021 m. liepos 8 d. - Strasbūras

1. Posėdžio pradžia

ΠΡΟΕΔΡΙΑ: ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΠΑΠΑΔΗΜΟΥΛΗΣ
Αντιπρόεδρος

(Η συνεδρίαση αρχίζει στις 09.00)

2. Pirmininko pranešimas

  Πρόεδρος. – Έχω ορισμένες ανακοινώσεις. Κατόπιν της συστάσεως της συμβουλευτικής επιτροπής δεοντολογίας των βουλευτών, αποφάσισα να επιβάλω μια κύρωση, με ημερομηνία 7 Ιουλίου 2021, εις βάρος του κ. Jan Zahradil, λόγω παραβάσεως των υποχρεώσεων σχετικά με τη δήλωση οικονομικών συμφερόντων που αναφέρονται στο άρθρο 4 παράγραφος 2 στοιχείο ζ) του Κώδικα Δεοντολογίας, υπό το φως του άρθρου 1 παράγραφος α) του Κώδικα Δεοντολογίας, σε συνδυασμό με το άρθρο 35 παράγραφος 4 του Κανονισμού. Η κύρωση συνίσταται σε μια επίπληξη.

Η απόφαση αυτή κοινοποιήθηκε στον ενδιαφερόμενο στις 7 Ιουλίου.

Βάσει του άρθρου 177 του Κανονισμού, ο κ. Zahradil μπορεί να ασκήσει προσφυγή ενώπιον του Προεδρείου εντός δύο εβδομάδων από την κοινοποίηση της κύρωσης.

3. Frakcijų sudėtis

  Πρόεδρος. – Επόμενη ανακοίνωση. Η μη εγγεγραμμένη ευρωβουλευτής κ. Luisa Regimenti εντάσσεται στην κοινοβουλευτική ομάδα του ΕΛΚ από τις 8 Ιουλίου 2021.

4. Balsavimo rezultatų paskelbimas

  Πρόεδρος. – (μετά την ανάγνωση των αποτελεσμάτων των ψηφοφοριών) Μετά από αυτές τις πολύ ενδιαφέρουσες ανακοινώσεις και προτού προχωρήσουμε στις συζητήσεις, θα ήθελα να δώσω τον λόγο, σύμφωνα με το άρθρο 59 παράγραφος 4, στην κ. O’Sullivan, αναφορικά με την αναπομπή στην επιτροπή για διοργανικές διαπραγματεύσεις της έκθεσής της σχετικά με γενικό ενωσιακό πρόγραμμα δράσης για το περιβάλλον έως το 2030.

Τον λόγο έχει η κυρία O’Sullivan για 1 λεπτό.

Το αίτημα αυτό θα τεθεί σε ψηφοφορία μετά την ψηφοφορία επί της πρότασης της Επιτροπής.

  Maria Arena (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, nous avons dit hier en plénière que ce que nous avons voté sur le mécanisme de sanctions global concernant les droits de l’homme ne s’appelle pas «Magnitsky Act». Or aujourd’hui, je vois encore dans l’annonce des résultats que ce que vous appelez le vote concerne le Magnitsky Act. J’ai envoyé un mail aux services du Parlement pour corriger, et je vois à nouveau que le titre est le même. Je demande donc qu’il y ait cette correction parce qu’il y a eu un accord politique entre tous les groupes politiques pour que cela ne s’appelle pas «Magnitsky Act», mais «global sanctions regime». Donc, je voudrais qu’il y ait une correction en ce qui concerne le titre.

  Πρόεδρος. – Κυρία Arena, από ό,τι με ενημερώνουν οι υπηρεσίες, έχει ληφθεί το αίτημά σας. Ο τίτλος της έκθεσης, όπως κατατέθηκε και υπογράφηκε, έχει αυτόν τον όρο. Θα μεταφέρω επίσης το αίτημά σας και στις υπηρεσίες και στον Πρόεδρο του Κοινοβουλίου.

Τον λόγο έχει η κυρία O’Sullivan για 1 λεπτό.

  Grace O'Sullivan (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, in accordance with Rule 59(4) I request that the file be referred to the committee responsible for institutional negotiations.

  Πρόεδρος. – Προχωρούμε τώρα στις συζητήσεις.

Θα ήθελα και πάλι να σας ενημερώσω ότι για όλες τις συζητήσεις αυτής της περιόδου συνόδου δεν θα υπάρξει διαδικασία catch-the-eye και ότι δεν θα γίνουν δεκτές ερωτήσεις με γαλάζια κάρτα.

Επίσης, όπως και στις προηγούμενες περιόδους συνόδου, προβλέπονται εξ αποστάσεως παρεμβάσεις από τα Γραφεία Συνδέσμου του Κοινοβουλίου στα κράτη μέλη.

5. Darbuotojų teisės Bangladeše (diskusijos)

  Πρόεδρος. – Το επόμενο σημείο στην ημερήσια διάταξη αφορά τη δήλωση της Επιτροπής σχετικά με τα εργασιακά δικαιώματα στο Μπανγκλαντές (2021/2756(RSP)).

  Mairead McGuinness, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, the promotion of human rights and labour rights is an essential part of the Union’s external action. And it is with grave concern that the Commission has observed the deteriorating situation of human rights, including labour rights, over the past years in Bangladesh, from repression of trade unionists and restrictions on the freedom of association, to weak labour inspection and hazardous forms of child labour.

Bangladesh benefits from the most favourable Everything But Arms (EBA) agreement under our generalised scheme of preferences, with free access to the European Union for all its products except arms and ammunition. Bangladesh has seen significant economic growth in recent years, leading to its scheduled graduation into a developing country in 2026. EBA has greatly contributed to this success.

The preferential trade arrangements directly contribute to economic growth, social development and job creation, and it has created around four million jobs in Bangladeshi textiles and garment sectors, mostly for women. But this unilateral tariff preferences of the European Union also requires more attention to labour standards and human rights. In exchange for the trade benefits, Bangladesh must uphold the principles laid down in the core international conventions on fundamental human rights and labour rights.

The Commission services and the European External Action Service have intensified dialogue with Bangladeshi authorities to press for concrete actions on the serious shortcomings in respecting fundamental labour rights. The COVID-19 pandemic and its negative impact on the economy have not made this enhanced engagement with Bangladesh any easier, but we continue to demand full compliance with the requirements of the Everything But Arms agreement.

I am glad and I can share with you, honourable Members, the first positive results of our enhanced engagement. On 1 July the Government of Bangladesh submitted its national action plan on the labour sector for the next five years. The national action plan aims to bring the Bangladesh Labour Act and Export Processing Zone Labour Law into compliance with requests of the International Labour Organization’s supervisory mechanism.

It contains commitments on long-standing issues, including on alignment of the Bangladesh Labour Act and implementing legislation with ILO conventions by September of next year and March 2023 respectively. Alignment of the legislation on export processing zone law with ILO conventions by June 2025.

While the Government of Bangladesh presented a detailed timeline, the target date – June 2025 – for the adoption of the amended law, is not as ambitious as the Commission had expected. We will continue engaging with the Bangladesh authorities to discuss and determine which steps could be taken faster to bring the overall timeline forward to ensure, as soon as possible, that all workers in Bangladesh can exercise their fundamental rights to freely associate and form trade unions.

Eliminating child labour by 2025 and hazardous forms of child labour by this year, by 2021. This will be done through updating the list of hazardous jobs: strengthening labour inspection and fines; child labour survey; capacity-building and training, as well as cooperation with social partners and civil society.

The Government of Bangladesh will also continue to implement the actions regarding school participation and quality of education under its education sector plan. Combating violence against workers, harassment, blacklisting and anti-union discrimination through preventive measures, investigation and dissuasive penalties. Increasing the success rate of applications for trade union registration. Setting up an efficient system to follow up on cases of workers’ complaints. Strengthening labour inspection by filling in vacant positions and creating new posts by the end of next year and 2023, respectively. Remediation of faulty factories, including the possibility of closure notices for factories where remediation is not possible as of mid-next year. And ratifying ILO Convention No 138 on minimum age and Protocol of 2014 to ILO Convention No 29 on forced labour by December of this year.

The EU is not alone in its efforts to improve labour rights in Bangladesh. We have not only closely involved the International Labour Organization in the process of developing the national action plan on labour sector, but the ILO itself has set up a similar but separate process of engagement with Bangladesh.

Let me finish by underlining that the EU-Bangladesh process of developing and implementing the national action plan is the most promising step in many years of efforts on Bangladesh aligning its labour law and practice with international labour standards.

I am fully aware that the most important part, the implementation of the reforms in accordance with the national plan, is still ahead of us, and this will require our continued close engagement with both Bangladeshi authorities and the ILO. Thank you, honourable Members, and I look forward to the debate.

  Christophe Hansen, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, Commissioner, Bangladesh has benefited greatly from the Everything But Arms scheme. We are now Bangladesh’s largest trading partner, and accounted for 24% of its exports in 2015.

I therefore welcome that Bangladesh has expressed the wish to benefit from the Generalised System of Preferences Plus, after it graduates from its status of least developed country and becomes ineligible for Everything But Arms at the end of the decade. In order to do so, it must now demonstrate clear progress on human and labour rights.

The fact that Bangladesh has delivered a national action plan on the labour sector, which seeks to bring the country’s labour laws into line with the standards of the International Labour Organisation, is a significant step. It is a token of how the EU’s aid for trade policy can make for positive change on the ground in partner countries.

But now Bangladesh should focus on the full implementation of the national action plan while respecting all the deadlines, and there we will be very vigilant as a European Parliament as well.

The Commission and the External Action Service should closely monitor this in cooperation, of course, with all the relevant international and local stakeholders as well as trade unions. A monitoring mission should also be organised, as soon as the COVID crisis will allow for it, to really see on—the—spot what is going on, and to accompany the needed progress.

  Agnes Jongerius, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, eight years ago, 1 134 people died in the Rana Plaza disaster, and still the labour laws of the country are not in line with ILO standards, nor have they really been improved until now. Research worldwide shows that Bangladesh is one of the worst countries to work in.

Nevertheless, the Accord on Fire and Building Safety in Bangladesh is about to end without having any proper replacement. Brands showed that they had not learned to take their responsibility when, at the peak of the COVID crisis, they refused to pay for the orders that had already been made. Therefore, a legally binding instrument is needed to uphold brands to their responsibilities. Due diligence legislation could potentially be a worthy substitute, but it has not been presented yet. Therefore it would be a poor excuse to end the Accord without having a proper replacement. It would be like taking a big step backwards before taking a new step forward.

As announced, the Bangladesh Government needs to show its commitment to improve labour rights. So I would indeed ask for the roadmap to be published, for the whole world. It’s necessary that it shows tangible progress, not only on child labour, but also on reform of the export processing zones, on the labour inspectorates, on tackling the backlog of labour—related cases, and trade union registration reform.

Lastly, I ask the Commission: do you agree that individual brand accountability with independent oversight mechanisms are crucial elements that made the Bangladesh Accord so successful, and that the same elements should therefore also be at the core of its replacement?

  Svenja Hahn, im Namen der Renew-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Danke, Frau Kommissarin, für diesen Austausch heute. Sie haben es schon sehr gut gesagt: Der bevorzugte Zugang zum Binnenmarkt, frei von Zöllen und Abgaben, ist für viele Entwicklungsländer eine tolle Möglichkeit, ihren Bürgerinnen und Bürgern Perspektiven auf wirtschaftlichen Fortschritt und Entwicklung zu geben.

Diese Zusammenarbeit basiert aber auf Regeln, und dazu gehören eben auch die Einhaltung von Arbeitsrechten und das Einhalten von Absprachen. Bangladesch wird in den nächsten Jahren den Übergang von einem der am wenigsten entwickelten Länder der Welt zu einem Land mit echten Entwicklungsperspektiven schaffen. Was das für ein enormer gesellschaftlicher Fortschritt ist!

Deshalb ist es so wichtig, dass wir heute über die Zukunft der Handelsbeziehungen sprechen. Denn bereits heute steht unsere Zusammenarbeit auf dem Prüfstand. Wie soll sie in der Zukunft aussehen? Von daher ist es gut, dass wir diese Diskussion führen. Und es ist gut zu hören, dass die Kommission endlich eine klare Vorstellung hat, wie diese Zusammenarbeit aussehen kann, und dass Sie jetzt diesen Aktionsplan vorliegen haben.

Uns liegt er leider noch nicht vor. Deswegen hoffe ich, dass der Aktionsplan auch öffentlich zugänglich wird. Wir im Parlament werden das sehr genau analysieren. Denn wenn Bangladesch auch in Zukunft von dem bevorzugten Zugang zum europäischen Markt profitieren möchte, müssen wir vor allen Dingen ein absolutes Verbot von Kinderarbeit sehen.

Um Kinderarbeit zu bekämpfen, muss vor allen Dingen auch das Bildungssystem besser werden. Kinder müssen morgens in die Schule gehen, nicht in die Fabrik. Deshalb ist es so wichtig, dass Bangladeschs Regierung sich endlich unmissverständlich zu den Arbeitsrechten bekennt. Und es ist gut, dass wir diesen detaillierten Aktionsplan haben.

Denn Handel ist kein Selbstzweck, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Handel schafft Chancen auf wirtschaftliche Betätigung und Teilhabe. Das bedeutet für viele Menschen – gerade in Ländern wie Bangladesch – Selbstbestimmung und ganz konkret Wege aus der Armut. Aber wirtschaftliche Entwicklung muss immer Hand in Hand mit Menschenrechten gehen. Und als Handelspartner muss man sich aufeinander verlassen können.

Deswegen ist es so wichtig für unsere zukünftige wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit, dass wir jetzt genau hingucken und klare Regeln in der Zusammenarbeit setzen, insbesondere bei Arbeitsrechten.

  Saskia Bricmont, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, chers collègues, le Bangladesh est classé parmi les dix pires pays en matière de droits des travailleurs et de droits syndicaux par la confédération syndicale internationale. Les conventions de l’organisation du travail n’y sont pas respectées. Les droits des travailleurs, des syndicats, la liberté d’expression, la liberté syndicale, mais aussi le travail des enfants n’y sont pas respectés. Je sais que l’OIT et l’Union européenne y travaillent avec le gouvernement du pays; néanmoins, en attendant la mise en œuvre de toutes ces conventions qui sont annoncées d’ici quelques années, je voudrais attirer l’attention sur un accord qui a fait la différence depuis la tragédie du Rana Plaza en 2013.

À l’époque, nous avons pris conscience des conditions dans lesquelles sont produits des vêtements de marques bien connues que nous portons quotidiennement, de la responsabilité que nous, politiques, entreprises, consommateurs portons alors que 60 % de la production textile, industrie la plus importante du pays, est destinée au marché européen. Les marques de mode s’étaient alors engagées dans un accord sans précédent pour améliorer la santé et la sécurité dans leurs usines et chez leurs sous-traitants – un accord contraignant qui a porté ses fruits au bénéfice des travailleurs et surtout des travailleuses, mais qui aujourd’hui est en sursis parce que certaines entreprises voudraient en finir avec cet accord et uniquement avancer sur la base d’initiatives volontaires.

Or, depuis cette expérience de 2013, l’accord nous a démontré que la responsabilité des entreprises, pour qu’elle soit effective et au bénéfice des travailleurs, doit voir le rôle des syndicats et des ONG respecté. Des négociations entre les syndicats et les marques sont en cours pour reconduire l’accord sur la protection des travailleurs.

Nous demandons à la Commission européenne d’intervenir auprès des acteurs européens influents du secteur pour encourager la conclusion d’un accord contraignant avec un organisme de contrôle indépendant. Nous demandons aussi que cet accord soit transposé à d’autres pays qui sont concernés par l’insécurité au travail, comme l’Inde, le Pakistan, le Maroc ou l’Égypte. Nous attendons tous avec grande impatience la législation sur la responsabilité sociétale des entreprises. Mais dans l’intervalle, il y a là un accord qui doit être reconduit pour assurer et garantir le respect des droits des travailleurs et des travailleuses.

  Dominique Bilde, au nom du groupe ID. – Monsieur le Président, la sortie probable du Bangladesh de la catégorie des pays les moins avancés impose une révision de notre généreuse politique commerciale à son égard, a fortiori au regard des maigres progrès accomplis en matière de droit du travail. Dans le secteur textile, la tragédie du Rana Plaza en 2013 aura certes conduit à certaines améliorations en matière de sécurité. Mais dans la branche des vêtements et cuirs destinés au marché local, par exemple, 58 % des travailleurs seraient âgés de moins de 18 ans. Les femmes employées dans le secteur textile y subissent de graves abus, dans un pays d’ailleurs gagné par la fièvre islamiste – l’affaire Charlie Hebdo l’aura démontré.

Par ailleurs, comment l’Union européenne, jamais avare de leçons de morale s’agissant du sort des migrants, peut-elle éluder le bilan du Bangladesh en matière de lutte contre le trafic international d’êtres humains? Ainsi, les autorités intentent-elles parfois des poursuites judiciaires contre leurs propres citoyens rentrés d’une période d’émigration de travail, au motif aberrant qu’ils auraient nui à l’image nationale. C’est notamment le cas de ceux qui ont été, dans certains pays islamistes, victimes de la kafala, une forme de quasi-esclavage moderne.

Les États-Unis ont écarté le Bangladesh aussi bien de leurs préférences commerciales que, semble-t-il, d’un éventuel accord de libre-échange. Cette décision rappelle que l’octroi de tels avantages n’est pas un droit, mais un privilège.

  Elżbieta Rafalska, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Skarga złożona na rząd Bangladeszu za nieprzestrzeganie konwencji MOP jest szczególnie istotna z punktu widzenia współpracy tego kraju z Unią Europejską. W ramach generalnego systemu preferencji celnych kraj ten objęty jest preferencjami i zobowiązuje się do przestrzegania fundamentalnych i priorytetowych konwencji MOP dotyczących praw związkowych inspekcji pracy. W Bangladeszu, jak wynika ze skargi, tak nie jest, a sytuacja pracowników na rynku pracy pogarsza się. Niezależnie od przedmiotu skargi pojawiły się też doniesienia o przypadkach pracy przymusowej w Bangladeszu. Pozostałe zarzuty to: dyskryminacja antyzwiązkowa, w tym zastraszanie, przemoc wobec związkowców, zwalnianie pracowników z pracy, odmowa rejestracji związków zawodowych, nawet w przypadku związków obejmujących aż 70% załogi. Narusza się prawa wolności zrzeszania i prowadzenia również rokowań zbiorowych. Poprawa sytuacji pracowników w Bangladeszu i współpraca rządu tego państwa z MOP i Unią Europejską jest warunkiem koniecznym, żeby ten kraj mógł nadal korzystać z preferencji bezcłowego eksportu do Unii Europejskiej. I trzeba to konsekwentnie egzekwować. Niezbędny jest uważny, konsekwentny monitoring realizacji działań zawartych w naprawczej mapie drogowej, a w przypadku niewystarczającego postępu rada administracyjna powinna powołać komisję śledczą.

  Helmut Scholz, im Namen der The Left-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin! Mehr als vier Millionen Menschen arbeiten in Bangladesch im Textilsektor. In täglich harter Arbeit stellen sie einen großen Teil der Kleidung her, die wir in Europa tragen. Kaum ein Textilunternehmen, das nicht die Produktion verlagert hat zu Bedingungen, die ich nur als Ausbeutung bezeichnen kann. Die Löhne sind so niedrig, dass jede Näherin Überstunden machen muss. Oft sind 100 Überstunden im Monat nötig, um die Miete für einen Raum für eine ganze Familie zahlen zu können und die Kinder mit Essen zu versorgen.

Schon vor der Pandemie waren die Löhne zu gering. Nun hat eine Studie ergeben, dass jene, die ihre Stelle behalten konnten, dafür bis zu 65 % Lohnkürzung akzeptieren sollen. Fabrikbesitzer verweigern einfach die Auszahlung, und bei Protesten und Arbeitskämpfen, wovon Medien in der EU-27 kaum berichten, gab es letzte Woche einen Toten und 35 Verletzte.

Ja, Bangladeschs Arbeitsgesetzgebung muss verändert werden. Die Ursache für diese Situation liegt aber auch bei der EU. Die Einkäufer europäischer Unternehmer drücken die Preise. Beenden wir diese verantwortungslosen Handlungen, indem wir mit dem europäischen Lieferkettengesetz die Verantwortung in der Textilbranche gesetzlich zuweisen! Rechnen wir einmal aus, welche Gewinnspanne entsteht, wenn eine Frau für 70 Euro im Monat 200 Pullover herstellt. Für ein würdiges Leben in Dakar müsste sie 370 Euro verdienen. Und wissen Sie was? Die dafür notwendige Erhöhung im Einkaufspreis würden wir hier kaum spüren.

Erstens brauchen wir also ein wirksames Lieferkettengesetz. Zweitens müssen wir bei der anstehenden Reform des Handelspräferenzsystems dafür sorgen, dass die Ziele der Sorgfaltspflicht unterstützt und nicht unterwandert werden. Und drittens dürfen wir längst nicht nur auf den Textilsektor schauen. Der Mindestlohn für die vielen Teepflückerinnen in Bangladesch beträgt skandalöse ein 1,17 Euro pro Tag. Hier sind die EU-Gesetzgeber und die Kommission unmittelbar gefordert.

  Κώστας Παπαδάκης (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αλήθεια ποιος άραγε μιλάει για τα εργασιακά δικαιώματα στο Μπαγκλαντές; H Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση της οδηγίας για ως και 13 ώρες δουλειά την ημέρα, 78 ώρες τη βδομάδα; Της διάλυσης των συλλογικών συμβάσεων και της κοινωνικής ασφάλισης; Των εργολαβικών εργαζομένων και των απαγορεύσεων της απεργίας και της διαδήλωσης; Το πόσο φιλεργατική είναι η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση άλλωστε το έχουν βιώσει στο πετσί τους και οι μετανάστες εργάτες από το Μπαγκλαντές. Η δε εργασιακή γαλέρα στη χώρα, εκτός της κυβέρνησης και του ντόπιου κεφαλαίου, φέρει και τη σφραγίδα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και της Δύσης των ευρωπαϊκών ομίλων, με συμφωνίες προτιμήσεων που έχουν υπογράψει όλα αυτά τα χρόνια. Σήμερα η κυβέρνηση της χώρας πήρε μάλιστα και εύσημα από την κυρία Επίτροπο ως επιτυχημένο παράδειγμα ανάπτυξης. Στις λεγόμενες ελεύθερες βιομηχανικές ζώνες εξαγωγών, όπου χτίζεται το αναπτυξιακό θαύμα σας και θησαυρίζουν ευρωενωσιακές εμπορικές αλυσίδες ένδυσης και όμιλοι, βασιλεύουν η σκληρή απάνθρωπη δουλειά για ψίχουλα, απολύσεις, παιδική εργασία, άθλιες συνθήκες υγιεινής και ασφάλειας, με εκατοντάδες νεκρούς εργάτες και διώξεις συνδικαλιστών. Η πάλη για σύγχρονα εργατικά ασφαλιστικά και συνδικαλιστικά δικαιώματα και η ανατροπή της εξουσίας του κεφαλαίου που τρέφεται από την εκμετάλλευση των εργατών είναι μονόδρομος για τους λαούς.

  Kathleen Van Brempt (S&D). – Voorzitter, mevrouw de commissaris, het zal u niet verbazen dat het respecteren van arbeidsrechten én IAO-verdragen voor mijn fractie van essentieel belang zijn. Het is al door heel velen aangehaald: er is nog ontzettend veel werk in Bangladesh.

Er wordt samengewerkt met de IAO en met de Europese Commissie. Mevrouw de commissaris, u hebt al een aantal dingen gezegd rond het nationale actieplan. Maar ik denk dat het duidelijk moet zijn voor dit Parlement – dat hoor je ook bij alle tussenkomsten – dat wij echte garanties willen voor de uitroeiing van kinderarbeid, dat de vrijheid van vereniging wordt gerespecteerd, dat niet alleen arbeidsrecht maar ook veiligheidsvoorschriften echt worden geïmplementeerd. En wat dat betreft, zitten we nog een beetje op onze honger en wachten we op echte engagementen. Het is heel belangrijk dat het Parlement daar een goede evaluatie van kan maken.

Als we kijken naar het akkoord, hebben we reden tot grote ongerustheid. Het loopt af en we hebben geen zicht op een permanent en bindend alternatief. En laat het duidelijk zijn, terugkeren naar een systeem van zelfmonitoring is uit den boze. Dat heeft ook niet gewerkt. De reden waarom dat drama heeft kunnen plaatsvinden, is omdat men gewerkt heeft met zelfmonitoring.

Tot slot – en dat wil ik heel erg benadrukken – moeten we ook naar onszelf en onze eigen verantwoordelijkheid kijken. We hebben toch gezien dat in volle covidtijd westerse bedrijven heel wat bestellingen geannuleerd hebben van producten die al gemaakt waren door al die mensen. En dat heeft ontzettend negatieve effecten gehad. Echte, bindende zorgvuldigheidswetgeving zal straks dus essentieel zijn om onze eigen verantwoordelijkheid te nemen.

  Marie-Pierre Vedrenne (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, plus de huit ans déjà que plus de 1 100 travailleurs, principalement des travailleuses du textile, ont perdu la vie. Huit ans depuis l’effondrement du Rana Plaza. Huit ans, et pas assez de choses ont changé.

Il est vrai que le pacte de durabilité, en coopération avec l’OIT et le gouvernement bangladais, a été un pas pour introduire un degré de responsabilisation dans nos chaînes de valeur. Il est vrai que des premiers cadres existent en matière de diligence raisonnable, mais les approches basées sur le volontariat montrent leurs insuffisances.

Madame la Commissaire, l’Union européenne reste avant tout une puissance normative. Elle doit façonner la mondialisation avec des standards environnementaux et sociaux élevés. Maintenant doit voir le juste échange au bénéfice de tous. Maintenant doit voir le jour une législation ambitieuse pour un devoir de vigilance tout au long de la chaîne d’approvisionnement. Maintenant doit voir le jour une obligation légalement contraignante qui devra s’appliquer aux entreprises européennes et aux entreprises opérant au sein du marché unique. Une législation qui assurera, pour toutes les victimes de violations de leurs droits, accès à la justice et réparation.

Conditions de travail décentes, droit du travail, droits syndicaux, standards environnementaux, modes de production vertueux: c’est ainsi que nous façonnerons la mondialisation et que nous changerons en profondeur les chaînes de valeur pour les rendre durables et responsables.

  Sara Matthieu (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, while Bangladesh has sent in its action plan, the European Parliament has until now received zero information on the contents of the final roadmap on labour rights. That is unacceptable.

The Bangladesh Accord – the voluntary programme that made factories safer after the Rana Plaza disaster – is expiring. Without clear commitments, we risk ending up with nothing, exposing workers yet again to unacceptable working conditions.

We need guarantees on safe workplaces, on inspections, on free unions, on child labour eradication. These measures cannot wait until 2025. Because let’s not forget: the Rana Plaza collapse, with thousands of people inside, was completely preventable. Factories should be bound by clear rules respecting labour rights, verified by inspections.

But European companies also need to take responsibility. During the COVID crisis, big European clothing brands cancelled and underpaid for their orders, pushing people into poverty.

I think that no single piece of clothing should be allowed in our shops that is made without respect for labour rights and environmental standards. Fair fashion has to become the standard instead of the exception.

  Guido Reil (ID). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Kinderarbeit und Frauen, die unter sklavenähnlichen Bedingungen arbeiten müssen, sind in Bangladesch leider Normalität. Und was machen wir? Wir halten Sonntagsreden, und wir zwingen unsere Firmen, ihre Subunternehmer, deren Subunternehmer und deren Subunternehmer in Bangladesch zu kontrollieren. Das wird nicht funktionieren.

Wir müssen die Wurzel des Problems benennen. Die Wurzel des Problems ist: Bangladesch ist offiziell eine Demokratie, und es herrscht offiziell Religionsfreiheit. Aber beides ist nicht wahr.

In Bangladesch herrscht ein autoritäres Regime, das mit Hilfe von Islamisten die Bevölkerung tyrannisiert. Nirgendwo gibt es mehr Kinderehen als in Bangladesch. Häusliche Gewalt gegen Frauen ist Normalität. Christen und Hindus werden ermordet, ihre Häuser und Kirchen werden verbrannt – von Islamisten. Gewerkschaftler, oppositionelle Politiker und Journalisten werden auf offener Straße ermordet – von Islamisten. Wir müssen endlich die Wurzel des Problems benennen, und die Wurzel ist die menschenverachtende Ideologie des Islams, genau diese Ideologie, die hier ständig verharmlost und – mehr noch – unterstützt und hofiert wird. Und damit muss endlich Schluss sein. Wir müssen endlich die wahren Probleme benennen.

  Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Byłem w Bangladeszu. Może mało sobie z tego zdajemy sprawę, ale to kraj o liczbie ludności o kilkanaście milionów większej niż Rosja. To wielki kraj, który ma sytuację ekonomiczną bardzo trudną. I to jest zapewne przyczyną tego, o czym w tej chwili mówimy. Tragedia sprzed ośmiu lat pokazuje, jak wiele to państwo ma do zrobienia. Dobrze, że Parlament Europejski o tym mówi.

Myślę, że niektóre rodziny polityczne w tym Parlamencie mogą zrobić więcej. Na przykład nasi koledzy socjaliści w ramach swojej rodziny europejskiej mogą skomunikować się z brytyjską Labour Party, której posłanką jest córka premier Bangladeszu. Myślę, że to też jest forma pewnej presji na władze Bangladeszu. Warto z tego skorzystać. Wydaje się, że nasze wspólne zaangażowanie w tej sprawie jest dobrą rzeczą, konieczną. I dobrze się dzieje.

  Leila Chaibi (The Left). – Monsieur le Président, pendant que certains ont la tête dans la lune, d’autres ont les mains dans le cambouis.

Chers collègues, Jeff Bezos quitte son poste de directeur général d’Amazon pour se consacrer à sa passion: le tourisme dans l’espace. Alors quand il mettra ses vêtements dans sa valise, j’espère qu’il aura une pensée pour les travailleurs de ses sous-traitants au Bangladesh qui fabriquent des vêtements pour Amazon. Ces travailleurs qui étaient en grève le 26 mai dernier; qui ont été renvoyés chez eux sans un centime pendant les confinements; qui sont, pour garder leur emploi, obligés d’accepter une paye à moins de 80 euros mensuels pour 12 heures par jour, six jours sur sept, dans des conditions déplorables. Et tout ça alors que Bezos, assis sur un petit nuage, engrange des milliards pour payer sa fusée.

Chers collègues, forçons Amazon et toutes les multinationales à redescendre sur terre, qu’ils payent leurs travailleurs avec un salaire qui permette de vivre dignement et pour lequel ils ne risquent pas leur vie. Vous conviendrez que ça, ce n’est pas demander de décrocher la lune.

(Η συζήτηση διακόπτεται)

6. Pirmasis balsavimas

  Πρόεδρος. – Θα ήθελα να δώσω τον λόγο, σύμφωνα με το άρθρο 59 παράγραφος 4, στον κ. González Casares, αναφορικά με την αναπομπή στην επιτροπή για διοργανικές διαπραγματεύσεις της έκθεσής του σχετικά με τον Ευρωπαϊκό Οργανισμό Φαρμάκων.

Έχετε τον λόγο για 1 λεπτό.

Το αίτημα θα τεθεί σε ψηφοφορία μετά την ψηφοφορία επί της πρότασης της Επιτροπής.

  Nicolás González Casares (S&D). – Señor presidente, de conformidad con el artículo 59, apartado 4, del Reglamento interno, solicito que se devuelva el informe a la comisión competente para iniciar el proceso de negociaciones interinstitucionales.

  Πρόεδρος. – Προτού συνεχίσουμε με τις συζητήσεις, θα προχωρήσω στην έναρξη της σημερινής πρώτης ψηφοφορίας.

Θα ψηφίσουμε επί των φακέλων, όπως αναφέρονται στην ημερήσια διάταξη.

Η ψηφοφορία θα διαρκέσει από τις 09.45 έως τις 11.00.

Θα χρησιμοποιηθεί η ίδια μέθοδος ψηφοφορίας που χρησιμοποιήθηκε και στις προηγούμενες ψηφοφορίες.

7. Darbuotojų teisės Bangladeše (diskusijų tęsinys)

  Πρόεδρος. – Επαναλαμβάνεται τώρα η συζήτηση επί της δήλωσης της Επιτροπής (2021/2756(RSP)).

  Ádám Kósa (NI). – Elnök Úr! Magyarország kisebb ország Bangladeshez képest. A lakosságszámot tekintve még nagyobb a különbség, mégis talán lehet tőlünk tanulni, hogy miként lehet modern, versenyképes, piacgazdaságra épülő, teljes foglalkoztatást biztosító gazdaságot létrehozni, ami tiszteletben tartja a munkavállalók jogait. Miniszterelnökünk elmondta a receptet a portói csúcson: erős szociálpolitikához energikus adócsökkentés. Családbarát politikát és olyan munkaalapú gazdasági berendezkedést kell kiépíteni, amelyet az ország a munkavállalókra épít, akiknek a jogait tiszteletben tartja, és tiszteletben tartja a nemzetközi szabályokat is. Ezeket a szabályokat be kell tartani, és eredménye egy munkaalapú, versenyképes gazdaság lesz. A recept készen áll, használják bátran a helyi hozzávalókkal fűszerezve.

  Pierfrancesco Majorino (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, nelle catene del valore globale, che troppo spesso portano con sé squilibri insopportabili, sfruttamento, assenza di diritti, il Bangladesh è sicuramente un paese chiave, un paese dove molti marchi europei svolgono gran parte del proprio processo produttivo. Quello che accade in quel paese e le sue speranze di progresso ci riguardano quindi profondamente, dobbiamo sentirle anche come una nostra responsabilità.

È assolutamente cruciale che prosegua con forza un percorso per costruire un sistema di diritti del lavoro laddove essi mancano, contrastare il lavoro minorile e garantire piena agibilità ai sindacati, rafforzare i controlli nelle fabbriche, affrontare il tema dei salari, spesso assolutamente inaccettabili.

Otto anni dopo la tragedia del Rana Plaza che costò, come è stato ricordato, la vita a 1 134 persone, nessun passo indietro deve essere fatto rispetto al Bangladesh Accord, che ha garantito a oltre due milioni di lavoratori e lavoratrici un primo progresso nella sicurezza nelle fabbriche. Questo può essere possibile soltanto mantenendo impegni concreti e vincolanti e se avvertiamo la questione del destino dei lavoratori come una questione che ci riguarda.

  Virginie Joron (ID). – Monsieur le Président, Madame le Commissaire, chers collègues, au nom de la mondialisation, les emplois européens ont été délocalisés pour que les travailleurs du Bangladesh, notamment les femmes, puissent être exploités. Quant au travail des enfants, on estime qu’environ un million d’enfants en sont victimes au Bangladesh. Des enfants qui travaillent 16 heures par jour pour produire des vêtements qui sont ensuite expédiés en Europe. Mais le pire, c’est qu’en n’appliquant pas de droits de douane aux produits en provenance du Bangladesh, la Commission a pendant tout ce temps encouragé ces conditions épouvantables.

Tout doit-il faire place au prétendu libre-échange? Les emplois européens doivent-ils être sacrifiés? Femmes et enfants doivent-ils être exploités? Devons-nous accepter le changement climatique avec ces produits bangladais expédiés de l’autre bout du monde vers l’Union européenne? La Commission prétend avoir des plans d’amélioration un peu partout. Mais la réalité, c’est que nous n’avons aucun contrôle sur les lois et les conditions de travail au Bangladesh. Ce que nous pouvons contrôler, c’est la politique menée en Europe.

En novembre dernier, des groupes radicaux, des islamistes, des fanatiques du Bangladesh ont appelé au boycott des produits français après la décapitation de l’enseignant Samuel Paty par un autre islamiste. Pourquoi devrions-nous continuer à distribuer des cadeaux commerciaux au Bangladesh alors que nous subissons les hostilités d’un pays où les travailleurs sont exploités et où le travail des enfants n’est pas éliminé? Importons nos produits d’ailleurs ou, mieux encore, ramenons la production et l’emploi en Europe et en France.

  Emmanuel Maurel (The Left). – Monsieur le Président, d’un côté, nous avons un pays en développement, le Bangladesh, spécialisé dans le textile et qui attire des fabricants qui profitent de conditions de travail et de rémunération indignes, cela a été dit – des salaires qui ne cessent de baisser, les enfants qui travaillent par milliers... De l’autre côté, on a une Union européenne qui importe des quantités inimaginables de vêtements qui, pour la plupart, ne sont portés qu’une seule fois. Je rappelle que le textile, c’est 3 milliards de tonnes de CO2 par an. Vous avez donc le Bangladesh qui est au cœur de ce ravage social et environnemental.

Pour sortir de cette impasse, nous devons continuer à faire pression sur les entreprises, cela a été dit. Il y a l’accord de 2013, celui qui est passé après le Rana Plaza. Il est insuffisant, même s’il mettait les syndicats au cœur du processus décisionnel. Le problème, c’est que vous avez aujourd’hui des entreprises européennes, qui appartiennent à d’autres continents, qui font une pression incroyable pour remettre en cause les maigres avancées de cet accord. Nous devons résister à la pression des lobbies. Nous devons durcir la législation et notamment sur le devoir de vigilance.

Enfin, je pense que nous devons réviser le système de préférences généralisées afin qu’il rende enfin effectives les conventions de l’OIT et se préoccupe en priorité des conditions de travail dans les pays bénéficiaires, ce qui n’a pas été permis jusqu’à présent.

  Maria Arena (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, c’est vrai, le Bangladesh, on l’a dit, est l’atelier de couture du monde. Le prêt-à-porter représente 84 % de ses exportations, principalement vers l’Union européenne.

Le Rana Plaza a montré au monde entier les dessous de ce qu’on appelle la fast fashion qui, dans l’irrespect des droits sociaux et environnementaux, a bâti une forme d’esclavage moderne. Aujourd’hui, le salaire minimal des femmes dans ces entreprises est de 67 dollars par mois, alors que le besoin d’un ménage pour vivre au Bangladesh est de 360 euros par mois – on voit à quel point l’écart existe. Ces entreprises multinationales, comme H&M, C&A ou Primark, continuent dans l’irresponsabilité quand elles décident de ne pas payer des commandes parce qu’elles ne pouvaient pas les écouler pendant le COVID. Alors oui, il faut contraindre ces entreprises. Il faut, bien entendu, des lois qui permettent ici, au niveau de l’Union européenne, de garantir une chaîne de valeur qui soit respectueuse des droits sociaux et environnementaux.

Madame la Commissaire, les inciter ne sert à rien. Cela permet d’avoir effectivement certains avantages, certaines garanties, mais ça ne permet pas de changer ce modèle. Parce que le modèle qu’elles emploient, c’est de vendre toujours plus, toujours moins cher, et c’est cela qu’elles feront si elles ne sont pas contraintes de faire autrement. Il est de notre responsabilité de les contraindre.

  Maximilian Krah (ID). – Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin, meine Damen und Herren! Ich habe die Debatte von Anfang an mitgehört, und es sind sich alle einig darin, dass die Situation in Bangladesch furchtbar ist und dass es an der Zeit ist, mehr Druck zu machen.

Ohne Frage ist die Situation in Bangladesch nicht befriedigend. Aber das Erste, was ich Sie fragen muss: Sehen Sie nicht, dass wir eine Entwicklung haben, die wir vielleicht für etwas zu langsam halten können, bei der sich aber seit 2013 in Bangladesch sehr viel getan hat, was mittlerweile auch von internationalen Audit Organisationen bestätigt wird?

Die zweite Frage ist: Was ist denn unsere Alternative? Wenn wir den Bangladeschis tatsächlich so viel Druck machen, dass es bei ihnen nicht mehr funktioniert mit dem bisherigen Geschäftsmodell, wie wollen sie denn dann ihre ständig wachsende Bevölkerung ernähren?

Es ist ja das eine, dass wir uns hier hinstellen und Standards einfordern, was ich ausdrücklich teile. Aber es muss doch so passieren, dass diese Menschen in ihrer Heimat eine Perspektive haben, und zumindest in der Vergangenheit und bis heute sehen wir, dass Bangladesch eine gute Entwicklung macht und in einigen Jahren aus dem Status der ärmsten Länder aufgestiegen sein wird. Deshalb bitte ich um mehr Augenmaß und darum, auch die Interessen der Menschen in Bangladesch zu sehen, die eine weitere Entwicklungsperspektive brauchen.

  Miguel Urbán Crespo (The Left). – Señor presidente, hace ocho años la fábrica textil de Rana Plaza se derrumbó. Bajo sus escombros murieron 1 134 personas y más de 2 600 resultaron heridas. Pero los cimientos del capitalismo global no se resintieron.

Rana Plaza es uno de los miles de eslabones de las interminables e injustas cadenas de valor globales. Rana Plaza es una de los miles de trastiendas de los escaparates de ropa de las multinacionales europeas. Rana Plaza sigue siendo hoy un ejemplo de la impunidad del poder corporativo. Las familias de las víctimas siguen sin ser indemnizadas. Nadie se responsabiliza de las muertes. Todo sigue igual. ¿Por qué? Porque nadie les obliga a hacerlo.

Y es que Rana Plaza es una prueba más de la inutilidad de los sistemas voluntarios de la responsabilidad social corporativa y de la connivencia institucional con este sistema global de injusticia, explotación y muerte. El Rana Plaza demuestra que necesitamos normas vinculantes y sanciones ejemplares contra el poder corporativo.

  Mairead McGuinness, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, this debate really confirms that we share very serious concerns regarding labour rights in Bangladesh. Bangladesh’s full alignment with international standards on human and labour rights remains crucial, also in view of the EU’s current legislative work on the future regulation on the Generalised Scheme of Preferences.

As I stated in my opening remarks, Bangladesh is expected to graduate from the least developed country status in 2026. The authorities of Bangladesh have already communicated their interest in accessing the Special Incentive Arrangement for Sustainable Development and Good Governance (GSP+), our flagship arrangement for middle—income countries, in order to maintain duty free access to our market for their exports, especially in the textiles ready-made garment sector.

GSP+, however, demands stricter commitments from beneficiaries in terms of human rights and labour rights. If Bangladesh wishes to benefit from the GSP+ arrangement in future, after its graduation from its status of least developed country, the government will have to demonstrate concrete progress on labour and human rights issues now.

On our side, during the ongoing GSP Regulation review, we are seriously looking into opening the path towards GSP+ to all graduating least developed countries, including Bangladesh. However, and moreover, the upcoming mandatory sustainable corporate governance initiative, a legislative initiative in the Commission work programme for this year, will address the issue of labour rights in supply chains. It will make mandatory the exercise by European operators of due diligence on their supply chains. This will include assessing the risk of violations of, inter alia, labour rights. This should be another reason for the Government of Bangladesh to address urgently and thoroughly systemic and long-standing labour rights issues.

Bangladesh’s national action plan on the labour sector contains relevant and time—bound labour reforms. If fully and correctly implemented, these reforms will ensure a qualitative step forward in terms of enhancing labour rights in Bangladesh. Our enhanced engagement with the Bangladeshi authorities will remain in place to monitor timely and effective implementation of these reforms. We will also continue to coordinate with the ILO in this endeavour.

Our engagement with Bangladesh on sustainable development goes, however, even further. The Commission services have earmarked funding from the current multiannual indicative programme for technical assistance to support the Government of Bangladesh in implementing the national action plan.

Lastly, we are aware of ongoing discussions between brands and trade unions on the accord, which is about to expire. We strongly encourage parties to come to an agreement that will strengthen factory safety in Bangladesh.

We are at an important junction in our relationship. We are hopeful that the national action plan will be followed and implemented to the mutual benefit of Bangladeshi workers and businesses. We count on the authorities of Bangladesh to honour their commitment to respect core human and labour rights, which are the condition for the country to continue benefiting from the EU’s unilateral trade preferences. We know that we can count on this House to continue to pursue the promotion of labour rights worldwide, and I thank you for this.

  Πρόεδρος. – Η συζήτηση έληξε.

8. Nuolatinis žaliavų ir statybos medžiagų kainų augimas Europoje (diskusijos)

  Πρόεδρος. – Το επόμενο σημείο στην ημερήσια διάταξη αφορά τη δήλωση της Επιτροπής σχετικά με τη σταθερή αύξηση των τιμών των πρώτων υλών και των δομικών υλικών στην Ευρώπη (2021/2783(RSP)).

  Mairead McGuinness, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, I really want to thank Parliament for putting this issue on the agenda. We are experiencing sustained price increases of raw materials and construction materials. The COVID-19 pandemic and related containment measures have had a significant impact on the EU industrial sector. Supply chains were disrupted within and outside our single market. The disruption presented our companies with logistical challenges in the planning of production and stock management and this has resulted in shortages of products and raw materials, as well as increased prices for producers. For instance, global shipping costs saw huge increases: almost 400% during the pandemic.

This pressure on prices of some industrial products is a global trend, and it affects the important world markets – Europe, the US and China. In some cases, prices have reached their highest level since 2008. The Commission is monitoring the current disruptions in supply chains. We are seeing shortages in the supply of metals, minerals and wood, which in turn is leading to price pressures.

The situation may well be temporary as it is mainly due to temporary imbalances between supply and demand factors in these specific sectors. On the supply side, the increase in prices of raw materials particularly affects industrial ecosystems that are largely dependent on primary inputs such as the construction sector. And here, the increase in the prices of imported inputs, such as steel and in particular wood products, is significant. The inflationary pressure is less severe for plastic products and is not significant for glass and concrete. The Commission is currently analysing the scope, the magnitude and the potential outlook of this phenomenon in close cooperation with construction industry stakeholders.

On the demand side, there are also global factors that are shaping price dynamics. The strong economic recovery in China and in the US, together with an unprecedented investment boom, adds pressure on aggregate demand for such products. EU policies – successfully driving demand for construction and renovation – also contribute to this phenomenon. Analyses indicate that the prices of raw materials are the main cause of recent price increases of industrial inputs. That has also been affecting the construction sector.

As indicated in the updated EU strategy, the impact of the crisis on the single market showed how restrictions caused major disruptions to the free movement of people, goods, services and capital. These restrictions profoundly affect value chains and economic activity. The capacity of stakeholders in our industrial ecosystem to quickly start and scale-up production was seriously constrained, and this is why the Commission is particularly vigilant and active to ensure a good functioning of the single market. And we are monitoring closely measures taken by third countries that might fuel further price increases.

The updated EU industrial strategy and the underpinning analysis indicate strategic dependencies for certain inputs and products. However, these strategic dependencies do not explain the peaks of prices. This is down to the accumulated and increased demand due to the economic recovery.

Across the EU, the improvement in the public health situation is seeing sectors of the economy reopen for business, and we know that Europe can exploit more efficiently the existing potential for some raw materials and construction materials and in some cases cover domestically a more significant amount of our own demand. We have a strong industrial base, and together with stepping up our efforts towards circularity, we can reduce our strategic dependencies and continue to grow.

Let me now give you an overview of some of the actions the Commission has taken. We adopted the EU COVID-19 recovery plan and the EU action plan on critical raw materials last year and updated the industrial strategy this May. These communications list several EU actions that will improve the EU’s open strategic autonomy and foster the transition towards a green and digital economy.

In order to develop resilient value chains for EU industrial ecosystems we have launched a number of industrial alliances, including for raw materials, batteries and hydrogen. The Commission will soon launch additional industrial alliances.

In order to address specific challenges and to identify actions enabling the twin digital and green transition we are developing, together with industry, social partners and other stakeholders, transition pathways for industrial ecosystems. Around EUR 300 million has been allocated for raw materials topics under our research and innovation programme Horizon Europe in 2021 and 2022, to improve sourcing of primary and secondary raw materials and boost circularity and resource efficiency in the single market.

We will also submit a proposal this year to review the rules on waste shipments. This and other measures from the 2020 circular economy action plan, as well as the forthcoming Construction Product Regulation revision, will also help to improve circularity. We will further explore international partnerships and cooperation to address strategic dependencies and diversify supply with sustainable and responsible sourcing from third countries, enabling undistorted trade and investment. We will also undertake a periodic review of strategic dependencies and monitor the associated risks.

Member States have also developed their national recovery and resilience plans to guide the more than EUR 672 billion of investments from the Recovery and Resilience Fund.

Supporting activities in relation to raw materials can be one of the possibilities for Member States to pursue the objective of strengthening economic and social resilience. The InvestEU programme can also support investment in raw materials, including through its sustainable infrastructure policy window.

Honourable members, I look forward to this debate.

  Pascal Arimont, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, werte Frau Kommissarin! Sie kennen bestimmt Menschen, die heute ein Haus bauen oder renovieren möchten. Sie kennen bestimmt Schreiner, Maurer, Dachdecker, Elektriker, Pliesterer, die morgens um fünf aufstehen, um eben diese Häuser zu bauen oder zu renovieren, oder Firmenchefs von 5- bis 10-Mann- oder -Frau-Betrieben, die das Herzstück der Baubranche sind. Diese Menschen werden Ihnen wie mir in den letzten Wochen mit Sicherheit gesagt haben, womit sie zurzeit kämpfen. Denn entweder erhalten sie kein Baumaterial oder zu doppelten Preisen.

Hier einige Zahlen: So verteuerte sich etwa Konstruktionsholz um 83 Prozent, Dachlatten und 46 Prozent, Bauholz um 38 Prozent oder Stahl um 150 Prozent. Aber warum ist das so? Die Gründe sind im internationalen Handel, den COVID-bedingten Produktionsengpässen, einem weiteren Bauboom und beim Holz sogar noch dem Borkenkäfer zu suchen. Der Markt bestimmt also, wohin die knappen Rohstoffe gehen, nämlich an den Meistbietenden. Damit planen wir aktuell die Renovierungswelle für Europa. Bauen oder Renovieren ist bei diesen Preisentwicklungen und in diesem knappen Angebot aber schlicht unmöglich.

Daher die dringende Frage: Beruhigt sich der Markt, sprich, sind diese Entwicklungen konjunktureller oder doch struktureller Natur? Die Kommission muss dieser Frage dringend nachgehen. Kommissar Breton hat letzte Woche Infineon besucht und arbeitet an einer Strategie für die Herstellung von Halbleitern in Europa.

Wir wünschen uns auch, dass die Kommission an einer Strategie für die Sicherung oder Herstellung von Baumaterial zu bezahlbaren Preisen arbeitet. So ist z. B. Holz einer der ganz wenigen Rohstoffe, die Europa selbst hat, die in Europa wachsen. Ob genau dieses Holz jetzt containerweise nach China oder in die USA exportiert werden muss, obwohl der Dachdecker hier kein Holz mehr findet, ist zumindest eine Frage, der Sie nachgehen müssen. Die vielen kleinen und mittleren Unternehmen, aber auch die bauwilligen Familien erwarten, dass man ihre Probleme wahr- und ernst nimmt.

  Maria Grapini, în numele grupului S&D. – Domnule președinte, doamnă comisar, stimați colegi, în calitate de vicepreședinte al Comisiei pentru piața internă și protecția consumatorului, mă bucur foarte mult că astăzi dezbatem un subiect extrem de important și anume materialele de construcție, lipsa unor materiale de construcții și felicit Comisia și vă felicit, doamnă comisar, că ați amintit, în intervenția dumneavoastră, că avem acest plan pentru reindustrializare, pentru industrializarea Uniunii Europene încă din mai și avem și planul pentru materii prime deficitare.

Evident că aici intră și materiile prime și materialele de construcții. Până la urmă este important ca noi să ținem cont și când spun noi mă gândesc la Comisie, evident, Parlament și Consiliu, de faptul că aceste materii prime deficitare, pe care acum le importăm din țări terțe, trebuie să le producem în piața internă, trebuie să ne gândim că avem și un regulament legat de condițiile de armonizare a standardelor de calitate, pentru că nu putem să nu ne gândim și la protecția consumatorului, chiar a consumatorului final, cetățeanul.

Știm că aici avem o restanță, am avut și o rezoluție – eu am fost raportor pe rezoluția din acest an din 10 martie 2021 – unde, cred că o putem integra, doamnă comisar, în programele pe care dumneavoastră le-ați amintit. Eu cred foarte mult că avem nevoie de materii prime și materiale inovatoare și în acest domeniu însă să nu uităm că trebuie și aceste materiale inovatoare să fie supuse standardelor de calitate.

Evident că aici autoritățile naționale au responsabilitatea lor de control a materialelor și reamintesc, cu această ocazie, că din luna martie anul acesta, regulamentul vamal a intrat în funcțiune și aș dori să fie o verificare a materialelor care vin pe lanțul valoric din țări terțe, pentru că avem probleme de nearmonizare și cred că pentru IMM-urile din Uniunea Europeană este într-adevăr o problemă dacă nu supraveghem piața internă.

Eu sper că punerea în aplicare a programului de industrializare a Uniunii Europene împreună cu acel plan pentru materii prime deficitare va reuși să creeze acest lanț valoric și un control al calității materialelor de construcții.

  Nicola Danti, a nome del gruppo Renew. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signora Commissaria, la carenza di materie prime è un'emergenza vissuta a livello globale ed è conseguenza diretta della pandemia dalla quale stiamo gradualmente uscendo.

Siamo passati da una contrazione degli scambi ed un crollo dei prezzi del 2020 ad un aumento vertiginoso della domanda di materie prime e semilavorati. Il clima di ripresa infatti ha visto un nuovo slancio delle imprese produttrici e trasformatrici, che però è coinciso con un costo maggiore del trasporto globale di merci e con l'accumulo di ritardi, anche in seguito all'incidente avvenuto nel Canale di Suez.

Tutto ciò sta mettendo in seria difficoltà molte aziende europee. A questo va aggiunta inoltre la decisione di alcuni paesi terzi, che sono tradizionalmente fornitori, di adottare dazi alle esportazioni per ridurre l'inflazione interna. Potrebbe trattarsi di una fase temporanea, ma è certo che l'Unione europea deve attrezzarsi per far fronte a questa crisi nel breve periodo e, più in generale, mettere in campo una strategia di azioni necessarie per rafforzare la propria autonomia strategica.

La vera emergenza adesso è ripartire e questo scenario rischia invece di rallentare la crescita nei prossimi mesi e, nonostante io sia uno strenuo sostenitore degli strumenti di difesa commerciale e della competizione equa, in questa fase eccezionale credo che la Commissione dovrebbe con urgenza fare un'analisi approfondita delle ripercussioni che alcune misure in vigore possono avere laddove la produzione europea non riesce a soddisfare la domanda.

In un'ottica di lungo periodo, invece, dobbiamo riuscire ad ovviare alla scarsità delle materie prime, combinando economia circolare, maggiore ricerca e innovazione per la sostituibilità, una politica industriale potenziata.

Oltre a ciò dovremmo continuare ad intensificare le nostre relazioni con i paesi terzi tramite accordi commerciali, diversificando le catene del valore ed evitando le interruzioni dei flussi che abbiamo sperimentato durante il Covid.

  Henrike Hahn, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Die Corona-Krise hat die Klimakrise nicht verdrängt, und ein klimaneutrales Europa bis allerspätestens 2050 – und der Green Deal im Mittelpunkt – steht jetzt im Zentrum unserer Europapolitik. Das betrifft natürlich unsere Investitionen, unsere Industriestrategie und auch unseren Umgang mit Rohmaterial. Der Bausektor gehört dabei zu den ressourcenintensivsten Sektoren. Wir brauchen deshalb natürlich vor allem zuerst einmal einen ressourceneffizienten und CO2—armen Bau, besonders beim öffentlichen Raum, bei Infrastruktur und bei Straßen.

Außerdem stellen Bau und Abbruchabfälle mit rund einem Drittel aller Abfälle den größten Abfallposten in der EU, und wir wissen: Baustoffe sind als wertvolle Rohstofflager bestens geeignet für Recycling mit großem ungenutzten Potenzial für Kreislaufwirtschaft. Diese Chance müssen wir nutzen, auch für die Schaffung von neuen Produkten und neuem Material.

Der Recyclinganteil von Bau- und Abbruchabfällen in der EU variiert. In manchen Ländern liegt das bei 10 %, in manchen bei über 90 %, und das müssen wir natürlich ändern und angleichen. Wir müssen kostengünstige Lösungen für Recycling finden und im Bausektor Kreislaufwirtschaft und Stoffkreisläufe schaffen.

Und noch etwas: Jetzt beim Mangel und beim Preisanstieg von Baustoffen mit EU-Exportbeschränkungen zu drohen und mal eben gegen den freien Warenverkehr in der EU anzutreten, das ist populistisch. Aber eine Lösung ist das nicht. Denn wir brauchen Ressourcenschonung und Effizienz, Recycling und Kreislaufwirtschaft, nachhaltige, diversifizierte Lieferketten und Innovationen für emissionsfreie Baustoffe. Genau das sollten wir eben nicht anderen Teilen der Welt überlassen, sondern gemeinsam in Europa schaffen.

  Marco Campomenosi, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, mi fa piacere avere la Commissaria McGuinness qui perché, essendo stata per lungo tempo parlamentare europeo, credo che più di altri commissari, e magari anche di chi segue principalmente il commercio internazionale, abbia una capacità di ascolto rispetto a richieste dei parlamentari europei.

Finalmente stiamo parlando di un tema che già da qualche mese vede le nostre imprese e le imprese europee molto preoccupate. C'è un problema di prezzi, ma soprattutto di reperimento delle materie prime. Occorre fare una sintesi anche all'interno delle associazioni dei produttori che hanno un problema, un contrasto tra chi vuole la protezione, che io stesso e il mio partito abbiamo sempre sostenuto, ma bisogna trovare un equilibrio tra chi invece vuole risolvere un problema di reperimento delle materie prime che rischia di danneggiare la crescita, una crescita che è necessaria, per fare anche quelle cose che questo Parlamento e la Commissione europea vogliono, pensiamo solo ai progetti infrastrutturali che sono inseriti nei piani nazionali di crescita.

Qui siamo di fronte a uno shock di sistema, che dimostra la fragilità della catena del valore a livello globale. Siamo di fronte a una situazione in cui Cina e Stati Uniti sono cresciuti e stanno crescendo e c'è un tema di crescita dei consumi da cui le nostre imprese rischiano di essere tagliate fuori.

Per questa ragione, accelerare in questo momento su strumenti come il Carbon border Adjustment mechanism, che io stesso in linea di principio sostengo, rischia di essere controproducente. Stiamo assistendo a paesi – la Russia e la Cina – che stanno per tassare l'export di certe materie prime. Ora non dico che dovremmo arrivare a farlo anche noi, però questo è un tema.

Insomma è in gioco la competitività del sistema imprenditoriale e produttivo di tutto un continente e non cogliere la ripresa adesso, a causa di una incapacità di agire rispetto a questi shock, credo che sarebbe molto grave.

IN THE CHAIR: DITA CHARANZOVÁ
Vice-President

  Tiziana Beghin (NI). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, i prezzi delle materie prime stanno crescendo vertiginosamente in tutta Europa e le imprese fanno sempre più fatica ad approvvigionarsi.

I prezzi dell'acciaio sono saliti del 117-150 %, quelli del polietilene del 113-128 %. Se un'azienda ha bisogno di una fornitura di polistirolo deve aspettare 12 settimane, mentre microchip e componenti sono praticamente introvabili e questo non è soltanto un problema per le imprese, è un problema per tutti noi, perché queste risorse sono fondamentali per i nostri piani di ripresa, che sono finanziati dal Recovery Fund.

Ecco perché mi preme ricordare, ancora una volta, così come ho fatto in tutti i rapporti di cui sono stata relatrice, che l'unica risposta possibile è una vera e forte politica industriale europea strettamente interconnessa con la nostra strategia commerciale. E serve maggior flessibilità sulle clausole di salvaguardia, in modo da attivare e disattivare i dazi velocemente in base alle esigenze del mercato e delle imprese, permettendo quindi alle risorse di entrare quando servono, bloccando invece la concorrenza sleale quando c'è sovracapacità.

  Christian Doleschal (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin, sehr geehrte Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! 83,3 % gestiegene Preise für Vollholz, 44,3 % gestiegene Preise für Betonstahl und knapp 40 % mehr für Bauholz, um nur einige Beispiele zu nennen. Die Dynamik ist rasant. Wer jetzt baut, muss mit hohen Preisen und geringem Materialangebot rechnen. Viele Handwerksbetriebe können trotz guter Auftragslage ihre Aufträge nicht erfüllen. Bauprojekte verzögern sich, Betriebe müssen Kurzarbeit anmelden. Wir müssen jetzt handeln. Und ich möchte an dieser Stelle auch noch einmal Herrn Kommissar Breton für seine ausführliche Antwort auf unseren Brief vor einigen Wochen danken.

Erst vor ein paar Tagen habe ich gelesen, dass Silizium Mangelware ist. Silizium ist wichtiger Bestandteil zur Herstellung von Solarzellen und dazu, dass wir den Green Deal am Ende gemeinsam erreichen können. Rohstoffknappheit und hohe Preise sind nicht nur ein deutsches, sondern ein europäisches, ja gar ein globales Problem. Eine Reihe von Rohstoffen sind für uns in Europa unerlässlich. Unerlässlich, um den Grünen Deal und den digitalen Wandel anzuführen, die Ziele der EU-Renovierungswelle zu erfüllen. Unerlässlich, um weltweit führender Industriekontinent zu bleiben. Wir können es uns nicht leisten, bei vielen Rohstoffen vollständig von Drittländern oder auch nur einem Land abhängig zu sein.

Meine Frage an die Kommission ist daher: Wie werden Sie das Risiko von Ungleichgewichten zwischen Angebot und Nachfrage, wie wir es aktuell bei vielen Rohstoffen und Baumaterialien erleben, in den anstehenden Initiativpaketen der EU-Industriestrategie adressieren? Wie können wir unseren Handwerkern und Bauherren auch künftig Planungssicherheit und Preisstabilität garantieren?

  Robert Hajšel (S&D). – Madam President, I say to the House and the Commissioner: the post-pandemic re-opening of the economies is followed by increased demand for raw materials. Current market conditions include huge supply chain disruption and sudden price increase. And so sectorial stakeholders call upon the Member States and, especially, the Commission to proceed with the appropriate action. Some of them, I would say very important, have been already addressed and adopted.

However, challenges of the sector cannot be a reason not to reach our energy and climate targets. Remember that the construction sector accounts for one third of EU waste. We must accelerate the transition of the sector towards a greener, sustainable model, as greater material efficiency could save up to 80% of the emissions produced.

We need to reduce our strategic dependence. Here, the launch of the alliances for batteries and hydrogen are good examples to be followed. We should not forget also about the 18 million jobs in the EU that are linked to the construction sector, and to minimise negative side effects of the transition by creating other sustainable jobs and reskilling for those who will be affected.

  Vlad-Marius Botoş (Renew). – Doamnă președintă, doamnă comisar Neghini, stimați colegi, capacitatea de producție limitată în perioada pandemiei, la care se adaugă o cerere crescută venită de pe piața chineză, dar și capacitățile limitate de transport a materiilor prime și materialelor de construcții au influențat și influențează încă prețurile, iar acestea vor avea efecte negative asupra economiei europene și nu numai.

Strategia economică a Uniunii Europene trebuie să aibă în vedere multiple aspecte incluzând siguranța economică. Este nevoie de un echilibru între transformările ecologice, globalizare și producția locală pe care trebuie să-l găsim pentru a preîntâmpina crizele economice. Un alt aspect important este diversificarea parteneriatelor strategice ale Uniunii Europene.

În condițiile unui boom economic și a creșterii cererii de materii prime și materiale de construcții în China, este nevoie să construim și să consolidăm noi parteneriate pentru a ne asigura că economia europeană nu se va găsi în dificultate chiar în momentele în care proiectele de investiții sunt cruciale.

Provocările pandemiei au arătat pentru prima dată că Uniunea Europeană poate și știe să reacționeze rapid în perioadele de criză. Cred că ar trebui să transformăm această experiență într-un exercițiu permanent, într-un mod de lucru în care reacția la provocări să fie rapidă și eficientă.

Transformările ecologice, digitale și sociale pe care le dorim în Uniunea Europeană, politicile de coeziune și asigurarea unor servicii medicale de calitate, toate acestea se pot realiza doar având la bază o economie sigură, competitivă și prosperă.

  Isabella Tovaglieri (ID). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Commissaria, la scarsità delle materie prime – legno, plastica, metalli – sta colpendo duramente la nostra economia reale, penalizzando la ripartenza.

L'ambiente è certamente importante ma, mentre qui dentro noi discutiamo di transizione, là fuori le fabbriche si fermano perché mancano i microchip e l'edilizia si ferma perché il cemento costa troppo. Le scorte sono finite, la logistica non sostiene la domanda e i prezzi salgono rapidamente impattando sui cittadini. In poche parole la nostra ripresa si allontana mentre la Cina si riprende.

Da mesi chiediamo dove sia l'Europa. Non si vive di sola retorica sulla transizione ecologica, dobbiamo ripartire dalla produzione in Europa perché non possiamo più limitarci ad importare. Come vediamo, la dipendenza costa cara a imprenditori e cittadini, dobbiamo evitare la demonizzazione di settori interi come acciaio e plastica, perché senza di essi non avremmo beni per molte attività quotidiane.

Infine, dobbiamo pensare – e la Lega questo lo ha chiesto spesso – a un Green Deal che in questa crisi dialoghi con il mondo dell'impresa più che accusarlo o colpirlo con tasse superflue. Senza risposte rapide saremo tutti noi consumatori le nuove vittime di questa crisi. Su di noi si scaricheranno tutti questi costi che le imprese non possono sostenere, con il risultato di bloccare la ripresa, il lavoro e impoverire i cittadini che hanno già pagato caro per la pandemia.

  Massimiliano Salini (PPE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Commissaria, abbiamo, sulla materia di cui discutiamo stamattina, la possibilità di dividere la trattazione in due grandi capitoli, a mio modo di vedere.

Da un lato le materie prime critiche, necessarie per la transizione digitale e green, come le terre rare, il cobalto, il litio, sulle quali esiste un focus formulato dalla Commissione europea nella sua strategia industriale. Qui la soluzione è di medio-lungo periodo.

Poi vi sono questioni riguardanti l'immediatezza, il brevissimo periodo, le grandi filiere citate dai colleghi: il legno, l'alimentare, le costruzioni, la meccanica con l'acciaio, ecc. In quel caso ci vogliono soluzioni immediate.

I trattati consentono di individuare alcune soluzioni e anche i dossier aperti che abbiamo sul tavolo – uno dei quali Lei giustamente Commissaria ha citato – siamo in procinto di rivedere il regolamento sulle spedizioni dei rifiuti, il regolamento (CE) n. 1013/2006. La sfida è quella di smettere di considerare il rifiuto uno scarto e incominciare a considerarlo materia prima vera. Noi siamo un continente che trasforma e quella è una materia prima per noi.

Allora i nostri industriali, i nostri imprenditori non devono subire trafile burocratiche infinite per poter far circolare da un paese all'altro dell'Unione europea il rifiuto. Bisogna velocizzare la possibilità, de-burocratizzare il trasferimento da un paese all'altro dei rifiuti e investire, come l'Italia sta facendo massicciamente, su impianti di riciclo e di recupero. E a quel punto potremo permetterci anche il lusso di limitare l'esportazione di rifiuti, soprattutto quelli riciclabili.

Il caso del rottame d'acciaio è emblematico. Noi siamo in grado, trasformando, utilizzando la tecnologia del forno elettrico invece del ciclo integrale nell'acciaio, di riutilizzare il nostro rottame in maniera molto efficiente per fare l'acciaio verde. È assurdo esportarlo verso la Turchia per poi importare acciaio dalla Turchia.

La nostra strategia industriale tenga conto di queste priorità.

  Krzysztof Hetman (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani Komisarz! Szanowni Państwo! Ceny materiałów budowlanych już od dłuższego czasu wykazują ciągłe tendencje wzrostowe. W przypadku Polski szczególnie drastycznie wzrosły ceny drewna, zwłaszcza płyt OSB, styropianu, aluminium czy też suchej zabudowy. W odniesieniu do cen drewna mówimy tu o podwyżkach 40-procentowych, a ceny niektórych materiałów nawet się podwoiły. Sytuacja ta jest wynikiem oddziaływania szeregu czynników, takich jak brak równowagi popytu i podaży na rynku i wynikające z tego braki materiałów budowlanych, a także wyższe koszty transportu energii oraz pracy. Sytuacja ta niesie za sobą bardzo negatywne skutki zarówno dla producentów firm budowlanych oraz deweloperów, jak i konsumentów. W odniesieniu do przedsiębiorców powoduje to ogromne utrudnienia w planowanej produkcji, opóźnienia i utratę przewidywalności produkcji oraz kosztów, a także konieczność podwyżek i zagrożenie dla konkurencyjności firm. Konsumenci z kolei muszą borykać się ze znacznie wydłużonym czasem dostawy lub także brakiem dostępności wybranych materiałów oraz znacznie wyższymi kosztami remontów, zakupu domu czy mieszkania. Musimy bowiem pamiętać, że ceny materiałów budowlanych to aż ponad 50% kosztu każdej nieruchomości mieszkaniowej. Ponadto wzrost cen oraz znaczne opóźnienia będą miały bardzo negatywny wpływ na inwestycje realizowane w ramach polityki spójności czy też Funduszu Odbudowy. Uważam zatem, że niezbędne jest podjęcie działań mających na celu przeciwdziałanie tej sytuacji, w tym przeprowadzenie przez Komisję Europejską dogłębnej analizy przyczyn takiego wzrostu cen oraz przedstawienia ewentualnych zaleceń w tej sprawie.

  Mairead McGuinness, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, this is a real and immediate issue for our businesses, particularly SMEs in the European Union, so it’s really important that we have this debate here in the European Parliament today. We are experiencing a peak demand for raw and construction materials, but we have the necessary means to cope with it if it persists.

First, our green and digital transitions may well be adding pressure on these resources. New technologies depend on raw materials, especially on critical raw materials, and we will see a significant increase in demand for these. We are making considerable funding available through the Recovery and Resilience Fund to support transitions.

Second, the pandemic has highlighted the distortive impact of restrictions. It also revealed import dependency for resources and this requires our attention and action.

And third, there are global trends, in particular massive investment booms in other economies that are driving up demand for these materials. We will need joint action by the EU institutions, Member States, industry and the research and innovation communities. We also need strategic cooperation with third countries. In our work, we must involve civil society organisations. Citizens need to be involved, especially on investments affecting local communities.

Finally, I would like to emphasise that restrictions to the free movement of goods in the area of construction will not address the root causes of price increases of raw and construction materials.

  President. – The debate is closed.

9. Diskusijos dėl žmogaus teisių, demokratijos ir teisinės valstybės pažeidimo atvejų (diskusijos)

9.1. Ahmadreza Djalali atvejis Irane

  President. – The next item is the debate on seven motions for a resolution on the case of Ahmadreza Djalali in Iran (2021/2785(RSP))*.

______________

* See Minutes.

  Tom Vandenkendelaere, Auteur. – Voorzitter, eerbiediging van de mensenrechten en eerbied voor de rechtsstaat. Onze waarden zoals ze in artikel 2 van het Verdrag staan, zijn fundamenteel voor het beleid van de Europese Unie, zowel voor onszelf binnen die Europese Unie als voor onze relaties met andere landen. En terecht. We hebben bovendien grote ambities op het vlak van mensenrechten en rechtsstatelijkheid. Dat mag blijken uit het lanceren van een effectief systeem van sancties bij ernstige schendingen van mensenrechten wereldwijd. Onze resolutie vandaag over de uiterst precaire situatie van dr. Djalali getuigt van de ernst waarmee we dat doen. De gemotiveerde wijze waarop we zijn onmiddellijke en onvoorwaardelijke vrijlating eisen én de dreiging van sancties die we uitspreken in niet mis te verstane woorden, zijn voor mij een heel duidelijke illustratie van hoe het Europees Parlement de vermelde ambities van de EU geloofwaardigheid wil geven.

Dr. Djalali was als gewaardeerd academicus werkzaam aan de Vrije Universiteit Brussel. Daarom wordt zijn dossier ook in mijn land, net zoals in Zweden en in andere lidstaten, met bijzondere belangstelling gevolgd. Met vrees, maar ook met hoop. Sinds jaren hebben de Vlaamse universiteiten hun samenwerking met academische instellingen in Iran stopgezet en de hervatting ervan afhankelijk gemaakt van een menswaardige behandeling met medische zorgen en rechtsbijstand, en van een eerlijk proces en niet-toepassing van de doodstraf. Met aandrang en overtuiging onderschrijf ik de oproep van onze universiteiten – en vanzelfsprekend ook de oproep van zijn familie en vele anderen – om op álle beleidsniveaus al het mogelijke te doen voor de vrijlating van dr. Djalali.

Wij, als Europese Unie, beschikken als geen ander over de middelen om het verschil hierin te maken, mét inbegrip van sancties. Wij, als Europese Unie, kunnen en moeten hier het verschil maken.

  Jytte Guteland, författare. – Fru talman! Jag kräver att Irans nya president Ebrahim Raisi omedelbart och personligen engagerar sig för att dra tillbaks hotet om en avrättning av den svenska medborgaren och akademikern Ahmadreza Djalali. Han måste omedelbart och villkorslöst friges så att han kan återvända till sin familj i Sverige. Iran måste genast garantera att Djalali får adekvat vård, att han får tillgång till advokat, att han fortlöpande får ha kontakt med sin familj. Hoten som riktas mot Djalalis familj måste omedelbart upphöra.

En medeltida människosyn ligger bakom bruket av en oåterkallelig och horribel sedvänja – dödsstraffet. Dödsstraffet kommer en dag att slängas på historiens sophög där det hör hemma. Det finns inte några ursäkter för Irans fortsatta användning av dödsstraffet. Ett moratorium måste införas nu och därefter måste dödsstraffet avskaffas.

EU har kontinuerligt fört diplomatiska samtal med Iran för att förbättra våra relationer. Förhandlingar om ett förnyat kärnenergiavtal har nyligen pausats, men de behöver återupptas för att förhindra att Iran skaffar kärnvapen. Ett Iran med kärnvapen skulle ytterligare spä på spänningarna i en region som redan plågas av icke-respekt för de mänskliga rättigheterna, oavbrutna konflikter, utbredd fattigdom och svält. Världens värsta humanitära katastrof, den i Jemen, pågår för fullt framför våra ögon och blodet isar sig i våra ådror när vi ser hur barnen är utsatta där. Rivaliteten mellan Saudiarabien och Iran utgör en av grogrunderna för konflikten, och civilbefolkningen står i det främsta ledet för lidandet. Särskilt kvinnor och barn är drabbade.

När Mellanöstern fortsatt domineras av repressiva regimer finns det ingen plats att adressera de globala utmaningarna som vi tillsammans står inför, demokratin och klimatarbetet som måste gå tillsammans.

Men även om Iran nu inte erkänner dubbla medborgarskap så måste jag poängtera att Djalali är en svensk medborgare och han ska omedelbart frisläppas. Se till att frisläppa honom nu, se till att hans familj och han själv undgår det oerhörda lidande som ingen människa kan föreställa sig och som de utsätts för nu.

  Hilde Vautmans, Auteur. – Voorzitter, we stemmen vandaag in urgentie. Ik moet u zeggen, het is een echte urgentie. Het gaat over onze Zweeds-Iraanse arts en gastdocent aan de VUB, Ahmadreza Djalali. Hij zit al vijf jaar onterecht opgesloten in een Iraanse gevangenis en is in 2017 ter dood veroordeeld. En sindsdien – als je de foto’s ziet, uitgemergeld, graatmager – gaat zijn medische toestand enorm achteruit. Vandaar dat ik hier vandaag zeg: het is een urgentie.

Eigenlijk heb ik maar één vraag: free Djalali!

En die oproep richt ik aan de president, aan de nieuw verkozen president. Voer die doodstraf niet uit! Laat deze arts, deze dokter, deze vader, deze academicus, deze echtgenoot terugkeren naar zijn familie.

En ik herhaal het. Free Djalali! Free Djalali!

Eigenlijk zouden we hier een heel uur lang maar twee woorden moeten zeggen.

Free Djalali! Free Djalali!

Iran, als u betere relaties met Europa wil, vragen wij u nu één ding.

Free Djalali! Free Djalali! Free Djalali! Free Djalali!

  Ernest Urtasun, author. – Madam President, it has been more than four years since the arrest and imprisonment of Dr Djalali, a dual Swedish national, in violation of numerous human rights conventions.

After having spent over 100 days in solitary confinement, his health has dramatically worsened, as well as his psychological condition, after having been subject to different forms of torture. The case of Dr Djalali is not an isolated one. There are at least a dozen other EU nationals who are arbitrarily detained in Iran.

In this resolution, we urge the Iranian authorities to end the practice of arbitrarily detaining individuals as leverage over foreign countries, to stop his execution and abolish the death penalty. His case reminds us of the need to further strengthen our human rights dialogue with Iran at all levels, while we increase the protection and support for human rights defenders, particularly women. We also need to use all our diplomatic channels to improve relations with Iran and particularly with its civil society.

The ongoing Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) talks in Vienna on the revival of the 2015 nuclear deal presents us with an opportunity to deepen this dialogue and build the foundations of a new multidimensional relationship based on the respect of international law and human rights. These talks should also serve to adopt a wider regional perspective that allow us to play a more strategic role in responding to security crises in the region. The JCPOA is a cornerstone for a durable mutual trust between the EU, Iran and the US, but also the best instrument to ensure stability and security in the Middle East.

This Parliament should irrevocably support a return to the nuclear deal and particularly to have a strong voice in defence of human rights in the country. And that is why I want to join my voice also today to say: ‘free Djalali’.

  Charlie Weimers, author. – Madam President, Commissioner, this is a dark period for the Iranian people, the people that, just like us, deserve to live in freedom, dignity and democracy.

The recent sham elections are reason enough to act. But the fact that Mr Ebrahim Raisi was elected president makes action imperative. Mr Raisi has blood on his hands. He was a member of the death panel that ordered the executions of thousands of political prisoners. He must be investigated for crimes against humanity, including murder and forced disappearance and torture.

As co-author of this resolution, I and the ECR Group support the use of the EU Magnitsky Act against Iranian officials. The ECR calls on the European institutions to join with international human rights organisations to hold those responsible for human rights violations to account.

Finally, the EU must demand the immediate release of our fellow citizen, Dr Djalali. It’s a moral obligation. I’m therefore pleased the resolution calls for targeted sanctions on those involved in the arbitrary detention and sentencing to death of EU nationals. I urge you, Commissioner, to enforce the resolution with the utmost dedication and persistence.

  Marisa Matias, Autora. – Senhora Presidente, hoje votamos uma resolução sobre o caso do Dr. Ahmad Reza Djalali, do Irão. O Dr. Ahmad Reza Djalali é um cidadão sueco- iraniano especializado em medicina de emergência e um académico que trabalhou em várias universidades, incluindo Bruxelas e Piemonte. Djalali foi preso em 24 de abril de 2016 pelas forças de segurança iranianas. Em outubro de 2017 foi condenado à morte por acusações espúrias de espionagem e seguiu um processo injusto com base numa confissão que foi forçada, extraída sob tortura.

O estado de saúde de Djalali é crítico após meses de confinamento solitário prolongado. Ele sofre privação de sono, de perda dramática de peso e já tem dificuldades em falar. Pedimos, por isso, mais uma vez, a suspensão imediata da execução de Djalali e a sua libertação. Trata-se de uma violação do direito internacional em toda a linha. São aliás vários os presos arbitrários no Irão e, por isso, este caso mostra-nos a necessidade de reforçar o nosso diálogo com o Irão para a proteção dos direitos humanos e lembra-nos também da necessidade permanente e intransigente de proteger os defensores dos direitos humanos, em particular, as mulheres. Junto-me, por isso, aos meus colegas e às minhas colegas neste apelo “Free Djalali”.

  Dominique Bilde, auteur. – Madame la Présidente, nous sommes tous d’accord ici pour dire que l’affaire qui nous occupe aujourd’hui rappelle la propension de l’Iran à faire feu de tout bois pour soutirer quelques concessions à l’Occident, comme la libération de ses propres ressortissants. On serait en effet tenté d’y voir un lien avec le procès en Belgique d’Assadollah Assadi, pour un projet d’attentat en France. Au-delà du cas d’espèce tragique de cet universitaire condamné à mort en Iran sur le fondement d’allégations spécieuses, cette résolution dénonce à juste titre un système judiciaire et carcéral d’un autre âge qui applique notamment les pires châtiments corporels, de l’amputation à la flagellation, ou encore la peine capitale sous sa forme la plus avilissante, celle de l’exécution publique.

Je regrette toutefois que le sort de la minorité chrétienne ait été totalement occulté, en particulier celui des convertis, à l’instar de cet homme condamné à 80 coups de fouet pour avoir bu du vin de communion. Cette cause devrait être au cœur du dialogue des Européens avec l’Iran, qui doit impérativement se poursuivre.

  Javier Zarzalejos, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, in December 2020, the second session of the Antwerp trial was about to start. An Iranian diplomat and his accomplices were being tried and later sentenced for the attempted bombing of the annual gathering of the Iranian democratic opposition in Paris.

That day of the trial, the Iranian authorities announced that Ahmadreza Djalali was going to be executed. And today we are coming together in this Parliament in a call to halt his execution again.

Terrorism against democratic opposition on European soil; number one executioner of women in the world; unrestrained use of the death penalty; relentless persecution of ethnic, religious and sexual minorities; destabilising strategies in the region; host of al-Qaeda leadership; and now Ebrahim Raisi elected as president – someone under shocking and well-grounded allegations of human rights violations so serious that the UN investigator on human rights in Iran has called for a thorough investigation on the massacre of 1988 and Raisi’s involvement in it. Raisi’s election should end the delusion about the existence of so-called moderates having any role within the Iranian regime.

By supporting Djalali, we support the people of Iran, because there is a new Iran that is struggling to emerge, and committed to embrace the democratic principles of governance. So let’s make every diplomatic effort within our reach, as we are supposed to do. But let’s not forget the struggle for democracy, separation of state and religion, gender equality, respect and protection of the rights of minorities.

While we urge the Iranian authorities to free Djalali, we should ask how many Djalalis, whether they are European citizens or not, remain locked up in Iranian prisons. And how many of them will be killed unless we strengthen our response to Iran’s autocracy and its determination to prevail over the suffering of its people.

  Kathleen Van Brempt, namens de S&D-Fractie. – Voorzitter, mevrouw de commissaris, de harde waarheid is dat als we niets doen, dr. Djalali zal sterven, hetzij door onophoudelijke martelingen, honger, ontbering, hetzij door executie door het Iraanse regime. En dat is onaanvaardbaar!

De heer Djalali is een burger van de Europese Unie. Hij is verbonden met de Belgische, de Zweedse en de Italiaanse samenleving, hij is professor aan de Vrije Universiteit Brussel, en zijn veiligheid is onze verantwoordelijkheid. En dat moeten we heel duidelijk laten voelen aan het Iraanse regime. Niet enkel met een telefoontje hier of daar. Als de heer Djalali niet wordt overgebracht naar zijn familie in Europa, dan moeten er repercussies komen. Doen we dat niet, dan zeggen we eigenlijk dat het oké is om Europese burgers ter dood te veroordelen. Het Europees Parlement verwacht daarom kordate actie van de Commissie en de Raad.

En zoals mijn fijne collega Hilde zei: “Free Djalali!”

  Frédérique Ries, au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, chers collègues, rarement nos résolutions d’urgence auront aussi bien porté leur nom: dans le cas d’Ahmadreza Djalali, il y a vraiment urgence. Les informations qui nous parviennent des Nations unies ou d’Amnesty International sont inquiétantes. Le docteur Djalali est dans un état critique, depuis cinq ans en prison. Il est privé de tout. Il est privé de soins. Il est privé de visites. Sa famille en Suède est désespérée et nous sommes sans illusion sur les intentions de Téhéran. Notre Sakharov 2012, Nasrin Sotoudeh, est toujours derrière les barreaux.

Malgré nos appels répétés, les exécutions d’opposants politiques se multiplient, cela a été dit. Et l’élection, il y a trois semaines, de l’ultraconservateur Ebrahim Raïssi, qui a du sang sur les mains, fait craindre le pire. S’il existe aujourd’hui une fenêtre d’opportunité pour faire sortir de prison le docteur Djalali, l’Union européenne doit la saisir, et vite, quitte à faire appel effectivement à des pays médiateurs: l’Égypte, le Qatar ou la Turquie, pourquoi pas? Nous le devons à son épouse, Vida Mehrannia, que nous sommes quelques-uns à avoir rencontrée au Parlement européen il y a trois ans. Nous le devons à ses enfants, qui sont privés de leur papa depuis beaucoup trop longtemps. Free Djalali!

  Jakop G. Dalunde, för Verts/ALE-gruppen. – Fru talman! Fängslandet av Ahmadreza Djalali är en skymf mot rättvisan. Vi kräver att han omedelbart får tillgång till den vård han behöver, att han benådas, släpps fri och får återvända till Sverige. Vi uppmanar Irans nya president att ta chansen att visa välvilja, att ta ett första steg mot bättre relationer mellan Sverige, EU och Iran. Släpp Djalali fri.

EU:s företrädare måste också vara tydliga med att nya förhandlingar om kärnenergiavtalet bara kan komma till stånd om Iran visar en sådan välvilja. Det är dags att skicka en skarp signal om vad som krävs för att komma någonvart i den processen. Förtroendet är förverkat. Så länge europeiska medborgare sitter olagligt fängslade i Iran kan våra relationer inte förbättras. Så länge Iran fortsätter att utdöma dödsstraff och fängsla politiska aktivister så kan vi aldrig normalisera våra relationer med Iran. Frige Ahmadreza Djalali.

  Marco Campomenosi, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Commissaria, io sono membro della delegazione per i rapporti UE-Iran e, come molti dei miei colleghi, conosco bene questo caso, lo stiamo seguendo da molto tempo, però abbiamo difficoltà a portare dei risultati.

Infatti il tema è che è in gioco anche la nostra credibilità. Occorre certo votare delle risoluzioni dure come quella che voteremo oggi, che condivido. Condivido nel suo passaggio essenziale, che è quello in cui si chiede un rilascio senza alcuna condizione, perché la vicenda è assurda.

Ahmadreza Djalali non merita il trattamento, non lo merita nessun uomo, anche gli uomini che fossero colpevoli di nefandezze, e lui non lo merita perché dev'essere un uomo libero, arrestato, torturato, condannato a morte da quattro anni prosegue questo stillicidio.

In una situazione in cui però io vedo un'esitazione da parte delle istituzioni europee e dei governi, perché c'è anche una loro responsabilità, in un'escalation che vede secondo me un passaggio a un regime ancora più duro, perché il nuovo presidente Raisi è stato protagonista in prima linea di condanne a morte per oppositori nel cosiddetto death panel negli anni Ottanta.

Insomma credo che, per le minoranze e per gli oppositori, la situazione sarà ancora più complicata. Chiedo che la Commissione europea si rapporti un po' di più con gli Stati Uniti su questa vicenda perché credo che sarà insieme a loro che dovremo trovare una soluzione, a partire da quell'accordo sul nucleare in cui io non credo e che credo sia difficilmente sostenibile ulteriormente.

  Assita Kanko, namens de ECR-Fractie. – Voorzitter, kan je je dit voorstellen? Opgesloten zitten in een kleine cel, volledig in eenzame opsluiting. Dag in, dag uit, wachtend. Elke keer dat die celdeur opengaat, stopt je hartslag en denk je dat je laatste dag is aangebroken. Dat is de huidige verschrikkelijke situatie van dr. Djalali, Europees burger nota bene. Dit is marteling.

Ik ben echt geschokt door de wrede mishandeling van dr. Djalali door de Iraanse autoriteiten. De EU zou meer moeten doen dan alleen maar verklaringen afleggen waarin ze haar zorgen uit of diep verontrust is. De tijd van diplomatieke taal lijkt me voorbij. Hij zit al vijf jaar opgesloten, ver van zijn familie. En gedurende deze vijf jaar heeft de EU niets bereikt. De klok tikt en elke dag kan zijn laatste zijn.

De EU moet nu handelen, anders zal ze heel snel een van haar burgers verliezen. Maar hiermee zou zij ook de boodschap verspreiden: “Wij zijn de EU en wij kunnen u niet beschermen.” Zoiets zeggen tegen onze burgers, dat kan niet!

  Seán Kelly (PPE). – A Uachtaráin, gearrtar pionós an bháis ar níos mó daoine per capita san Iaráin ná in aon tír eile ar domhan. Is fíric agus is fírinne an-dáiríre ar fad é seo.

Faoi láthair, tá an Dochtúir Djalali, gurb as an tSualainn agus an Iaráin dó, i bpríosún ag fanacht go dtí go gcuirtear chun báis é — cé nach raibh triail chothrom aige agus go bhfuil fianaise ann gur dheineadh é a chéasadh chun admháil a bhaint as. Impím ar údaráis na hIaráine deireadh a chur le pionós an bháis, an Doctúir Djalali a ligean saor, agus na bagairtí báis atá á ndéanamh acu i dtreo a chlann a stopadh.

I mí na Nollag seo caite, d’impíomar anseo sa Pharlaimint, ar údaráis na hIaráine buaiteoir an Duais Sakharov, Nasrin Sotoudeh, a ligean saor ón bpríosún. Ar mhí-ámharaí an tsaoil, níor tháinig feabhas ar an scéal go dtí seo ach oiread.

Tá sé in am don Iaráin teacht ar réiteach dearfach féaráilte trí chás an dochtúra — agus é agus Nasrin a ligean saor. Lig Djalali soar. Lig Djalali saor.

  Domènec Ruiz Devesa (S&D). – Madam President, Ahmadreza Djalali is a dual Swedish—Iranian citizen, therefore a European citizen, who is planned to be executed after an unfair trial after fake accusations of espionage. Arbitrary detentions of foreign nationals by Iran and other regimes is becoming common and we need also, I think, international action against arbitrary detention of foreign nationals.

In this particular case, Europe cannot allow the execution of Professor Djalali, a scholar who has devoted his life to advanced emergency medicine for the benefit of all. So I would like to join in everyone’s demand for the immediate release of Professor Djalali.

Europe is the world beacon of human rights. We have a duty to mobilise all our political capital to save Professor Djalali. Europe has the tools, with the Navalny Act. The assets of all Iranian officials and entities involved in this arbitrary detention should be frozen. I want to tell the Iranian authorities and the newly—elected president that political executions are never a sign of strength, but the opposite.

Professor Djalali, we are doing everything it takes to bring justice to you and to bring you home. Free Djalali!

  Silvia Sardone (ID). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, fino a quando sopporteremo le reiterate violazioni di diritti umani da parte della Repubblica Islamica dell'Iran?

L'Iran reprime duramente i diritti di libertà di espressione, di libertà di associazione e riunione. Le forze di sicurezza hanno fatto un uso illegale della forza per reprimere le proteste. Le autorità continuano a detenere centinaia di manifestanti dissidenti e semplicemente difensori dei diritti umani e ne hanno condannati molti alla reclusione, alla fustigazione e ad altre torture, finanche alle amputazioni.

Le donne subiscono una discriminazione radicata e violenta, sparizioni forzate, torture e altri maltrattamenti sono sistemici. Il diritto al giusto processo non esiste. La pena di morte è usata come arma di repressione politica. Sono state effettuate esecuzioni a ragazzi che non avevano nemmeno diciotto anni al momento del reato.

La vicenda di Djalali è drammatica. Il ricercatore iraniano-svedese è stato condannato a morte per un'accusa assurda di spionaggio. Detenuto ingiustamente, torturato, messo in isolamento e costretto a non avere cure mediche, sottoposto a un processo definito da osservatori internazionali gravemente ingiusto. La condanna a morte e la sua imminente esecuzione sono atti inconcepibili che dovrebbero essere condannati con la massima fermezza dalla comunità internazionale. Eppure qua non si fa nulla.

Il regime islamico dell'Iran continua a commettere crimini contro l'umanità spesso giustificandoli con motivazioni religiose. Fino a quando l'Europa starà in silenzio? Fino a quando continueremo a stare in silenzio? Ammesso che qualcuno davvero pensi che con una risoluzione si possa risolvere qualcosa.

  Anna Fotyga (ECR). – Madam President, I participated in the gathering of the Iranian opposition in Paris that was endangered by bombing and yes, for many years I appealed in vain to the Islamic Republic of Iran to free all prisoners of conscience, and in particular to stop the death penalty. Dr Ahmadreza Djalali is most probably, along with Nasrin Sotoudeh, the Sakharov Prize laureate, the most prominent of prisoners – in very bad shape, tortured and accused on the basis of false accusations.

Yes, free Dr Ahmadreza Djalali, but free all people imprisoned in Iran and stop the war against Iranian society!

  Maria Arena (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, on l’a dit, l’Iran est le pays qui exécute le plus par habitant, et ce n’est pas l’élection de monsieur Raïssi qui nous donnera des gages d’assouplissement de la situation. Il est donc important de donner des messages forts de la part de l’Union européenne. Déjà en 2019, nous avions voté une résolution demandant la libération des prisonniers d’opinion. En décembre 2020, dans une autre résolution appelant à la libération de Nasrin Sotoudeh, nous demandions déjà de renoncer à l’exécution de M. Djalali et demandions sa libération.

Aujourd’hui, M. Djalali et Nasrin Sotoudeh sont toujours en prison, comme des milliers d’autres opposants politiques en Iran. Je lirai quelques mots que Nasrin Sotoudeh a écrits de la prison. Elle dit: «Je demande au gouvernement de mettre fin à l’animosité de l’Iran envers le monde, de regarder le monde à travers les yeux de la paix et de faire confiance à la vie et aux êtres humains. Je demande aux militants des droits de l’homme de nous aider dans nos efforts de paix en Iran.» C’est ce que nous devons faire en tant qu’Européens, en tant que militants des droits de l’homme. C’est à cet appel urgent que nous répondrons, que nous devons répondre, avec fermeté à l’égard du gouvernement iranien, avec tous les outils qui sont à notre disposition. Free Djalali et free tous les autres opposants politiques aujourd’hui en Iran!

  Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Niespełna trzy tygodnie temu został wybrany nowy prezydent państwa, które, przypomnę, nazywa się Islamska Republika Iranu. Ebrahim Raisi był współodpowiedzialny za to, co stało się przed 33 laty – masakra 3 tysięcy więźniów politycznych. No i dzisiaj jest głową państwa. Myślę, że także o tym trzeba głośno mówić, bo to pokazuje szerszy kontekst.

Cieszę się, że tutaj jesteśmy zjednoczeni od prawa do lewa w słusznej sprawie. Domaganie się uwolnienia pana doktora jest czymś naturalnym i oczywistym, czymś ważnym, ale też musimy pamiętać, że tu nie chodzi tylko o jedną osobę. Tu chodzi o prawa kobiet, tu chodzi o skazywanie ludzi w kraju, w którym liczba wyroków śmierci jest jedną z najwyższych, jeżeli nie najwyższą na świecie. Dobrze, że w tej sprawie mówimy jednym głosem.

  Evin Incir (S&D). – Fru talman! Kollegor. När fundamentalism och extremism får styra blir demokratin, yttrandefriheten, pressfriheten, jämställdheten och oliktänkande fienden. Regimen i Iran visar gång på gång på just detta. Iran har flest avrättningar i världen per invånare.

Svensk-iranske Ahmadreza Djalali och andra samvetsfångar måste omedelbart frisläppas.

Det är bra att EU har, bland annat, förlängt tidigare åtgärder som förbud av export av teknik som skulle kunna användas i syfte att avlyssna och på andra sätt förtrycka oppositionella oliktänkande. Det är också bra att EU:s nya globala sanktionsmekanism nu har använts mot åtta personer och tre enheter. Det innebär att 89 personer och fyra enheter nu är sanktionerade på grund av brott mot mänskliga rättigheter de senaste åren.

Men det är inte acceptabelt att ingen medlemsstat i EU har, sedan vår senaste diskussion förra året om läget i Iran, fått träffa sina medborgare som på helt godtyckliga grunder har berövats sin frihet. Många av dem riskerar till och med att berövas sitt liv.

Om inte Ahmadreza Djalali och alla andra samvetsfångar omedelbart frisläpps ska inte en enda representant från den iranska regimen kunna sätta sin fot i vår union.

  Mairead McGuinness, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, EU policy towards Iran is based on a comprehensive approach, critical in all areas of concern and cooperative when there is mutual interest.

The European Union has a long—standing and clear position on Iran’s distressing practice of arbitrarily detaining EU—Iranian dual nationals. No individual should be used as a pawn. The EU is following the case of Swedish—Iranian national Dr Ahmadreza Djalali very closely since his detention in Iran in April of 2016, where he subsequently received a death sentence.

Iran executes more than 200 individuals every year, including juvenile offenders, dissidents and protestors. Our position is well known. The EU strongly opposes the death penalty at all times and in all circumstances and aims at its universal abolition. As part of its commitment to address all issues of concern with Iran, the EU continues to urge the Iranian authorities to pursue a consistent policy towards the abolition of capital punishment, which represents an unacceptable denial of human dignity and integrity. Moreover, it is imperative for the Iranian authorities to uphold the due process rights of accused individuals and to stop the practice of televised confessions.

As part of the bilateral engagement with Iran, the EU also calls on the Iranian authorities to ensure that no individual is detained arbitrarily and that those who are under any form of detention or imprisonment are not subject to any form of mistreatment. The HR / VP and the External Action Service continue to use every opportunity to advocate for Dr Ahmadreza Djalali’s release in the dialogue at all levels with the Iranian authorities.

We also maintain close coordination with the Swedish Government and other EU Member States as part of a coordinated EU action. We welcomed the decision of the Iranian authorities to move Dr Djalali out of solitary confinement in April this year, after more than 20 weeks. However, as the death sentence still stands, we have strengthened the coordination with the Swedish authorities and the EU Member States with embassies on the ground in Iran.

Dr Djalali’s permanent release remains a driver of EU action and we will continue to work towards achieving his release by taking all available EU tools, including sanctions, into account. In this spirit, and in full consistency with the EU’s comprehensive policy towards Iran, we will continue to call for the release of all EU—Iranian dual nationals arbitrarily detained in Iran so they can be reunited with their families.

  President. – The debate is closed.

The vote will be held at the end of the debates.

9.2. Honkongas, ypač laikraščio „Apple Daily‘ atvejis

  President. – The next item is the debate on six motions for resolutions on Hong Kong, notably the case of Apple Daily (2021/2786(RSP))*.

_______________

*See Minutes.

  Miriam Lexmann, author. – Madam President, across the world communist totalitarianism is responsible for some of the worst crimes in human history. These crimes are real and they are still occurring today. Let us not forget that many European states still continue to suffer the consequences of communist totalitarianism – murder, terror and oppression, communities destroyed, families torn apart, no basic freedoms. These are but some of the deepest traumas left upon us. My great uncle, Páter Mikuláš Lexmann, died in a communist forced labour camp for priests. Before, he was saving the lives of Jews during World War Two. My other family members were forced to work in mines as forced labour, and I grew up in a society unable to exercise the very same liberties which we today take for granted.

As countless millions across Europe, and indeed the world, longed for freedom, so do the people of Hong Kong today. As President Ronald Reagan said: ‘In the communist world men’s instinctive desire for freedom and self-determination suffers again and again.’

The people of Hong Kong prize their freedoms and liberties and I admire their boldness and determination. They cherished the high degree of autonomy which, just 24 years ago, the Chinese Communist Party had pledged to uphold. The CCP has reneged on the promises to the people of Hong Kong and it has reneged on its international obligations. Across mainland China, and now in Hong Kong, it has imposed a cruel regime which is growing more oppressive every day. The UK Conservative Party Human Rights Commission, in their latest report on the human rights situation in China, noted that the darkness deepens. The CCP is engaging in the worst human rights abuses since the Tiananmen Square massacre. The free world cannot stand by and so, on the centenary of the Chinese Communist Party, in words and in deeds, let us send a strong message that we stand with the people of Hong Kong. We stand with all victims of CCP terror and oppression and with freedom-loving people everywhere.

We cannot remain silent or pretend that what is happening in Hong Kong or across mainland China does not concern us. Today, in the interconnected world, we have a moral obligation to do our utmost for the people across the world and at least make them free to determine their own destiny.

  Evelyne Gebhardt, Verfasserin. – Frau Präsidentin, Frau Kommissarin, liebe Freunde, Freundinnen der Freiheit! Manch einer wird sagen: Ja, China, schon wieder China auf der Tagesordnung. Warum denn eigentlich? Ich sage auch: Mir wäre es viel lieber, wenn wir nicht so häufig über die Menschenrechtslage, über die Bürgerrechte, über die Freiheiten in China diskutieren müssten, wenn ich nicht so häufig an dieser Stelle darüber diskutieren müsste im Rahmen der Dringlichkeiten. Es gäbe viel schönere Themen, über die wir reden können.

Allerdings wird die erzwungene Schließung von Apple Daily als weiterer dunkler Meilenstein im fortschreitenden Abbau der Hongkonger Demokratie in die Geschichtsbücher eingehen. Die Medienfreiheit ist ein Grundpfeiler einer Lebensweise, unserer Gesellschaft, der Demokratie. Ohne Pressefreiheit haben wir keine Freiheiten für die Bürger und Bürgerinnen. Ohne Pressefreiheit haben wir keine Informationen, auf die wir uns stützen können, damit wir die Informationen, die wir brauchen, um richtige, gute Entscheidungen zu treffen, auch tatsächlich haben.

Ja, ich begrüße den heutigen überparteilichen Beschluss, und ich hoffe sehr und erwarte, dass wir eine sehr große Mehrheit erhalten werden. Die Mitgliedstaaten der Europäischen Union müssen unverzüglich Sanktionen gegen die verantwortlichen Personen in der Verwaltung Hongkongs und auf dem Festland Chinas erlassen und der demokratischen Bewegung in Hongkong den Rücken stärken.

Der Schutz von Journalistinnen und Journalisten und Demokratinnen und Demokraten muss hohe Priorität genießen. Deshalb fordern wir die Mitgliedstaaten auf, auch Notfallvisen auszustellen, um deren Schutz zu gewährleisten. Ja, wir fordern auch dazu auf, diplomatische Besuche der Olympischen Winterspiele 2022 in Peking abzulehnen, wenn sich die Menschenrechtslage nicht signifikant verbessert. Leider müssen wir das immer noch und immer wieder einfordern.

  Engin Eroglu, Verfasser. – Frau Präsidentin, sehr geehrte Frau Kommissarin! Explizit möchte ich am Anfang den Berichterstattern danken: Herzlichen Dank an Miriam, an Anna, an Reinhard – und vor allem an Dich, Reinhard, für diese exzellente Zusammenarbeit. Und diese exzellente Zusammenarbeit bei dem Bericht ist schon die erste Botschaft, die wir heute nach China senden. Das Parlament arbeitet gemeinsam und entschlossen, das nationale Sicherheitsgesetz in China mit der Zielsetzung, die Öffentlichkeit und die Freiheitsrechte einzuschränken, zu bekämpfen.

Die erzwungene Schließung von Apple Daily hat uns gezwungen, heute hier gemeinsam diesen Bericht zu verfassen, nicht weil wir es wollten, sondern weil die Kommunistische Partei uns dazu auffordert. In dieser Entschließung stehen gezielte Sanktionen gegen die Kommunistische Partei, das ist ganz wichtig, nämlich die Rettungsbootpolitik für Hongkonger, die in Hongkong Angst haben, aber auch die klare Aufforderung, keine Menschen mehr aus der Europäischen Union nach China auszuliefern.

Und was mir sehr wichtig war, auch der politische diplomatische Boykott der Olympischen Spiele. Wir dürfen uns hier nicht zum Symbol der Kommunisten machen und dürfen aus meiner Sicht auch nicht nach China reisen. Und ich wünsche unseren Olympiateilnehmern aus der Europäischen Union viel Erfolg bei den Spielen.

Wir sind hier heute im Haus hoffentlich einig und entschlossen und werden ein großes Signal nach China zeigen. Wir dürfen unseren Worten jetzt auch Taten folgen lassen. Es ist enorm wichtig, dass wir der Kommunistischen Partei zeigen: Es gibt Grenzen, und die sind mit uns hier erreicht. Wir werden nicht mehr aufhören, über diese Themen hier in diesem Haus zu sprechen, solange die Hongkonger um ihre Freiheit kämpfen müssen.

  Reinhard Bütikofer, author. – Madam President, this is not the first time today that we are discussing Hong Kong in this House. It is important that we do it because we stand with Hong Kong’s fight for their freedoms and for democracy. This is not an internal affair. Upholding human rights is our common global responsibility. Systematically in Hong Kong the freedoms that were once guaranteed for 50 years to come are being dismantled. I’m very grateful that we have such a good consensus between the five big democratic groups in this House to stand against that.

Today, we can – we must – say that free media are a thing of the past with the closure of Apple Daily. But this is just one additional step. The Legislative Council (LegCo​) has seen the Democrats evicted. The new electoral law is perverse. Universities, educators and public servants have been told that they now owe loyalty to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). On the basis of spurious excuses, the traditional 4 June vigils have been denied, as have other demonstrations. Businesses like HSBC have been forced, or lured, into doing the regime’s bidding in the unjust persecution of democratic activists, and the judiciary has been put on notice that, in the future, they are expected not to apply the law, but to apply Beijing’s will.

The European Parliament speaks up. It does so today, and it will do so in the future. But we will need some more voices from Member States’ capitals to join the chorus. Human rights stand at the centre of European foreign policy, not just for the European Parliament. That’s why we also call on political leaders to refrain from accepting invitations to the 2022 Winter Olympic Games in Beijing unless the situation changes fundamentally.

  Anna Fotyga, author. – Madam President, I align with my colleagues, and actually I would like to praise the European Parliament and leading groups in finding this unity in defence of the people in Hong Kong protesting against the imposition of laws that try to curb the hard-won and long-standing liberties they were able to enjoy for quite a long time.

We stand by the people of Hong Kong. It is our particular responsibility.

I’m really happy that the European Parliament is able to adopt the comprehensive resolution, acknowledging many facts that are needed by the public opinion of the whole of Europe in order to create proper policies, foreign policies.

I also join my colleagues in appealing to the EU and EU Member States’ diplomacies to decline invitations to participate in the events of 2022 Olympic Games in Beijing.

  Manu Pineda, autor. – Señora presidenta, señora comisaria, es realmente conmovedor ver el sufrimiento y la preocupación que determinados grupos de esta Cámara manifiestan por el cierre de un periódico en China, pero sería más creíble si esas preocupaciones no se manifestasen solo cuando los hechos suceden en países que los Estados Unidos tienen en su diana.

Esta Resolución, en nuestra opinión, es una nueva excusa para echar más gasolina en esta nueva versión de la guerra fría anunciada sin ambages por los Estados Unidos. Si este Parlamento manifestase esa misma preocupación por hechos de este tipo cuando son los países amigos de la UE los que los realizan, entonces podríamos empezar a creérnosla. Mientras tanto, esto no es más que una nueva injerencia burda contra un Estado soberano, que, sin duda, nos servirá para que los Estados Unidos nos den una palmadita en la espalda, pero que, desde luego, a los trabajadores, a las empresas de los países miembros de la Unión Europea solo les va a generar pérdidas.

Una vez más, insisto: dejemos la subordinación a los Estados Unidos y relacionémonos con los otros Estados con una vocación inequívoca de cooperación horizontal, respeto a la soberanía y beneficio mutuo.

  François-Xavier Bellamy, au nom du groupe PPE. – Madame la Présidente, à Hong Kong, la presse libre est désormais traitée comme une menace pour la sécurité nationale. Mais les accusations de terrorisme ne trompent personne. La liberté de la presse n’est une menace que pour le Parti communiste chinois, qui a entrepris de détruire méthodiquement toute résistance démocratique à son projet totalitaire. Il y a quelques jours, le dernier quotidien indépendant a publié sa dernière édition. Après deux raids de la police, l’arrestation de son fondateur, Jimmy Lai, enchaîné devant les caméras, l’incarcération de ses principaux cadres, le gel de ses comptes bancaires, le journal a été contraint de cesser de paraître. C’est évidemment un message. Désormais, toute parole libre est menacée à Hong Kong.

Depuis ce Parlement, nous devons dire notre immense admiration pour le courage de ceux qui payent le prix de cet engagement auquel ils n’ont jamais renoncé en faveur de la démocratie: les journalistes d’Apple Daily, mais aussi Joshua Wong, Ted Hui, Claudia Mo et tant d’autres. Nous sommes à leurs côtés parce qu’à 10 000 kilomètres de là, l’Europe est directement concernée. Et il ne s’agit pas, contrairement à ce que prétend le régime chinois, d’une affaire interne à la Chine. D’abord parce qu’il s’agit de la rupture unilatérale d’un accord qu’elle avait signé avec un pays européen il y a seulement 35 ans.

Ce n’est donc pas seulement à la liberté de Hong Kong que la Chine s’attaque, mais aussi à tout le monde occidental. Elle fragilise de fait tout le climat des relations que nous pouvons construire avec elle, y compris sur le plan commercial. Qu’en sera-t-il des investissements que nous prétendons sécuriser avec la Chine, si cette plateforme que Hong Kong a toujours représentée pour les relations commerciales devait disparaître définitivement, dans sa liberté, au profit du Parti communiste chinois?

L’Europe doit promouvoir les principes de l’état de droit auxquels elle s’honore de tenir dans ses négociations commerciales et politiques. Elle doit ici prouver sa cohérence. Nous sommes attendus parce que, de fait, c’est l’avenir de la liberté qui est en jeu. Si nous ne réagissons pas, nous laisserons la Chine imposer son modèle, qui est en réalité un contre-modèle global.

  Maria Arena, au nom du groupe S&D. – Madame la Présidente, l’arrestation du fondateur d’Apple Daily, Jimmy Lai, et l’arrêt de la publication du journal est un nouveau coup dur, et mon collègue Bütikofer a fait la liste de toutes les difficultés rencontrées aujourd’hui par les activistes pro-démocratie à Hong Kong. Les arrestations arbitraires menées ces dernières années envers les journalistes et les manifestants pacifiques sont évidemment inadmissibles, tout comme l’est la nouvelle loi aujourd’hui au niveau électoral à Hong Kong.

Rappelons-le, la liberté d’expression et d’informer est un droit fondamental inscrit dans le droit national et international de Hong Kong. Toutes les tentatives de museler les militants pro-démocratie en vertu de la loi sur la sécurité nationale doivent être condamnées.

J’appelle également le Conseil à imposer rapidement des sanctions ciblées dans le cadre du nouveau régime de sanctions global pour les droits de l’homme de l’Union européenne aux personnes qui ont entravé cette liberté à Hong Kong. N’oublions pas également qu’il est important de continuer à soulever les questions de violations des droits de l’homme graves commises par la Chine. Parce que Hong Kong, bien entendu, est un exemple, ici, de contre-valeurs démocratiques imposées par la Chine; mais sur le territoire chinois, nous avons déjà eu l’occasion de parler des Ouïgours, du Xinjiang, du Tibet et de toutes les autres violations de droits de l’homme sur le territoire chinois que nous devons absolument poursuivre.

PŘEDSEDNICTVÍ: MARCEL KOLAJA
místopředseda

  Hilde Vautmans, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Mr President, let us be very clear: China has killed democracy in Hong Kong. And Xi Jinping has made it very clear that Taiwan is the next station.

With our resolution, we give a very clear message: a China that tramples on human rights cannot be a close partner to the EU; a China that is exporting its authoritarian model is a threat to our way of life.

It is our duty, colleagues, to defend the rule of law, human rights, and a world order based on values. Let us work closer together with democracies such as India, Japan, Canada, Australia and the US. Let us stand with Hong Kong. Let us stand up for human rights and let us stand up for freedom.

  Jordi Solé, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, a year ago, almost to the day, the National Security Law entered into force. Our concerns and those of the people of Hong Kong proved to be right. This law is a pretext for restricting human rights, silencing dissenting voices and dismantling democracy and freedom in Hong Kong.

The case of the forced closure of Apple Daily is the latest regrettable example. The once vibrant democratic civil society in Hong Kong that should have been protected under its basic law, as well as its high degree of autonomy, are, as a matter of fact, being destroyed at full speed. It has to be remembered, over and over again, that all this is happening in breach of international commitments undertaken by China by which Hong Kong’s existing system and way of life had to remain unchanged for 50 years.

It is commendable that, despite the crackdown, Hong Kongers still demonstrate support for human rights and democracy, as happened a couple of weeks ago when, despite the police ban, hundreds commemorated the anniversary of the Tiananmen massacre outside Victoria Park. We need to cooperate with like—minded countries to halt the erosion of Hong Kong’s freedoms, and we reiterate that, as long as human rights violations continue in Hong Kong, Xinjiang, Tibet, Inner Mongolia and elsewhere in China, and targeted sanctions against individuals – MEPs amongst them – and entities of the EU are in place, no further steps on the EU—China investment agreement should be taken. The Council should take good note of that.

  Thierry Mariani, au nom du groupe ID. – Monsieur le Président, nous ne pouvons évidemment que comprendre des habitants qui cherchent à préserver leur liberté, à Hong Kong ou ailleurs. Qui ne le ferait pas? Qui n’éprouve pas une certaine sympathie en voyant des étudiants, des prêtres, des journalistes se lever pour maintenir l’esprit très particulier qui règne à Hong Kong?

La diplomatie n’est pas cependant une affaire de sympathie ou de sentiments. C’est une affaire d’intérêts nationaux. En 1997, l’Angleterre a décidé de rétrocéder Hong Kong à la Chine et d’abandonner de facto la souveraineté sur l’île. Et chacun savait déjà la suite de l’histoire... On peut le regretter. On peut regretter que les nations européennes aient été et continuent d’être incitées à réduire leur influence à travers le monde. Mais je suis également réaliste: l’Union européenne n’a aucune influence à Hong Kong et nos nations n’ont aucun intérêt à adopter une rhétorique belliciste contre la Chine, comme on peut le constater déjà dans certains propos. Ouvrons les yeux et cherchons notre propre voie, l’intérêt de l’Europe, au milieu de l’adversité entre la Chine et les États-Unis. Ne nous laissons pas entraîner à nouveau dans une nouvelle guerre froide.

  Assita Kanko, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, abusive legal procedures or abuse online, financial pressure, cyberespionage, physical violence and murder, or intimidation by states like in Malta where Daphne Caruana Galizia was assassinated; in Hong Kong, where the press is intimidated and the press room invaded in the name of a stupid law; and by drug criminals like in the Netherlands where journalist Peter R. de Vries has been shot this week and is still fighting for his life.

Many remain under threat in Hong Kong, but also here in Europe. As a kid, I wanted to become a journalist because this is how you inform citizens and protect democracy. It was journalists who informed the little girl I was in a remote African village about the world. There are still many little girls out there who need to be informed. As politicians today, we must fight crime and do all we can to give the press the opportunity to do their job and play their part of the democracy partition. As citizens, we need to do something too: to pay for news. As long as we want all news for free, we forget that we build financial vulnerability for many journalists and newsrooms. We have a choice to make here, now and every day: there is no democracy without a free press.

  Nikolaj Villumsen, on behalf of The Left Group. – Mr President, the forced closure of Apple Daily is unacceptable. Media freedom, freedom of speech, as well as freedom of assembly and organising, are fundamental human rights, rights that the people of Hong Kong are being denied.

Today our message from the European Parliament is clear. We stand in solidarity with the people of Hong Kong in their fight for democracy and freedom. We stand in solidarity with the political prisoners and the democratic opposition. We call on the EU leaders to act.

The European Union should impose targeted sanctions against those responsible for human rights violations. Carrie Lam and those responsible for the oppression and breach of international law in Hong Kong and mainland China must face the consequences.

  Ivan Vilibor Sinčić (NI). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, cijelo jutro razgovaramo o ljudskim pravima u Bangladešu, Iranu ili Hong Kongu. S pravom. Međutim, Europa se žali što se njezino mišljenje ne poštuje, što već nakon većeg broja rezolucija nema pomaka. Poštovalo bi se to mišljenje više kada bismo prvo pomeli u našem vlastitom dvorištu. Ne treba totalitarne ideje tražiti u Bangladešu, imamo ih nažalost i ovdje kod nas, u Europi.

Hrvatska vlada prijeti radnicima i poslodavcima. Krizne covid potpore uvjetovat će, nažalost, cijepljenjem. Prvo su promašenim mjerama devastirali gospodarstvo, a sada bi HDZ-ov stožer provodio u Hrvatskoj diskriminaciju i segregaciju, a vlada prijeti egzistencijom vlastitim građanima. Unatoč svim međunarodnim dokumentima kao što su Nürnberški kodeks, Rezolucija Vijeća Europe 2361 iz 2021. u kojoj stoji da nitko ne smije vršiti politički društveni ili drugi pritisak i da se ne smije vršiti diskriminacija između cijepljenih i necijepljenih.

Znače li išta ti međunarodni dokumenti? Što će napraviti Europa po tom pitanju? Što će napraviti Vijeće Europe po tom pitanju? Kao što pozivamo na rješavanje problema koji guše slobodu prava i misli onih koji nisu na strani vlasti u Bangladešu ili Iranu, tako trebamo početi i u Europi.

  Krzysztof Hetman (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Szanowni Państwo! 30 czerwca minął rok od przyjęcia kontrowersyjnej ustawy Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej o bezpieczeństwie narodowym w Hongkongu. Już wtedy w rezolucji Parlament Europejski zaznaczył, że nowe prawo naruszyło zasadę „jeden kraj, dwa systemy”, ale także niosło za sobą ryzyko ograniczenia praw i wolności obywatelskich.

Nasze obawy niestety się ziściły. Rok po uchwaleniu kontrowersyjnej ustawy Hongkong zmienił się nie do poznania. Kwestie bezpieczeństwa narodowego stały się pretekstem usprawiedliwiającym cenzurę, prześladowania i aresztowania przedstawicieli opozycji demokratycznej i aktywistów. Właśnie upadł ostatni bastion wolnego dziennikarstwa. Do zamknięcia została zmuszona ostatnia prodemokratyczna i niezależna od władz gazeta Apple Daily, a jej założyciel i pracownicy mierzą się z dużo większymi konsekwencjami niż tylko utrata źródła utrzymania.

Unia Europejska powinna w stosunkach z Chinami stanowczo opowiedzieć się po stronie ochrony praw człowieka i demokracji. Musimy wzywać Chiny do uwolnienia wszystkich osób aresztowanych pod zarzutami wynikającymi z ustawy o bezpieczeństwie narodowym, wycofania kontrowersyjnych przepisów, poszanowania zasady „jeden kraj, dwa systemy”, a także wolności słowa, w tym niezależnego dziennikarstwa i prawa do protestu. Powinniśmy też wprowadzić ukierunkowane sankcje wobec osób odpowiedzialnych za łamanie praw człowieka. Bardzo ważne jest też zaangażowanie europejskiego personelu dyplomatycznego w samym Hongkongu, np. poprzez obserwację procesów i wsparcie dla aktywistów.

  Isabel Santos (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, a liberdade de expressão e a imprensa livre e independente são pilares de qualquer sociedade democrática. O encerramento do Apple Daily representa mais um passo no resvalar de Hong Kong no caminho da censura, da repressão e do desrespeito pelas convenções internacionais e pela Lei Básica.

Em Hong Kong e noutras regiões da China, como Xinjiang e o Tibete, e até Macau, a lei de segurança nacional é usada para perseguir, prender e reprimir tantos quantos não obedecem cegamente às ordens das autoridades centrais ou tentam defender os seus direitos básicos e liberdades. E aqui não podemos esquecer o caso de Macau e o caso da TDM e o condicionamento imposto aos jornalistas quando a Lei Básica acordada com Portugal vigorará até 2049 e nela está inscrita a liberdade de imprensa.

Estas perseguições a órgãos de comunicação livres são mais uma tentativa de ocultar e calar todas as vozes críticas. Beijing não admite veleidades e é necessário dar sinais claros e sancionar quem está envolvido nestas violações de direitos humanos.

  Petras Auštrevičius (Renew). – Mr President, Madam Commissioner, colleagues, the city of Hong Kong, which once was the most free and admired economic centre in Asia, attracting professionals and investments from the European Union, is being turned into yet another authoritarian dominion of the Chinese Communist Party.

A year ago, we warned for good reason, the Chinese Government against the national security law, which violates the autonomy of Hong Kong. Hong Kongers are losing their long-enjoyed civil and political rights. They are deprived of freedom of speech and assembly, and with the closure of Apple Daily, they no longer have any independent and reliable media.

The Communist Party’s control over free elections and independent judiciary is also growing. The European Union must support pro-democracy activism in Hong Kong as we believe in human rights and democracy.

  Salima Yenbou (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, quoi de plus classique pour une dictature que d’accuser les personnes critiques de travailler pour des forces étrangères, même lorsque les critiques viennent de l’intérieur, de leur propre société civile, de leurs propres journalistes? Molière écrivait: «Qui veut noyer son chien l’accuse de la rage.» C’est le cas à Hong Kong avec la dramatique disparition du quotidien prodémocratie Apple Daily, accusé de «conspiration et collusion avec des pays étrangers».

Bilan d’un an de loi sur la sécurité nationale pilotée par Pékin: des bureaux de presse fouillés, des journalistes harcelés et arrêtés, la confiscation des avoirs de médias. Comment ne pas penser à cette réplique si sibylline, mais si lucide du chef-d’œuvre Chungking Express de Wong Kar-wai en 1994, «Tout a une date d’expiration»? Prophétie? Cassandre?

Au peuple hongkongais, mais aussi au peuple du Xinjiang, du Tibet, de Mongolie intérieure, je veux témoigner notre soutien et notre solidarité. Au peuple européen, je veux rappeler à quel point nos libertés sont précieuses et fragiles, et qu’il ne faut jamais baisser la garde. Nous devons défendre les droits humains et la liberté de la presse, aussi bien à l’extérieur de l’Union qu’à l’intérieur.

  Bert-Jan Ruissen (ECR). – Voorzitter, geachte commissaris, met de inval bij Apple Daily heeft China een nieuw dieptepunt bereikt in het afbreken van de democratie in Hongkong. De oppositie was al monddood gemaakt, en nu dus ook nog de laatste vrije actieve krant.

Dit alles mag niet zonder consequenties blijven. Zolang China doorgaat met het schenden van de mensenrechten in Hongkong, in Xinjiang, waar dan ook, kan van ondertekening van het investeringsakkoord geen sprake zijn. En wat mij betreft ook niet van technische voorbereidingen van dit akkoord. Kan de commissaris mij op dit punt geruststellen?

Ook inzet van Magnitskisancties tegen Carrie Lam en anderen is dringend geboden.

Voorzitter, hoe staat het trouwens met de oproep van het Europees Parlement, gedaan in het kwijtingsverslag voor 2019, om de camera’s van Chinese makelij te verwijderen uit het Europees Parlement? Waarom is daar nog geen invulling aan gegeven?

Verbeter de wereld, begin bij jezelf.

  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (NI). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, gentile Commissaria, chiunque voglia togliere la libertà di una nazione deve iniziare a proibire la libertà di parola.

Basterebbe questa citazione a farci capire il senso delle azioni intraprese dalle autorità di Hong Kong, ormai sempre più identificabili come un proxy di Pechino. Il disegno è chiarissimo: ricondurre una regione democratica, libera, multiculturale e aperta al mondo come Hong Kong nell'alveo del pensiero unico propugnato dalla Repubblica Popolare Cinese, rinchiuderlo in una prigione dove non potrà esserci spazio per le voci dissidenti e dove ogni giorno si smantelleranno i diritti umani.

Del principio "una Cina, due sistemi" rimane ben poco. È penosamente evidente quanto il sistema ormai sia solo uno ed è quello di Pechino. Con Apple Daily non chiude soltanto uno degli organi di informazione, uno degli ultimi che prova a spezzare la diffusione del pensiero unico, a essere messo in ginocchio è anche il sentimento popolare a favore della democrazia, fortemente radicato nei singoli cittadini, che finiranno per rassegnarsi e piegarsi di fronte a questo sopruso.

Se vogliamo che ciò non accada, la realpolitik in Europa non può e non deve prevalere. Non dobbiamo esitare a rispondere con decisione a queste violazioni, anche con le sanzioni mirate del regime globale contro i responsabili che le stanno perpetrando.

Non possiamo restare in silenzio perché anche noi oggi siamo cittadini di Hong Kong.

  Seán Kelly (PPE). – Mr President, when Hong Kong’s largest pro-democracy paper, Apple Daily, was forced to announce its closure, a chilling message was sent to the people regarding the freedom of expression, as well as a blow to media freedom in the city.

Let us not forget the valuable role played by the media. Freedom of the press is vital for informing citizens about public affairs and monitoring the actions of governments at all levels. Yes, we all may get frustrated by the opinions and actions of some journalists at times, but as a whole, they’re a necessity for a free and just society, and they should be protected.

I would therefore like to join the calls for the Hong Kong authorities to release all detained journalists, as well as all peaceful protesters, activists and political representatives, the charges against whom appear to be purely political.

Several months ago, we spoke in this Chamber about the unilateral introduction of national security legislation by the government in Beijing and what that would mean for the city of Hong Kong’s autonomy, rule of law and the integrity of one country, two systems. Unfortunately, since then we’ve continued to see a deterioration in the situation of human rights in Hong Kong.

The strict application of the national security legislation, the erosion of rights and the increased crackdown on any dissent prevents a relationship of trust between China and the EU, undermines future cooperation and leads to further erosion of Beijing’s credibility on the international stage.

I would also like to take this opportunity to once again mention the case of Richard O'Halloran, whose case has been spearheaded here by my colleague Barry Andrews. Richard is an Irish citizen and father of four from Dublin, who has been refused permission to exit China since March 2019. I sincerely hope that there can be a resolution to this case as soon as possible. We stand with Hong Kong.

  Kathleen Van Brempt (S&D). – Voorzitter, ik denk dat we allemaal met grote afschuw kijken naar wat er zich in Hongkong afspeelt. Van het democratische regime dat Hongkong ooit was, schiet niets meer over. Onder het mom van nationale veiligheid worden de rechten van de bevolking alsmaar meer ingeperkt, met het de facto opheffen van de persvrijheid als het absolute, trieste dieptepunt. Geen democratie meer. En wij in de EU hebben dat wel laten gebeuren.

We stood by, we watched and we did nothing.

We hebben met andere woorden de bevolking van Hongkong in de steek gelaten.

We weten allemaal dat het regime in China nu naar Taiwan kijkt. Gaan we hetzelfde doen? Gaan we woorden gebruiken, opkomen voor de democratie en de mensenrechten, en vervolgens niets doen? Ik stel voor dat de Commissie het geweer van schouder verandert en bijvoorbeeld met Taiwan begint te onderhandelen over een investeringsakkoord, om duidelijk te maken aan de wereld dat we niet ook de Taiwanezen in de steek gaan laten.

  Nicolae Ştefănuță (Renew). – Mr President, a few months ago Carrie Lam said that foreign powers should not intervene in Hong Kong’s affairs because they are China’s affairs and this jeopardises national security.

But what does national security really mean? Let me tell you, for the people of Hong Kong, it is the forced shutdown of the only pro-democracy newspaper, Apple Daily. It is journalists that are being detained and arrested just for doing their job. It is children being taught under suppressive methods that do not encourage critical thinking. And it’s the 100th anniversary: the CCP is ruthlessly expanding its power, trampling on Hong Kong’s sovereignty.

It is no longer enough for us just to be concerned. It is high time we changed into actions and applied the EU Magnitsky Act. Let’s send China a clear message. We stand for the people of Hong Kong and we won’t move aside. That’s not foreign interference, I’m sorry: that’s just doing our job. That’s protecting freedom.

  Joachim Stanisław Brudziński (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Zamknięcie dziennika Apple Daily, który przez ostatnie 26 lat bronił wolności i autonomii Hongkongu, narażając się nie tylko władzom w Pekinie, ale również władzom Autonomii oraz dużym korporacjom, biznesmenom zorientowanym politycznie na władzę w Chinach, jest symbolicznym wyczerpaniem się formuły z lat 80tych ogłoszonej przez Deng Xiaopinga „jeden kraj, dwa systemy”. Dzisiaj niestety z przykrością należy stwierdzić, iż możemy mówić „jeden kraj, jeden system”.

Zamknięcie w więzieniu w roku ubiegłym przeszło 70-letniego właściciela gazety Jimmy'ego Lai i postawienie mu absurdalnych zarzutów spiskowania z zewnętrznymi siłami, za co może mu grozić nawet dożywocie, pokazuje wyraźnie, że władze w Pekinie nie cofną się przed represjami, aby zdusić jakąkolwiek krytykę ze strony niezależnych mediów. Jakże cynicznie brzmieć muszą słowa władz w Pekinie, które, uzasadniając likwidację gazety, mówią, że działania te były jedynie krokami w celu zwalczania przestępczości oraz utrzymania praworządności i porządku społecznego.

Dzisiaj wszyscy musimy być z mieszkańcami Hongkongu, tymi którzy dali piękne świadectwo, stojąc w nocy w kolejce po ostatnie wydanie tej niezależnej gazety.

  Evin Incir (S&D). – Herr talman! Yttrande- och pressfriheten har alltid och kommer alltid utgöra ett hot mot diktatur- och förtryckarregimer. Därför är det där attackerna är som mest intensiva, även i Hongkong.

Enligt Reportrar utan gränsers pressfrihetsindex för 2021 fortsätter kommunistdiktaturen i Kina att leda ligan i antalet fängslade pressfrihetsförsvarare i hela världen. Sedan förra året styr de dessutom Hongkong med hjälp av den nationella säkerhetslagen de satte på plats. De som inte faller på knä framför diktaturen och Xi Jinping fängslas och många mördas. Det enda brott de begick var att törsta efter frihet och låta ordets makt tala sitt eget språk om förtrycket i Hongkong av regimen i Kina. Nu senast är det tidningen Apple Daily som stängdes den 24 juni, och grundaren Jimmy Lai sitter fängslad med hittepå-anklagelser om att han deltog i demonstrationen 2019 som skulle utgöra ett säkerhetshot.

De nationella säkerhetslagarna måste upphöra på en gång och politiska fångar måste släppas. För EU:s del går det inte att fortsätta med business as usual i handelsförbindelser när läget fortsätter att förvärras.

  Nathalie Loiseau (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, Viktor Orbán et Carrie Lam ont deux points en commun: ils ne savent pas dire non à Pékin et ils détestent la presse libre. Reporters sans frontières vient d’ailleurs de les distinguer parmi les dirigeants mondiaux qui s’en prennent le plus aux journalistes. Ce n’est donc pas un hasard si le premier ministre hongrois a volé au secours de la dirigeante de Hong Kong et empêché l’Union européenne d’ouvrir ses portes aux démocrates hongkongais qui fuient une répression devenue systématique. Ce n’est pas un hasard, mais c’est une honte. Vingt-six États européens étaient prêts à lancer une bouée de sauvetage aux journalistes et aux militants que les dirigeants de Hong Kong veulent réduire au silence en les accueillant dans l’Union européenne. Mais Viktor Orbán veillait et il a dit non. Les démocrates de Hong Kong, l’Australie, le Canada et notre voisin, le Royaume-Uni, sauront les accueillir, mais pas nous. Il est temps de changer nos règles et d’abandonner la règle de l’unanimité en politique étrangère. Il est temps de demander des comptes à Viktor Orbán sur son combat acharné contre les libertés.

  Marie-Pierre Vedrenne (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, une nouvelle fois, la Chine ne respecte aucun de ses engagements – dont le principe «un État, deux systèmes». Une nouvelle fois, la Chine demeure prête à tout pour faire taire opposition, critiques ou même once de liberté à Hong Kong.

Nous, Parlement européen, portons un message de solidarité et de soutien inconditionnel avec les démocrates hongkongais. La Chine ne nous fera pas taire. La liberté de la presse n’est pas négociable. Utilisons notre régime européen de défense des droits de l’homme pour sanctionner les responsables de cette répression ignoble; utilisons nos relations commerciales avec la Chine comme levier et soyons clairs sur l’avenir.

Aujourd’hui, l’accord sur les investissements avec la Chine est gelé. Demain, si les sanctions chinoises contre notre institution et nos collègues sont levées, nous devrons être et nous serons fermes, et nous nous positionnerons à la lumière du respect des droits de l’homme par la Chine, non seulement au Xinjiang, mais aussi à Hong Kong. Solidarité avec Hong Kong, fermeté avec la Chine, voilà notre ligne de conduite.

  Dita Charanzová (Renew). – Mr President, Madam Commissioner, one year ago this House condemned the introduction of Hong Kong’s national security law for violating the city’s autonomy, rule of law and fundamental freedoms. The Hong Kong government ensured that this law would ensure stability.

One year later we stand here again, witnessing the brutal attack on freedom of press, freedom of speech, as China cements its control. The message from the European Parliament is clear today. The forced closure of Apple Daily and harassment of journalists are unacceptable, and the EU must take action.

But while China desperately tries to silence voices, it can never silence ideas. The seat of democracy is planted firmly in the minds of the people of Hong Kong, and the European Union will stand firmly beside them in their defence of their freedom.

  President. – Before I give the floor to our final speaker Commissioner McGuinness, let me say something on one of the comments that was raised by Mr Ruissen which concerned the use of Chinese cameras in the European Parliament. As Vice—President of Parliament, I will make sure we look into this. If you have any more details feel free to send them to me and we will look into it and see if anything needs to be done when it comes to this.

  Mairead McGuinness, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members of the European Parliament, today’s debate on Hong Kong, as you’ve all pointed to, is taking place in the week following the first anniversary of the draconian national security law.

On 24 June Hong Kong’s main pro-democracy media outlet, Apple Daily, printed its final edition, after several of its leading journalists, including the owner Jimmy Lai, were arrested.

This is just the latest step in a severe political deterioration over the past 12 months. Political activists have been imprisoned. Opposition parties oppressed. Civil servants compelled to take oaths of loyalty, and media, civil society and academia confronted with new restrictions and the need to self-censor.

As stated by HR/VP Borrell on 9 June, the European Union will continue implementing the response package agreed in July of last year. We will also intensify our response through increasing support to civil society – including those outside Hong Kong – and the media, promoting freedom of expression, facilitating mobility, as well as ensuring observation of the trials of pro-democracy activists.

The EU Office, EU Member States and other like-minded missions are systematically monitoring court proceedings. A visit of high-level EU officials will be considered once conditions allow. The European Union will step up coordination and consultation with international partners, including in multilateral fora.

The EU is also committed to responding to any extraterritorial application of the national security law against any EU citizen or business. Since imposition, this law has been used by the Hong Kong and mainland authorities to stifle political pluralism and the exercise of human rights and fundamental freedoms that are protected under Hong Kong law and international law.

China claims that what is happening in Hong Kong is an internal matter and that the EU’s reaction is interference. We reject this. What is happening in Hong Kong constitutes a breach of international commitments. In particular of the Sino-British joint declaration, which was registered with the UN as an international treaty.

As HR/VP Borrell has said, it is a question of trust and of whether prior international commitments are respected. These actions undermine Hong Kong’s autonomy under the ‘one country, two systems’ principle and contradict China’s international commitments. The European Union will continue to stand by the people of Hong Kong.

  President. – The debate is closed.

The vote will take place shortly.

9.3. Mirties bausmė Saudo Arabijoje, ypač Mustafa Hashem al-Darwish ir Abdullah al-Howaiti atvejai

  President. – The next item is the debate on six motions for resolutions on the death penalty in Saudi Arabia, notably the cases of Mustafa Hashem al-Darwish and Abdullah al-Howaiti (2021/2787(RSP))*.

_______________

*See Minutes.

  Željana Zovko, author. – Mr President, the death penalty is an inhuman punishment, disregarding the crime committed or the fairness of the trial, the deliberate execution of human beings should not ever be allowed. It is ineffective, has no deterrent effect, and it is often used as a political tool.

I strongly oppose capital punishment and support the European Union’s call for its worldwide abolition, especially in the case of convicted minors. This morning, we already heard the debate on a case in Iran. Now we focus on the situation in Saudi Arabia, but also in many other countries and around the world the death penalty is still frequently used. Although the Saudi authorities announced an end to the death penalty for minors for certain crimes in 2018, Mustafa Hashem al-Darwish and Abdullah al-Howaiti were still sentenced with capital punishment.

Severe questions have been raised about their trials and I deplore the verdict of the court. Unfortunately, the sentence of Mustafa Hashem al-Darwish has already been executed. But I urge the Government of Saudi Arabia to halt all pending executions and to commute all death sentences.

  Marc Tarabella, auteur. – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, les autorités saoudiennes avaient annoncé un ambitieux programme de réformes des droits humains lié aux plans du prince héritier Mohammed ben Salmane pour moderniser le pays. L’un des engagements clés était d’abolir l’application de la peine de mort pour les mineurs.

Cependant, force est de constater que les autorités saoudiennes ont une nouvelle fois renié leurs promesses. En effet, le 15 juin dernier, Mustafa Hashem al-Darwish, un jeune Saoudien issu de la minorité chiite, a été exécuté après avoir été soumis à la torture et à un procès manifestement inéquitable. Le prochain sur la liste pourrait être Abdullah al-Howaiti. Quelque 40 autres détenus attendent de subir le même sort dans le couloir de la mort en Arabie saoudite, dont des dissidents pacifiques et des personnes qui ont osé critiquer le régime saoudien.

Je m’étonne donc que la droite conservatrice dans cette assemblée, par la voix du groupe ECR, affirme que l’application de la peine de mort en Arabie saoudite est en baisse. Cela va tout à fait à l’encontre des faits, et la seule raison pour laquelle le nombre d’exécutions était inférieur en 2020 par rapport aux années précédentes est due non pas à des réformes du gouvernement, mais bien au COVID, car de nombreux procès ont été reportés. Cette augmentation des exécutions s’inscrit dans un schéma plus large de détérioration de la situation des droits humains en Arabie saoudite, malgré les promesses de réformes. En effet, de nombreuses femmes militantes sont toujours emprisonnées et celles qui ont été libérées, comme Loujain al-Hathloul, sont confrontées à des restrictions arbitraires de leurs droits, notamment celui de voyager.

Ces violations, et bien d’autres d’ailleurs, continuent de se produire parce qu’il n’y a jamais eu de responsabilités établies pour des crimes antérieurs, à l’instar du meurtre du journaliste Jamal Khashoggi en 2018. Tant le rapporteur spécial des Nations unies, Mme Callamard, que les services de renseignements américains avaient établi la responsabilité personnelle du prince héritier Mohammed ben Salmane dans ce meurtre. C’est justement cette impunité qui inspire de nouvelles exactions. Il est donc impératif que l’Union européenne applique son régime mondial de sanctions en matière de droits de l’homme contre les responsables saoudiens. Et les dirigeants des institutions européennes devraient sans doute interagir avec le roi Salmane en tant que chef de l’État, et non conférer une légitimité à Mohammed ben Salmane, en le traitant comme tel à l’instar du comportement de l’administration américaine et de son président Joe Biden.

  Katalin Cseh, author. – Mr President, imagine that your child disappears on the way back from school and all your calls for help are ignored by authorities, and then you open the newspaper to see that your child was executed, and you will never see him again.

And this is not some poorly written movie plot. This is the unfathomable reality families still face across Saudi Arabia. Kids are routinely arrested, held incommunicado, tortured into admission, denied access to lawyers and family members while they languish on death row.

Executions are outrageous by themselves, but executing minors is really a practice that never should have existed. Let me be very clear. It must be abolished from the face of the earth and Saudi Arabia pledged to do just that. And yet it continues to execute children up until this very day.

We are way past the point of strongly worded resolutions. We need to stop supplying the Saudi regime with technology that could be used to oppress their own citizens, we could never be complicit in this crime. So let’s turn up the heat on Council colleagues and let’s make this happen.

  Hannah Neumann, author. – Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, diplomatic engagement with Saudi Arabia is quite a tightrope walk. They have made progress on women’s rights and announced substantial legal reforms. That’s good news. But we also know that blatant human rights violations are still a reality. It’s a reality for most in prisons that their situation is very, very bleak and we describe it all in our resolution.

But again, Saudi Arabia is a key regional player. We need to engage with Saudi Arabia, be it to improve security in the Middle East or to fight the climate crisis. Saudi Arabia made it quite clear they want to engage with us and we need and should engage with Saudi Arabia. But all of our actions need to be guided by three questions.

How can we strengthen and support all those who want to change Saudi Arabia towards more human rights, more rule of law and eventually democracy? How can we contain and ostracise those responsible for human rights violations? And how can we make sure that European companies do not enable, or even worse, profit from the suffering of human rights defenders in Saudi Arabia?

This is how we can have an impact as parliamentarians, as diplomats, as Team Europe, but often enough we are not using it. For many years, European companies have exported surveillance technology to Saudi Arabia that is used to track dissidents. Some Member States are still exporting arms to Saudi Arabia, despite the violations of humanitarian law that are committed with these weapons in Yemen. There are still no sanctions on those responsible for the murder of Jamal Khashoggi and political delegations shake hands and sign business deals without a word of support for those in prison.

It is important to engage with Saudi Arabia and it is important to also name perpetrators, denounce oppressive structures and show solidarity with victims. We can do both. We should do both. And Charles Michel, I wish you a safe and successful trip to Saudi Arabia.

  Ryszard Czarnecki, autor. – Pani Komisarz! Panie Przewodniczący! Szanowni Państwo! Jestem współautorem tej rezolucji. Są w niej opisane fakty. Są również w projekcie rezolucji opisane nasze postulaty, czy może lepiej powiedzieć – żądania. I myślę, że moi przedmówcy powiedzieli bardzo wiele. Jednak chciałbym powiedzieć, że sytuacja, w której kara śmierci funkcjonuje, nie dzieje się tylko gdzieś tam daleko na innym kontynencie. Dzieje się także na naszym. I to w kraju graniczącym z Unią Europejską. I to nawet z dwoma państwami członkowskimi Unii Europejskiej, w tym także moim. Mówię tutaj o Białorusi. Jeżeli chcemy być wiarygodni, jeżeli chcemy, żeby nam, Parlamentowi Europejskiemu, Unii Europejskiej, nikt nie zarzucał podwójnych standardów, to powinniśmy również bardzo mocno protestować przeciwko sytuacji, w której tuż za naszą granicą w wymiarze formalnym, a także przecież praktycznym, takie rzeczy mają miejsce. Mówię o tym, ponieważ cieszę się z tego, że dzisiaj ponad podziałami politycznymi w zasadzie prawie wszystkie grupy polityczne zabierają głos w sprawie Arabii Saudyjskiej. Natomiast pamiętajmy o innych krajach, które też wymagają naszej interwencji. Myślę, że powinniśmy dialogować z władzami Arabii Saudyjskiej i przekazać nasze argumenty.

  Miguel Urbán Crespo, Autor. – Señor presidente, desde 2015, Arabia Saudí ha ejecutado a más de ochocientas personas, entre ellas al menos a ocho jóvenes que eran menores; menores como Mustafá, ejecutado en junio, y como otros nueve que pueden ser asesinados cualquier día.

A pesar de las promesas y los millones invertidos en lavar su imagen, la realidad es que estamos ante una dictadura absoluta, que viola a diario los derechos de las mujeres y de los activistas sociales, y los de la población civil yemení. Y todo esto ante el silencio cómplice de la Unión Europea, que tiene a Arabia Saudí en su lista de socios estratégicos.

Por eso exigimos que cesen las ejecuciones; que haya un embargo de armas ya; que se finalicen las relaciones preferentes y la cooperación; y que relaciones políticas y comerciales estén condicionadas a resultados en materia de derechos humanos. Cerrar los ojos ante las barbaridades cometidas por este régimen solo contribuye a alimentar la impunidad del régimen de Arabia Saudí.

  Maria Arena, au nom du groupe S&D. – Monsieur le Président, depuis 2011, la Cour pénale spécialisée d’Arabie saoudite est utilisée comme instrument de répression pour faire taire toute forme d’expression de la dissidence. Parmi les personnes qui ont été condamnées par cette Cour figurent des défenseurs des droits de l’homme, des religieux, des militants des droits de l’homme, inculpés pour certains d’infractions passibles de la peine de mort, et ceci pour avoir tout simplement exprimé pacifiquement leurs opinions.

Aujourd’hui, effectivement, le royaume d’Arabie saoudite est un des pays qui exécute le plus, comme l’Iran dont nous avons parlé aussi aujourd’hui. L’Arabie saoudite s’est pourtant engagée à ne plus exécuter de jeunes qui, au moment des faits, étaient des mineurs. Cet engagement n’a pas été respecté. La preuve en est l’exécution de Mustafa al-Darwish, qui a été exécuté il y a deux semaines. Nous appelons donc l’Arabie saoudite à tenir ses engagements et cesser d’imposer la peine de mort à des mineurs au moment des faits, conformément aux obligations au titre de la Convention relative aux droits de l’enfant. Mais nous appelons aussi l’Arabie saoudite à rejoindre le club des abolitionnistes de la peine de mort. Entre-temps, nous lui demandons le moratoire en termes d’exécutions.

  Jan-Christoph Oetjen, im Namen der Renew-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin! Wir wissen alle, dass Saudi-Arabien kein freies und tolerantes Land ist. Bei der Gelegenheit erinnere ich daran, dass der Sacharow-Preisträger von 2015, Raif Badawi, noch immer in Haft ist.

Besonders abscheulich ist allerdings, dass in Saudi—Arabien Minderjährige hingerichtet werden. Der 17-jährige Mustafa al-Darwish hat seine Teilnahme an Protesten vor etwas mehr als drei Wochen, nämlich am 15. Juni, mit seinem Leben bezahlt – hingerichtet, nachdem ihm unter Folter ein Geständnis erpresst wurde, ohne Verteidigung, ohne fairen Prozess.

Heute noch sind neun Kinder in Saudi-Arabien zu Tode verurteilt und warten auf ihre Hinrichtung. Einer von ihnen ist Abdullah al-Huwaiti. Er war 14, als er verhaftet wurde. Er wurde gefoltert, um ein Geständnis zu erpressen, und in einem dubiosen Prozess wurde er im Oktober 2019 zum Tode verurteilt. Im ersten Halbjahr wurden in Saudi—Arabien 31 Todesurteile vollstreckt, unter anderem an acht minderjährigen Straftätern.

Wir verurteilen diese Praxis, wir erwarten faire Prozesse. Die Todesstrafe, insbesondere für Minderjährige, gehört abgeschafft. Es gibt keine Begründung für eine solche unmenschliche Praxis.

  Elżbieta Kruk, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! W Europie odchodzenie od kary śmierci miało ewolucyjny charakter. Nastąpiło w wyniku stopniowej zmiany doktryny prawnej. Kara główna nie jest zakazana na mocy powszechnie obowiązującego prawa międzynarodowego.

W trwającej debacie stawiamy sobie pytania: czy mamy się jednoznacznie sprzeciwiać jej stosowaniu w każdych okolicznościach, czy też przekracza to granice tolerancji wobec najbardziej odrażających zbrodni? Mamy bowiem do czynienia z różnymi okolicznościami, w których dochodzi do orzeczenia tej kary. Zdarzają się przypadki jej orzekania z motywów politycznych jako narzędzie do prześladowania lub dyskryminacji. Takie wyroki śmierci to często zbrodnie sądowe. Niewątpliwie jako takie kwalifikuje się wymierzenie kary śmierci w wyniku postępowania, w którym pozbawiono oskarżonego jego podstawowych praw, gdy poddano go torturom czy uniemożliwiono mu korzystanie z prawa do obrony. Z taką sytuacją najprawdopodobniej mamy do czynienia w przypadku Mustafy al-Darwisza i nie jest to jedyny przypadek niezgodnego z prawem międzynarodowym procesu sądowego w Arabii Saudyjskiej. Nie możemy się z tym zgodzić. Życie ludzkie jest wartością najwyższą.

  Emmanuel Maurel, au nom du groupe The Left. – Monsieur le Président, dix-sept ans, c’est l’âge qu’avait Mustafa al-Darwish lorsqu’il a participé à des manifestations antigouvernementales, ce qui lui a valu d’être condamné à mort et exécuté. Quatorze ans, c’est l’âge qu’avait Abdullah al-Howaiti au moment de son arrestation pour un meurtre qu’il n’a avoué qu’au terme d’interminables tortures, alors même qu’il avait un alibi irréfutable qui n’a pas été examiné. Lui aussi a été condamné à mort. Ces condamnations de mineurs à la peine capitale ont été prononcées au mépris des engagements internationaux de l’Arabie saoudite et des décisions prises par le prince héritier lui-même. Elles discréditent évidemment un système judiciaire inhumain fondé sur des lois archaïques et barbares.

L’Union européenne, elle, ne peut pas être complice. Elle ne peut pas transiger sur un tel affront aux droits humains. Nous demandons donc à l’Arabie saoudite de rejuger Abdullah al-Howaiti. Nous demandons un moratoire sur les exécutions. L’Europe ne peut pas se contenter de molles incantations sur ces points, sauf à laisser prospérer les accusations d’hypocrisie et de deux poids, deux mesures. Nous ne pouvons plus tolérer que nos intérêts économiques, qu’il s’agisse de l’Arabie saoudite ou d’autres États autoritaires, se payent au prix du sang des innocents.

  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (NI). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, gentile Commissario, il 15 giugno dopo sei anni di ingiusta incarcerazione è stato ucciso senza che la sua famiglia ne fosse informata Mustafa al-Darwish.

Non riesco a immaginare nulla di più crudele. È morto da solo Mustafa e a lui e alla sua famiglia va tutta la mia solidarietà. La principale prova, se così possiamo definirla, in un processo farsa contraddistinto da gravi carenze e da una confessione estratta sotto tortura, è stata una fotografia sul cellulare ritenuta offensiva per le forze di sicurezza, relativa ad eventi peraltro accaduti quando Mustafa era ancora minorenne e dunque non punibili con la morte secondo la legislazione saudita.

Colleghi, la pena di morte è la negazione stessa di tutti quei valori per i quali noi lottiamo ogni giorno. Uccidere un essere umano è solo un altro crimine e non sarà mai un atto di giustizia.

Io chiedo una moratoria immediata delle esecuzioni al regime saudita. Chiedo di adottare, immediatamente, a noi sanzioni individuali verso i responsabili di questo crimine, così come una piena trasparenza sul finanziamento ai partiti o ai leader politici europei che percepiscono soldi da paesi, autorità o entità riconducibili a paesi che violano i diritti umani.

No a un'Europa forte con i deboli e debole con i forti. Non abbiamo dimenticato Raif Badawi né Jamal Khashoggi. Noi non dimentichiamo che possiamo essere veramente liberi solo se tutti lo sono.

  Isabel Santos (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, morte à morte, guerra à guerra, ódio ao ódio. A liberdade é uma cidade imensa da qual todos somos concidadãos. Evoco estas palavras do escritor Victor Hugo num texto em que saudou a abolição da pena de morte em Portugal há 154 anos para assinalar quão anacrônica, cruel, degradante e desumana é a persistência da pena de morte no século XXI. Uma vergonha para a Humanidade.

Ao condenarmos a execução de Mustafa Hashem al-Darwish e a morte de Abdullah al-Howaiti às mãos das autoridades sauditas estamos, não só, a condenar a pena de morte na Arábia Saudita e noutros países, mas a pugnar pela abolição universal desta pena. Face às múltiplas violações dos direitos humanos e do direito internacional, pede-se o embargo do fornecimento de armas à Arábia Saudita e uma atitude diplomática mais assertiva e coerente por parte da União Europeia.

  Mick Wallace (The Left). – Mr President, Commissioner, the execution of Mustafa al-Darwish for taking part in protests when he was a minor is not exceptional in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. It’s just another day in the systematic persecution and marginalisation of Shia by the brutal Saudi dictatorship.

We will see more executions like this in the months ahead. But the Saudi dictatorship doesn’t care about the scolding of the EU Parliament. Did they give a damn about our Yemen resolution? Yemen is still under military siege and bombardment. Tens of thousands killed by EU, UK and US weapons, hundreds of thousands of women and children displaced and millions battling the starvation imposed on them by the defenders of the so-called rule-based international order.

Our friends in the Saudi dictatorship will take these words of concern about capital punishment seriously when we stop profiting off them, investing in their ridiculous projects, legitimising their brutal regime and assisting them as they spread death and destruction and fund violent extremism all the way from Paris to Mali to Iraq, Xinjiang.

Italia, in bocca al lupo domenica!

  Evin Incir (S&D). – Herr talman! I ett land där mänskliga rättigheter fortfarande är blott en dröm och godtyckliga fängslanden är verklighet, blir situationen för barn och unga än mer alarmerande. Saudiarabien är ett land som tydligt visat på hur signaturer på internationella åtaganden som barnkonventionen inte räcker. Med åtaganden kommer nämligen skyldighet att implementera.

I dag både fängslas och mördas barn och unga av regimen. Avrättningen av Mustafa Hashem al-Darwish och det fortsätta fängslandet och dödsdomen mot Abdullah al-Howaiti är vidriga exempel på uråldriga metoder som används av den saudiska regimen, till och med mot barn och unga.

Visst låter den saudiska regimens löften om förbättringar vad gäller mänskliga rättigheter bra. Men hittills har lite synts i verkligheten. Saudiarabien måste se till att omgående börja respektera de åtaganden de själva har gjort, att skydda barn genom ratificering av barnkonventionen, men också respektera mänskliga rättigheter. FN och EU har en skyldighet gentemot alla barn och unga i landet; dödsdomarna måste stoppas och de som ligger bakom avrättningarna får inte gå fria från straff.

  Pierfrancesco Majorino (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la situazione in Arabia Saudita sul piano del rispetto dei diritti umani è drammatica.

La recente esecuzione di Mustafa Hashem al-Darwish è la conferma di quel che avviene nel paese da tempo, basti pensare all'uccisione del giornalista Jamal Khashoggi, alla tragica situazione umanitaria e politica in Yemen, alla detenzione di difensori dei diritti umani, attivisti, tra cui Raif Badawi.

Al contrario di quel che viene affermato dalla macchina propagandistica, attivisti dei diritti umani e cittadini sauditi restano sotto costante minaccia ogni giorno. Per questo chiediamo a tutti i rappresentanti dell'Unione europea di seguire l'esempio del presidente Biden, ossia di non considerare in alcun modo il principe Mohammad bin Salman come legittimo interlocutore. E lo chiediamo a tutti gli esponenti politici europei di qualsiasi paese.

Facciamola finita con la relazione pericolosa con il principe Mohammad bin Salman. Essa calpesta i nostri valori.

  Mairead McGuinness, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, the European Union is unequivocally opposed to the use of capital punishment in all cases and without exception. It is a cruel and inhumane punishment which fails to act as a deterrent and represents an unacceptable denial of human dignity and integrity.

We remain concerned about the continued use of the death penalty in Saudi Arabia. According to our sources, in 2019 184 people were executed in Saudi Arabia. A lower number, 27, were executed last year, partially due to an informal moratorium on executions for drug-related crimes.

But each and every execution is unacceptable. In April 2020, a royal decree expanded the provisions of a 2019 law, setting the age of minors at 18 years and exempting minors from the death penalty for most crimes. Both the informal moratorium on executions for drug-related crimes and the adoption of the royal decree were steps in the right direction.

However, more is needed. The royal decree does not cover all categories of criminal offences committed by juveniles, and it should be expanded. The imposition of the death penalty on an individual who was a child at the time of the alleged crime goes against internationally accepted minimum standards.

We have seen the commuting of death sentences for some juveniles who had been sentenced to death. This EU special representative for human rights has raised the case of Abdullah al-Howaiti and other juveniles with the Saudi Human Rights Commission and with the Saudi Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The European Union deeply regrets the execution of Mustafa Hashem al-Darwish. The EU Special Representative for Human Rights has publicly conveyed this regret. Worryingly, it brings the number of people executed in Saudi Arabia this year to 27, the same number executed in 2020.

We have seen conflicting reports about the age when Mustafa Hashem al-Darwish committed the alleged crimes for which he was executed. The European Union will continue to consistently reiterate its principled position against the use of death penalty in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and advocate for a complete de facto moratorium as a first step towards a formal and full abolition of the death penalty.

  President. – The debate is closed.

The vote will take place shortly.

Written statements (Rule 171)

  Dominique Bilde (ID), par écrit. – Les affaires pénales impliquant Mustafa Hashem al-Darwish et Abdullah al-Huwaiti soulignent d’une part l’application sévère de la peine capitale en Arabie saoudite, et en l’occurrence à des mineurs, et d’autre part la situation des chiites, aux prises avec une justice pénale sans concession. Les séances plénières du Parlement européen ont également été l’occasion d’évoquer successivement la condition féminine (illustrée par le procès intenté à Loujain al-Hathloul), ou encore le sort des migrants éthiopiens dans les geôles saoudiennes. Ces abus, qui perdurent dans le silence embarrassé de l’Occident, attestent un certain double discours en matière de droits de l’homme, caractérisé par exemple par la tenue du G20 en Arabie saoudite l’année dernière. Ce deux poids deux mesures est aussi évident en matière de droit du travail, puisque l’Occident ignore largement la pratique de la kafala dans les États du Golfe. L’octroi de l’organisation de la coupe du monde de football 2022 au Qatar le démontre amplement.

(The sitting was suspended at 12.37)

10. Posėdžio atnaujinimas

(The sitting resumed at 13.00)

11. Balsavimo rezultatų paskelbimas

(The sitting was suspended at 13.04)

PRESIDÊNCIA: PEDRO SILVA PEREIRA
Vice-Presidente

12. Posėdžio atnaujinimas

(A sessão é reiniciada às 13h47)

13. Antrasis balsavimas

  Presidente. – Segue-se o segundo período de votação.

Os dossiês serão votados conforme indicado na ordem do dia. O período de votação decorrerá entre as 13h45 e as 15h00. A votação será feita segundo o mesmo procedimento utilizado nos períodos de votação anteriores. Todas as votações serão realizadas por votação nominal.

Declaro aberto o segundo período de votação. Podem votar até às 15H00.

Os resultados do segundo período de votação serão comunicados às 16h30.

Os debates prosseguirão com a declaração da Comissão sobre os planos e ações para acelerar a transição para a inovação sem recurso à utilização de animais na investigação, nos ensaios regulamentares e na educação.

(A sessão é suspensa às 13h49)

VORSITZ: RAINER WIELAND
Vizepräsident

14. Posėdžio atnaujinimas

(Die Sitzung wird um 14.36 Uhr wieder aufgenommen)

15. Planai ir veiksmai, kuriais siekiama paspartinti perėjimą prie inovacijų, kai moksliniuose tyrimuose, reglamentuojamuose bandymuose ir švietimo srityje nebūtų naudojami gyvūnai (diskusijos)

  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärung der Kommission betreffend die Pläne und das Vorgehen zur Beschleunigung eines Übergangs zu Innovationen ohne die Verwendung von Tieren in der Forschung, bei vorgeschriebenen Versuchen und in der Bildung (2021/2784(RSP)).

  Adina-Ioana Vălean, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, the European Union is committed to supporting animal welfare, to improving public health and protecting the environment. We recognise that animals have intrinsic value and the Commission is convinced that animal testing should be phased out in Europe. We are working towards this goal in particular by means of the directive on the protection animals in science, which, as I will explain, is a strategic approach.

At the global level this directive is unique as its ultimate goal is the full replacement of animal use in science. The directive is also among the most stringent legislation in the world for protecting the welfare of animals that are still needed for use in scientific research.

In the European Union all living animals used in science are protected by this very strict legislation. It applies to the use of animals in all disciplines, from basic research to applied research, the development of medicines, and the safety testing of chemicals.

The directive is overarching. All Member States have enacted it in their national legislation. All sector-specific pieces of legislation such as on pharmaceuticals, food or chemicals, must be in line with the objectives of the directive. That means in practice that the use of animals is only allowed if there are no suitable alternatives.

Any new initiatives that the Commission is taking, such as the chemical strategy for sustainability, must fully respect the directive’s ultimate goal of phasing out all animals used in science. And let me recall that the use of animals is already forbidden if there are alternative methods available and that the EU already has a ban on using animal testing for cosmetics.

As part of our commitment to the eventual replacement of all animals in science, the Commission actively supports the development of alternatives by funding research. This amounts to some EUR 800 million over the past 20 years. We also host the European Union Reference Laboratory for alternatives to animal testing. This way we make tangible contributions to the development and validation of non-animal alternatives. The laboratory has some 50 staff at the Commission’s Joint Research Centre in Ispra.

In addition, the Commission is actively involved in, finances and co-chairs the European Partnership for Alternative Approaches to Animal Testing. This is a public-private partnership that includes five directorates-general of the European Commission, 37 companies and 8 European industry federations, each representing a separate industrial area. The partnership aims at replacing animal testing by innovative non-animal testing methods, to reduce the number of animals used, and to refine procedures where no alternatives exist or are not sufficient to ensure the safety of substances.

The directive on the protection of animals in science obliges the Member States and the Commission to be fully transparent on the use of animals in science and we recently launched ALURES, a database of statistics that is publicly available. The level of transparency is unique in the world. It helps determine which disciplines use the most animals and use the most severe tests and hence it helps us to better focus the research into alternative methods in these areas. This transparency is a tool showing how many animals are being used in science in the EU and helping us to focus the research.

Another tool is knowledge-sharing, showcasing alternatives that are already available and others that are being developed. By shining a light on this progress on alternatives and engaging in the debate, we want to stimulate more change.

Recent examples include two very well-attended scientific conferences, including one in February this year. Scientists showed, for example, 3D human kidney tubules for drug-efficacy testing and stem cell models that mimic the function of human organs. We also aim to stimulate trust in those new methods.

As I said at the outset, our ultimate goal is to replace the use of animals for scientific purposes. That goal is reflected in EU legislation. We are working towards this goal with all the means we have – research policy, legislation and funding. While science is making progress, we are always looking for ways to accelerate the move towards this goal and reduce the use of animals in science. The different sectors for which we have European legislation, such as human and veterinary medicine, chemicals, food and feed, are all bound to the objectives of this directive to replace the use of animals. We are making targeted efforts. We are pursuing a collaborative and gradual approach, but more scientific knowledge is needed for phasing out animal testing and research completely.

So thank you very much for your attention. I’m looking forward to your comments to take to my colleague in charge of this dossier.

  Michal Wiezik, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, first of all, I didn’t plan to speak in plenary this week, but I had to replace a colleague of mine, to whom I wish a full and fast recovery from his injuries. But now to the topic.

Commissioner, without a doubt, the Commission has been investing significantly in very promising, innovative research projects. They have shown the possibilities of advanced non-animal models. At the same time, however, the investments in these innovative methods are still dwarfed in comparison to the current investments in animal studies. In 2017, over 23 million animals were impacted by science. The majority of them were bred and killed without actually being used in the experiments. It all happens despite specific provisions in REACH to promote alternative methods and to only use animals as a last resort.

Today, the EU has major challenges to face: infectious diseases, the fight against cancer and ensuring a clean and safe environment. These challenges are complex and the EU is addressing them on many fronts, one of them research and testing. The rapid emergence of advanced non—animal models offer immense opportunities to replace animals and improve research. The Joint Research Centre has listed many of these methods for several disease areas, but they have not yet been followed by concrete measures.

What we are asking from the Commission is to do more of what it already does, but in a coordinated manner and with concrete goals that can replace animals in specific scientific areas. Targeted funding, education and broad collaborations are key to making innovative advanced models and technologies the new normal. The Commission should work towards inter—agency alignment by setting up a dialogue on the regulatory use of non—animal models in anticipation of the ‘one substance, one assessment’ approach, and to ensure a proper share of the agency’s budget is dedicated to these models.

  Jytte Guteland, för S&D-gruppen. – Herr talman! I direktivet om skydd av djur som används för vetenskapliga ändamål anges att direktivet är ett viktigt steg mot att uppnå det slutliga målet, att ersätta alla försök på levande djur i vetenskapliga syften, och att det är önskvärt att ersätta användningen av levande djur i försök med andra metoder som inte kräver användning av levande djur. Syftet i direktivet är att underlätta och främja användningen av alternativa metoder.

Vi vet dock att verkligheten ser totalt annorlunda ut. Drygt tio år efter antagandet av direktivet fortsätter de plågsamma djurförsöken med oförminskad styrka. Miljontals möss, fiskar, fåglar men också katter och hundar används varje år i djurförsök i EU. Djuren tvångsmatas med farliga ämnen, deras vitala organ opereras bort. De genmodifieras. De utsätts för brutala övergrepp som brutna ben eller regelbunden exponering av giftiga ämnen.

Att djur fortfarande ska behöva genomgå så kallade smärttester där de bränns på heta plattor, det är helt oacceptabelt. Vetenskapen har utvecklats så snabbt att vi nu, om inte förr, verkligen är redo att påbörja en utfasning av djurförsök i vetenskapliga syften.

Pandemin har ju visat att forskning och vetenskapliga beslut och försök behöver göras på människor. Djur har inte visat samma symptom som människor. Samtidigt kan vi se också hur nya tekniska hjälpmedel hjälper oss att bättre förstå virusets effekter i mänskliga lungor, i hjärnan och njurarna.

Det är inte heller enbart inom forskningsfältet för infektionssjukdomar den vetenskapliga utvecklingen går framåt. I kommissionens egna granskningar från det gemensamma forskningscentret, om icke-djurbaserade metoder inom den biomedicinska vetenskapen, där redovisas den inriktning som forskningen behöver ta för att vinna kampen mot cancer, neurodegenererativa sjukdomar och hjärt-och kärlsjukdomar.

Vi har nu två val som medlagstiftare. Antingen fortsätter vi på den väg som kommissionen anträtt, med otillräckliga investeringar och bristande koordinering av innovativa lösningar som inte kräver djurförsök. Eller också investerar vi i smarta metoder, sätter konkreta målsättningar och samordnar våra åtgärder för att gemensamt som union möta de hälsorisker som ligger framför oss. EU måste investera mer för att bli världsledande inom innovation, vilket stärker vår ekonomiska motståndskraft men också rustar oss för kommande kriser.

Nästa steg är att kommissionen inrättar en övergripande arbetsgrupp som inkluderar de relevanta generaldirektoraten, för att samarbeta med medlemsstaterna och berörda aktörer i syfte att utarbeta en handlingsplan för att fasa ut de vidriga djurförsöken inom forskningen.

  Katalin Cseh, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Mr President, animals are not disposable equipment. Inflicting pain and suffering on them has no place in 21st century science. For many of us, this is an ethical and moral imperative. And we see that despite minimum standards, cruel practices still take place within the Union.

Just a couple of months ago, we witnessed video footage revealing shocking levels of cruelty and animal suffering that breached European animal-testing laws. Findings from a major investigation in Spanish contract-testing laboratory Vivotecnia showed deliberate acts of cruelty and repeated bad practice. And all of this happens only 18 months after similar findings were revealed in a German laboratory.

And even health scientists are questioning the reliability of animal studies. Let me quote the British Medical Journal, which says that the claim that animal experimentation is essential to medical development...

(... inaudible ...)

So science and morality point into the very same conclusion: there are cruelty-free alternatives like computational biology that can enable us to get rid of animal testing once and for all.

But ever since I started looking into these issues, I kept on hearing that complete change is impossible, and I get it – old habits die hard, and I even accept that this won’t happen by the...

(... inaudible ...)

... is doing better than the rest of the world, but even here, progress is way too slow.

We need a credible plan, a plan that measures, targets, and a binding, ambitious timeline. We need to promote and fund cruelty-free alternatives. We want to see increased funding for animal-free research methods and new, advanced non-animal models under Horizon Europe, and then we have to start creating...

(... inaudible ...)

... testing bans.

This is what our citizens demand, 7 in 10 adults in EU Member States believe that enabling the full replacement of all forms of animal testing with non-animal testing methods should be a priority for the EU. And this is what we are asking from the Commission.

  Tilly Metz, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, Directive 2010/63/EU on the protection of animals used for scientific purposes is among the strictest legislation in the world, but this piece of legislation does not provide a clear strategy for transitioning to innovation without the use of animals.

And as a consequence, every year nearly 10 million animals suffer in EU laboratories, with very limited research results. Indeed, there is a high failure rate – above 90% of new drugs tested on animals – and also a growing number of scientific reviews indicating that they contribute very little in understanding human diseases.

Non-animal methods are game-changing technologies...

(... inaudible ...)

... better coordinated, cross-sectoral and EU-wide approach, across all Member States and all European agencies.

Based on these elements I have some questions for the Commission: does the Commission agree that after 10 years of no progress, we need a plan to accelerate the transition to animal-free methods? That it could work more with the Member States to promote the key competences and knowledge required to use non-animal methods? That it could create mechanisms for preferential funding of non-animal methods? That it could set reduction targets through a more proactive implementation of existing regulations that deal with the safety of chemicals and other products. And lastly, there is a plan to develop the European research area and to set up priority areas where Member States should collaborate.

So does the Commissioner agree that the phasing-out of the use of animals should be one of these priority areas?

  Annika Bruna, au nom du groupe ID. – Monsieur le Président, il est plus que temps d’agir pour remplacer les expériences sur les animaux par des alternatives plus modernes et plus fiables et de se conformer à la méthode des 3 R qui prévoit le remplacement des animaux quand c’est possible, la réduction du nombre d’animaux utilisés quand les expériences sont inévitables, et le raffinement pour diminuer la souffrance des animaux pendant la détention et lors de l’euthanasie, si elle a lieu.

Le remplacement est déterminant, car la technologie progresse très vite dans le domaine des expérimentations in vitro, de la modélisation informatique ou encore du microdosage, sans compter les technologies génétiques comme CRISPR-Cas9. Ces nouvelles technologies sont bien plus efficaces pour faire avancer la recherche, mais il y a des blocages, des inerties. Par exemple, les universités utilisent trop souvent les tests sur les animaux faute de moyens financiers pour utiliser ces nouvelles technologies. Quant aux laboratoires, ils subissent eux-mêmes l’inertie réglementaire. Ils doivent encore recourir à des tests sur les animaux pour obtenir les précieuses autorisations de mise sur le marché. Parfois, cela confine à l’escroquerie puisque certaines de ces expériences sont menées mécaniquement pour continuer à avoir du financement. C’est le cas notamment des chiens testés depuis plusieurs décennies pour trouver un traitement contre la myopathie, avec les résultats qu’on connaît. Il est donc important de légiférer au plus vite sur les alternatives à ces expériences. Les attentes des citoyens, tout comme les progrès technologiques, vont aujourd’hui dans le sens de la fin de cette terrible maltraitance animale.

  Jadwiga Wiśniewska, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Szanowni Państwo! Ja bardzo dziękuję Pani Komisarz za przedłożoną propozycje. Wiem, że jest Pani osobą rozważną i w sposób rozważny i rozsądny podchodzi również do tematu zapewnienia dobrostanu zwierząt.

Szanowni Państwo! Liczba wykorzystanych zwierząt w nauce i badaniach, mimo zobowiązania złożonego 30 lat temu przez Komisję, spadła niestety nieznacznie, więc z całą pewnością czas na zmiany. Jak wynika z badań, około 12 mln zwierząt, które są hodowane na potrzeby naukowe, finalnie jest niestety zabijanych bez docelowego wykorzystania. Można by te zwierzęta w jakiś sposób zagospodarować. Chociaż w dyrektywie 2010/63/UE określono podstawowe przepisy dotyczące ochrony zwierząt wykorzystywanych do badań, niestety nie przewidziano strategii zastąpienia zwierząt alternatywnymi formami. A więc zachodzi potrzeba przygotowania działań ułatwiających przejście na innowacje technologiczne, transformację poprawy dobrostanu zwierząt. Wyzwania zdrowotne i środowiskowe, ochrona bioróżnorodności, ochrona klimatu nakładają na nas obowiązek, by zintensyfikować wysiłki, inwestować przede wszystkim w naukę, w badania regulujące oraz edukację. I ta rosnąca przede wszystkim wrażliwość społeczna, o której tutaj mówimy, przejrzystość instytucji unijnych, transparentność powinny położyć większy nacisk na te kwestie.

  Anja Hazekamp, namens de The Left-Fractie. – Voorzitter, undercoverbeelden uit het Duitse lab LPT en het Spaanse Vivotecnia laten zien dat honden, katten, knaagdieren en apen grof mishandeld worden, dat ze pijnlijke experimenten moeten doorstaan zonder verdoving, dat ze worden geschopt en geslagen en aan hun lot worden overgelaten.

Hoe kan het dat dit pas aan het licht komt nadat klokkenluiders aan de bel trekken? En waarom maakt de Commissie nog steeds gebruik van de gegevens die door deze labs zijn verzameld voor de besluiten die zij neemt – bijvoorbeeld voor de toelating van het landbouwgif glyfosaat – terwijl de wetenschappelijke waarde van deze gegevens heel erg laag is?

Het doel van de richtlijn die dieren moet beschermen die voor wetenschappelijk onderzoek worden gebruikt, is klip-en-klaar. Alle dierexperimenten moeten worden vervangen door methoden zonder dieren. En toch daalt het aantal experimenten op dieren slechts langzaam. In veel Europese landen neemt het aantal dierproeven zelfs weer toe.

Wereldwijd zijn er al geweldige ontwikkelingen, innovatieve en betaalbare cel- en weefselkweken en computersimulaties. Ook ons eigen Gemeenschappelijk Centrum voor onderzoek en het CEVMA hebben indrukwekkende alternatieven gevalideerd, maar daar wordt veel te weinig gebruik van gemaakt.

Commissaris, wat gaat u doen om deze alternatieven te promoten en om volop in te zetten op de ontwikkeling van nieuwe technologieën? Al sinds 1993 is het doel in de Europese Unie dat we minder dierproeven doen. Het stoppen van dierproeven is in het belang van dieren én mensen. Gaat u hier na dertig jaar eindelijk voor zorgen?

  Seán Kelly (PPE). – Mr President, animal welfare can often be overlooked, but I am pleased to say that this is not the case in the European Parliament. Last month, we passed a resolution calling for a ban on the use of cages in animal agriculture by 2027. This was in response to ‘End the cage age’, a European Citizens’ Initiative. Some 1.4 million citizens signed it and we responded in kind. For nearly 30 years, the EU has been committed to reducing the use of and improving the welfare of animals in science.

Since 2009, the marketing of any cosmetic products containing animal-tested ingredients have been banned in the EU. Considering that Europe’s cosmetic products market is the biggest in the world, it’s clear that this was a significant step in the promotion of animal welfare.

The 2010 EU directive on the protection of animals used for scientific purposes promotes the three Rs: (1) replacing animal experiments wherever possible; (2) reducing the number of animals used and (3) refining experiments to minimise the impact on animals.

This directive also notes that the final goal is full replacement for procedures on live animals for scientific and educational purposes as soon as it is scientifically possible to do so. While the progress made on the three Rs is most welcome, unfortunately, we are not yet close to reaching the final goal and the number of animals being used in research, regulatory testing and education remains high.

Thankfully, new developments have been made, the advancement in animal models and these are very relevant because they are human-relevant and therefore present an opportunity for more accurate data. A comprehensive approach will accelerate the transition away from animal testing.

  Eleonora Evi (Verts/ALE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, quando l'Unione europea si pone un obiettivo, normalmente si dà una strategia, fissa dei target a medio e lungo termine e vengono stanziati dei fondi. Eppure, nonostante l'Europa si sia data l'obiettivo di mettere fine all'uso di animali nella ricerca e nella sperimentazione, ad oggi non c'è nulla di tutto questo.

Al contrario, a distanza di anni, sono ancora circa 10 milioni gli animali che vengono impiegati nella ricerca scientifica ogni anno in Europa e i finanziamenti europei dedicati ai metodi animal free sono una goccia nell'oceano se confrontati a quelli di cui beneficiano i metodi tradizionali.

Ma non è solo una questione etica. Così facendo stiamo mettendo un freno al potenziale dei metodi innovativi e human-based, che hanno già dimostrato di poter portare ad avanzamenti concreti nella comprensione e nella cura di malattie, penso ad esempio al cancro e all'Alzheimer, dove i metodi tradizionali hanno fallito.

Chiedo quindi alla Commissione di presentare il prima possibile un piano di azione con target e tempistiche certe, impegni concreti e misurabili e finanziamenti dedicati ed adeguati a raggiungere finalmente l'obiettivo di una scienza animal free.

  Joachim Kuhs (ID). – Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin, werte Kollegen! Wir sind uns anscheinend alle einig, dass Tierversuche abgeschafft werden müssen. Ich frage mich nur: Wie konnte es so lange dauern, und warum hat das so viele Probleme hervorgerufen? Wieso gibt es Millionen von Tieren, die wirklich unnötig leiden? Da vermisse ich ein bisschen, dass wir uns mal Gedanken darüber machen, wieso es überhaupt dazu gekommen ist.

Natürlich sind wir Menschen verantwortlich für unsere Mitgeschöpfe, und wir können nicht einfach so tun, als wäre das etwas außerhalb von uns. Wir müssen uns mit dieser Sache wirklich beschäftigen und unsere grundlegende Haltung überdenken. Der weise König Salomo hat einmal gesagt: Der Gerechte kümmert sich um sein Vieh. Kümmern wir uns wirklich um diese Tiere? Oder ist es uns egal? Wir müssen wieder dahin zurück, dass wir uns verantwortlich fühlen und wissen für diese Mitgeschöpfe, und dann brauchen wir Lösungen, um das zu ändern.

  Francisco Guerreiro (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, Commissioner, the EU has made a clear commitment to proactively reduce and replace animals in science since 1993. However, we are now in 2021, 20 years later, and despite almost three decades long, the number of animals used has decreased very, very slowly.

So why doesn’t the EU have relevant policy initiatives on the line to reduce, replace and actively phase out animal testing? Why don’t we have an action plan setting out a proactive strategy to phase out animal experiments with milestones and timetables? Is the Commission just expecting Member States by their own initiative to invest in the phasing-out of animal testing? Since when has this reality really worked in EU policy?

We know that without binding targets, there are no real incentives to progress. And Commissioner, what happens in laboratories cannot just stay in laboratories. We must end animal experimentation now.

  Caroline Roose (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, lorsque l’on parle de l’utilisation d’animaux à des fins scientifiques, j’ai toujours cette image qui me revient dans la tête, celle d’un singe attaché par les poignets et qui fixe la caméra que tient le lanceur d’alerte. On voit la souffrance dans ses yeux. Il semble demander: «Pourquoi?» Puisque ces animaux ne parlent pas, je le répète ici: Pourquoi?

La directive de 2010 sur la protection des animaux utilisés à des fins scientifiques avait représenté un pas en avant important. Elle prévoyait que soient utilisées dès que possible des procédures n’impliquant pas l’utilisation d’animaux vivants. Pourquoi le nombre d’animaux utilisés n’a-t-il quasiment pas baissé?

Un plan d’action complet, assorti d’objectifs chiffrés et de moyens dédiés est nécessaire. Nous devons former les jeunes scientifiques à l’utilisation des méthodes alternatives. Nous pouvons donner la priorité dans l’attribution des fonds pour la recherche aux projets qui ont recours à des alternatives. Nous pouvons accompagner les acteurs privés qui souhaitent réduire l’utilisation d’animaux. Les alternatives ont souvent de bien meilleurs résultats que l’expérimentation sur les animaux. Nous avons donc tous à y gagner, animaux humains ou non humains.

  Adina-Ioana Vălean, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, as I have said from the beginning, the message my colleagues wanted to bring to you today is that we are strongly committed to animal welfare, while mindful of our responsibility to ensure the protection of health and the environment.

The Commission chose for the regulation a stepwise approach to this directive with the ultimate goal of replacing all animals in science. The directive ensures that other EU initiatives, such as for research programmes, are aligned with the aims established by the directive, and this horizontal approach makes additional strategy documents and actions redundant.

For example, we are gathering right now more details on how the specific sectors plan to reduce their dependence on the use of animals. These sectors are human and veterinary medicines, medical devices, food and feed safety, biocides, pesticides, chemicals and possibly others. They are covered by DGs SANTE, Environment and GROW.

In accordance with the directive, I will give you a couple of examples of how some of the abovementioned sectors are working on replacing or reducing animal tests. Concerning veterinary medicines, we have a regulation from 2019, which becomes applicable on 28 January 2022. It calls for assessing the feasibility of an active, substance—based review system for the environmental risk assessment of veterinary medicinal products. In fact a system could involve applicants joining efforts to generate the required data, thereby reducing necessary testing on vertebrates. We have an ongoing feasibility study and we are going to submit a report to the European Parliament and the Council by the date of the application of this regulation.

Regarding animal feed additives, the preparatory work for the revision of the regulation on additives for use in animal nutrition, includes the objective of reducing animal testing by imposing mandatory data sharing between applicants for feed additives authorisation as regards the toxological tests on vertebrate animals. This would prevent duplication of tests in view of the authorisation process.

In the domain of food safety, specifically marine biotoxin testing, the Commission has proposed to discontinue most bioassays. The proposal received the support of the Member States at the end of 2020 and will be published in mid—August this year. In addition, we have other initiatives, like the Chemical Strategy for Sustainability, which will include a strong commitment to promote alternative methods and the use of digital technologies and advanced methods to move away from unnecessary animal testing in both the EU and beyond.

As I said, my colleagues are very committed to this subject. We believe that this directive will ensure the gradual replacement of animals in testing and science and, where replacement is not yet possible, the legislation ensures that fewer animals are used over time and that the procedures they undergo are constantly being refined to lessen the effects on their well—being.

We look forward to the continued and close cooperation with the Parliament on such a sensitive and important matter.

  Der Präsident. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Abstimmung findet während der nächsten Tagung im September statt.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 171)

  Sirpa Pietikäinen (PPE), kirjallinen. – Eläinkokeiden käytölle ei enää ole ihmisen turvallisuuteen perustuvia tarpeita. Niiden käytöstä on luovuttava vähitellen – mieluiten mahdollisimman pian. Vaadimme viimeksi vuonna 2018 eläinkokeiden maailmanlaajuista lopettamista, ja olen lähettänyt komissiolle lukuisia kysymyksiä aiheesta. Eläinkokeet eivät ole luotettavia, ja ne eivät takaa tuotteiden turvallisuutta tai lääkkeiden vaikuttavuutta ihmisille. Vaihtoehtoiset menetelmät, kuten testit kantasolualustoilla, antavat ihmisvaikutuksista luotettavampaa tietoa ja kaiken lisäksi eläinkokeita edullisemmin. Ne kattavat jo nykyään lähes kaikki testaustarpeet. Vaihtoehtoisten tutkimusmenetelmien kehittämistä, hyväksymistä ja käyttöä on aktiivisesti edistettävä sekä siirryttävä hyödyntämään jo olemassa olevia vaihtoehtoisia menetelmiä. Euroopan kemikaaliviraston ECHA:n tulkinta eläinkokeiden vaatimuksista on jälkeenjäänyt, eikä vaihtoehtoisia menetelmiä ole otettu riittävästi käyttöön.

16. Deramos darbo ir užimtumo sąlygos aviacijos sektoriuje - COVID-19 krizės poveikis aviacijos sektoriui (diskusijos)

  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die gemeinsame Aussprache über

– die Anfrage zur mündlichen Beantwortung an die Kommission über menschenwürdige Arbeits- und Beschäftigungsbedingungen in der Luftfahrt von Lucia Ďuriš Nicholsonová, Dennis Radtke, Alicia Homs Ginel, Sylvie Brunet, France Jamet, Mounir Satouri und Sandra Pereira im Namen des Ausschusses für Beschäftigung und soziale Angelegenheiten (O-000049/2021 - B9-0030/21) (2021/2607(RSP)) und

– die Anfrage zur mündlichen Beantwortung an die Kommission über die Auswirkungen der COVID—19—Pandemie auf den Luftverkehr von Karima Delli im Namen des Ausschusses für Verkehr und Tourismus (O—000033/2021 – B9—0027/21) (2021/2666(RSP)).

  Lucia Ďuriš Nicholsonová, author. – Mr President, thank you very much for giving me the floor. Dear colleagues, we all know that the COVID-19 pandemic has severely affected the EU aviation sector, with the loss of more than two thirds of traffic and many many jobs, as carriers seek to maintain viability and reduce the costs. Despite the state aid schemes, most of the airlines are still struggling to return to pre-pandemic activity levels. Despite some improvements regarding the travel restrictions and the vaccination campaign, it is feared that the difficulties that the airline sectors are facing could lead to more job cuts and the further downgrading of terms and conditions. Therefore, it is our duty to ensure fair competition. It is our duty to ensure that companies receiving public financial support fully respect workers’ rights and labour laws.

Against this background, the Committee on Employment and Social Affairs has the following questions to the Commission. Taking into account the evaluation of Regulation (EC) No 1008/2008 how will the Commission ensure effective enforcement of applicable EU legislation? What legal measures are being considered to ensure a level playing field and legal certainty for air crews, including the requirement to know which labour law is applicable to air crews?

Second, when will the Commission put forward a revision of Regulation (EC) No 1008/2008 in order to ensure decent working and employment conditions in the aviation sector? Third, when will the Commission publish the findings of the ad hoc group of Member States’ experts on aviation and labour law? How will it remedy the lack of reliable data on the number of aircrew jobs, outsourced jobs and agency staff?

  Karima Delli, auteure. – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, mes chers collègues, au nom de la commission «Transports et tourisme» du Parlement européen, nous souhaitions avoir ce débat avec vous, Madame la Commissaire, à l’aube de la saison estivale qui est la plus importante pour le secteur de l’aviation.

La pandémie que nous traversons a entraîné une chute du trafic aérien de plus de deux tiers par rapport à l’année 2019 et a des conséquences économiques désastreuses sur le secteur aérien, mais également sur l’emploi, sur les conditions de travail de ses salariés.

La Commission a présenté des mesures d’urgence pour diminuer le seuil d’utilisation des créneaux horaires et éviter ainsi ce qu’on a appelé les fameux «vols fantômes» – une aberration écologique que nous avons tous, ici, dans cet hémicycle, dénoncée –, ainsi que le certificat vert numérique afin d’harmoniser à travers l’Europe les mesures sanitaires. Or, nous le voyons aujourd’hui avec la recrudescence des variants et la lenteur de la vaccination dans certains pays: nous nageons encore en pleine incertitude.

Nous avons besoin davantage de mesures afin d’assurer une reprise du secteur qui soit socialement responsable, durable, conforme aux objectifs climatiques de l’Union européenne. À ce titre, nous voulons savoir, Madame la Commissaire: que compte faire la Commission pour soutenir une reprise de ce secteur de l’aviation? Outre le certificat vert européen, compte-t-elle améliorer la coordination des restrictions et des critères sanitaires entre les États? Comment prévoit-elle de veiller à de bonnes conditions de concurrence équitables tout en préservant l’emploi et le droit des travailleurs?

Je souhaiterais d’ailleurs vous rappeler, Madame la Commissaire, que lors de votre première audition devant notre commission, la commission «Transports» du Parlement, plusieurs de mes collègues avaient déjà évoqué l’absence de mesures sociales au niveau européen et le besoin de régler notamment la question des faux indépendants, car on ne peut pas laisser les entreprises précariser leurs salariés en externalisant les fonctions de base de leurs services, par exemple les pilotes. Je regrette qu’à presque mi-mandat, la Commission n’a encore rien proposé sur ce front.

Enfin, la Commission entend-elle se pencher sur des aspects vraiment économiques, sociaux, de collectivités liés à l’aviation dans le droit de l’Union, notamment la révision du règlement (CE) no 1008/2008, tout en assurant une meilleure collaboration entre les autorités européennes et nationales?

Désormais, je change un peu de casquette et je vais parler en tant que groupe. Je suis une écologiste et je souhaiterais revenir sur la question, notamment, des conditionnalités pour les aides au secteur de l’aviation. L’aviation fait partie de ces secteurs qui ont largement bénéficié d’aides publiques. On parle de 30 milliards d’euros d’aides publiques en Europe pour ce secteur, mais sans aucune contrepartie climatique ou sociale. Je considère, Madame la Commissaire, que dans le cadre du pacte vert, on ne peut plus signer de chèque en blanc avec l’argent du contribuable sans rien exiger en retour. Toutes les entreprises aujourd’hui ont un intérêt à entrer dans la transition écologique. C’est un moyen d’assurer très vite ce secteur dans l’accompagnement de la réussite de la transition écologique.

Enfin, je voudrais vous demander une dernière fois, Madame la Commissaire, de prendre de véritables mesures afin de lutter contre le dumping social qui, ajouté aux externalités climatiques environnementales existantes, donne un avantage compétitif parfois injuste par rapport à d’autres modes de transport comme le rail, alors que nous sommes dans l’année européenne du train. J’espère, à ce titre, pouvoir compter sur votre soutien, Madame la Commissaire, pour instaurer les premières pistes de réflexion, par exemple sur une taxe kérosène ou la fin des quotas gratuits de droit à polluer dont bénéficie aujourd’hui l’aviation au sein du système d’échange de quotas d’émissions de l’Union.

Nous n’allons pas avoir vraiment le même point de vue philosophique selon les groupes politiques, mais nous avons un même objectif: que personne ne reste sur le bord du chemin, que personne ne soit sur la responsabilité de ne pas entrer dans la transition écologique et en même temps d’enclencher une nouvelle crise sociale dans ce secteur. Nous avons une fenêtre d’opportunité extraordinaire afin d’accompagner ce secteur. Je crois que c’est maintenant, Madame la Commissaire. Nous ne pouvons pas rater le coche parce qu’après, nous allons le regretter et nous n’aurons que nos yeux pour pleurer.

  Adina-Ioana Vălean, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, the COVID-19 pandemic has been a major shock for the aviation industry. Demand for air travel, in particular for passengers, collapsed in a matter of weeks and the recovery has been slow and fluctuating until recently. The aviation sector is not expected to fully recover before 2024-2026.

On the short-term air traffic recovery, the Commission is giving its priority to the best use of airport capacity and traffic increase. As you are aware, the slot regulation has been amended to decrease the slot usage threshold. The Commission is currently working on a delegated act to extend the slot relief rules for the winter 2021-2022 scheduling season.

The Commission has also proposed a number of measures aiming at facilitating free movement in the EU, including the introduction of the new digital covid certificate. On 28 June this year, the services issued guidance for Member States to facilitate a smooth rollout of the EU digital covid certificate and to harmonise the different national regimes, notably in aviation.

In addition, the state aid temporary framework, adopted in March last year, enables Member States to give support also to the aviation sector. We have extended the temporary framework to enable Member States to use the full flexibility foreseen under the state aid rules to support the economy, including the aviation sector, until the end of this year.

Member States can also compensate undertakings for damages suffered directly as a result of government restrictions put in place to contain the spread of COVD-19, based on Article 107 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union.

In addition, Member States may also provide rescue or restructuring support to specific airlines or airports, just as they do with other sectors impacted by the crisis. Furthermore, additional financial support to the sector, including the support of the employees, can be provided from the Recovery Assistance for Cohesion and Territories of Europe, the European Social Fund Plus, or from the European Globalisation Adjustment Fund for Displaced Workers.

To give you an example, the latter has already supported 1 200 displaced workers from the aviation sector in the Netherlands, 500 displaced workers from the aviation sector in Finland, and 1 500 displaced workers in ground handling in Belgium.

As you know, this the Commission is determined to deliver a strong EU special agenda in air transport. Airline practices which constitute abuse of circumvention of applicable law, have no place in the EU’s single market for aviation. The Commission made its position very clear already in the report from March 2019, called Aviation Strategy for Europe: maintaining and promoting high social standards for air crews, the so-called social report.

The conclusions of this report remain valid. Substantial EU and national legislation already protects air crews. However, effective enforcement of these rules, which would avoid abusive practices and ensure a level playing field, depends primarily on the Member States. To support Member States in appropriately enforcing rules, the Commission established an expert group working on social matters related to the air crews.

The expert group has already yielded concrete and important results by delivering three papers. Two of these are published and available in the Commission’s expert group registry website, and the third one will soon be made available as well. It was a reference to that.

In the sustainable and smart mobility strategy adopted in December last year, we have reaffirmed the strong commitment towards promoting high social standards in the aviation sector. The strategy stipulates that we will propose a revision of the air service regulation in 2021-2022.

Within this revision, the Commission may propose legislative measures to further clarify or strengthen the effective enforcement by the Member States of relevant national labour law rules in relation to air crews, for instance defining the notion of ‘operational base’, as called for by the expert group on social matters related to air crews.

The aim of the proposal will be to support the functioning of the market, not only in normal times but also during sudden and unexpected shocks. So we are committed to deliver a proposal as soon as possible and in line with the Commission’s better regulation standards.

But before we present a proposal, it is therefore crucial to assess the structural impacts of the COVID-19 crisis on the sector and how we can help support the recovery and resilience of aviation in the medium and long term. For that purpose, the Commission services will shortly launch a study to that effect. It will be based on a wide sectoral consultation. And in addition, and in light of the EU’s sustainable, smart mobility strategy, we also need to assess how we can further promote social responsibility as well as environmental sustainability.

Suboptimal rules may result in loss of connectivity, competitiveness in the global aviation market and jobs. So, as I said, we also need to assess how we can further promote social responsibility as well as environmental sustainability while avoiding suboptimal rules.

  Cláudia Monteiro de Aguiar, em nome do Grupo PPE. – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, o setor da aviação tem um peso significativo no mercado de trabalho da União Europeia.

Em Portugal, o meu país, é um dos países com mais postos de trabalho neste setor com um peso de 0,4 % no emprego nacional. Concentrar todas as ajudas num único agente setorial, no caso concreto apenas das companhias aéreas de bandeira, é não só errado como injusto. Não podemos esquecer as empresas de handling, de manutenção, de catering, e muitas outras, incluindo também as companhias aéreas de menor dimensão. Estas que são essenciais para a coesão territorial e sem as quais é impossível oferecer um serviço de qualidade.

O Fundo Europeu de Ajustamento à Globalização tem sido um instrumento encontrado por alguns Estados-Membros para garantir a formação e a reconversão da força de trabalho do setor de aviação em muitas áreas e diversas.

Por atravessarmos uma crise sem precedentes num setor de enorme concorrência com ajudas de Estado às principais companhias de bandeiras, corremos sérios riscos de o ajustamento ser feito à custa do elo mais frágil de toda a cadeia, os trabalhadores, pelo que urge encontrar mecanismos adequados de proteção, evitando-se a degradação, obviamente, das condições de trabalho e, nomeadamente, questões de segurança e não queremos, claramente, incluir o declínio salarial.

A legislação laboral distinta em diversos países distorce ainda mais o mercado de transporte aéreo já por si alvo de distorção em algumas situações. Na reestruturação das empresas que compõem este setor da aviação e que estão em transformação profunda impõe-se uma coerência, a questão dos despedimentos. Cabe a quem tem o poder de legislar, a quem tem o poder legislativo, de garantir o apoio a quem fica sem o emprego e também de cumprir a legislação em matéria de direitos de trabalho.

Pergunto, por isso, para terminar, à Comissão: a Comissão está em condições de garantir o respeito pelas condições de trabalho das empresas que foram alvo de intervenção do Estado? E perante os processos de reestruturação delineados pelos Estados-Membros aprovados em Comissão conseguem garantir o apoio e a inserção dos trabalhadores no mercado de trabalho?

  Johan Danielsson, för S&D-gruppen. – Herr talman! Även om pandemin har synliggjort flygsektorns problem så är de sociala problemen allt annat än nya. Sedan 90-talet har vi sett allvarligt försämrade arbetsförhållanden, genom utökad outsourcing och en växande andel atypiska anställningsformer.

En viktig princip på den europeiska arbetsmarknaden är principen om lika lön för lika arbete på orten där arbetet utförs. Det måste gälla även i flygsektorn. Inhyrd personal från ett annat land ska inte betalas lägre löner än de lokalanställda.

Det är också avgörande att vi definierar begreppen hemmabas och operativ bas. Arbetstagarna måste omfattas av de löner, arbetsvillkor och socialförsäkringar som gäller i det land där man har sin hemmabas, inte där företaget är registrerat. Ett flygbolag bör inte kunna registrera sig i ett land där man inte har en operativ bas, enbart för att gynnas av låga skatter och svag arbetsrätt. På det sättet blir EU ett hot mot löntagarna.

De svenska flygbolagen är inte utan skuld. För att slippa återanställa sina arbetstagare efter krisen valde flygbolaget BRA att inrätta ett bemanningsföretag för att kringgå sitt arbetsgivaransvar. SAS har valt att starta ett dotterbolag på Irland för att kunna konkurrera med lägre personalkostnader. Sin operativa bas har man i London. I Irland befinner man sig bara för att undvika skatter och arbetsrättsliga förpliktelser. I en del lågprisbolag så vet vi att inte ens hälften av piloterna har en anställning direkt i flygbolaget. Den här typen av affärsmodeller ska vi inte acceptera i Europeiska unionen.

Det är dock inte bara flygbolagen som bär ett ansvar. Även EU-kommissionen har ett ansvar för att man fortsätter att ducka och försena den helt nödvändiga revideringen av förordningen om gemensamma regler för tillhandahållande av lufttrafik inom EU. Så min uppmaning till EU-kommissionen är att sluta förhala det här och presentera utan ytterligare försening en revidering av förordningen.

  José Ramón Bauzá Díaz, en nombre del Grupo Renew. – Señor presidente, estimada comisaria Vălean, si hay un sector que se ha visto fuertemente afectado por la crisis del coronavirus, este es, sin ningún tipo de dudas, el sector de la aviación. La caída del tráfico a raíz del coronavirus tendrá consecuencias dramáticas en los próximos años y, sobre todo, amenaza la viabilidad económica de las empresas, los puestos de trabajo generados por el transporte aéreo y vinculados a este y, cómo no, las condiciones laborales.

Por eso mismo, señora Vălean, en marzo del año 2020, desde mi grupo parlamentario —el Grupo Renew—, le presentamos una propuesta muy concreta: un plan de ayuda específico para el sector del transporte. Un ambicioso plan que contaba con toda una serie de baterías específicas dirigidas especialmente al ámbito del sector aéreo. Y, por eso mismo, acogemos con gran satisfacción que alguna de esas medidas fuera muy bien acogida e implementada con éxito por parte de su departamento.

Pero, aun así, quince meses después nos encontramos ante un escenario parecido. El ritmo de recuperación del sector aéreo es totalmente incierto y, sobre todo, requiere un apoyo decidido por parte de la Unión Europea para salvaguardar las empresas y, consecuentemente, los puestos de trabajo.

Por eso, hoy más que nunca necesitamos un plan europeo específico para la recuperación del sector aéreo, que tenga en cuenta tres pilares básicos. En primer lugar: ayuda financiera público—privada; incorporar la colaboración público—privada, también en este sentido, para hacer frente a los retos del futuro. En segundo lugar: seguridad jurídica y operativa para toda la cadena de valor de la industria, acabando, por supuesto, con todas las prácticas laborales abusivas que se encuentren, siempre que eso se produzca. Y, finalmente, en tercer lugar y muy importante, fundamental: el apoyo institucional, el compromiso político.

Por eso, debemos dejar de criminalizar a un sector que es fundamental para la cohesión territorial en Europa y que también contribuye directamente a uno de los tres pilares básicos del proyecto europeo: la libre circulación de las personas. Solo así podremos salvaguardar los puestos de trabajo y, sobre todo, la competitividad de la aviación europea.

  Rasmus Andresen, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Die Flugbranche ist in einer Dauerkrise. Corona hat dazu geführt, dass zwei Drittel aller Flüge abgesagt wurden.

Aber die Probleme der Flugindustrie gehen tiefer. Die Branche ist seit Jahren ungesund. Airlines probieren mit Dumpingpreisen, sich zulasten der Beschäftigten und des Klimas gegenseitig auszustechen. Die Flugindustrie wird sich auch aufgrund der Klimakrise massiv verändern müssen. Es ist beschämend, dass Lufthansa-Boss Spohr notwendige Klimaauflagen pauschal ablehnt und gleichzeitig erwartet, dass die Lufthansa vom Staat in jeder Krise gerettet wird. Während viele Airlines ohne nennenswerte Auflagen durch Rettungspakete gestützt wurden, leiden die Beschäftigten unter Zukunftsängsten. Für uns Grüne ist klar: Die Krise der Flugindustrie darf nicht auf dem Rücken der Beschäftigten ausgetragen werden.

Während Corona wurden über 7 000 Flugverbindungen gestrichen. Viele Airlines haben geltende Gesetze gebrochen und alles dafür getan, dass Passagiere ihre Ticketkosten nicht oder nur verspätet erstattet bekamen. Dies hat der Europäische Rechnungshof in einem Bericht sehr eindrucksvoll belegt: keine klaren Ansprechpartner, stundenlange Warteschleifen und missleitende Formulare. Anstatt sich an die Seite der Kundinnen und Kunden zu stellen, haben 15 Mitgliedstaaten sogar Sonderregeln für die Airlines geschaffen. Das kritisieren wir Grüne.

Die Richtlinie zur Stärkung von Flugpassagierinnen— und Flugpassagierrechten wird seit Jahren aus den Hauptstädten blockiert, auch von der deutschen Bundesregierung. Es wird Zeit, die Blockade zu beenden und Kundinnen- und Kundenrechte endlich durchzusetzen.

  Marco Campomenosi, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Commissaria grazie per essere qui, certo insieme a noi, quando parliamo di queste cose sarebbe importante ci fosse anche la Commissaria alla Concorrenza, perché io sono assolutamente convinto che la crisi dell'aviazione non nasca con il Covid, che certo l'ha accentuata, ma non dipenda neanche da errori di management, che certo ci sono anche stati, ma è impossibile che troppi errori siano stati commessi e che il modello di business non sia redditizio per così tanti soggetti in un continente così ricco e importante.

Quindi credo che, alla luce di tutto questo, dovremo anche prendere in considerazione la possibilità di modificare queste norme sulla concorrenza, che hanno creato una situazione per cui le compagnie aeree si trovano troppo spesso nella situazione per essere competitive di comprimere i diritti dei lavoratori o i diritti dei passeggeri, cosa che non possiamo accettare nell'uno e nell'altro caso.

C'è un esempio nel mio paese, Air Italy, una società che è in liquidazione, una crisi che nasce da prima del Covid e abbiamo la necessità, con strumenti di diritto sociale, di introdurre e continuare a investire su ammortizzatori che servano per far sì che le professionalità, specialmente del personale di volo, siano garantite, expertise dato da brevetti, da licenze che devono essere rinnovati, perché altrimenti questi soggetti non potranno entrare più nel mondo del lavoro, magari anche su soggetti nuovi che si affacceranno sul mercato speriamo con prospettive di medio e lungo termine.

Per questo però occorre che la Commissione europea agisca senza pregiudizi ideologici e senza furore ideologico, perché è chiaro che ci troviamo di fronte a un impatto sociale, ma dobbiamo anche preservare un patrimonio di professionalità che i lavoratori di tutta Europa hanno acquisito in questi anni e che deve essere preservato per renderci competitivi per il futuro.

  Kosma Złotowski, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Branżę lotniczą dotknął kryzys bez precedensu, w zaledwie kilka tygodni jeden z najważniejszych sektorów naszej gospodarki praktycznie przestał funkcjonować. Nikt nie ma wątpliwości, że dramatyczne skutki załamania z ostatnich miesięcy linie lotnicze i ich pracownicy będą odczuwać bardzo długo, o czym Pani Komisarz mówiła.

Takie działania jak uelastycznienie zasad przydziału lotów na starty i lądowania czy zmiana zasad przyznawania pomocy publicznej były krokiem właściwym i potrzebnym. Warto docenić także postawę samych linii lotniczych, które starały się maksymalnie ułatwić pasażerom zmiany rezerwacji oraz bardzo szybko wprowadziły środki bezpieczeństwa sanitarnego na pokładach swoich samolotów.

Wywieranie na branżę lotniczą dodatkowej presji w postaci nowych regulacji w zakresie emisji czy praw socjalnych to najgorszy możliwy wybór w tym trudnym momencie. Konkurencja z państw trzecich na pewno wykorzysta rosnącą presję kosztową i dodatkowe obciążenia nakładane na naszych przewoźników.

Nie możemy też rezygnować z inwestycji w nowoczesną infrastrukturę lotniczą taką jak realizowany przez polski rząd centralny port komunikacyjny. Nowoczesne i dobrze skomunikowane lotniska z pewnością pomogą odbudować zaufanie pasażerów, a także przyczynią się do likwidacji krótkich połączeń.

  Sandra Pereira, em nome do Grupo The Left. – Senhor Presidente, as restrições à mobilidade impostas pelas medidas de contenção da COVID-19 paralisaram cerca de 2/3 do tráfego global conduzindo o setor à maior crise de sempre sendo necessários apoios para salvaguardar empregos, rendimentos dos trabalhadores e a viabilidade das empresas.

É verdade que muitos desses apoios vieram das instituições europeias, mas foram diferenciados e discriminatórios, ficando em causa a sustentabilidade de várias companhias de bandeira. As principais vítimas são os trabalhadores, confrontados com despedimentos, perdas de salário, precariedade e exploração. Uma situação inaceitável que não começou com a COVID-19, que apenas agravou e expôs a lógica da desregulação, liberalização, descentralização e aumento da exploração e precariedade verificada nas últimas décadas resultante das políticas da União Europeia para o sector.

Por fim, uma palavra de solidariedade aos trabalhadores da TAP que estão confrontados com a redução de direitos e com despedimentos. O número de despedimentos continua a subir e hoje foi notícia que mais de 100 trabalhadores serão despedidos. Alguns dos responsáveis estão aqui bem diante dos nossos olhos. A luta continua.

  Helmut Geuking (PPE). – Herr Präsident! So viel vorweg: Natürlich hat COVID—19 seine Spuren hinterlassen, und natürlich ist die Luftfahrtindustrie mit 90 Prozent Rückgang massiv gebeutelt worden. Und natürlich gibt es Massenarbeitslosigkeit in diesem Sektor, und es wird sie auch zunehmend geben, nicht nur bei der Luftfahrt, bei den Airlines, sondern auch in den Produktionsstätten, in den Zulieferfirmen und auf den Flughäfen.

Glauben Sie nicht, Frau Kommissarin, dass wir jetzt in der Zeit angekommen sind, wo wir endlich handeln müssen für eine moderne, innovative europäische Mobilitätsorganisation, wo wir ein Mobilitätskonzept auf den Tisch legen müssen, wo wir die Flugzeuge vom Himmel holen und sagen müssen: Innereuropäische Flüge sind überflüssig, weil wir das Schienennetz stärken und Metropolen in Europa miteinander verbinden werden? Da müssen wir das Geld investieren, denn wir haben doch – das ist doch nichts Neues – auch nebenher diese Klimakrise, die wir bewältigen müssen. Wir können eigentlich nur dankbar sein, dass die Flüge um 90 Prozent zurückgegangen sind. Das Klima wird es uns zumindest danken.

So, und jetzt ist doch die Zeit gekommen, wo wir neue Wege gehen und nicht nur andenken müssen. Es ist nicht die Zeit des Gießkannenprinzips, um Arbeitsplätze zu retten, sondern es ist die Zeit, auf alternativen Wegen neue, innovative Arbeitsplätze zu schaffen. Das heißt, das Schienennetz auszubauen – auch der Transrapid wäre durchaus wieder eine Sache, die man andenken sollte für Europa, um Metropolen zu verbinden. Es ist keine Alternative, von Berlin nach Madrid oder nach Mailand zu fliegen, sondern die Alternative ist es, in einen Transrapid oder in einen Schnellzug einzusteigen und in zwei oder drei Stunden da zu sein. Das ist die Alternative. Wir brauchen moderne, neue, innovative Mobilität.

Nur ist das Schlimmste an dieser Krise, dass den Firmen die Innovations- und Forschungsmöglichkeiten genommen werden, weil die Gelder fehlen – das heißt Innovations- und Forschungsmöglichkeiten für alternative Antriebsarten, für alternative Brennstoffe, für das, was dringend notwendig ist in der heutigen Zeit. Auch da müssen wir punktuell ansetzen, dass wir hier weiterkommen, dass die Antriebsarten entsprechend nicht nur modernisiert werden, sondern auch entsprechend umweltgerecht werden, und dass wir die Flugzeuge umrüsten und Flugzeuge, die mehr als 18 Jahre alt sind, vom Markt nehmen können.

Dafür brauchen wir ein europaweites Mobilitätskonzept, hinter dem wir alle geschlossen stehen können. Und dafür sollten wir Geld verwenden.

  Alex Agius Saliba (S&D). – B'riskju li nitlef it-titjira tiegħi llum, iddeċidejt illi huwa aktar importanti li nkun hawnhekk niddefendi d-drittijiet u l-kundizzjonijiet tax-xogħol tal-ħaddiema li jaħdmu fis-settur tal-avjazzjoni, inklużi l-ħaddiema tal-linja nazzjonali Maltija – l-Air Malta. Is-settur tal-avjazzjoni għandu wiċċ uman ukoll u dan huwa l-wiċċ tal-ħaddiema li matul dawn l-aħħar xhur kellhom iħallsu l-ogħla prezz għall-pandemija – l-ogħla prezz fl-aktar żmien storikament diffiċli f'dan is-settur. L-impatt negattiv tal-pandemija kompla jżid mal-pressjonijiet li kienu diġà jinħassu qawwijin ħafna f'dan is-settur minħabba l-forzi kompetittivi tas-suq. Għalkemm il-Kummissjoni għenet lis-settur, ftit li xejn sar sabiex ngħinu lill-ħaddiema. Illum qabel għada l-Kummissjoni trid tieħu azzjoni sabiex tipproteġi l-ħaddiema fis-settur tal-avjazzjoni u tiżgura li d-drittijiet bażiċi tagħhom jiġu dejjem issalvagwardjati. Kummissarju, jekk jogħġbok, ħu azzjoni llum qabel għada għaliex kapaċi għada jkun tard wisq.

  Sylvie Brunet (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, chers collègues, que ce soit l’émergence de structures commerciales transnationales avec des bases dans toute l’Europe, l’incertitude juridique, différents niveaux de protection sociale pour les travailleurs, la multiplication des formes d’emploi atypique pour les équipages ou encore la perte de nouveaux emplois avec l’apparition de faux travailleurs indépendants: le secteur de l’aviation a été affecté ces dernières années par de profondes mutations. La crise de la COVID-19 et ses conséquences économiques et sociales ne feront que les aggraver avec le risque que cette situation ne conduise à davantage de suppressions d’emplois ainsi qu’à une nouvelle dégradation des conditions générales et en particulier de concurrence.

Plus que jamais et de manière prioritaire, cette situation mérite toute notre attention. Nous appelons la Commission européenne et les États membres à agir afin de promouvoir un transport aérien socialement responsable et durable au sein de l’Union européenne. Cela doit passer par la défense des droits sociaux, le renforcement de la sécurité juridique, l’application effective des règles existantes ainsi que leur clarification quand cela est nécessaire. À cet effet également, la prise en compte de la dimension sociale lors de la prochaine révision du règlement n° 1008/2008 est primordiale. Nous attendons des mesures fermes. Ce n’est que de cette manière que nous pourrons assurer une connectivité socialement responsable en Europe et que nous garantirons que le secteur aérien sorte plus fort et plus résilient de cette crise sans précédent.

  Guido Reil (ID). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich bin kein grüner Vielflieger. Ich bin in den letzten zehn Jahren einmal geflogen. Ich fahre lieber mit der Bahn und bleibe auf dem Boden. Genau wie das Rückgrat der deutschen Flugindustrie – das Bodenpersonal, diejenigen, die sich um die Sicherheit kümmern, das Gepäck, das Catering.

Ihnen ging es vor der Krise schon nicht gut. In der Regel arbeiten in diesem Bereich Migranten für Leiharbeitsfirmen im Niedriglohnsektor. Und wie ist es ihnen in der Krise ergangen? 191 000 Mitarbeiter haben ihren Job verloren oder sind in Kurzarbeit. Aber es gab ja großzügige Unterstützung. Ist sie bei den Schwächsten angekommen? Von den Unterstützungsgeldern haben die Fluggesellschaften 32 Milliarden erhalten und die Flughäfen 2,85 Milliarden. Nicht einmal 10 % sind wieder bei den Schwächsten gelandet, und das ist eigentlich in jedem Bereich so, wo Fördergelder und Unterstützungen geflossen sind. Die, die schon viel haben, haben noch etwas bekommen.

Aber Corona kann ja nicht ewig dauern. Es muss ja bald wieder aufwärtsgehen. Aber dann kommt das nächste Problem, dann kommen die Folgen des Green Deal für die Flugindustrie, und da hat sich, Gott sei Dank, die Lufthansa ganz deutlich geäußert. Ein Sprecher der Lufthansa sagte: „Nur starke und wettbewerbsfähige Unternehmen sind in der Lage, in neue Technologien zu investieren.“ In Deutschland werden Fluggesellschaften durch die Flugverkehrsteuer, das ETS und CORSIA dreifach belastet, während Fluggesellschaften aus der Türkei, den Golfstaaten und Asien nach ganz anderen Umwelt- und Sozialstatuten operieren können.

Aber das kann den Grünen ja egal sein. Wenn es die Lufthansa einmal nicht mehr gibt, dann sitzen sie eben im Regenbogen-T-Shirt in einer Maschine von Qatar Airways und fliegen in die bunte, vielfältige Zukunft. Nur nicht an Bord sein werden die 600 000 Beschäftigten der deutschen Flugindustrie.

  Joachim Stanisław Brudziński (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Lotnictwo cywilne znajduje się w największym kryzysie od zakończenia II wojny światowej. Dlatego niezbędne są wszelkie środki służące odbudowie unijnego sektora lotnictwa. Jest to konieczne w związku z dramatycznym spadkiem ruchu lotniczego. W moim kraju, w Polsce, w 2020 r. nastąpił spadek międzynarodowych przewozów pasażerskich o 70% w stosunku do 2019 r. Z prognoz przedstawionych przez Międzynarodowe Zrzeszenie Przewoźników Powietrznych wynika, że powrót do stanu sprzed pandemii COVID-19 potrwa co najmniej kilka lat. Odbudowa skali połączeń do poziomu z 2019 roku przewidywana jest na lata 2023–24. Dlatego podejmowane działania, które mają przywrócić zaufanie do podróżowania, takie jak unijne certyfikaty covidowe oraz formularze lokalizacji pasażera, są bardzo istotne dla odbudowy ruchu lotniczego, ale nie są wystarczające. Należy też mieć na uwadze, że wszelkie działania, jak nakładanie nowych obowiązków czy podatków, w najbliższych latach powinny być poprzedzone rzetelną analizą skutków pod kątem ich wpływu na odbudowę sektora lotnictwa. Należy rozważyć zaniechanie stosowania środków ograniczających dynamikę rozwoju, jeśli skuteczność zastosowanych obciążeń może być niższa niż ponoszone koszty. Dlatego chciałabym zapytać, w jaki sposób, oprócz wprowadzenia zielonego zaświadczenia cyfrowego, można poprawić koordynację ograniczeń związanych z podróżami i wymogów sanitarnych, aby zapewnić spójność działań państw członkowskich, zwiększyć pewność podróżowania i zachęcić konsumentów do zakupu biletów.

  Pernando Barrena Arza (The Left). – Señor presidente, señora comisaria, el aeronáutico es un sector estratégico de la Unión que cuenta con más de 600 000 puestos de trabajo directos.

Los fabricantes de aeronaves se han visto afectados por la cancelación de entregas y, solo en el País Vasco, 600 trabajadores han perdido su empleo. Ha desaparecido el 20 % del sector por los despidos en Aernnova, ITP, Alestis, Aciturri y Lauak, y esto sitúa a la Comisión Europea ante la necesidad de tomar medidas al respecto.

Es necesario hacer una defensa decidida del empleo del sector y de su futuro, porque los despidos relacionados con la pandemia no son aceptables. Estamos hablando de una situación absolutamente circunstancial. Y hay que proteger al sector de las deslocalizaciones, consecuencia de las grandes operaciones de compraventa que se están dando en el contexto de la pérdida de valor de algunas compañías. La Unión no puede dar facilidades para que se cree una concentración oportunista al rebufo de la pandemia.

Y, finalmente, el gran reto del sector de la aeronáutica pasa también, en este caso, por la transición ecológica. Al igual que se está haciendo, con mayor o menor acierto, en el sector de la automoción, el sector de la aeronáutica necesita de un plan público para su acople a los objetivos del Pacto Verde y así proteger prioritariamente el empleo de miles de trabajadores y trabajadoras.

  Marian-Jean Marinescu (PPE). – Domnule președinte, doamnă comisar, stimați colegi, eu consider că cea mai bună protecție socială o poate asigura o companie viabilă, puternică din punct de vedere economic. Eu cred că trebuie să fie sprijinite companiile din această industrie, dar nu numai cele care zboară, companiile aeriene, ci și companiile de servicii de trafic și aeroporturile.

Numai așa pot să iasă din această criză și, în același timp, Comisia să supravegheze ca aceste ajutoare să nu influențeze o competiție corectă. A început să se refacă traficul, am ajuns la două treimi, însă trebuie să țineți cont că, pe lângă criza Covid-19, aceste companii traversează și o perioadă complicată din cauza pactului ecologic.

Sunt voci care spun că trebuie să închidem zborurile, să interzicem zborurile, și, în același timp, să mărim prețurile, dar, în același timp, spun să protejăm lucrătorii. Cred că a interzice zborurile și a proteja lucrătorii nu pot fi împreună sub nicio formă. Deci eu cred că mobilitatea este un drept al cetățeanului european și această mobilitate trebuie asigurată prin toate mijloacele de transport.

Cea mai bună soluție pentru aviație este să avem cercetare, dezvoltare și să ajungem la un transport sustenabil și îmi pare rău că există discurs dublu. Vrem sustenabilitate din punct de vedere ecologic dar, în același timp, nu vrem să dăm mai mulți bani la Clean Sky. Singurul grup care a susținut mărirea bugetului la Clean Sky a fost Grupul PPE. Cred că în continuare se mai poate face ceva în acest sens, iar despre relațiile de muncă, să fie în conformitate cu legislația fiecărui stat membru.

  Isabel García Muñoz (S&D). – Señor presidente, señora comisaria, la COVID-19 ha supuesto un golpe sin precedentes en el sector de la aviación. Todos somos conscientes de ello, y es urgente trabajar en su recuperación. Además, llevamos años pidiendo una agenda social para la aviación y la revisión del Reglamento (CE) n.º 1008/2008, que está abierta y en stand-by desde 2015, algo incomprensible.

Si las condiciones de trabajo del sector ya eran precarias, con formas de empleo atípicas, dumping social y competencia desleal, tras la pandemia aún lo son más. Hay que actuar ya.

La propia Comisión reconocía en 2019 la existencia de prácticas abusivas que burlan la legislación social nacional y europea. Y, como ha dicho, comisaria, en la Estrategia de Movilidad Sostenible e Inteligente, prometió una propuesta de revisión para finales de este año.

Necesitamos que la aviación se recupere para asegurar la conectividad y la cohesión de todos los territorios europeos, pero debe hacerse de una manera sostenible y socialmente responsable. Hay que asegurar unas condiciones de trabajo decentes para todo el personal. Y me gustaría pedirle a la Comisión que sea una verdadera aliada en este camino y que actúe en consecuencia. Responsabilidad y competitividad no tienen que estar reñidas.

  Dominique Riquet (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, nous parlons aujourd’hui de l’impact de la crise COVID-19 sur le transport aérien des personnes et toute la filière. Nous connaissons la sévérité de l’impact. Nous apprécions mal la suite, compte tenu de l’incertitude sur la pandémie, de l’incertitude sur les modèles économiques et leur transformation, de l’incertitude aussi de la «reprise» de l’activité globale. Quatrième incertitude: celle des contraintes qui vont peser pour des raisons notamment environnementales.

L’Union et les États membres ont été présents et ont répondu présent à cette première crise, et apprécient effectivement et apprécieront au fur et à mesure les besoins. Nous resterons très attentifs, par exemple aux règles d’attribution des créneaux horaires que la Commission va probablement reproposer, réexaminer. Notre vigilance reste bien sûr entière sur la concurrence internationale et le triple enjeu. L’effort qui a été réalisé par l’ensemble des pouvoirs publics – l’Union d’un côté, les États membres de l’autre – appelle des contreparties de la part des compagnies, notamment en ce qui concerne le respect des droits sociaux pour leurs employés et le respect des droits des passagers. Il n’y a pas eu un effort général des collectivités, de nous tous, pour que ce soit, au moment de la crise, un phénomène d’application qui permette aux compagnies, à un certain moment, de réaliser des régulations et des arbitrages qui sont hors de propos. Nous pensons que l’effort de tous, y compris des compagnies, doit aller en direction de la reprise, de la restauration et de la préservation des droits de tous.

  Clare Daly (The Left). – Mr President, European pilots and crews have been the victims of bogus self-employment and social dumping for years, and post—pandemic it’s only going to get worse. We’ve already heard Ryanair’s Michael O’Leary bragging about how the pandemic will be a huge opportunity and how the payroll bill will be a lot smaller, with Wizz Air following suit. Against this backdrop, for DG MOVE to tell the trade unions – a point echoed by the Commissioner here today – that the national courts were the most efficient way for aircrew to assert their rights is simply unacceptable.

Do you not know of the Ryanair Mons case, which took 10 years for the Court of Justice to rule on applicable law for crew? Ten years of horrific hardship for our airline workers. Do you not know that the expert group on social matters related to air crew has demanded legal clarity on applicable labour law, such as defining operational base and home base?

It’s really time for the Commission to act on this. Can the Commissioner please spell out the timetable for the revision of Regulation (EC) No 1008/2008. Will it commence this year? Will it be concluded in a matter of months? Will there be specific legislation to swiftly deal with these issues? Otherwise, it’s all hot air, and we’re jeopardising our workers and those who travel with them.

  Seán Kelly (PPE). – Mr President, Ireland being an island, is very dependent on, and indeed grateful to, our two main airlines – Ryanair and Aer Lingus. Indeed, as is the case across the EU, many jobs and livelihoods depend on them. Therefore, the drop in air traffic by over 66% which we’ve experienced since the start of the pandemic must be met with a comprehensive action plan to help the aviation industry soar back into the skies once again.

In light of these challenges, I welcome that the Commission has put forward a number of emergency measures, such as rolling out the digital green certificate, decreasing slot usage thresholds for airlines and providing guidelines on COVID—19 testing and quarantine for air passengers. The EU is listening to industry voices who are asking for greater understanding and support.

Moving forward from COVID—19, it is important to remember that we can take positive steps to encourage investment in the green transition. We can increase the long—term resilience of the aviation industry by making firm level of support decisions contingent on environmental improvements. This will allow the EU to address the issue of sustainability along the whole aviation value chain, including among aircraft manufacturers and airports.

The digital COVID certificate is a welcome first step for the aviation industry, in what I hope will be a package of measures to continue to facilitate the exercise of free movement for all our citizens across the European Union.

The aviation industry can emerge, and must emerge, from the pandemic both cleaner, greener and stronger.

  Alicia Homs Ginel (S&D). – Señor presidente, señora comisaria, hace un par de meses, una servidora defendía en este Pleno que la movilidad laboral en la Unión Europea debía avanzar hacia un modelo más libre, más justo y más seguro.

Sin embargo, las prácticas que hemos visto en el sector aéreo durante los últimos años no solo distan mucho de suponer un avance para todos los trabajadores y trabajadoras del sector, sino que son contrarias al Derecho europeo: salarios por debajo del mínimo interprofesional; contratos de cero horas; programas de pago por vuelo; cesión ilegal de trabajadores; trabajadores que son reemplazados por falsos autónomos; falta de protección jurídica; obstáculos a la sindicalización y la negociación colectiva; y así un largo etcétera.

Esta es la realidad de lo que sucede a día de hoy en la Unión Europea. Se ha creado una carrera hacia el abismo, hacia el abismo de la precarización de un sector, como el aéreo, que es vital para España y, sobre todo, para Europa.

La falta de adecuación del Reglamento (CE) n.º 1008/2008 da pie a que aquellas compañías que basan su modelo de negocio en la precariedad eludan el cumplimiento de la ley. ¿No cree que es hora de que procedamos a la revisión inmediata de este Reglamento? ¿No cree que es hora de desarrollar medidas jurídicas para garantizar la igualdad de condiciones y la seguridad jurídica para las tripulaciones?

El mercado único no es una jungla. Actuemos para evitar que se utilice como pretexto para socavar los derechos fundamentales y perpetuar condiciones de trabajo precarias.

  Vlad Gheorghe (Renew). – Domnule președinte, transportul și turismul sunt domenii esențiale pentru economia Uniunii Europene. Sectorul aviatic contribuie major la redresarea afacerilor din toate statele membre. Nu putem concepe o revenire economică fără zboruri accesibile, regulate și sigure în întreaga Uniune.

Pandemia a afectat diferit transportul aerian în țările Uniunii. Acele companii cu probleme anterioare COVID-19, cu management defectuos, ineficiente au trebuit să fie salvate de la faliment. Cu ele, Uniunea a salvat mii de locuri de muncă afectate de restricțiile de călătorie. Dar obiectivul nostru acum nu este doar redresarea economiei Uniunii, ci și reziliența, să fim mai bine pregătiți pentru următoarea criză.

Adesea, o proastă gestionare a companiilor aeriene și a infrastructurii aeroportuare are la bază corupția. Trebuie să ajutăm companiile aeriene să-și depășească problemele structurale. Trebuie să colaborăm mai bine și să oferim condiții de călătorie previzibile și uniforme. Trebuie să reducem birocrația și să lărgim spațiul Schengen. Trebuie să sprijinim competiția corectă, să oferim locuri de muncă stabile și să garantăm drepturile călătorilor. Avem datoria să luăm toate aceste măsuri pentru revenirea sectorului aviatic.

Aș aprecia poziția Comisiei în acest sens.

  Josianne Cutajar (S&D). – Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, the aviation sector and its workers are looking to Europe for help. Europe must respond. COVID-19 has created an unprecedented crisis which, if not addressed correctly, could lead to serious consequences: loss of connectivity, bankruptcy of regional airlines, financial difficulties for aviation-dependent companies, and higher costs for consumers.

To avoid such consequences, the Commission must continue its relaxed state aid rules and promote public—private financial assistance. However, this should come with a condition. Even before Covid, another crisis was plaguing this industry. Increased competition led to a race to cut costs.

The first to pay the price: workers. The result: among many, precarious atypical forms of employment. Such practices, as will help the sector recover, we must make sure that they become history. The Commission, the EU, must resolve the legal uncertainty surrounding contracts. We need to effectively apply the European Pillar of Social Rights to aviation legislation. We need, once and for all, to stand with aviation workers and ensure their rights.

  Agnes Jongerius (S&D). – Voorzitter, mevrouw de commissaris, de luchtvaartsector stond al onder hoge druk vóór de coronacrisis en staat nu echt op springen. Prijsstunters grijpen hun kans om de oude reuzen uit de markt te beconcurreren, en deze concurrentie gaat ten koste van de werknemers en ten koste van de vliegveiligheid.

Onderzoek wijst uit dat de vliegveiligheid al langer in het geding was door oneerlijke concurrentie. Zo verdienen sommige mensen hele lage lonen, maar hebben ze wel een krankzinnig hoge werkdruk. Er is amper toezicht, er is een geringe meldingsbereidheid, en dit alles draagt bij aan de vliegonveiligheid.

Juist in de lucht moet je elkaar blindelings kunnen vertrouwen. Je moet kunnen rekenen op je collega’s: van beveiliging tot bagageafhandelaars en cabinepersoneel, iedereen draagt bij aan een veilige vliegomgeving en daarmee aan een veilige vlucht.

Daarom roep ik de Commissie op om sociale voorwaarden te stellen aan landingsrechten, om zo de arbeidsomstandigheden te verbeteren en de verkeersveiligheid te waarborgen.

Nog één opmerking over het steunprogramma aan KLM. Ja, we hebben hier vorige maand met veel overtuiging ingestemd met de toekenning van fondsen aan de KLM, maar er zijn veel meer mensen op Schiphol die hun baan in het geding hebben zien komen. En ik zou denken dat alle mensen op de luchthaven onze steun verdienen.

  Adina-Ioana Vălean, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, I would like to thank the honourable Members for their interest and passion in tackling aviation issues. They were not only the ones reflected by the two questions, but we had a whole array of issues around aviation.

As Commissioner for Transport, I have learned that everyone is very interested in transport generally, and everyone has an opinion on transport. Of all the sectors and interconnection in transport, I would say that aviation creates more interest for everyone. Some love it, some do not love aviation that much but, for sure, nearly everyone has used, or is using either the services of aviation – meaning flying – or at least products that were transported by air.

The importance of the sector overall in our lives is something we cannot deny. This is a sector of highly—skilled people and high—end technologies, so it is a success of our European story, and it is here to stay, as much as the others. Of course, we had the crisis, which brought particularly significant challenges to the aviation sector, to the people who work there and all horizontal industry working for aviation.

I recall that we were all so shocked at the beginning, and were concerned about what we could do to help. Now, opinions have nuanced a bit, and some are asking if the help was good enough and if it is creating fair competition or not. Should we change the rules? Some are saying we should bring in further regulation or try to steer things from Brussels.

There are some things that are true. Aviation is required, as are other sectors, to decarbonise itself. It is required to have high standards in social matters, and we are on a good path towards this end. It is still true that it has to exist first in order to improve.

The whole COVID crisis made us think and introduce the resilience factor into our own policies. I’m saying all this because we are, of course, now seeing the strategy that we are going to put forward – the revision of Air Services Regulation – with the aims which we discussed, and I agree with you that we have to tackle this. All the reports are showing that we have to look at it. As I said, for example, in my initial statement, the fact is that we have to define the notion of operational base and other issues around the subjects covered by the Air Services Regulation.

But before doing that, we have to have an evaluation on the crisis situation and on the effects of the crisis. That’s why we ordered a study, which is going to be conducted this year. Someone here asked me to give an exact timeline, so I’m telling you that the Commission proposal can be expected in the first quarter of 2022.

According to our better regulation standards, we will have this separate study. The work on the study and the impact assessment will be held in parallel. The two will go together so that, by the end of next year, we can propose something which would be honestly helpful. This is on the Service Regulation.

Some of you mentioned the topic of the decarbonisation of aviation. You can expect the ‘Fit for 55’ package, which would include – at least from our transport perspective – the issue of EU aviation, with the aim of helping the decarbonisation of the fuels used. Then, of course, there are other pricing measures, probably proposed by other DGs. In the end, there is no silver bullet for the decarbonisation of aviation. There is a basket of measures, but we have to be reasonable and smart, because we want to keep the competitiveness of the sector, we want to keep the highly—skilled jobs, and we have to take all these actions together with the industry. It cannot be done in an office in Brussels. We have a high responsibility towards the industry, and it is to help them to have the competitiveness and the economic viability to make the changes and the investments needed for the future of this transport sector.

Talking about the socially more-responsible sector, it should be recalled that achieving this is not something the Commission can do on its own. This requires the active participation and contribution of all parties concerned. Member States, the Commission, the other institutions, airlines, employers, workers’ organisations – everyone should act together towards achieving this goal. It’s not something which can be produced in a laboratory and then slotted into the system.

Again, I’m pleased by the strong interest of the European Parliament in this matter. I’m looking forward to working with you in the years to come for a successful review of the Service Regulation, which would help support the recovery and resilience of the industry in the short, medium and long term. Thank you very much. I’m looking forward to our next debate.

  President. – The debate is closed.

This is not the final act of this week. We will have the announcement of the results at 16.30, but those who are not taking part in this very exciting point may already feel accompanied now by my very best wishes for the summer break.

Written statements (Rule 171)

  Έλενα Κουντουρά (The Left), γραπτώς. – Η νέα εξαιρετικά μεταδοτική μετάλλαξη του ιού, σε συνδυασμό με τους αργούς ρυθμούς εμβολιασμού και τη χαλάρωση των περιοριστικών μέτρων, μας οδηγεί προς ένα τέταρτο κύμα που πολύ φοβάμαι ότι θα δώσει τη χαριστική βολή στις αερομεταφορές και τον τουρισμό. Η εναέρια κυκλοφορία έχει μειωθεί περισσότερο από δύο τρίτα σε σύγκριση με το 2019. Πολλές αεροπορικές εταιρείες μεταθέτουν ή ακυρώνουν δρομολόγια. Και κινδυνεύουν να χαθούν μόνιμα τα οφέλη που είχαμε εξασφαλίσει τα χρόνια πριν από την πανδημία για την ενίσχυση της συνδεσιμότητας προς όφελος περιφερειακών χωρών και απομακρυσμένων και νησιωτικών περιοχών, γεγονός για το οποίο είχα εργαστεί προσωπικά ως Υπουργός Τουρισμού της Ελλάδας την περίοδο 2015-2019, έχοντας εξασφαλίσει την καθιέρωση πολλών νέων απευθείας πτήσεων. Για την Ελλάδα και πολλές ακόμη χώρες και περιοχές της Ευρώπης, οι αεροπορικές μεταφορές είναι ζωτικής σημασίας, και ειδικά οι απευθείας πτήσεις είναι το κλειδί για ισχυρή τουριστική ανάπτυξη. Είναι λοιπόν επιβεβλημένη η στήριξη της αεροπορικής συνδεσιμότητας ειδικά για τις περιοχές που βρίσκονται μακριά από τα οικονομικά και πληθυσμιακά κέντρα της Ευρώπης. H ΕΕ και τα κράτη μέλη πρέπει να είναι προετοιμασμένα να παρέμβουν με νέα μέτρα σε περίπτωση νέου κύματος. Όμως, η κρατική στήριξη δεν πρέπει να παρέχεται άνευ όρων: πρέπει να συνοδεύεται από δεσμεύσεις για την οικονομική, κοινωνική και περιβαλλοντική βιωσιμότητα του κλάδου.

(The sitting was suspended at 16.18)

17. Posėdžio atnaujinimas

(Die Sitzung wird um 16.30 Uhr wieder aufgenommen.)

18. Komitetų ir delegacijų sudėtis

  Der Präsident. – Die PPE-Fraktion hat dem Präsidenten einen Beschluss über die Änderung von Ernennungen in den Ausschüssen übermittelt. Dieser Beschluss wird im Protokoll der heutigen Sitzung veröffentlicht und tritt am Tag dieser Ankündigung in Kraft.

19. Balsavimo rezultatų paskelbimas (žr. protokola)

20. Paaiškinimai dėl balsavimo (žr. protokola)

21. Balsavimo pataisymai ir ketinimai (žr. protokolą)

22. Deleguotieji aktai (Darbo tvarkos taisyklių 111 straipsnio 2 dalis) (žr. protokola)

23. Peticijos (žr. protokolą)

24. Pateikti dokumentai (žr.protokolą)

25. Sprendimas rengti pranešimus savo iniciatyva (žr. protokola)

26. Klausimų perdavimas komitetams (su pakeitimais) (Darbo tvarkos taisyklių 56 straipsnis) (žr. protokola)

27. Šios mėnesinės sesijos protokolų tvirtinimas ir priimtų tekstų perdavimas

  Der Präsident. – Die Protokolle der Sitzungen vom 5. bis zum 8. Juli 2021 werden dem Parlament zu Beginn der nächsten Sitzung zur Genehmigung vorgelegt.

Wenn es keine Einwände gibt, werde ich die in diesen Sitzungen angenommenen Entschließungen den in diesen Entschließungen genannten Personen und Gremien übermitteln.

28. Kitų posėdžių kalendorinis planas (žr. protokola)

29. Posėdžio pabaiga

(Die Sitzung wird um 16.33 Uhr geschlossen)

30. Sesijos atidėjimas

  Der Präsident. – Ich erkläre die Sitzungsperiode des Europäischen Parlaments für unterbrochen.