Texto integral 
Processo : 2021/2038(INI)
Ciclo de vida em sessão
Ciclo relativo ao documento : A9-0250/2021

Textos apresentados :


Debates :

PV 05/10/2021 - 2
CRE 05/10/2021 - 2

Votação :

PV 06/10/2021 - 2
PV 06/10/2021 - 12

Textos aprovados :


Relato integral dos debates
XML 169k
Terça-feira, 5 de Outubro de 2021 - Estrasburgo Edição revista

2. O futuro das relações UE-EUA (debate)
Vídeo das intervenções

  Presidente. – Passamos ao primeiro ponto da ordem do dia: O relatório do Deputado Picula - O futuro das relações UE-EUA [2021/2038(INI)] (A9-0250/2021).

Gostaria de informar os Senhores Deputados de que, em todos os debates deste período de sessões, não haverá procedimentos «catch the eye» nem perguntas «cartão azul».

Além disso, tal como nos últimos períodos de sessões, estão previstas intervenções à distância a partir dos Gabinetes de Ligação do Parlamento Europeu nos Estados-Membros.


  Tonino Picula, rapporteur. – Mr President, this debate could not be timelier.

Last November, President Biden’s election provided much relief and optimism in the European Union. I firmly believe, then as well as today, that we need a renewed and strengthened transatlantic partnership to tackle common challenges. Some of them have been well known for decades, but some are part of the newer dynamics of the world.

I appreciate the word ‛relations’. It covers all manners of virtues and sins, doesn’t it? My impression is that this has become a more self—aware relationship, with a lot of space for cooperation, and diverging challenges that remain – in trade, data protection and attitudes towards China for example.

It is a relationship based on the US primarily doing what fits their national agenda, and sometimes not fully taking into account all those things that matter to the European Union. Take the long overdue lifting of the travel ban, for example.

We may be a newer Union, but we are also proud of our national histories and identities. Our diversity unites us. Our democratic, social and human rights standards are the most developed ones. And we should be proud of our lead to fight climate change.

It goes without saying that we should not lose the sentiment about the assistance from the United States to Europe’s development, prosperity and successful integration, nor all of the multilateral achievements.

During the past 75 years, the transatlantic partnership has stood for freedom, democracy, human rights, the rule of law, trade, economic cooperation and security.

The European Union and the US have the largest bilateral trade and investment relationship and enjoy the most integrated economic relationship in the world.

We should also praise positive developments like the Trade and Technology Council that took place last week.

But we must stress in parallel that the European Union’s strategic autonomy should be pursued, with improved implementation of European Union foreign and defence policy priorities and principles. Also, with the European Union’s ability to act autonomously, when needed, in pursuing its legitimate interests.

Moreover, we need to explore areas of convergence and seek to enhance cooperation, better coordination and consultation between the US and the European Union to avoid transatlantic tensions such as those that followed the adoption of the trilateral AUKUS deal or the uncoordinated withdrawal from Afghanistan.

These events should remind us that the EU needs to catch up with the new reality and redefine our relationship with the US on a more equal footing. This means standing up for our interests whenever needed, but also taking greater responsibility. We must reinforce both: the European Union’s autonomy of decision and its autonomy of action, from soft power to smart power.

In concrete terms, together with the US, we should work to promote multilateral cooperation for a more equitable and healthier world, fight against inequalities, cooperate better in research and technology development, and promote ecological transformation and the peaceful resolution of conflicts.

We have to enhance our parliamentary cooperation, rule-based connectivity strategies, protect and promote democracy and human rights, share best practice examples and better include our citizens in decision making.

Having said that, without any doubt, the US remains the European Union’s closest and most important strategic partner, and I believe that a strategical autonomous Union would be the best partner for the United States!


  Bernd Lange, Verfasser der Stellungnahme des mitberatenden Ausschusses für internationalen Handel. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, meine lieben Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich glaube, wir haben mit den Vereinigten Staaten, mit der Regierung von Präsident Biden eine gemeinsame Basis gefunden – gerade in der Handelspolitik. Wenn die Handelsvertreterin des Präsidenten sagt: „Wir stellen Arbeitnehmerrechte in den Mittelpunkt der Handelspolitik“, entspricht das unserer Vorstellung. Wir wollen sicherstellen, dass Handelspolitik auch den Menschen vor Ort dient und nicht einigen wenigen. Insofern gibt es da eine gemeinsame Basis.

Und wir haben jetzt ja auch am 29. September den Handels- und Technologierat gegründet, eine Plattform, wo wir uns über solche Fragen austauschen, wo Handelspolitik wirklich den Menschen nutzt, und wo wir auch sicherstellen können, dass es eine gemeinsame Herangehensweise gibt: zum Beispiel bei der Frage von Investitionskontrollen, bei der Frage von ausländischen Subventionen, bei der Frage von Produkten, die durch Zwangsarbeit hergestellt werden. Alles das sind Dinge, wo wir gemeinsam arbeiten können.

Aber wir wissen auch alle, dass in einer guten Beziehung der Honeymoon nicht immer Wirklichkeit ist. Es wird auch mal ernst, wenn man in einer Beziehung diskutiert: Welche Farbe hat das Sofa? Wo kommt das Sofa hin? Und in dieser Phase sind wir natürlich. Wir haben auch mit den Vereinigten Staaten Auseinandersetzungen. Die Frage der illegalen Zölle auf Stahlprodukte aus der Europäischen Union ist nach wie vor auf der Tagesordnung. Und wenn wir da keine Lösung finden, werden wir Ende November unsere Gegenmaßnahmen verdoppeln. Deswegen kann ich die amerikanische Seite nur bitten: Lasst uns, ähnlich wie bei Airbus und Boeing, hier einen Kompromiss finden.

Es gibt auch noch andere Dinge – die Auseinandersetzungen über den U-Boot-Deal waren sicherlich auch nicht dazu dienlich, die Beziehung stabiler zu machen. Insofern müssen wir daran arbeiten. Aber wir müssen auch klarmachen, dass wir als Europäerinnen und Europäer spezifische Interessen haben. Und das kann man in einer guten Beziehung auch deutlich machen.


  Josep Borrell Fontelles, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, honourable Members of the European Parliament, we certainly all agree that the US remains the European Union’s closest and most important strategic partner.

It is like this and it has to continue being like this. There should be no doubt about that. This year you launch the renewed Joint Transatlantic Agenda, after a very successful European Union summit with the US, and there have been strong partnerships and engagement with the US administration, certainly much more, in a better way, than in the previous one.

Transatlantic partnership is vital and irreplaceable, but we need to place it on a stronger footing. August has been a wake—up call and there are changes in American society that have been in the making for many years that will certainly affect the role of the US in the world. After Afghanistan, the US has been sending a clear message about how they want to reorder their priorities, mainly facing China, and we should be ready to adapt to this new situation and shoulder our part of the burden to keep peace and security in the world.

I had regular discussions with Secretary Blinken during the UN General Assembly (UNGA) week, and I will travel to Washington next week to meet him again. He is in Paris today and I will be in Washington next week, so our links will be increasingly important and hopefully will deliver.

These meetings are important for our ongoing discussions on issues related to the transatlantic agenda that have to be put in the frame of the developments in the world because we have to think about how the 21st century will be.

Will the 21st century be born on Tiananmen or will it be born on the fall of the Berlin Wall? These two events – so different – mark the different paths of the future, how the future will be. We will be depending on our capacity to strengthen the trans-Atlantic relationship in order to defend democracies in the world.

I take note of the references in your report to the need to foster greater self—reliance in matters of defence. On this point of view, I’m going to jump to French.

Il faut reconnaître l’importance stratégique de l’engagement que le président Biden a pris avec le président Macron lors d’une conversation qui a été courte peut-être, mais sans doute très importante à propos de la région indo-pacifique, y compris dans le cadre stratégique que l’Union européenne vient de publier sur cette région du monde.

Dans le cadre de la lutte contre le terrorisme, les États-Unis se sont engagés à renforcer leur soutien aux opérations antiterroristes au Sahel menées par les États européens. Dans cette communication, les États-Unis ont également reconnu l’importance d’une défense européenne plus forte et plus performante, qui contribue positivement à la sécurité transatlantique, en complémentarité avec l’OTAN. Oui, l’espace euroatlantique est au cœur de l’OTAN. L’OTAN est l’outil fondamental de notre défense collective. Mais la gestion des crises dans le voisinage européen doit nous concerner nous, les Européens, en premier lieu. Cette communication ouvre la porte à des développements futurs, dont les chefs d’État ou de gouvernement vont discuter ce soir en Slovénie et qui seront suivis par la présentation de la boussole stratégique au mois de novembre.

These steps will strengthen our collective commitment to the US crisis management and enhance, as the report points out, our instruments and mechanisms.

We are working on a new joint EU—NATO statement by the end of the year to renew those of 2016 and 2018, but our dialogue with the US is not only in the framework of NATO because not all European Member States are members of NATO and there are many NATO members who are not European Union Member States. So we have to have a direct and complementary relationship and a US—EU strategic dialogue.

We discussed with Secretary Blinken in the UN General Assembly about how this dialogue and cooperation can be strengthened. We agreed on the need to put in place a system to avoid issues like the one around the AUKUS pact between Australia, the UK and the USA in the future and, as your report recommends, we must also launch a dedicated dialogue on security and defence.

Certainly, we also call for a closer transatlantic foreign policy coordination and you can rest assured that we will continue to cooperate and partner with the US in key foreign and security policy areas, mainly in front of the development of China, both from the economic, political and military point of view. But, as President Biden also said in his United Nations speech, we are not willing to restart a new cold war with China.

Also in the Western Balkans, I have to say that our cooperation with the US is much better. The recent crisis between Kosovo and Serbia has been solved thanks to the good work of our special envoy, Miroslav Lajčák. I have to say that our cooperation with the US envoy has been very positive.

We also report on the significance of the transatlantic economic relationship. We had a successful inauguration of the Trade and Technology Council in Pittsburgh and it is clear that we now have a framework with the potential to make joint progress on global economic and technological challenges. I think that it is very important to seize this opportunity because the world of tomorrow will be shaped around technological developments.

Who masters technology will master power, and at that moment we Europeans will need to develop our technological capacities much more quickly. This can be better done together with the US, but not without also talking about the issues on which we can disagree.

There are some difficult issues: to secure the change of supply in the field of semiconductors, to be sure that we are not going to create in the future an overcapacity, to talk about tariffs, data protection, and artificial intelligence. These are an incredibly broad set of issues that will shape the future and on which we have to engage more with the US.

A last word about COP26. We look forward to continuing our close coordination with the US to get every country to do more to fight climate change. Yesterday, I was in Saudi Arabia talking about it. It was sometimes a difficult discussion because we Europeans only have eight per cent of global emissions.

Even if we cancel them tomorrow – zero emissions – the problem would be the same. The remaining 92% would still be there. So we have to work together with the US, especially on the recently announced Global Methane Pledge, because we talk about CO2 but there are other gases which also have a strong capacity to destroy the atmosphere, and methane is one of these.

This Global Methane Pledge will be another occasion for us to cooperate with the US on climate change. In September, our Executive Vice—President Timmermans and US Special Presidential Envoy for Climate Kerry co-chaired the second meeting of the High—Level Climate Action Group, which is one of the key deliverables of our EU—US summit.

Finally – and it really is finally – let me underline that the recent announcement on the lifting of travel restrictions, Croatia’s access to the visa waiver programme and the launch of the joint COVID-19 Manufacturing and Supply Chain Taskforce, thanks to the good work of Commissioner Breton, are also positive developments linked to our joint agenda that will benefit the whole world. Because if we, the US and the EU, work together, the world will be vaccinated more quickly.

In conclusion, the recommendations that you make in your report are very timely. It is a long report that has a lot of issues in it. Our relationship with the US is certainly the stronger pillar, our freedom and prosperity. We have to continue building on it but, at the same time, we have to continue building our autonomy because our interests will not always exactly coincide.

This report is very timely. I thank the rapporteurs for that. I thank the Members in this debate for their contribution to what they can do on this very important issue.


  Željana Zovko, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, the European Union and the United States share a unique bond based on common values, principles and interests. At the EU—US summit in June this year, the leadership of the two blocks called for a strong transatlantic partnership – a message that we welcome and support in our report that we will vote on this week.

However, over the last weeks, we have seen some reality checks that have tested our relations in matters of foreign affairs, security and trade. The European People’s Party has proposed to create the Transatlantic Political Council as a platform to improve our communications channels and to avoid unnecessary tensions. I strongly call on Members to support this.

With the EU—US joint COVID response, we commit ourselves as technological leaders and pursue the facilitation of global vaccination platforms. I personally see this approach as the only way to fight vaccine nationalism and inequality. But one thing is clear: the transatlantic partnership would not be complete if there is no clear cooperation on foreign and security affairs.

The transatlantic alliance remains fundamental for the security and the stability of the European continent, and NATO is the foundation of our collective defence. In the search of a middle way between European strategic autonomy and total reliance on our transatlantic partners, we need to grow together into new relations that we will be more beneficial for our mutual peace and security missions based on our experiences in the Western Balkans and the Sahel.

On a personal note: invest in the Balkans! They have played a really great role, they still are, and will in the future.

To conclude, I would like to highlight the crucial role that parliamentary diplomacy can play in building bridges with our close and important transatlantic ally. Let this relationship grow based on our good communication and coordination as the anchors of stability in this volatile world.

Finally, I would like to say thank you for the granting of the visa waiver for Croatia. All those families that helped build America are going to appreciate it as well!


  Christel Schaldemose, for S&D-Gruppen. – Hr. formand! Verden har brug for, at alle demokratiske kræfter står sammen, og EU skal derfor holde alle, der deler vores værdier, tæt på sig. Det er ikke nu, vi skal skubbe nogen fra os. EU og USA deler historie og værdier, og der er ikke nogen tvivl om, at vi også deler fremtid. Derfor er og skal USA være EU's tætteste handelspartner, samarbejdspartner og sikkerhedspolitiske allierede.

Men USA er ikke EU's eneste allierede og skal heller ikke være det. Som formand for Japan-delegationen må jeg understrege, hvor vigtigt det er, at EU også styrker båndet med alle vores demokratiske allierede overalt i verden, også i Stillehavsregionen. Vi skal holde tæt kontakt med alle, der deler vores kamp for demokrati, grundlæggende menneskerettigheder og multilateralt samarbejde. Med øget europæisk strategisk autonomi kan vi sikre, at EU bliver en stærk og ligeværdig partner med alle, også med USA. De to ting går nemlig hånd i hånd, de er ikke hinandens modsætninger.


  Dragoş Tudorache, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Mr President, this very comprehensive report speaks to Europeans and American friends alike about our privileged relationship and about the benefits of building a world shaped by the values that unite us. As shadow rapporteur, I fully share its optimism and its level of ambition.

I am a firm believer that a technological partnership between the EU and the US based on shared democratic values is a very solid foundation on which to consolidate our transatlantic future, and our report welcomes the start of the Trade and Technology Council (TTC), its first meeting in Pittsburgh and the commitments outlined in the inaugural joint statement, highlighting the key areas of potential tech cooperation: regulatory convergence, joint work on standards, security of supply chains – this is the direction that we need to take.

But beyond the many areas of cooperation highlighted in the report, I also wish to acknowledge the elephant in the room, because friends and allies are honest with one another. First, and in the light of recent events, our American friends need to understand that trusted partners and allies consult one another before making strategic decisions. The world is no longer unipolar or bipolar, and acting alone is no longer a recipe for success.

Our American friends should also understand that in their contest with China, Europe can be a powerful ally. But Europe does not seem to take sides out of inertia or reflex. Europe has its strategic priorities, and they need to be factored into our transatlantic dialogue as well. They need to nurture our relationship and alliance.

Equally important, our American friends need to understand that our objective of strategic autonomy signifies a Europe that is strong and capable, equipped politically and technologically to defend itself, and able to look out for its priorities in its own backyard and worldwide. This is in our common interest on both sides of the Atlantic.

But the elephant, of course, has two sides. We in Europe also need to understand a few things and, most importantly, on these we can actually do something. We Europeans need to understand that we are very slow to act, if we do act at all, and we speak with 27 different voices on the world scene. We need qualified—majority voting in our foreign policy and we need to reform the way we make strategic decisions. We need to deliver a united European voice if we want to be consulted. We also need to acknowledge that there is no European strategic autonomy until this autonomy has a positive impact for all 500 million of our citizens in all of our 27 Member States. We need one another and we both need to do our part.


  Reinhard Bütikofer, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, let me first thank Mr Picula for the report that he drafted and for the great cooperation that he offered.

Certainly, when he started his work, the high—flying hopes that we had in the renovation, the resurgence, the reinvigorating of the transatlantic relationship were not tainted with some of the more recent disappointments. But on the other hand we should not forget – and the report says so – that also the European side made mistakes, for instance by rushing the CAI just before the end of the year and just before Biden came into office.

Today we know that the new development, the renewing of the transatlantic relationship, needs realism and laborious efforts. It’s not going to be a sprint, rather a long and arduous cross—country run with up—and—down.

The rhetoric sometimes sounds better than its implementation turns out to be. Like Mr Lange, I liked the rhetoric about trade that helps the working class. But if this is just a nice phrase to cover economic nationalism, that is not all that good, and I would second you by demanding that the US move substantially, according to the Airbus—Boeing model, also with regard to steel and aluminium.

The report says we want ‘partnership in leadership’ with the US. That leadership claim also, of course, implies more responsibility. We cannot live up to that responsibility by transatlantic navel—gazing, forgetting about the rest of the world. Even though, in the conflict between democracy and authoritarianism, we know which camp we belong to, we cannot build that relationship either just as a reaction to what China does and to China’s hegemonic plans.

We have to offer a vision to the world of a better future, including climate responsibility, infrastructure development, health, solidarity, fair and open trade and peace instead of arms races. I believe in that regard – and this is my last sentence President – that the Global Gateway initiative that President von der Leyen put on the table will have to play a major role. I hope that we can cooperate on that with the US too.


  Marco Zanni, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Vicepresidente Borrell, la cooperazione tra l'Unione e gli Stati Uniti è, è sempre stata, deve essere e dovrà essere anche in futuro il pilastro fondamentale a garanzia di un equilibrio democratico nel mondo.

Purtroppo ancora oggi vedo un'incapacità cronica da parte della leadership dell'Unione nel comprendere le dinamiche politiche statunitensi. Una semplificazione, a volte, e un approccio che non permettono di sfruttare appieno i benefici di una stretta collaborazione tra queste due grandi potenze. Trump non era il problema e non era un nemico prima, come non può essere e non è il problema oggi l'amministrazione Biden. Purtroppo dobbiamo comprendere che per gli americani, qualsiasi sia la loro appartenenza politica, ci sono delle linee rosse, che l'interesse nazionale viene prima di tutto, e quindi di questo noi dobbiamo essere consapevoli, senza disegnare le nostre politiche su tifoserie verso un'amministrazione o un'altra.

Quello che è successo in Afghanistan è sicuramente un campanello d'allarme, ma mette solo alla luce problematiche che vediamo da tempo, errori che vediamo da tempo. Sul tema della difesa io ho già detto che la nostra difesa europea si chiama e non può far altro che chiamarsi NATO. Tuttavia, per fare questo, per rendere funzionale ed efficiente la nostra difesa e anche l'autonomia dei nostri interessi, non serve molto, servono soldi, servono investimenti, cosa che purtroppo la maggioranza dei paesi europei oggi non ha fatto.

Nessuno ci ha impedito di mandare in Afghanistan 50 000 o 100 000 militari. Gli Stati membri avevano questa capacità. Il fatto di non averli mandati è stata una scelta politica, è stata una scelta dettata dal fatto che quella non fosse la nostra guerra. Quindi partire da questo errore per un'analisi sbagliata, dicendo che quello che è successo in Afghanistan dimostra che serve una difesa europea o che, se avessimo avuto una difesa europea in Afghanistan, la gestione del ritiro sarebbe stata diversa, è un errore, equivale a non dire la verità.

Detto questo credo che i prossimi passi siano importanti. Come ricordava il collega Bütikofer, è bene concentrarsi su quella che è la sfida geopolitica del futuro, cioè la minaccia all'equilibrio democratico rappresentata dal regime comunista cinese. In questo dobbiamo rafforzare, senza gelosie e senza conflitti, la cooperazione, non solo con gli Stati Uniti, ma guardando anche alle iniziative di valore che questo grande paese sta facendo nell'area indopacifico ed essere credibili per avere un ruolo a quel tavolo. Quella è la sfida che dobbiamo giocare, ma prima di pretendere un seggio a quel tavolo dobbiamo dimostrare di essere dei partner affidabili.


  Assita Kanko, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, ‘the United States are back’, said President Biden after his election. I dream of the day when the EU can say, ‘the EU is back’. I am still dreaming. Some thought that the EU would fall back romantically into America’s arms after Trump’s defeat, but they were so wrong. I would rather describe it as a terrible, terrible one-night stand. The times of multilateralism, the Obama era, seem totally over. It remains ‘America first’. Of course. We should quickly get used to this and act accordingly. Why does the EU not pick its own side right now? How can the EU become a relevant partner on the world stage but also a strong advocate of multilateralism?

These questions should be a priority for every European leader. No more embarrassment because of an Australia–United Kingdom–United States (AUKUS) affair or a chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan. We must defend our principles and stand up for the European people. To make that possible, the EU has to look at how to build up our strategic autonomy and regain diplomatic respect and dignity. Only then will we be able to earn a seat at any table. It’s high time to go up on the global stage. So tonight in Slovenia, the 27 Member States must deliver, and not just have dinner.


  Marisa Matias, em nome do Grupo The Left. – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Alto Representante, a eleição da administração Biden/Harris trouxe-nos uma oportunidade de melhorar as relações entre a União Europeia e os Estados Unidos. Relações que devem basear-se num diálogo democrático e ter como base da cooperação questões fundamentais para os problemas mais urgentes que enfrentamos nos nossos dias, como seja o combate às desigualdades, como seja a luta pela igualdade de género, a luta contra o racismo, os direitos humanos ou as alterações climáticas.

As relações futuras dos Estados Unidos e da União Europeia têm que se basear na igualdade, e por isso a União Europeia deve ter capacidades para assegurar a sua autonomia e para ter os seus próprios recursos estratégicos no âmbito dessas relações. As nossas políticas comerciais deveriam ter como elementos-base as questões da transição digital, da transição verde e também das igualdades e dos direitos de quem trabalha. Isto é o que deveria ser a base da nossa cooperação, e não uma cooperação orientada para lutar contra competidores, para se basear apenas na cooperação militar, ou para ter ainda um papel determinante em agravamentos de tensões, e não no combate às tensões da comunidade internacional.

O sucesso do nosso acordo, o sucesso das nossas relações de cooperação, deveria ser o sucesso do cumprimento de objetivos como os objetivos do desenvolvimento sustentável, por exemplo. E não é aquilo que está presente neste relatório, lamentavelmente.

Creio que podemos ser parceiros, sim, no futuro, mas não com base em ser um aliado, um braço dos Estados Unidos, e não um parceiro em igualdade de circunstâncias.


  Tiziana Beghin (NI). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, le recenti tensioni e le guerre dei dazi tra Europa e Stati Uniti hanno colpito duramente le nostre aziende, causando perdite ingenti non soltanto alla grande industria ma anche alle piccole e medie imprese e ai retailers.

Il mantenimento di buone relazioni transatlantiche quindi è fondamentale, ma deve avvenire su una base differente rispetto a quanto è stato fatto finora. Negli ultimi venticinque anni la maggior parte dei tentativi di coordinamento commerciale con gli Stati Uniti sono falliti. L'ultimo è stato il TTIP e tutti qui ricordate i dubbi e le paure che aveva generato nella società civile europea.

Per questo noi del Movimento 5 Stelle chiediamo di continuare e rafforzare il dialogo con gli Stati Uniti, ma vogliamo relazioni più eque e trasparenti. Esigiamo una fine definitiva alle guerre dei dazi e una risoluzione caso per caso degli ostacoli al commercio, che sia rispettosa del principio di precauzione.

Europa e Stati Uniti vantano un'amicizia secolare e insieme rappresentano il 40 % del PIL mondiale, ma le nostre relazioni devono essere all'altezza delle esigenze dei cittadini.


  Radosław Sikorski (PPE). – Mr President, as chairman of the delegation for relations between the EU and the United States, I welcome the report and I endorse every word spoken by our High Representative in his introduction. With my opposite number from the United States, Jim Costa of California, we’ve issued a statement welcoming the launch of the Trade and Technology Council. It’s in that forum – trade, technology, investments – that we are equal, because we’re equal-sized economies.

I also have to tell you I was in Washington in July, and the Americans are, for good reason, obsessed with their rivalry with China. That’s the only thing that Republicans and Democrats agree on. As the High Representative has mentioned, tensions in the Far East are rising. We’ve just seen some overflights. China, as you know, has pledged to retake Taiwan by force, if need be. If it came to something kinetic out there, I have to tell you, I worry that our ally may not be able to continue to protect us.

As a former defence minister, I have to tell you defence systems take decades to develop. Therefore, I beg you, colleagues, we need to get serious about European defence right now.


  Marek Belka (S&D). – Mr President, America is back. After the four dark years of Trump, this should make us relieved and focused in co—shaping the world. More, the new partnership relations with the EU also serve President Biden in implementing his global, regional and national goals.

At the same time, we should not see EU—US relations through pink glasses. While we share common values, our interests may not necessarily go in the same direction. For example take China, which by the US is perceived as a military, economic and political enemy. Our approach is not identical, even if we share many of America’s concerns. Therefore, especially in times of many uncertainties, we need to treat European strategic autonomy seriously and strive for the goals that are crucial for Europe and Europeans from an economic, political and military point of view.

This is also connected to trade issues. In a world ever more fragmented, it is the role of the US and the EU to defend and reinvigorate international institutions and a rules—based international order. Only by example can we lead others to follow in our footsteps. The first meeting of the Trade and Technology Council symbolises a right path to take. However, we still have to work on eliminating irritants which weaken our mutual relations. Finding a joint solution to steel and aluminium excess capacity from third countries and resolving the Boeing—Airbus dispute are just a few examples to name.


  Hilde Vautmans (Renew). – Mr President, Mr Borrell, dear colleagues, I have to tell you very honestly that I am disappointed by President Biden. He claims America is back; fair enough, but does that mean – in his perception, in his mind and in his strategic approach – that Europe is also back? No. On the contrary, he did not consult us when he withdrew from Afghanistan. He completely side—lined us in the AUKUS pact between Australia, the UK and the US. He did not even take the step to abolish American tariffs on our European steel.

Moreover, Biden arrived in Europe a few months ago at the NATO Summit – North Atlantic Treaty Organization – and he talked about what, colleagues, about what? About China. Seems to me more South Pacific than the North Atlantic.

So it’s time to get our act together. The US will not keep on paying the lion’s share in NATO. We must do our part and launch our own European defence community, our own European army, not to weaken NATO, as Stoltenberg wrongly suggested, but on the contrary, to strengthen it. With a hopefully – and I talk to the French now – re—elected French President and a new German Government, it’s time to think about our own interests, our own shared European sovereignty, and start acting, Mr Borrell, as a geopolitical Commission. We have had enough wake—up calls, Mr Borrell.


  Heidi Hautala (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, after the first euphoric reactions to the new opportunities, some realistic opportunities do arise. I’d like to touch on one of them, and that is the worthy fight against modern slavery and forced labour in global value chains.

Modern slavery is a part of the lives of 30 to 47 million people in the world today. The United States has had a ban on the importation of forced labour slavery products since 1930. The newest version puts an obligation on companies to prove that there is no forced labour included in the value chains of their imports. If they cannot do so, the imports will be stopped.

As the President of the Commission has recently announced, the Commission is planning a similar type of instrument in the EU, and I believe this is a distinct trade and customs policy instrument. The question of Uyghur forced labour, is of course behind a lot of these discussions, and that is a very worthy cause. I talked recently to the Customs and Border Protection authorities of the United States, and it’s now clear that the EU risks becoming a safe haven for products produced with the help of forced labour. According to their statistics, imports of Uyghur—produced cotton to the United States have decreased, while they have recently increased to the European Union. It is the same with palm oil, which is not only connected to deforestation, but also to forced labour. We have to act now.


  Mara Bizzotto (ID). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, difendere ad ogni costo la nostra libertà, la nostra democrazia e il mondo occidentale: questa deve essere la nostra missione di fronte alle minacce globali che ci arrivano ogni giorno da parte di dittature e regimi come la Cina comunista o l'Iran dei pasdaran islamici.

Per vincere queste sfide, oggi più che mai è necessario rilanciare con forza l'alleanza e le relazioni tra Europa e Stati Uniti d'America, che saranno sempre un faro di libertà per tutto il mondo. È tempo di riformare e rafforzare l'alleanza atlantica guidata dagli Stati Uniti. È tempo di costruire una solida e duratura alleanza con Israele. È tempo di creare una relazione speciale con la Gran Bretagna del dopo-Brexit e con tutti i paesi dell'anglosfera, che sono alleati fondamentali per la sicurezza e la difesa comune.

Benissimo hanno fatto Australia, USA e Regno Unito a siglare un patto militare contro il pericolo cinese e malissimo hanno fatto i parrucconi di Bruxelles, che hanno gridato allo scandalo.

L'Europa deve recitare un grande mea culpa per la sua colpevole latitanza. Come possono americani, inglesi e australiani fidarsi di un'Europa così ambigua e doppiogiochista? Un'Europa che fa accordi commerciali sporchi di sangue con la Cina comunista, che è titubante con le dittature comuniste di Cuba e Venezuela, che ci si dimostra codarda con i fondamentalisti dell'Iran.

Cari burocrati europei, è arrivato il momento di decidere da che parte stare, o di qua, o di là, non esistono più mezze misure o terze vie. Da una parte c'è il mondo libero delle democrazie occidentali, dall'altra parte il mondo della violenza incarnato dalle dittature comuniste e islamiste.

Noi della Lega non abbiamo dubbi: siamo e saremo sempre dalla parte dei nostri alleati americani e dell'alleanza atlantica, pronti a lottare perché la libertà vinca sulla dittatura e perché il bene trionfi sul male.


  Jorge Buxadé Villalba (ECR). – Señor presidente, pensaba que había venido aquí para debatir sobre las relaciones comerciales entre la Unión Europea y los Estados Unidos, pero luego leo el informe y veo que ustedes siguen con su bla, bla, bla de siempre sobre el cambio climático, la resiliencia, la ideología de género y la lucha contra la extrema derecha —curioso que nunca hablen ustedes de la extrema izquierda—. Incluso en un acuerdo sobre relaciones comerciales hablan del aborto, utilizando ese eufemismo pomposo de los derechos sexuales y reproductivos.

Llevo algo más de dos años aquí y no deja de sorprenderme la capacidad que tiene su maquinaria propagandística de meter sus narices en todas las salsas. Lo cierto es que luego nos dicen a otros antieuropeístas cuando quienes están dejando a la altura del betún a la Unión Europea y a Europa son ustedes.

China se ríe de nosotros. Turquía y Marruecos se ríen de nosotros. Las mafias de inmigración ilegal se ríen de nosotros. Las grandes corporaciones globalistas de censura en redes se ríen de nosotros. Incluso los Estados Unidos de su querido Biden se han reído de nosotros en Afganistán después de colaborar con ellos más de veinte años, para regalarle al final el país a China. Estos son los problemas reales que ocupan a los europeos. Para luchar contra todo esto, cuenten con nosotros; para luchar contra sus fantasmas ideológicos, no cuenten.


  Emmanuel Maurel (The Left). – Monsieur le Président, l’autonomie stratégique européenne, ce ne sont que des mots; pour passer aux actes, il faut être capable de s’émanciper de la tutelle des États-Unis. Nous en sommes loin, comme ce texte en témoigne, parce que, en dépit des faits qui se succèdent, que ce soit sous la présidence Trump ou Biden, nous ne sommes pas capables de sortir d’une sorte de subordination volontaire, au point que dans ce rapport, nous taisons ou nous minorons nos litiges, nos désaccords et nos problèmes face à des États-Unis qui défendent leurs intérêts, tandis que nous, en face, nous ne défendons pas suffisamment les nôtres. C’est vrai en matière commerciale et c’est vrai aussi pour le numérique. On annonce un sommet à Pittsburgh, mais les États-Unis vont à l’encontre des intérêts européens sur ces questions.

Ce texte ne questionne pas la stratégie de l’OTAN et ses échecs en Libye ou en Afghanistan. Il ne questionne pas la stratégie américaine qui a humilié les Français et les Européens sur l’affaire des sous-marins australiens. Depuis l’élection de Biden, nous sommes comme des lapins pris dans la lumière des phares: nous ne voyons pas qu’il y a peut-être eu un changement de conducteur, mais il n’y a pas eu de changement de direction. Donc, si nous voulons vraiment être autonomes stratégiquement, Monsieur le Commissaire, il faut en tirer les conclusions: se réveiller et être capables de s’émanciper. On en est loin.


  Λευτέρης Νικολάου-Αλαβάνος (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η έκθεση αποτυπώνει τη σφοδρή διαπάλη ανάμεσα στις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες και την Κίνα για την καπιταλιστική πρωτοκαθεδρία, με την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση να επιδιώκει συνεργασία αλλά και περιορισμό της επιρροής της Κίνας, την περικύκλωση της Ρωσίας. Υπογραμμίζει τον ανταγωνισμό Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης-ΗΠΑ για μεγαλύτερο μερίδιο της πίτας με επίκεντρο την πράσινη και ψηφιακή ανάπτυξη, όπου η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση στοχεύει στο να ενισχύσει περαιτέρω την κερδοφορία ευρωπαϊκών ομίλων. Προμοτάρει την επιθετική αυτονομία της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, τη σύμπραξη με το ΝΑΤΟ με γιγαντιαίες στρατιωτικές ασκήσεις, βάσεις, νέα κούρσα εξοπλισμών. Συνδέεται με τις επικίνδυνες για τον λαό στρατιωτικές συμφωνίες Ελλάδας-ΗΠΑ και Ελλάδας-Γαλλίας, που εμφανίζονται, δήθεν, σαν εγγυήσεις ασφάλειας και σταθερότητας. Η κυβέρνηση της Νέας Δημοκρατίας με τη στήριξη των αστικών κομμάτων μετατρέπει τη χώρα μας σε ιμπεριαλιστικό ορμητήριο. Στοχοποιείται ο λαός, στέλνει πυραύλους Patriot, στρατό στη Σαουδική Αραβία, προετοιμάζεται για το Μάλι.

Συνεπώς η υπεράσπιση της εδαφικής ακεραιότητας αποκτά πραγματικό νόημα για τον λαό, όταν συμβαδίζει με την πάλη ενάντια στους ιμπεριαλιστικούς σχεδιασμούς, για να κλείσουν οι ξένες βάσεις, για κατάργηση των επικίνδυνων αυτών συμφωνιών, για αποδέσμευση της Ελλάδας από Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και ΝΑΤΟ, με τον λαό στην εξουσία και ιδιοκτήτη του πλούτου που ο ίδιος παράγει.


  Michael Gahler (PPE). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wenn man auf eine Weltkarte schaut und die liberalen Demokratien markiert, mit denen wir gemeinsame Werte teilen, wenn wir dann die bestehenden Handelsströme ergänzen und als drittes Element die Sicherheitsarrangements, dann werden die engen Verbindungen EU-USA besonders deutlich. Damit sie auf Dauer unser wichtigster strategischer Partner bleiben, müssen wir unsere Hausaufgaben machen. Im Bereich der globalen Sicherheit müssen wir gemeinsam evaluieren, wer unsere Art, in Freiheit und Demokratie zu leben, bedroht.

Dabei müssen wir als Partner für die USA attraktiver werden, ein auch autonom handlungsfähiger Alliierter in bestimmten Weltteilen und bestimmten Situationen, der seinen Teil der Verantwortung auch wahrnehmen kann, wenn die USA mal nicht vor Ort sind. Derzeit erscheinen wir eher als hilfsbedürftiger Alliierter. Das zu bleiben, können wir uns nicht länger leisten. Im Handelsbereich müssen wir das volle Potenzial ausschöpfen, indem wir zuerst gegenseitige Sanktionen beenden, dann schauen, in welchen Bereichen gegenseitig Zölle abgeschafft, Standards gegenseitig anerkannt oder künftig harmonisiert werden. Der Handels- und Technologierat ist dazu sicher ein geeignetes Gremium. Ich wünsche mir aber in der Tat in der Perspektive in nicht allzu ferner Zukunft auch ein Freihandelsabkommen mit den USA.

Ausgehend von einer verstärkten bilateralen Zusammenarbeit in den Bereichen Sicherheit und Handel können wir dann perspektivisch gesehen globale Handels- und Sicherheitskooperationen mit den gleichgesinnten Partnern etablieren. Nur eine Allianz der Demokratien kann dauerhaft der Herausforderung eines totalitären Chinas und in Europa auch eines aggressiven Russlands begegnen.


  Katarina Barley (S&D). – Mr President and High Representative, when Joe Biden took over, he sent a clear message to the world: America is back. And in many ways it is true that the US is indeed back. It reaffirmed its support for NATO, it rejoined the World Health Organization, the Paris Agreement, and will re-engage with the UN Human Rights Council.

This is not only about trade and about defence. I would like to focus on something more general: on human rights, shared democratic values, combating the rise of authoritarianism and fighting racism, hate speech and discrimination – topics which are covered in our report in paragraphs 24 to 231. Because yes, the US is back. It has returned to multilateralism, but it is also pursuing its own interests beyond the Transatlantic Alliance. Therefore, the way to take is not back to the supposedly good old pre-Trump days.

We have to define concrete pathways of mutual interest, and first and foremost, this common and shared interest lies in a rules-based international order. We saw President Biden take a clear position on the attempts when the UK wanted to violate the binding Northern Ireland Protocol; we saw him take a clear stance on the recent crackdown on independent media in Poland. This shows that we do have a common ground.

We as Europeans should use this momentum and offer the US a global alliance for democracy and the rule of law. With whom else should we do this? With China, with Russia? What we need is to work together as Americans and Europeans for making the law rule.


  Liesje Schreinemacher (Renew). – Mr President, one year ago today we were in high anticipation of the approaching US elections and all hoping for a new wind to blow through Washington, DC, hoping to reconnect with our old partner and ally and hoping for new opportunities to work together. Some of these hopes have yet to come true.

Now, one year later, this new opportunity presented itself – the new Trade and Tech Council. A timely and necessary forum for cooperation on tackling today’s and tomorrow’s challenges. In a world where illiberal forces are expanding, we simply need each other to do this.

This is also an opportunity to solve our outstanding issues once and for all, such as steel and aluminium tariffs, to name an important one. EU companies do not pose a threat to the national security of the United States. Please stop with this ridiculous argument. I hope that the TTC will serve as a step in the right direction, because only by showing leadership and working together can we make the most positive change for our citizens and businesses on both sides of the Atlantic.


  Mounir Satouri (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, l’Europe et les États-Unis doivent œuvrer ensemble pour relever de grands défis.

Le premier défi, le plus grand et le plus urgent, est la lutte contre le réchauffement climatique et le déclin de la biodiversité. Il est donc impératif que les objectifs américains et européens soient ambitieux et réalisés. Nous devons agir ensemble pour mieux vivre sur cette planète. Cela passe par une fiscalité internationale des entreprises juste et par une révision profonde des règles de l’OCDE sur l’échange de renseignements en matière fiscale. Face aux Pandora Papers, face aux bénéfices des multinationales, qu’attendons-nous pour mettre un terme ensemble à l’accaparement des richesses, nous entraider dans la transition écologique et avancer ensemble vers un monde plus juste et plus durable?

Parce que nous partageons des idéaux démocratiques et humanistes, les États-Unis et l’Europe doivent peser de tout leur poids pour soutenir les droits dans le monde. Faisons front contre les crimes commis à l’encontre des Ouïghours et contre les détentions des prisonniers politiques en Égypte. Toutefois, nous ne devons pas être aveugles face aux violations de nos propres régimes politiques. Dans l’intérêt de nos idéaux communs, il est sain que ce Parlement exhorte cette semaine le Texas à revenir sur la loi sur l’avortement. Il est sain aussi de ne pas détourner le regard lorsque l’administration américaine envisage un centre de migrants à Guantánamo.

Enfin, si les États-Unis de Trump comme de Biden ne soutiennent pas toujours les intérêts européens, ils doivent néanmoins le respect à leurs alliés. L’affaire des sous-marins est inacceptable. L’évacuation chaotique d’Afghanistan le rappelle tragiquement. Tirons des leçons pragmatiques pour que les relations transatlantiques soient plus équilibrées et construisons enfin une politique étrangère et de sécurité européenne unie et émancipée.


  Virginie Joron (ID). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, avant de parler de l’avenir des relations entre l’Union européenne et les États-Unis, j’aimerais tout d’abord remercier les États-Unis. En effet, grâce aux États-Unis, les Français ont pu constater le manque de loyauté de Bruxelles et de nos partenaires européens. La banque BNP a été rançonnée de 9 milliards de dollars par les États-Unis, sans réaction de Bruxelles. Alstom Énergie, pilier de notre indépendance stratégique, nous a été volé par les Américains, sans réaction de Bruxelles. D’après les révélations d’Edward Snowden, 70 millions de nos conversations privées ont été écoutées par les Américains. Les présidents Hollande, Sarkozy et Chirac ont été espionnés, sans réaction de Bruxelles. Grâce aux États-Unis, le contrat de 56 milliards d’euros avec l’Australie de construction de sous-marins par les Français nous est enlevé, sans réaction de Bruxelles.

Dans le monde animal, notamment chez la poule, on prend sa place en fonction des coups de becs donnés et reçus. Or, la France des présidents impuissants, la France de Macron, prend plein de coups de bec. Même des dirigeants maliens ou algériens, entre deux coups d’État, se permettent de nous critiquer. La France de De Gaulle ne prenait pas autant de coups et elle en rendait, mais elle ne payait pas non plus les conseils sanitaires du cabinet McKinsey.

Mais venons-en à ce rapport. Évidemment, et je le regrette, vous ne parlez pas des sous-marins australiens. En revanche, vous appelez à créer un «parlement transatlantique», un «machin» de plus, comme dirait le Général, qui s’occuperait par exemple de «couverture de santé universelle». Alors que notre système de santé finance mal la couverture des soins dentaires des Français, vous voulez que les Français payent pour le monde entier.

Enfin, vous félicitez notre coopération – 31 fois dans ce rapport qui concerne la COVID-19 – et vous déclarez que la vaccination mondiale est le seul moyen de mettre fin à la pandémie: le seul!

N’oubliez pas de féliciter l’Agence européenne des médicaments, qui vient de valider la troisième dose de Pfizer, et surtout Pfizer, qui a doublé ses ventes cette année et va empocher 34 milliards de dollars de bénéfices, notamment grâce aux contrats de Bruxelles.


  Roberts Zīle (ECR). – Godātais sēdes vadītāj! Mūsu valstis Eiropas Savienībā — esam ar dažādu vēsturisku pieredzi un ģeopolitisko arī skatījumu, un ir valstis tādas, kuras ir atguvušas lielā mērā savu brīvību, noārdot — lielā mērā Vašingtonas vēlmei noārdīt — Padomju Savienību, un ir arī valstis Eiropas Savienībā, kurām ir cits ģeopolitisks redzējums un cita vēsture. NATO ir tas, kas strādā, un jebkura kustība to erodēt novājina ģeopolitiski arī Eiropas Savienību, jo stratēģiskā autonomija var izveidoties labākajā gadījumā vairākas desmitgades no šodienas nākotnē. Un laikā, kad tiek runāts par jauniem iespējamiem aukstajiem kariem ar Ķīnu vai neveiksmēm Klusajā okeānā, tajā pašā laikā Krievija izmēģina, testē hibrīdieročus tepat Eiropas Savienībā, un mēs kā Eiropas Savienība neadekvāti reaģējam uz šo soli. Tāpēc mums nav cita partnera vēsturiskām saknēm, vēsturiskām vērtībām, kā tās ir Amerikas Savienotās Valstis, un mums jānovērš visi tie šķēršļi, kas mums ir tirdzniecībā, tehnoloģiju attīstībā, ko mēs spējam attiecībās ar ASV. Liels paldies!


  Özlem Demirel (The Left). – Herr Präsident, meine Damen und Herren! Die EU-US-Beziehungen sind widersprüchlich: zum einen geleitet von einer brutalen Konkurrenz um ökonomische Vorherrschaft und zum anderen geleitet von einem unglaublichen Pragmatismus zur Durchsetzung der jeweils eigenen Interessen – zur Not auch gemeinsam und militärisch. Und genau das sehen wir in der Indopazifikstrategie der NATO, der USA und der EU. Die inneren Widersprüche zwischen den USA und der EU sind nicht überwunden, auch nicht die Handelskriege. Aber es besteht Einigkeit, dass man die ökonomische Vorherrschaft Chinas zurückdrängen möchte und eigene Vorherrschaften sichern möchte.

Zum Schluss, liebe Kollegen, lassen Sie mich einen Satz zu Herrn Assange sagen. Es ist für mich immer wieder unglaublich festzustellen, und es ist inakzeptabel zu sehen, dass Sie immer wieder über Menschenrechte reden, aber über den Fall Assange schweigen. Dabei macht der Fall Assange deutlich, dass auch Sie und die USA tatsächlich ein instrumentelles Verhältnis zu Menschenrechten haben.


  Dorien Rookmaker (NI). – Mr President, the US is without any doubt one of the closest allies of the EU, and we don’t want to jeopardise this relationship. France tried to sell submarines to Australia, but it didn’t work out. I feel sorry for the French, but that doesn’t mean that we should all get upset. Australia needs allies to cope with the Chinese. That is understandable and completely acceptable.

There is no need for an EU defence force. We still depend on NATO, and that’s a good thing. The EU should not be used for political appetites and power play. The EU was created on the premise of bringing about peace in the continent. History shows that militarisation of Europe on its own leads to conflict and bloodshed. We don’t want to go that way.


  Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). – Señor presidente, agradezco al ponente, señor Picula, su informe. La relación con los Estados Unidos constituye la asociación estratégica más importante para la Unión Europea, y estamos en un momento muy oportuno para reforzarla tras la salida del presidente Trump.

Tenemos ahora en Washington una Administración menos nacionalista y más dispuesta a colaborar con Europa. Los Estados Unidos siguen siendo la potencia indispensable, al menos para la Unión Europea, aunque ya desde Obama son perceptibles un cierto repliegue en su acción exterior y su priorización de Asia.

Yo celebro la reciente puesta en marcha del Consejo de Comercio y Tecnología, pero creo imprescindible también un consejo político transatlántico para reforzar la coordinación en materia de política exterior y de seguridad. Los acontecimientos recientes, como Afganistán y el acuerdo AUKUS, testimonian la necesidad de un mejor diálogo y consulta.

Hemos presentado una enmienda en este sentido, la número 9, que espero que la Cámara apoye, pues recoge su posición tradicional. Necesitamos nuevos mecanismos institucionales que nos permitan evitar el unilateralismo y los fallos de coordinación.

Me parece especialmente necesaria una actuación coordinada de la Unión Europea con los Estados Unidos en defensa de la democracia, del respeto de los derechos humanos y del Estado de Derecho en países como Venezuela y Nicaragua.


  Miapetra Kumpula-Natri (S&D). – Mr President, with the challenges of today, it is so crucial that we work together with other democracies. It gives us more strength to defend our values and our safety. Climate change, technological transformation and international trade tensions are just few of the policy areas where we cannot afford to have disputes, but seek full cooperation across the Atlantic.

After some rough years, the Trade and Technology Council (TTC), held last week in Pittsburgh, is an extremely promising step towards deepening trans-Atlantic resolve on these important issues. If the TTC succeeds in finding a way to fight together for human—centric AI, like emerging disruptive technologies, to find good common standards, to set and speed up markets for green technology to cut emissions and to solve the climate crisis, we will not only have the Brussels effect, but we can have, even better, a trans-Atlantic effect for climate, for democracy, for human rights and for decent work.

I also welcome Mr Biden’s decisions to take the USA back to international organisations. That is very much needed. As the vice-chair for the Transatlantic Legislative Dialogue (TLD), I welcome here what is written in the report: to call for the establishment of a subcommittee on tech and trade within the TLD to complement the executive part of the TTC and to exercise democratic oversight in the European Parliament. We are ready to do that.


  Nicolae Ştefănuță (Renew). – Mr President, colleagues, I condemn the US-bashing coming from some parts of this House on this floor. The United States has no better friend in the world than the European Union. We have built a relationship based on history, on values and on interests, but now it’s time for the big game. We can no longer think regionally. NATO is the foundation for our collective defence, but America also needs a strong Europe that has strong military interoperability and mobility.

A tank cannot take a month to travel from Constanța to Riga, and then we call that mobility. That is a lame duck for me, and that is not what America needs or what Europe needs. I support what Radosław Sikorski said, namely that we make a useful ally when we are a strong ally. Only together can we respond to Russia’s threats in our region, in Ukraine, in Georgia and in Moldova. In the event of a massive global outage like the one we saw yesterday affecting social media, how do we fight fake news if not together? We might not be America’s nearest partner, but we are for sure their closest.


  Henrike Hahn (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, the United States is one of the EU’s closest partners and our transatlantic partnership is founded on shared values, such as democracy, human rights and the rule of law, and now we share the fight against climate change.

We have to cut emissions, we have to decarbonise and reach climate neutrality by 2050 at the latest. We have to green our industries to achieve that. In the EU, we have the Just Transition Mechanism and, in the US, the Build Back Better plan.

Let’s create a transatlantic alliance for climate neutrality. Let’s build a transatlantic trading zone for climate neutrality. We also need an EU—US strategic partnership on raw materials that could expand the green approaches on alternatives to mining and allow both sides to exchange know-how and best practices on green technologies in creating resistant secondary raw materials markets.

That is key to achieving the transition to climate-neutral and digitalised economies. Let’s create a transatlantic parliamentary working group to implement the Green Deal. There are so many options to save the planet together, and let’s do that.


  Maximilian Krah (ID). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Dieser Bericht etabliert eine Weltordnung – oder fordert sie –, die darauf aufbaut, dass die Vereinigten Staaten mit der EU im Schlepptau eine Weltordnung aufbauen auf der Basis des Kampfs gegen Rassismus, des Eintretens für LGBTQ-Rechte und mit dem wichtigsten Ziel des Klimaschutzes. Das ist eine linksliberale, westliche Agenda, die wir als diejenigen, die rechts vom Präsidenten sitzen, natürlich nicht teilen werden.

Aber es ist doch auch ein erstaunliches Maß an Realitätsverleugnung. Die Welt, in die wir jetzt hineinwachsen und die wir gestalten wollen, sie ist doch eben nicht mehr nur noch geprägt von der westlichen Welt, sondern sie ist geprägt von einer Vielzahl von Akteuren mit ganz eigenen Traditionen und Agenden. Und es ist doch unsere Aufgabe, hier für einen diplomatischen Ausgleich zu sorgen, anstatt eine Art Kulturkampf zu führen, nur um die Macht des Westens zu sichern. Dass nun ausgerechnet die politische Rechte daran Interesse hat, darauf zu achten, dass wir auch mit solchen Weltgegenden Frieden haben, die eben andere Traditionen haben, ist ein Treppenwitz. Es geht darum, dass wir lernen, dass unsere Wertvorstellungen eben nicht universal sind, sondern dass wir zuhören müssen und dass wir den besten Weg für diese Erde dadurch finden, dass wir ausgleichen, dass wir verhandeln und dass wir nicht glauben, alleiniger Besitzer der Wahrheit zu sein.

Deshalb finde ich diesen Bericht furchtbar, weil er vollgestopft ist mit Ideologie. Selbst die Handelspolitik will er ideologisieren, und er will sie mit Abtreibungs- und Genderfragen kombinieren. Da gehört es aber nicht hin. Aus diesem Grund würde ich mir wünschen, dass wir unsere Beziehungen mit den USA, die sehr wichtig sind, an realen Interessen und vor allen Dingen am Interesse an Eigenständigkeit, Souveränität und Identität ausrichten. Leider haben wir hier einen rein ideologischen Bericht, der außenpolitische und außenhandelspolitische Beziehungen ideologisieren will, anstatt sie fit zu machen für eine Welt, in der es eben mehrere Pole gibt, die nicht westlich sind – was wir anerkennen sollten.


  Geert Bourgeois (ECR). – Voorzitter, wij verwelkomen de eerste principiële afspraken van de top van de Raad voor handel en technologie. Het is goed dat die kon plaatsvinden in niet zulke evidente omstandigheden.

De Verenigde Staten blijven onze belangrijkste partner. Eerst moeten echter de fricties weggewerkt worden, zoals de heffingen op aluminium en staal en zoals de onvolkomen toegang van onze bedrijven tot de Amerikaanse markt en de overheidsopdrachten. We moeten ook werk maken van een afspraak inzake een koolstofgrensheffing.

De Verenigde Staten moeten nu ook eens duidelijk maken of ze samen met ons en met andere partners werk willen maken van de redding en de modernisering van de Wereldhandelsorganisatie. Tot slot hopen wij echt dat er een akkoord tot stand komt over de nieuwe economie met gezamenlijke standaarden voor artificiële intelligentie.


  Helmut Scholz (The Left). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Das Verhältnis zur Europäischen Union wird in Washington daran gemessen, ob die EU sich aktiv an der Eindämmungsstrategie gegenüber dem Hauptrivalen China – gerade im Wirtschaftsbereich – beteiligt. Katherine Tai hat gestern die Taktik detailliert dargestellt. Man will das Phase-1-Handelsabkommen nicht kündigen, sondern China zur Kasse bitten. Man behauptet, China habe keine öffnenden Reformen geliefert, und droht mit neuen Strafzöllen zum Schutz amerikanischer Arbeitsplätze.

Ich finde es ja gut, die Arbeiterinnen und Arbeiter ins Zentrum der Handelspolitik zu stellen, aber eben bitte dann nicht nur die eigenen. Denn diese Argumentation trifft für alle beteiligten Seiten zu, auch für die notwendigerweise auf grüne Energien umzurüstende Stahlbranche in Deutschland, in der EU und darüber hinaus. Wir sollten solche Hahnenkämpfe nicht mitdenken. Viel grundsätzlicher sind die globalen Herausforderungen. Es bleibt wenig Zeit, die Erderwärmung durch den Klimawandel aufzuhalten. Es bleiben auch nur noch neun Jahre, um die in der UNO vereinbarten Nachhaltigkeitsziele für alle Länder der Erde zu erreichen. Armutsbekämpfung, Umweltschutz, Zugang für alle zu Gesundheitsdiensten und Bildung, Abrüstung und Frieden sollten die gemeinsamen Ziele unserer Partnerschaft mit den USA sein.

Doch selbst EU und USA zusammen können diese Ziele nicht schaffen, ohne weitere Partner zu gewinnen. Kooperationen sind notwendig, auch mit China. Hier beginnt das neue Narrativ: statt Konfrontation Kooperation, statt wir jeweils first Synergien und gemeinsam Vertrauen wiederherstellen und Regeln setzen – auch aktiv in der WTO.


  Enikő Győri (NI). – Elnök Úr! Lassan egy éve Joe Biden az USA elnöke. Remélem, lassan felébrednek azok – jó sokan vannak –, akik azt gondolták, Trump menesztésével minden szép és jó lesz, Amerika Európa kedvét fogja keresni. Afganisztán, fennmaradó vámok, AUKUS-ügy: vegyük már észre, hogy mindig az „America first” a vezérvonal a tengerentúlon. Ezért még csak nem is hibáztatnám őket. Nekünk viszont „Europa first” alapon kellene eljárnunk, és annak mentén együttműködnünk legfontosabb szövetségesünkkel. Amerika ugyanis mestere annak, hogy saját érdekét globális jóként adja el.

Ékes példája az OECD-ben erőltetett adómegállapodás. A digitális adót az USA kilúgozta, így azt több tech cég megússza. A globális társasági minimumadó pedig azért kell Amerikának, hogy adót emelhessen otthon és magával ránthassa a világot, anélkül, hogy hátrányos helyzetbe kerülne. Az uniós jog miatt továbbá a kontinensen a globálisnál is szigorúbb társasági adópolitikát kellene bevezetnünk. Európának mindez nem érdeke. Az Unió vezetői ébredjenek fel, hagyják, hogy a tisztes adóverseny érvényre jusson, a tényleges termelést végző cégek ne terhelődjenek túl. Ezzel segítenék az Unió versenyképeségét.


  Traian Băsescu (PPE). – Domnule președinte, domnule Înalt Reprezentant, raportul și rezoluția pe care le vom adopta creează condiții pentru un adevărat parteneriat strategic pentru secolul XXI între Uniune și Statele Unite, generând o puternică integrare a economiilor de pe cele două maluri ale Atlanticului.

În interiorul acestui parteneriat, Uniunea Europeană are obligația să își crească contribuția la capacitatea de apărare a NATO. Uniunea vine în parteneriatul cu Statele Unite cu o puternică dependență energetică de Federația Rusă, ceea ce antrenează riscuri economice, sociale și politice.

Pentru diminuarea acestor riscuri, trebuie să dezvoltăm sisteme alternative de aprovizionare cu materii prime energetice, cum ar fi: investiții în dezvoltarea coridorului sudic de aprovizionare cu gaze din zona caspică și Orientul Mijlociu, recunoașterea energiei nucleare ca fiind o energie curată, investiții masive în producerea de energie electrică din surse regenerabile și, nu în ultimul rând, importul masiv de gaze lichefiate.


  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señor presidente, señor alto representante Borrell, debatimos y votamos en este Pleno del Parlamento Europeo nada menos que una muy extensa Resolución sobre las relaciones entre la Unión Europea y los Estados Unidos. Me centraré —visto que no son lo que eran, no nos engañemos, y, en el desorden global del que venimos, difícilmente volverán a serlo pronto— en aquellas cuestiones que más importan a la Comisión de Libertades Civiles, Justicia y Asuntos de Interior que presido: en los problemas pendientes.

Uno, un nuevo data transfer agreement —después de los reveses de las sentencias del Tribunal de Justicia en el asunto Schrems—, con urgencia. Otro, la necesidad de completar la reciprocidad en materia de visados entre los Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea. Porque, después de que se hayan incorporado Polonia y, pronto, Croacia, todavía quedan pendientes las situaciones de Rumanía, Bulgaria y Chipre.

Pero, en el lado positivo, sin duda tenemos una colaboración intensa en materia de derechos humanos. Y ahí tenemos mucho que hacer en la lucha contra males que debemos confrontar juntos: el racismo y la ciberdelincuencia; aun con las diferencias que tenemos en la cuestión de la Corte Penal Internacional.

Pero hay también, sin duda, un desafío a la hora de afrontar las amenazas híbridas y las injerencias extranjeras en procesos democráticos: China y Rusia; además de, por supuesto, el esfuerzo común, en el marco de la Unión Europea y de la Organización para la Seguridad y la Cooperación en Europa, de lucha por la defensa de los derechos humanos y de la democracia.


  Dita Charanzová (Renew). – Mr President, I say the High Representative: I would like to take this occasion to welcome the Technology and Trade Council of last week. The United States and Europe must work together if we want an open and free digital future. The digital world rests on the EU and US creating common digital policies. This is about our security, our competitiveness and, most importantly, it is about protecting basic fundamental freedoms online.

I don’t want a digital Europe to be a walled garden. If digital sovereignty or strategic autonomy means a closed and isolated Europe, we will be harming our citizens, not helping them. For all the latest disagreements, the best ally that we have in digital freedom is the United States.

If we turn away from this alliance, I ask us, who are we turning to?


  Saskia Bricmont (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, pour rétablir la confiance et redonner un sens à la mondialisation, la collaboration transatlantique doit aussi avoir lieu sur le front des droits de l’homme. C’est ce que propose le rapport Picula via l’élaboration d’une boîte à outils commune.

Il y a urgence dans ce cadre à s’atteler à l’éradication du travail des enfants. Pour la première fois en 20 ans, le travail des enfants a augmenté partout dans le monde. 160 millions d’enfants travaillaient en 2020, soit un enfant sur dix. Huit millions d’enfants supplémentaires pourraient travailler d’ici la fin de l’année prochaine en raison de la pandémie.

Les États-Unis disposent de longue date d’un arsenal de mesures pour sanctionner les entreprises coupables d’employer des enfants. L’Union européenne, qui importe pour 50 milliards d’euros de produits issus du travail des enfants, va se doter l’année prochaine d’une législation sur les responsabilités sociétales des entreprises. Alors qu’ensemble, ils représentent 30 % des importations mondiales, des sanctions commerciales et des aides aux pays où une pauvreté endémique est la cause d’un travail infantile sont urgemment nécessaires.

La Commission doit utiliser tous les leviers qu’elle a à sa disposition, dont le prochain Conseil du commerce et de la technologie, pour donner corps à la tolérance zéro annoncée il y a plus de deux ans par la présidente von der Leyen.


  Peter Kofod (ID). – Hr. formand! Jeg vil starte med at sige, at jeg er meget taknemmelig over det store bidrag, USA har givet til verden og i særdeleshed til Europa. Hvor havde Europa været uden det meget, meget store amerikanske bidrag under første verdenskrig, under anden verdenskrig eller under den kolde krig? Vi har uendelig meget at takke amerikanerne for. De er vores væsentligste og vigtigste partnere i verden, og ud over det er de vores gode venner. Vi hænger sammen historisk, kulturelt osv.

Derfor bed jeg også mærke i, da en af kollegaerne i Parlamentet var oppe her tidligere og sige, at vores forhold – altså underforstået Europas forhold – med USA ikke bliver lige så vigtigt som før. Det er en enormt stor skam, hvis det skulle vise sig at holde stik, for vi har brug for hinanden. Europa har brug for USA, og USA har brug for Europa i den forstand, at vi er den samme civilisation.

Vi kan sagtens diskutere denne aftale, alt muligt om plastik og abort og straffelov og skatter og internetgiganter og alt muligt andet. Men det lagt til side, det politiske indhold lagt til side, så er der én ting, der er afgørende, og det er hvilken civilisation, der skal præge verden i de kommende årtier. Skal det være Vesten, så skal vi holde sammen. Eller er vi villige til at give det førerskab videre til Kina eller alle mulige andre, som måtte have mod på den opgave? Så vi har brug for USA mere end nogensinde før, men jeg håber også, at amerikanerne trods alt har brug for os.




  Michiel Hoogeveen (ECR). – Mr President, the relations between the United States and the countries of Europe are under threat, and this is because we have an EU that no longer knows its place in the geopolitical arena. We have a European Commission seeking what it calls ‘strategic autonomy’.

We have a Commission President who recently proclaimed her empire, stating European military forces would be part of the solution, undermining our NATO alliance and the transatlantic partnership. We have a Commission that speaks on behalf of France when they, not us, they lose a submarine deal, compromising the relations of all EU Member States.

And we have a European Parliament that believes, according to this report, should have an opinion on internal US affairs such as gun control, the US border wall, police violence, etc.

When will the EU recognise it as part of the problem, not the solution?


  Clare Daly (The Left). – Mr President, when we talk about US shared values and common bonds, let’s remember that this is a country which is ruthlessly pursuing an espionage case against Julian Assange for publishing information about US war crimes in Afghanistan and Iraq, including attempts to kidnap and kill him. A country that plots regime change and imposes illegal sanctions that kill in every corner of the globe.

But of course the narrative here is that the only choices are that we either keep sucking up to US power, as it faces off against China and Russia, or we cut the apron strings, dump billions of euros into military budgets and go it alone with an EU army. Of course, both of these choices are nonsense.

The century of American and European supremacy is over. We live in a different multipolar world that’s more interconnected and interdependent than ever before. The main challenge is climate change. Getting through it will require cooperation, not competition. Europe will either extract itself from reducing US influence and develop an independent, peaceful role or face further irrelevance.


  Paulo Rangel (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Alto Representante, como português e como europeu tenho de dizer: os Estados Unidos são, e devem continuar a ser, o nosso parceiro prioritário. Os valores democráticos liberais, de respeito pelos direitos humanos, mas também da economia de mercado e da prosperidade, são valores ocidentais comuns à Europa e aos Estados Unidos. Não podemos cair na tentação de que a Europa, que tem de defender os seus interesses, e que deve afirmar-se no Indo-Pacífico, o faça sem estar em articulação e coordenação com os Estados Unidos. Sei que a tentação é grande de fazer da Europa uma espécie de novo movimento dos Não-Alinhados, uma terceira via, a meio da ponte, entre os Estados Unidos e a China e a Rússia. Mas não haja qualquer, qualquer dúvida: se a Europa deixar de ser um aliado preferencial dos Estados Unidos são os valores dos direitos humanos e da economia de mercado e da prosperidade que estarão em causa.

Devemos fazer tudo para ter um acordo comercial e devemos fazer tudo para ter uma parceria militar e estratégica com os Estados Unidos.


  Paolo De Castro (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Alto rappresentante, le nostre relazioni con gli Stati Uniti sono ad una svolta. Se è vero infatti che, sin dall'insediamento, l'amministrazione Biden ha spesso dimostrato la volontà di collaborare tra alleati, adesso serve un cambio di passo per stabilire una partnership capace di far fronte alle sfide che ci attendono.

Ai segnali positivi, a partire dalla soluzione della vicenda Boeing-Airbus, che tanto ingiustamente ha pesato sui nostri produttori agroalimentari, fino alla prima riunione del Consiglio per il commercio e la tecnologia, ora devono seguire azioni concrete su questioni non più rinviabili, quali il raggiungimento di soluzioni durature per il settore alluminio e acciaio. Azioni che dovranno consolidare le relazioni commerciali rafforzando il coordinamento delle nostre priorità, quali la promozione dei diritti dei lavoratori, l'azione climatica, la gestione della trasformazione tecnologica. Serve quindi un rinnovato slancio nelle relazioni transatlantiche, perché le sfide comuni possano davvero trasformarsi in opportunità per i nostri cittadini e per le nostre imprese.


  Nathalie Loiseau (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Haut représentant, dans son rapport aux États-Unis, l’Europe des 27 ressemble trop souvent aux trois petits singes de la tradition chinoise.

Surtout, ne rien entendre quand trois présidents américains d’affilée, Barack Obama, Donald Trump et Joe Biden, nous parlent de pivot vers l’Asie.

Surtout, ne rien voir quand les États-Unis quittent l’Afghanistan parce qu’ils sont fatigués d’être le gendarme du monde.

Surtout ne rien dire lorsque Washington rudoie ses alliés européens, de peur qu’il les rudoie encore davantage ou, pire, qu’il s’en désintéresse.

Pourtant, ces dernières semaines, l’Europe a su faire entendre sa voix. Après Kaboul, pour en tirer les leçons et avancer vers une défense européenne, comme l’a proposé la présidente de la Commission ici même, mais aussi après la mauvaise manière faite par l’Australie et les États-Unis, non seulement à la France, mais aussi à l’Europe tout entière.

Ce qu’il nous faut aujourd’hui, c’est renforcer le pilier européen de l’OTAN et construire une défense européenne crédible. Les États-Unis s’y disent désormais favorables. À nous de cesser de fermer les yeux et de boucher nos oreilles.


  Rasmus Andresen (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, big tech companies have grown into such powerful giants that they are increasingly threatening our entire democracy. Yesterday, with Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp down, we experienced how dependent our online communication is on Mark Zuckerberg.

Tech monopolies are detrimental to fair competition. Platforms like Amazon and Google are exploiting data from competitors to sell their own products at unfair prices. This is not a conflict of the EU against the US, it’s about a small, rich tech élite who wants to control our economies and societies.

Structural problems require structural solutions. We have to break up Big Tech. Both in the US and in the EU, civil society and Members of Parliament are raising their voices. I call on our US colleagues to join this fight alongside the European Parliament.


  Ladislav Ilčić (ECR). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, kolege, jačanje transatlantskih veza važno je za Europu i za Sjedinjene Države i zato podržavam ovo izvješće.

Ipak, optimizam i izvjestitelja zbog dolaska nove Bidenove administracije me podsjeća na dolazak Baracka Obame na lakomisleno i nezasluženo dodjeljivanje Nobelove nagrade i na neispunjena očekivanja i podsjećam da je i TTIP propao upravo u vrijeme Baracka Obame.

Predsjednik Biden donio je neke vrlo dobre odluke za dio Europe iz kojeg ja dolazim, no njegova ukupna vanjska politika zasad se nije pokazala baš uspješna. Najveći problem te politike kao i politike europskih globalista je taj što žele nametati svoj svjetonazor drugim narodima, a to je nedemokratski i to je u konačnici uvijek neuspješno.

U svakom slučaju, Europska unija ne treba favorizirati nijednu američku administraciju. Nije na nama da ocjenjujemo volju američkih građana nego da joj se prilagodimo i nađemo zajednički jezik sa svakom američkom administracijom.


  Christian Ehler (PPE). – Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, what you can count on if you talk about the European-American lessons in this House is the hypocrisy of the populists in this House. The Left is protecting the European defence industry in the Australian issue and fighting any defence budget, any defence industries in Europe. The Right is giving up any kind of solidarity when French companies and France are losing a contract to which they have a right. It is hypocrisy and anti-Americanism, and it serves just two purposes.

Let’s turn now a little bit to the substance. Especially in regard to the newly established cooperation, the Trade and Technology Council, we see an opportunity that could yield massive benefits for both the EU as well as the US, and we will remove barriers from trade and investment. However, the positive aspects of TTC affect not only our bilateral relations, the TTC will also allow us to set joint standards.

It’s important to understand that, if we don’t join forces with the Americans, Chinese standards will rule. We won’t see a war, but we will see the domination and the will of the Chinese to establish a rule on that, so we should work together. We have the potential to work together, and that’s an ambition we should all share.


  Jytte Guteland (S&D). – Herr talman! EU och USA har gått före resten av världen med mål om klimatneutralitet senast 2050. President Biden har åter anslutit USA till Paris-avtalet. Tillsammans utgör EU och USA en femtedel av utsläppen och en tredjedel av världsekonomin. Vi har ett historiskt ansvar för utsläppen, och tillsammans kan och måste vi göra skillnad för klimatet.

Samtidigt har USA långt kvar att gå. Bidens infrastrukturpaket innehåller många klimatsatsningar, men lagstiftningen räcker fortfarande inte till. Det är dags för USA att börja prissätta utsläppen, särskilt i industrin. Det borde bli nästa projekt i USA:s gröna giv, Green deal.

Vårt största säkerhetspolitiska hot är klimatkrisen, den vi genomlever just nu. Den underblåser krig, terror och konflikter. Därför måste vi klimatsäkra utrikespolitiken tillsammans med våra transatlantiska vänner.


  Karin Karlsbro (Renew). – Herr talman, kollegor, höga representanten! En fri regelbaserad handel är en förutsättning för tillväxt, välstånd, utveckling och innovation, men är också ett verktyg för att trygga fred och säkerhet.

När vi ser den handelspolitiska världskartan blir det uppenbart att länder som delar demokratiska värderingar och synen på frihet måste samarbeta, inte motarbeta varandra. Det ligger i EU:s och USA:s gemensamma intresse att samverka för ett WTO som fungerar, en mer hållbar handel där prissättning av koldioxid integreras, och att forma standarder och samsyn kring teknikutveckling och dataöverföring. Vi måste, tillsammans, stärka mänskliga rättigheter i handelspolitiken och räcka ut en hand till andra demokratier, som Taiwan.

”Trade needs democracy”, sade USA:s handelsminister när hon besökte oss i somras. Så sant, men jag skulle också vilja säga att demokratin behöver handeln. Nu förväntar vi oss att USA lever upp till våra och omvärldens höga förväntningar. Europa, EU, är redo.


  Elżbieta Rafalska (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Unia Europejska i NATO to filary współpracy transatlantyckiej. Zaangażowanie Stanów Zjednoczonych pozytywnie wpływało na rozszerzenie Unii i NATO, zwiększając bezpieczeństwo i dobrobyt Europy. Unia Europejska i Stany Zjednoczone nadal stawiają razem czoła wyzwaniom międzynarodowym, takim jak powstrzymanie agresji Rosji na Ukrainie czy wsparcie Mołdawii i Bałkanów Zachodnich.

Czerwcowy szczyt Unia Europejska–Stany Zjednoczone przyniósł wymierne korzyści. Był dowodem pewnej otwartości i chęci współpracy nowej administracji z Unią Europejską. 20 września otwarto wreszcie granice USA dla zaszczepionych obywateli Unii. Jesteśmy zwolennikiem podtrzymywania dobrych relacji ze Stanami w celu zażegnania pandemii COVID-19, ochrony środowiska, wzmocnienia wymiany handlowej, inwestycji i współpracy technologicznej. Pamiętajmy jednak, że działania takie jak pospieszne i nieudolne wycofanie wojsk z Afganistanu, utrzymanie ceł na eksport stali i aluminium z Unii Europejskiej stawia pod znakiem zapytania równoprawność partnerstwa euroatlantyckiego.


  Danuta Maria Hübner (PPE). – Mr President, I would like to comment on the responsibilities of the European Union and the US that we share at the global regulatory space.

In the ongoing international technological race, it is our joint duty, with like-minded partners, to fly the flag of our democratic values and ethics while shaping common regulatory spaces. The World Trade Organization (WTO) rulebook not only needs to reflect the world that we currently live in, but it also needs to adjust to the future challenges that await us. That is why finding a way to cooperate on reforming the WTO should be amongst our most urgent priorities. Integrating more open and inclusive plurilateral agreements into the multilateral architecture to ensure progress in areas not mature enough for full membership is a way to go.

I agree with Executive Vice-President Dombrovskis that a world without a functioning WTO, with a fragmented trading system, would be a worrisome world. We stand in a rare window of opportunity where the European Union and the US can set the foundations of the rules for tomorrow’s challenges. Let’s seize it.


  Thijs Reuten (S&D). – Mr President, the EU—US Transatlantic Partnership – the renewed reinforced partnership – is opening a new chapter of closer bilateral relations following the election of Joe Biden.

The EU and the US are the bedrock of the rules—based international order and champions of multilateralism, democracy and human rights. But we should also acknowledge the differences between the EU and the US, and that is only healthy in a long—standing friendship.

A clear, self-confident strategic vision is then necessary. In that sense, the drafting of the EU Strategic Compass is an important step forward, and it should be accompanied with a more united, decisive foreign policy decision—making.

An effective transatlantic relationship should focus on what we can do together – what we can do together as two strong partners sharing so much more than what divides us.


  José Ramón Bauzá Díaz (Renew). – Señor presidente, señor Borrell, en política internacional hay pocas certezas, pero esta es una de ellas: el mundo es un lugar más próspero y más libre cuanto más sólida es la alianza entre los Estados Unidos y Europa.

Cuando los Estados Unidos, el Reino Unido y Australia sellaron una de las alianzas más importantes en las últimas décadas, lo hicieron a espaldas de la Unión Europea. Quedarnos fuera de las alianzas que se están configurando en pleno siglo XXI es el precio a pagar precisamente por ser más autónomos.

Algunos, en Europa, creen que con China se puede desligar la política de los negocios y eso es simplemente imposible, porque, precisamente, otros lo han intentado antes que nosotros. Es el caso de los australianos, y sus soluciones y su acercamiento a los Estados Unidos demuestran que la equidistancia con China es simplemente imposible.

Señor Borrell, deberíamos aprender de la experiencia y los resultados y los ejemplos, en lugar de cuestionar las decisiones de nuestros socios. La alianza euroatlántica ha sostenido durante setenta años la causa de la libertad en el mundo y su deber es reforzar precisamente ese pilar, no debilitarlo, no debilitar lo que ya hemos construido entre todos —repito— durante casi setenta años.


  Βαγγέλης Μεϊμαράκης (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αναμφισβήτητα η αλλαγή της προεδρίας στις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες της Αμερικής σηματοδότησε μια νέα, πολύ πιο θετική αρχή στις ευρω-ατλαντικές σχέσεις. Μετά από μια περίοδο συστηματικής απομάκρυνσης της Αμερικής από εμβληματικούς διεθνείς οργανισμούς και συμφωνίες, η εκλογή του προέδρου Μπάιντεν έδωσε μια νέα πνοή στην αμερικανική εξωτερική πολιτική, πράγμα που φάνηκε άλλωστε και κατά την επίσκεψή του στις Βρυξέλλες. Ωστόσο, από τη σύνταξη της πρόσφατης έκθεσης του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου για τις σχέσεις ΕΕ και Αμερικής έχουν μεσολαβήσει δύο καθοριστικά γεγονότα, τα οποία προβληματίζουν την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση: από τη μία η έξοδος των αμερικανικών στρατευμάτων από το Αφγανιστάν και η κατάληψη της εξουσίας από τους Ταλιμπάν, από την άλλη η αιφνίδια συμφωνία ΗΠΑ-Αυστραλίας και Ηνωμένου Βασιλείου, η οποία υπενθύμισε κάτι που έχουμε επανειλημμένα συζητήσει σε αυτήν εδώ την αίθουσα, την ανάγκη δηλαδή μιας πραγματικά ενιαίας και συντονισμένης ευρωπαϊκής εξωτερικής πολιτικής, καθώς και την ανάγκη ανάπτυξης της αυτόνομης αμυντικής προέκτασης της Ευρώπης. Ως νομοθέτες λοιπόν οφείλουμε να διδασκόμαστε από την Ιστορία, ειδάλλως είμαστε καταδικασμένοι να την επαναλαμβάνουμε αρνητική. Και αυτή η συγκυρία, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, είναι πραγματικά ιστορική, όπως και η ευθύνη μας να περάσουμε από τα λόγια στις πράξεις.


  Pedro Marques (S&D). – Mr President, let me first state that I fully concur with the High Representative: there can be no doubt that the US remains the closest and most important strategic partner of the EU. We see several of President Biden’s steps as very positive: from the commitment to multilateralism to the rejoining of the Paris Agreement and the World Health Organization, to the global agreement on corporate tax under the OECD.

However, as much as we point to the positive, we must not take a blind eye to other actions, from the unilateral and non—coordinated withdrawal from Afghanistan, to the Australia–United Kingdom–United States (AUKUS) agreement in the South Pacific. The US acted alone on this, and these are matters of regional and international security that affect us directly. This trend builds from previous presidencies and was at its peak with Mr Trump.

What the US shows us is not that they are not interested in the long alliance with the EU; it is just that they do not depend on the EU. They have their own strategic autonomy. The EU must also have its own. We need to stand prepared to defend our own positions. Our shared values with the US do not always converge or translate into common interests. The EU must stand united, speak in one voice and be able to stand for its values and interests in the global arena.


  Marie-Pierre Vedrenne (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, accord provisoire sur le différend Airbus-Boeing, retour à la table des négociations à l’OMC, réunion du Conseil du commerce et des technologies: cela correspondrait au retour américain de la coopération. Certes, l’arrivée de Joe Biden demeure une bonne nouvelle pour le climat, pour le social, pour les défis mondiaux; mais le dialogue transatlantique nécessite de créer et de maintenir la confiance pour un partenariat ambitieux et de long terme.

Néanmoins, ne soyons pas dupes, les États-Unis restent les États-Unis. Prenons un exemple très clair, les lois extraterritoriales. L’effet des sanctions américaines contre nos entreprises date des années 1990, bien avant Donald Trump, et l’administration démocrate n’y changera peut-être rien.

Alors notre objectif à nous, Européens, doit être de nous doter d’un arsenal législatif commercial puissant afin de défendre nos intérêts, particulièrement en contrant les mesures illégales unilatérales de nos partenaires. Soyons clairs: notre autonomie stratégique ne signifie pas confrontation, mais coopération d’égal à égal avec les mêmes armes au service de nos intérêts.


  Angelika Niebler (PPE). – Herr Präsident, Frau Vizepräsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen! Nach der Wahl Joe Bidens gab es hohe Erwartungen, dass sich das transatlantische Verhältnis schnell und effizient verbessern werde. Aber leider haben sich diese Erwartungen bislang nicht erfüllt: AUKUS, unkoordinierter Abzug aus Afghanistan, keine Fortschritte beim Abbau von Zöllen.

Richtig ist, dass die USA unser wichtigster strategischer Partner sind. Aber Partnerschaft setzt Vertrauen voraus. Und ich denke, sowohl wir als Europäische Union als auch die USA sind hier gefordert. Wir haben gemeinsame Interessen, und auf diese sollten wir uns gerade auch im Hinblick auf die Zusammenarbeit beim neu geschaffenen Technologie- und Handelsrat konzentrieren.

Beispielsweise in der Halbleiterproduktion: Wir haben Lücken in den Lieferketten. Ich glaube, es ist ganz, ganz wichtig, hier gemeinsam zusammenzuarbeiten, um die Lücken in der Lieferkette zu schließen, die Produktion hochzufahren. Beispiel Digitalisierung: neue Regeln gemeinsam schaffen – für KI, für die Plattformökonomie und dergleichen. Und natürlich unser Verhältnis zu China: Auch da, denke ich, müssen wir strategisch viel enger zusammenarbeiten. Last but not least – Kollege Sikorski hat es angesprochen –: Ich denke, jetzt ist die Zeit, die Stunde, um auch an einer gemeinsamen europäischen Verteidigungsunion zu arbeiten.


  Brando Benifei (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, gli Stati Uniti con l'elezione di Biden hanno voltato pagina, abbandonando l'unilateralismo e riportando la discussione sul piano multilaterale, seppure con un atteggiamento non uniforme, pensiamo ad esempio alla vicenda afghana, che rilancia la necessità di una autonomia strategica e di difesa europea.

Ci sono però molti temi su cui lavorare insieme. Penso alla neutralità climatica entro il 2050, un punto fondamentale su cui rifondare il nostro rapporto transatlantico. Poi penso al tema dei diritti, la recente legge contro l'aborto votata nello stato del Texas, che rappresenta un passo indietro per la libertà delle donne, un tema su cui anche in Europa stiamo portando avanti un lavoro e una battaglia. Penso poi al tema del digitale, la regolamentazione dell'intelligenza artificiale e il flusso transatlantico dei dati, un tema veramente cruciale e complesso.

Ecco, abbiamo molto, molto da fare e mi auguro che il Parlamento europeo e il Congresso americano possano collaborare insieme per disegnare un futuro più sostenibile e più giusto per il nostro pianeta.


  Bernard Guetta (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, il y a encore bien peu de temps, sous la précédente mandature, les deux mots de «défense européenne» constituaient des tabous. Il y a encore très peu de temps, les mots d’«autonomie stratégique» étaient tout simplement inconnus de cette assemblée. Aujourd’hui, nous adoptons un rapport dans lequel il est dit que «l’Union européenne doit poursuivre une autonomie stratégique dans le domaine de la défense et des relations économiques» et que «l’Alliance atlantique doit devenir une alliance entre partenaires égaux».

Alors, mesurons le chemin parcouru. Rendons-nous compte du fait qu’il y a une véritable rupture épistémologique dans l’histoire de l’Union européenne et que nous sommes en train de la vivre. Après le discours de la présidente de la Commission, ce rapport signe l’ouverture de l’an I de la défense européenne, d’une nécessité absolue et qui est la première étape de l’affirmation d’un acteur européen sur la scène internationale.


  Александър Александров Йорданов (PPE). – Г-н Председател, днес е хубав ден за Европа, защото обсъждаме стратегия за отношенията ни със Съединените американски щати. Бъдещето на свободния свят не предполага съществуването на стратегически автономии в него. Ние и САЩ трябва да продължим да бъдем стратегически зависими един от друг и да разширяваме и задълбочаваме тази си зависимост. Това най-много притеснява нашите противници.

Стратегическото единство между Европейския съюз и Съединените щати е за доброто на човешката цивилизация. Необходимо е да увеличим ролята на НАТО като основа на нашата колективна отбрана. Само с обща стратегия и координирана политика можем да защитим глобалната демокрация и да водим борба срещу авторитарни и диктаторски режими.


  Javi López (S&D). – Señor presidente, señor vicepresidente, señora comisaria, nuestras relaciones con los Estados Unidos son un pilar central para nuestra seguridad, para la defensa de las democracias en el mundo, para articular los espacios multilaterales y para regular el comercio y la tecnología.

Y cualquier relación, para que funcione, debe estar basada en el respeto mutuo, en la autonomía y en la confianza, en la confianza mutua.

Y también cualquier relación, para que funcione, tiene que estar basada en el reconocimiento de la realidad. Y la realidad es que los Estados Unidos están tomando la decisión estratégica de retirarse de Asia Central y de Oriente Próximo; que, al mismo tiempo, están articulando una malla de alianzas en materia de seguridad más allá de la OTAN: los Cinco Ojos, el AUKUS, el Quad, para centrarse en lo que es su principal interés: la contención de China. Y que están tomando estas decisiones importantes sin nosotros.

Todo eso debería llevarnos a reforzar la relación que tenemos, sin duda, con los Estados Unidos, pero también empujarnos, cómo no, a tener capacidades propias, alianzas propias y, evidentemente, posiciones propias en el mundo para defender nuestros intereses y nuestros valores.


  Svenja Hahn (Renew). – Herr Präsident! Ich bin Transatlantikerin und von der Kraft des Freihandels überzeugt. Aber seit dem Scheitern des TTIP steht es schwierig um unsere handelspolitische Beziehung. Die Lösung von Airbus-Boeing-Strafzöllen ist ein Anfang. Aber dass die protektionistischen US-Zölle zu Stahl und Aluminium immer noch in Kraft sind, ist ein Unding. Die EU ist kein nationales Sicherheitsrisiko für die USA, und das muss man auch mal so klar sagen!

Es tut so gut, endlich wieder Zusammenarbeit zu sehen wie beim Handels- und Technologierat. Denn der Blick auf die Autokratien dieser Welt zeigt, wie wichtig es ist, dass es Demokratien sind, die einen Rahmen für unsere digitale Zukunft setzen. Denn Handel wird immer mehr zur Außenpolitik. Dabei dürfen wir nicht vergessen, dass Handel vor allem Menschen weltweit Aufstieg, Wohlstand und Teilhabe ermöglichen soll. Dafür muss die transatlantische Freundschaft wieder zu einer Handelsfreundschaft werden. Wir dürfen uns nicht länger mit Stückwerk zufriedengeben. Unser Ziel muss wieder ein Freihandelsabkommen sein.


  Massimiliano Salini (PPE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, abbiamo due punti di osservazione per analizzare quello che sta succedendo nelle relazioni tra Europa e Stati Uniti.

Il primo è commerciale. Eurostat ci dice che, per la prima volta nel 2020, le relazioni con la Cina sono superiori alle relazioni con gli Stati Uniti, ma con una differenza: l'Europa esporta molto di più verso gli Stati Uniti di quanto non esporti verso la Cina . Quindi ha più vantaggio nella relazione con gli Stati Uniti.

Il secondo punto è la difesa, più volte ricordata. In Afghanistan abbiamo avuto l'evidenza di un errore condiviso, tanto è vero che la reazione degli Stati Uniti è stata quella di mettere in discussione il rapporto con noi attraverso l'accordo Aukus con Regno Unito e Australia. Ma non illudiamoci: la nostra autonomia non deriverà da una separazione ulteriore dagli Stati Uniti. La nostra autonomia, soprattutto in politica estera e di difesa, consiste in un'appartenenza matura alla NATO, non da una divisione. Confidiamo nella tradizionale famiglia che lega Unione europea e Stati Uniti d'America: questo è l'Occidente.


  Alfred Sant (S&D). – Mr President, (inaudible) important report. The EU—US relationship follows from a historic alliance between the US and the European nations. It has contributed to peace and prosperity on both sides and in the world at large. Now it needs to be rewired. The US and the EU have a different institutional political profile and different competences. Their relationship is not like a marriage, and it cannot be symmetrical, nor purely reciprocal.

But problems of trust and reliability are becoming paramount. To resolve them, we need to decide on the method and on what compass the renewal of the EU—US partnership should be based. On shared values, on converging interests or on both? But is on both sensible? If I understand the resolution correctly, for instance, would it not lead the EU to blindly side with the US in some race with China, and could it hustle the EU into some premature defence union?

Given the present nature and competences of the EU, would it not be better to focus first on the many converging interests that exist between the EU and the US to renew the relationship between the two?


  Billy Kelleher (Renew). – Mr President, I welcome the opportunity to speak on this particular issue and I point out that there are strong historical bonds between many European nations and the United States of America, so the transatlantic alliance is significant and very important for many reasons.

Of course, we should also be mindful of the fact that we do not always agree. Ireland is a small nation, it doesn’t always agree with the foreign policy of the United States of America, and it might also not agree with foreign policy of Member States within the European Union.

The areas on which we can agree collectively would be the whole area of climate change and the need to address that with the resources of the European Union and the United States of America, ensuring that other large players, like China, Russia, India and other trading blocs come together to ensure that the climate change agenda is kept very much to the fore, and ensuring that there is real and significant action on it to ensure that citizens globally can benefit from a healthy environment in the time ahead.

To be very clear: the transatlantic alliance is important, but it must be refocused not on areas of defence, but on areas of climate change and humanitarian aid to poorer regions of the world as well.


  Benoît Lutgen (PPE). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, qui peut croire que nous pourrions réussir le défi climatique sans un accord fort avec les États-Unis? Qui peut croire que nous pourrions faire face à une Chine envahissante sans un lien puissant avec les Américains? Qui peut croire – je l’ai entendu ce matin – que la Chine ou la Russie auraient des valeurs plus proches des nôtres que nos amis américains – valeurs de démocratie et de liberté?

Cela étant, qui peut croire que nous serons respectés par les États-Unis tant que nous n’aurons pas une stratégie forte en matière de défense et de sécurité et que nous n’aurons pas à cet égard notre propre destin et notre propre avenir en main? Oui, les États-Unis ont des défauts – parfois, un allié peut faire un croche-pied; on l’a vu dans le dossier des sous-marins –, il n’empêche que nous en avons aussi quelques-uns: parfois un manque de solidarité, un manque d’unité. À nous d’y remédier au travers de cette stratégie européenne, notamment de la défense et de la sécurité.


  Pedro Silva Pereira (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, depois dos anos sombrios de Trump na Casa Branca, a nova administração democrata de Joe Biden representa uma nova esperança para o multilateralismo e para o relançamento da relação transatlântica.

É certo que alguns vieram aqui dizer que nada de essencial mudou, mas para isso é preciso ignorar os sinais positivos: a cimeira entre a União Europeia e os Estados Unidos, durante a Presidência portuguesa, com a reafirmação clara da Parceria Transatlântica e dos compromissos com a NATO, o que não é –, nem para eles, nem para nós –, incompatível com a valorização do Indo-Pacífico, o regresso dos Estados Unidos ao Acordo de Paris e a suspensão da guerra comercial em torno dos litígios Boeing e Airbus, Não é pouco.

Mas é verdade que houve também sinais contraditórios: a descoordenação com os aliados na retirada do Afeganistão e este estranho acordo seletivo com o Reino Unido e a Austrália para a segurança no Indo-Pacífico e os negócios de armamento.

O importante agora é dar passos concretos que permitam reforçar a confiança perdida. Acabar de vez com as tarifas aduaneiras sobre o aço e o alumínio. Aproveitar a recente iniciativa de um fórum de cooperação transatlântico para o comércio e a tecnologia, para liderarmos em conjunto os desafios da transição digital, e trabalhar, também em conjunto, para combater o trabalho forçado e o trabalho infantil nos acordos comerciais, e abrir caminho para relançar as negociações de um grande acordo comercial entre a União Europeia e os Estados Unidos.

Esta deve ser a ambição da nossa agenda com os Estados Unidos da América.


  Geoffroy Didier (PPE). – Monsieur le Président, la manière dont les autorités françaises se sont laissé tromper dans l’affaire du contrat des sous-marins en dit beaucoup sur la naïveté de la France et de l’Europe à l’égard des États-Unis.

Après avoir donné beaucoup de leçons à l’Amérique durant la présidence, certes turbulente, de Donald Trump, nous pensions que Joe Biden romprait avec l’America first de son prédécesseur et redeviendrait le gendarme du monde et notre ami en toutes circonstances. Oui, les États-Unis sont nos alliés et le resteront. Mais un président américain pense avant tout à son peuple, à ses soldats sur le front, à ses familles qui veulent les voir rentrer à la maison et à ses intérêts commerciaux et financiers. Qui peut lui en vouloir?

J’invite l’Union européenne à se réveiller et à renoncer à son attentisme et à sa candeur. Nous n’avons plus d’autre choix que de concevoir et de mettre en œuvre une véritable indépendance stratégique, que ce soit sur le plan militaire, commercial ou diplomatique. L’Europe d’abord, Europe first, voici ce qui devrait être une évidence, mais qui est malheureusement redevenu un combat, en plus d’être une urgence.


  Isabel Santos (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, vamos ao que importa: a aliança euro-atlântica continua a mostrar-se insubstituível na defesa da ordem mundial baseada em regras e na defesa dos valores da democracia e dos direitos humanos, face à ascensão e aumento de assertividade dos poderes e liberais. Por outro lado, a retirada dos Estados Unidos do Afeganistão sem a devida articulação com a União Europeia, e o acordo AUKUS sem o envolvimento dos velhos parceiros, não podem passar sem nenhuma adaptação face à mudança e a uma séria reflexão da nossa parte.

Convém não sermos ingénuos e sermos até bastante assertivos e pragmáticos. Só uma política europeia de segurança e defesa e uma maior capacidade de decisão em matéria de política externa nos permitirá a efetiva autonomia estratégica e uma maior eficácia na ação, capazes de nos fazer afirmar como um parceiro com influência à escala global.

Quanto mais forte e assertiva for a Europa mais relevante será para os seus parceiros. O diagnóstico está feito, caros Colegas. Precisamos é de decisões.


  Sven Simon (PPE). – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Diese Debatte lässt einen schon teilweise ein bisschen verzweifeln. Wir diskutieren über die Beziehungen der Europäischen Union zu den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika vor dem Hintergrund aufstrebender Mächte wie China, die unsere Normen und unser Wertesystem beeinflussen wollen. Hier ist ein systemischer Rivale entstanden. Die USA sind zurück auf der Weltbühne, die Europäer sind es nicht. Das zeigt auch diese Debatte heute ganz deutlich. Wir sind kein attraktiver Partner. Auch bei dieser Entschließung stelle ich mir ein bisschen die Frage: Was soll man eigentlich als Partner daraus nehmen? Es ist ein Sammelsurium aus allem. Wir legen die Latte hoch, wollen genau eins zu eins die Standards, die wir Europäer im Klimaschutz, in gesellschaftspolitischen Fragen haben, auch von anderen sehen, insbesondere von den USA.

Aber ich frage mich: Warum geht von heute nicht die klare Botschaft aus: Wir wollen ein Handels- und Verteidigungsabkommen und ein Handelsabkommen und das Verteidigungsabkommen mit den Amerikanern erneuern! Warum sagen wir das nicht so deutlich? Ich verstehe es auch nicht. Die linke und die grüne Seite dieses Hauses legt die Latte so hoch, dass ich mir manchmal die Frage stelle: Die Chinesen sind eine Milliarde, wir noch nicht mal die Hälfte. Glauben Sie im Ernst, dass wir alleine als Europa unsere liberale Demokratie, unsere Werte erhalten können? Wir brauchen ein Handelsabkommen mit den Amerikanern. Warum bekennen Sie sich heute nicht dazu?


  Κώστας Μαυρίδης (S&D). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, θερμά συγχαρητήρια στον συνάδελφό μου, Tonino Picula, για την έκθεσή του για το μέλλον των σχέσεων Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης-ΗΠΑ, ένα τόσο σημαντικό και επίκαιρο θέμα. Σημαντικό, επειδή η στενή συνεργασία από το εμπόριο μέχρι την ασφάλεια βασίστηκαν στις κοινές αξίες, κοινές προτεραιότητες και κοινά συμφέροντα και έτσι πρέπει να συνεχίσει και να διευρυνθεί σε θέματα που καταγράφονται στην έκθεση, όπως την κλιματική αλλαγή, τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα, την ψηφιακή μετάβαση, την τρομοκρατία και άλλα. Ωστόσο, όπως οι ΗΠΑ προσαρμόζονται στις δικές τους προτεραιότητες, η δική μας προτεραιότητα είναι η αντιμετώπιση των απειλών που είναι υπαρκτές από τον Καύκασο μέχρι την Ανατολική Μεσόγειο. Η στρατηγική αυτονομία και η ευρωπαϊκή αμυντική ένωση, για τα οποία μιλούσαν προνοητικά κάποιοι εδώ μέσα, είναι πλέον αναγκαιότητα, επειδή τα γεγονότα στο Αφγανιστάν και στον Ειρηνικό μάς έχουν ξεπεράσει. Τέλος, πριν μερικές μέρες είχαμε την αμυντική συμφωνία Γαλλίας-Ελλάδας, η οποία μπορεί να αποτελέσει ένα βήμα σε αυτή τη μεγάλη πορεία για μια Ευρώπη με κοινή άμυνα και κοινή ασφάλεια και γεωπολιτικό ρόλο στον κόσμο.


  Loránt Vincze (PPE). – Mr President, the United States has always been the European Union’s closest and most important strategic partner, and so it should remain. However, looking to the developments on the global stage in the last decade, it is clear that the EU is lagging behind in policy areas that represent a priority for the US.

The Australia–United Kingdom–United States (AUKUS) deal and the abrupt US withdrawal from Afghanistan must be a wake-up call for the EU to place this partnership on a new footing. We must be aware that America will always place its own interests at the forefront. The US security pledge makes us dependent on Washington to act. The rhetoric may have changed with the new administration, yet its intensifying focus on its rivalry with China has not.

As strange as it sounds, the EU needs to become more egoistic. The US will accept us as a partner on the global stage if we are able to defend our own economic and trade interests, if we are able to develop a robust EU defence policy. Filling up this partnership with content depends today more on us than on our transatlantic partners.


  Clara Aguilera (S&D). – Señor presidente, señorías, la relación de la Unión Europea con los Estados Unidos es muy importante, sin lugar a dudas, para nosotros. Pero, señorías, ya somos mayores de edad y tenemos que apostar por nosotros mismos y tener una política exterior propia. Los objetivos principales de la Unión Europea deben ser nuestras prioridades internacionales. Necesitamos una estrategia clara.

El presidente Biden, para algunos de nosotros —creo que para la mayoría—, supuso una euforia inicial, pero pasados unos meses estamos viendo que es una gran decepción. El «America First» continúa. Por tanto, la Unión Europea no puede mostrarse expectante, sino que debemos aprovechar la oportunidad y marcar nuestro propio rumbo en política exterior, y también en política comercial y de defensa.

También, señorías, la salida del Reino Unido está teniendo su incidencia en estas relaciones.

En definitiva, debemos tener en Europa nuestros intereses propios y una estrategia clara ante la política internacional y, también, en la política transatlántica.


  Sunčana Glavak (PPE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, poštovana povjerenice, kolegice i kolege, kolega Picula hvala na izvješću. Transatlantsko partnerstvo ključno je za izgradnju međunarodnog poretka temeljenog na zajedničkim vrijednostima slobode, demokracije, poštivanja ljudskih prava te očuvanja vladavine prava, no i nove izazove zelene tranzicije gdje moramo uložiti zajedničke napore.

Danas je globalna situacija promijenjena, svi to vidimo, a transatlantska veza oslabljena. Vidjeli smo to na primjerima prijašnje američke administracije, ali i nedavnih akcija Bidenove administracije koja će zacijelo imati utjecaj na naše odnose u budućnosti.

Europska unija, slažem se, treba jačati vlastite sposobnosti kako bi zadržala stratešku relevantnost u međunarodnoj sferi. No, to nećemo moći sami. Htjela bih iskoristiti prigodu na kraju kako bih istaknula nedavno ukidanje viznog režima između Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Republike Hrvatske kao pozitivan primjer razvoja transatlantskih odnosa, očekujući da će puni vizni režim i reciprocitet uspostaviti s preostalim državama članicama Europske unije.

Naše partnerstvo najjače je kada se zajedno suočavamo s velikim izazovima, a zajednička prošlost predstavlja garanciju bliske suradnje i budućnosti.


  Victor Negrescu (S&D). – Domnule președinte, dragi colegi, parteneriatul cu Statele Unite este extrem de important pentru viitorul Europei și asigurarea unui climat de pace și stabilitate la nivel mondial.

Statele Unite nu sunt doar un partener, ci un aliat strategic, cu care împărtășim valori democratice comune, alături de care trebuie să găsim soluții la provocările de securitate, cele generate de pandemie sau de noile evoluții în domeniul digital sau de mediu.

Pentru asta, cooperarea cu Statele Unite și, în mod special, cu noua administrație americană, trebuie extinsă prin identificarea unor noi metode de colaborare. Dar pentru ca această dezvoltare a cooperării să fie un succes, este central ca toate statele membre să beneficieze de aceleași drepturi.

De aceea solicit din nou în Parlamentul European ca românii să poată călători în Statele Unite fără vize. Acest lucru depinde de voința politică a decidenților din ambele părți ale Atlanticului și reprezintă un drept la reciprocitate totală, garantat de fapt de mecanismele europene.

Am încredere că actualul context politic internațional poate permite acest lucru și că parteneriatul cu Statele Unite va intra într-o nouă perioadă de dezvoltare.


  Miriam Lexmann (PPE). – Mr President, the transatlantic bond remains the bedrock of the free world. Today, new totalitarian and authoritarian regimes are threatening our freedom, notably the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The CCP is oppressing its people and it is challenging our freedom and democracy around the world through hybrid threats.

Despite the naïve beliefs of some, there is no third way between standing with our allies and extending trade cooperation with a totalitarian regime. Only by working together can we address the malign influence, protect freedom and democracy, and ensure our future prosperity. This is why I welcome the EU—US Dialogue on China.

We must also not forget about those whose freedom and dignity is denied every day. For this, an ambitious transatlantic democracy support agenda is absolutely vital. Europe must do its part, and we must work together with our closest ally. Only then can we address the greatest challenges we face today globally.


  Raphaël Glucksmann (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, vous avez beaucoup parlé de mariage, mais qu’est-ce que le secret d’un mariage heureux, sinon l’égalité entre les époux? Or, ce n’est pas le cas.

Du retrait unilatéral et chaotique de Kaboul au rapt du contrat du siècle au détriment de la France, l’administration américaine ne nous consulte pas, elle ne nous considère pas. Donald Trump n’était pas qu’un accident et America first n’était pas qu’un slogan passager: c’est le cœur de la politique américaine. Les États-Unis poursuivent leurs intérêts stratégiques et il est temps pour nous, Européens, de faire pareil, de devenir adultes, d’oser l’autonomie et la puissance.

Investissons dans nos propres capacités de défense. Menons une politique commerciale au service de nos principes et de nos intérêts. Montrons aux Américains qu’ils ont besoin d’alliés et non de vassaux. Coopérons là où nos intérêts convergent. Luttons ensemble contre le dérèglement climatique, le terrorisme international ou l’agressivité grandissante du régime chinois. Bannissons ensemble les produits de l’esclavage des Ouïgours. Combattons ensemble l’évasion fiscale mondiale. Mais donnons-nous nous-mêmes, à nous Européens, les moyens de défendre seuls nos intérêts stratégiques s’il le faut.

Chers collègues, soyons enfin respectables et nous serons respectés.


  Peter van Dalen (PPE). – Voorzitter, de hoeksteen van het Amerikaanse beleid is nog steeds de speech die Abraham Lincoln op 19 november 1863 hield te Gettysburg. En daarin zei hij: “In Amerika zijn alle mensen gelijk” en “De regering moet er zijn voor het volk, van het volk en door het volk.” En die hoeksteen delen wij met de Verenigde Staten. Daarom zijn ze een van onze belangrijkste bondgenoten, ondanks de verschillen die we ook hebben.

Met de Verenigde Staten delen wij niet alleen deze fundamentele vrijheden, maar ook de NAVO. De Verenigde Staten betalen 70 % van het NAVO-budget, dus ongeveer 4 % van hun bruto binnenlands product. Vrijwel alle Europese landen halen dat niet. Die betalen nog niet eens de 2 %-norm.

Ik vind het daarom nogal merkwaardig om voor een Europese defensie te pleiten, terwijl nu met de Verenigde Staten erbij veel landen niet voldoen aan hun financiële verplichtingen. Ik ben daarom voor een sterke Europese pijler in de NAVO, zeker nu we de agressie zien van China en Rusland.


  Seán Kelly (PPE). – Mr President, Europe and the United States have always been allies, but it is no secret that, under Donald Trump, with the US acting more unilaterally, this friendship became much more difficult manage. With President Biden, a man who believes in multilateral solutions, there is a renewed sense of hope for improved relations.

The US is in the process of redefining itself on the international stage, and the EU must take this new approach into consideration as we move forward, working together on areas of common interest, not just about deepening trade, but also on defending democratic principles, human rights, cooperation on cybersecurity and, of course, the planet’s greatest challenge: climate change. I agree with increased interparliamentary cooperation in particular in this regard, but we must also stand firm on matters of importance to Europeans.

Lastly, we are now entering a crucial phase with the Northern Ireland Protocol and we heard yesterday the brash words at the Tory Party conference. However, it has heartened me to hear the strong words from President Biden on the protocol. An Irishman never forgets his roots, and Joe Biden is very proud of his Irish roots. Maith thú, Joe.


  Christophe Hansen (PPE). – Mr President, this summer’s withdrawal from Afghanistan, followed by the formation of the AUKUS pact between Australia, the UK and the US, without due consultation between allies, we all agree were nothing short of an affront.

The lesson to be drawn from this is that as long as we lack credible political will to back our own security commitments, or as long as we cannot speak as one on foreign policy, the EU is only strong when embedded in alliances. Our open strategic autonomy is fundamentally linked to our capacity to take up leading roles in standard setting with like—minded partners.

Therefore, I am glad that last week’s first meeting of the Trade and Technology Council produced hopeful results, against all odds. I urge the EU to seize this window of opportunity for deepened bilateral collaboration, for example, to combat distortive trade practices, including in the framework of the World Trade Organization (WTO).

When the EU and the US are fighting each other, Beijing and the Kremlin rejoice. And only when the EU and the US work together on setting standards for the 21st century, the world pays attention.


  Ylva Johansson, Member of the Commission, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, HR/VP Borrell had to leave to speak to the Parliament’s Conference of Committee Chairs so I will close this debate on his behalf.

Your report and the debate today bear testimony to your continued interest and engagement on the future of the transatlantic relationship. The challenges facing the world at this time are significant. You mentioned a number of them, for instance on China. The EU and US are facing similar challenges related to China’s growing assertiveness. This is why HR/VP Borrell and US State Secretary Blinken launched the EU–US dialogue on China in March this year.

On trade and technology. The recent Pittsburgh meeting was an opportunity for a strategic discussion on the future of TTC, defining programmes for 10 working groups and announcing deliverables in five areas: export control, AI, semiconductors, investment screening and global trade challenges.

Stability and prosperity on both sides of the Atlantic, and beyond, will be enhanced by our ability to work together, which is part of the EU’s strategic autonomy. Having the capacity to act autonomously when and where necessary, and with partners including the US, wherever possible. Therefore, together, we have the opportunity and a responsibility to collaborate on the key challenges of our day.

Safeguarding the health and well-being of our people, like the recent Croatia visa waiver shows, and our planet, supporting and encouraging democratic values and promoting international peace, security and economic prosperity for all. Thank you for your important contribution and your support for our work.


  Tonino Picula, rapporteur. – Mr President, first of all, I would like to say that I am grateful to the shadow rapporteurs for their truly constructive cooperation. I also want to thank the Committee on International Trade (INTA) for their opinion work that complemented this report very much.

I have just returned from a fact—finding mission to the United States, where I gathered the last information to prepare a report for the final vote tomorrow. The main finding from the visit is that the transatlantic relationship, as known for most of the post-Second World War period, needs reinvention.

A combination of Building Back Better at home, a shift towards more foreign policy restraint, US unpredictability due to domestic polarisation, and reorientation to China and Asia confirm that the transatlantic relationship can no longer be taken for granted. We need to redefine and rebalance a relationship that still can, and should, contribute to shaping the world, along with a full—fledged democratic alliance.

I have heard many concrete suggestions during the debate today. It’s clear that the US remains our most important strategic partner, but the time for nostalgia is shrinking. The sooner we accept the new reality, the better the chances are to reinvent this critical relationship on a more equal footing. We have to go beyond defence and trade cooperation and work together to reinforce the multilateral system, cooperate on climate change, the global response to the health crisis and the protection of democratic standards and fundamental rights.

The European Union is a union of states, whereas the United States is the United States. My main take from today is that the internal cohesion of the European Union is of crucial importance for our position and perception in the multipolar world.

Finally, throughout this mandate, we listen to the ambitions of this Commission to be a geopolitical Commission. The relationship with the US is perhaps the best test of that ambition, and we have no time to lose in fulfilling it.


  Der Präsident. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Abstimmung über die Änderungsanträge findet heute, Dienstag, 5. Oktober 2021, statt. Die Schlussabstimmung findet morgen, Mittwoch, 6. Oktober 2021, statt.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 171)


  Isabel Carvalhais (S&D), por escrito. – Os EUA são, e continuarão a ser, o parceiro estratégico mais próximo e importante da UE, com o qual devemos trabalhar por uma nova aliança transatlântica forte, sempre na linha da promoção de políticas e de valores que nos são muito caros. Em simultâneo, é igualmente vital que nós, UE, possamos adotar uma posição estrategicamente autónoma e mais assertiva na proteção e prossecução dos nossos interesses políticos, económicos e sociais no mundo. Não podemos perder de vista o trabalho que podemos e devemos fazer em conjunto com os EUA, em prol da paz na ordem mundial, da democracia, dos direitos humanos, do meio ambiente, da saúde global e de uma Política Comum de Segurança e Defesa. E, nesse sentido, importa que seja muito claro o que queremos para o futuro das nossas relações, sendo fundamental sublinhar a ideia de que nesta relação temos de ser sempre vistos como parceiros iguais.


  Robert Hajšel (S&D), písomne. – Viaceré udalosti z posledných rokov a naposledy s Európskou úniou nekoordinovaný a nekonzultovaný odsun amerických vojsk z Afganistanu ukazuje na potrebu vyvážiť vzťahy medzi dvoma dlhodobými partnermi a bezpečnostnými spojencami USA a Európskou úniou. Musíme využiť túto príležitosť na obnovenie spolupráce medzi nami ako medzi dvoma rovnoprávnymi partnermi bez dominancie jedného nad druhým všade tam, kde táto spolupráca je na prospech našich záujmov a bezpečnosti celého sveta. Nemôžeme sa báť asertívne povedať našim americkým partnerom, čo sa nám na ich zahraničnej, ale aj obchodnej politike nepáči a čo by sme chceli robiť inak. Nemôžeme totiž ignorovať ani existujúce rozdiely v niektorých postojoch. Rovnoprávni partneri si totiž pravdu hovoria priamo do očí. EÚ a USA nesú spolu veľkú zodpovednosť za vývoj tohto sveta a podľa toho sa musia aj správať. Aj keď oceňujem niektoré kroky novej americkej administratívy, či už ide o návrat k Parížskej dohode, alebo zrušenie amerických sankcií voči Medzinárodnému trestnému súdu, na ich konkrétnu materializáciu, ako aj na ďalšie ústretové kroky si ešte musíme počkať.


  Romana Jerković (S&D), napisan. – Uska suradnja i strateški odnosi između Europske unije i njezinih država članica te SAD-a temelje se na zajedničkoj povijesti i na zajedničkim demokratskim vrijednostima.

U narednom periodu, geopolitički odnosi sve će više biti definirani sposobnošću ovladavanja novim tehnologijama poput umjetne inteligencije i postavljanju globalnih tehnoloških standarda sukladno zajedničkim vrijednostima. Uspostava Vijeća za trgovinu i tehnologiju kao platforme za transatlantsku suradnju u području razvoja tehnologija može znatno doprinijeti revitalizaciji odnosa.

Nevjerojatan tehnološki razvoj kojemu svjedočimo sa sobom povlači niz etičkih i političkih pitanja u njihovoj primjeni. Jedan od problematičnih primjera je primjena biometrijskog sustava u razvoju kineskog sustava društvenog bodovanja osmišljen s ciljem bodovanja građana ovisno o njihovom društvenom i financijskom ponašanju. Podaci potrebni za bodovanje prikupljaju se pomoću nadzornih kamera, društvenih mreža i ostalih baza podataka.

Smatra kako takvim praksama nema mjesta u demokratskim društvima, a transatlantsko Vijeće za trgovinu i tehnologiju vidim kao demokratsku jezgru digitalne budućnosti u nastajanju.


  Urmas Paet (Renew), kirjalikult. – Toetasin. Euroopa stabiilsuse ja julgeoleku tagamisel on oluline roll NATO-l ja transatlantilistel suhetel. Seetõttu on vajalik USAga tihedam välispoliitiline koordineerimine ja koostöö erinevates valdkondades, nagu Venemaa, idapartnerlus, Lääne-Balkani piirkond, küberkaitse jne. Heaks näiteks on EL-USA vaheline uuendatud dialoog Hiina suunal. Arvestades kõike maailmas toimuvat, nagu võitlus COVID-19 pandeemia, kliimamuutuste ja ka desinformatsiooniga, on oluline teha koostööd samameelsete riikidega, eelkõige aga tugevdada transatlantilist koostööd.


  Stefania Zambelli (ID), per iscritto. – Il legame che collega Stati Uniti ed Europa, ancor prima che politico, militare o commerciale è un legame culturale e storico, che affonda le proprie radici negli anni in cui gli europei, inglesi, tedeschi, francesi, italiani e tanti altri, sono giunti in America e hanno dato forma ad una nuova società, ma sempre basata sulla cultura e tradizione europea e cristiana. Con il passare del tempo, questa consonanza culturale ha permesso di intensificare le relazioni politiche tra Washington e gli Stati europei, che hanno sempre visto negli Stati Uniti il primo partner commerciale e soprattutto un fedele alleato militare.

È per questo motivo che l'amicizia e alleanza tra UE e USA deve guardare oltre alle amministrazioni politiche e focalizzarsi sempre di più sulle sfide globali che saremo chiamati ad affrontare insieme: la minaccia comunista e totalitaria cinese, i pericoli connessi al terrorismo globale, le mire regionali del regime islamico iraniano, i rischi derivanti dall'Afghanistan talebano.

Solo insieme potremo affrontare queste sfide di portata globale, grazie soprattutto alla garanzia reciproca della nostra sicurezza, l'Alleanza Atlantica, pilastro imprescindibile delle relazioni transatlantiche.


  Carlos Zorrinho (S&D), por escrito. – A parceria estratégica entre a União Europeia e os Estados Unidos da América (EUA) foi fundamental para assegurar uma visão multilateral e inspirada nos valores da democracia e da liberdade após o fim da guerra fria. A eleição de Joe Biden deu um novo impulso a essa parceria, após o retraimento gerado pela postura errática de Donald Trump. Contudo, a gestão da saída do Afeganistão e a acordo de segurança entre os EUA, a Austrália e o Reino Unido sem um reforço conjugado da parceria Atlântica, constituiu um sinal de enviesamento preocupante da política externa americana, amarrada a uma visão egoísta e focada nas tensões no Indo-Pacífico. Esta visão ignora que os valores e a segurança não são regionalizáveis nem nacionalizáveis e que, para se afirmarem e consolidarem à escala nacional e à escala regional, têm que ser conquistados globalmente. A União Europeia deve ser clara e forte na sua abertura para fazer valer o seu peso económico e político para assegurar uma ordem global multilateral, de abertura e cooperação e segurança partilhada. Partilha com autonomia estratégica e negociação franca, mas com objetivos claros. A democracia e a liberdade não são bens transacionáveis.


  Tom Vandenkendelaere (PPE), schriftelijk. – Een hernieuwd en versterkt trans-Atlantisch partnerschap in alle relevante beleidsdomeinen, een partnerschap dat gebaseerd blijft op gedeelde waarden en belangen en op de overtuiging dat trans-Atlantische samenwerking en solidariteit de beste hefboom vormt om talrijke en diverse uitdagingen op wereldschaal aan te pakken ten bate van een multilaterale en op regels gebaseerde internationale orde waarin de VN en het internationaal recht centraal staan. In mijn hoedanigheid van voorzitter van de EP-delegatie voor de betrekkingen met de Parlementaire Vergadering van de NAVO hecht ik bijzonder belang aan de trans-Atlantische samenwerking op gebied van veiligheid en defensie. Het is belangrijk dat wordt bevestigd dat de NAVO het fundament is en blijft van de collectieve verdediging van Europa en dat even nadrukkelijk wordt onderstreept dat de Europese Unie meer en beter moet investeren in zelfredzaamheid op het gebied van defensie. De versterking van Europese defensie en de versterking van de NAVO zijn twee aspecten van eenzelfde ambitie, en terecht wordt daarom beklemtoond dat de samenwerking tussen de EU en de NAVO op een hoger niveau moet worden getild. De werkzaamheden rond het Strategische Kompas van de EU en het Strategisch Concept van de NAVO bieden een unieke gelegenheid hiertoe.

Última actualização: 19 de Abril de 2024Aviso legal - Política de privacidade