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Вторник, 5 октомври 2021 г. - Страсбург Редактирана версия

3. Положението в Беларус след една година протести и насилственото им потушаване (разискване)
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  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärung des Vizepräsidenten der Kommission und Hohen Vertreters der Union für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik, vorgetragen von Kommissionsmitglied Ylva Johansson, über die Lage in Belarus ein Jahr nach dem Beginn der Proteste und ihrer gewaltsamen Niederschlagung (2021/2881(RSP)).


  Ylva Johansson, Member of the Commission, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President thank you, dear Members of the European Parliament, on behalf of HR/VP Borrell and myself, let me thank this Parliament for your relentless efforts to support the people of Belarus and for your support of our work. The EU remains united in face of the brutal repression and the continuing provocations by the Lukashenko regime and in support of the Belarusian people.

Last time Belarus was addressed in this EP plenary was on 8 June, after the Lukashenko regime forced a Ryanair flight between two EU capitals to land, in order to arrest a journalist and his companion. Less than two weeks later the Foreign Affairs Council adopted a robust package of sanctions against 78 individuals, eight entities and seven sectors of the economy.

One year after the fraudulent elections, the situation in Belarus remains dire. The Lukashenko regime continues its systematic efforts to silence all remaining independent voices in the country – independent press, human rights defenders and civil society at large.

Prominent representatives of the opposition to Lukashenko have been condemned to long prison sentences in political trials conducted behind closed doors. There are now more than 700 political prisoners in the country – a number that continues to increase.

The oppression and persecution of the Belarusian people is utterly unacceptable. So what are we doing to respond to Lukashenko?

From the very outset, the EU provided a package of emergency assistance to the victims of repression and state violence and to independent media, and we supported the legitimate quest of the Belarusian people for rule of law and free and fair elections. We continue to work for justice for victims and accountability for perpetrators. We continue to raise the human rights situation in all relevant international fora, leading international reactions against Lukashenko’s brutal and illegal actions.

We also want to send a message of hope and assurance of our continued support to the people of Belarus. Therefore, we have published a plan for a EUR 3 billion economic and investment package in support of a democratic Belarus that we will activate if and when the country changes its current course.

The state-run instrumentalisation of migrants is another worrying example of Lukashenko’s blatant disregard of international norms. People and air routes are being sourced by the regime and imported to Belarus. This year we have seen already more than 6 000 irregular arrivals coming across the Belarus—EU border, compared to barely 150 last year. People originally from Iraq, but also from Congo, Cameroon, Syria.

Belarus is not on any known migration route from these countries. Belarus is not a country under migratory pressure. People normally seek asylum from Belarus, not in Belarus. The regime is using human beings in an unprecedented way to put pressure on the European Union and making a lot of money as well.

People come in trips organised by the state tourist company Centrkurort, stay in state-approved hotels, pay a deposit of many thousand dollars, which they never get back. They lure people to Minsk, who are then transported towards the border in unmarked minivans by men in unmarked uniforms.

Lukashenko’s desperation is evidence that sanctions are hurting. Each day reinforces the impression that these are frenetic steps from a regime that can see the tide of history turning.

His goal is to destabilise the European Union, but he has gravely miscalculated. Our response has been one of unity and solidarity and action, a response that has been noted both by global partners and our allies in Minsk. Our relentless outreach to partners is working. We are observing a sharp drop in irregular arrivals from Belarus in recent weeks.

HR/VP Borrell has been key in persuading Iraq to stop all flights from Baghdad to Minsk, and now we are reaching out to other countries of origin in Africa whose citizens are being misled and victimised by Lukashenko.

We must be firm against Lukashenko and we must be clear with partner countries. One predictable element is that the weather will take a turn for the worse. People should not put themselves at risk.

In direct response to these unprecedented actions, the action plan against migrant smuggling the Commission presented last week, called this new and serious development by its name: state-sponsored migrant smuggling. And we have proposed to the council to partially suspend the visa facilitation agreement for government officials from Belarus, while keeping the benefits of visa facilitation for the people of Belarus.

The EU has shown its full solidarity with our Member States. I visited Lithuania in August. We activated our agencies emergency assistance and the Union’s Civil Protection Mechanism. Lithuanian authorities have worked very well with European partners. I thank them for their transparency, their European approach.

And last week I visited Poland, where I discussed the provocations at the border with Interior Minister Kamiński and the recent tragic deaths at the borders. I learnt a lot about the situation and my main message is, and was, we must protect our shared borders with shared EU resources based on shared values.

We must stand firm and united towards Lukashenko, and we must do it in a way that shows that we, the European Union, are based on other values, on the rule of law and in full respect of the fundamental rights. We must protect our borders and our values. We agreed in Warsaw last week that a delegation from my services arriving tomorrow will visit Poland to continue discussions.

Dear Members, let me conclude by stressing that countering disinformation from the Lukashenko regime remains key. We need to keep strengthening communication and awareness-raising efforts in parallel to our support to the Belarusian democratic forces. The European Union stands by the Belarusian people now, and we will do so in the future.


  Andrius Kubilius, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, Madam Commissioner, dear colleagues, all of us we know what crimes against Belarusian people Lukashenko is committing, for what international crimes he is responsible. There is no need to repeat all the list. I would like to use this opportunity to thank Commissioner for your support for the Lithuanian authorities in defence of EU borders.

But the only way out from this crisis is new, free and fair elections in Belarus, which not only Lukashenko, but also Putin are so heavily afraid of. There are three major factors, which are making influence on developments in Belarus: Belarusian peoples’ protest, Putin’s support for the brutal Lukashenko regime and western support for Belarusian people.

With the lack of clear Western leadership in resolving the Belarusian crisis, with the protests temporarily silenced by brutal force, there is the only one significant factor in the field – Putin’s support to Lukashenko, and Putin is responsible for all Lukashenko’s crimes.

This is why the EU has to make it clear that if the Kremlin continues its current policy on Belarus, the EU will have to introduce additional containment and deterrence measures on Russia.

And second what we need to do, we need to consider bringing Lukashenko crimes to the International Court of Justice immediately on the basis of the Chicago Convention, Montreal Convention and the Convention against Torture Violations. In addition, EU needs to establish a special task force to work with universal jurisdiction cases at the EU and Member States level.

the EU needs to show real leadership and to prove that it is able to resolve major political and humanitarian crisis on its borders.

And Žyvie Belarus!


  Pedro Marques, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, in less than a month, we’ll be celebrating the fall of the Berlin Wall. However, regrettable as it may be, new walls have been built to impede freedom to enter some countries. Sometimes they are not built with bricks and concrete: they are made out of repression and violation of fundamental freedoms. Every one of the thousands of protesters’ detentions, every violation of human rights, every unfair judicial decision is a brick in that wall.

Belarusian people deserve and expect freedom, democracy and prosperity. The regime of Lukashenko does not hesitate to deliver the opposite just to keep him in power, whatever it takes. Now he has completely crossed the boundaries of humanity, weaponing human beings by smuggling migrants beyond the Belarusian border. This is totally unacceptable.

The EU must react, strengthening and broadening the sanctions against those responsible for the state-organised smuggling and the people that continue assuring the survival of the regime. Action is needed. Additional action is clearly needed from the side of the EU and in the international community.

It is clear that Lukashenko went too far, but this by no means can justify the way all these migrants are being treated at our borders. The situation on the border between Poland and Belarus is dramatic, with migrants dying during the cold nights without adequate protection. Many, including children, are stuck in limbo for weeks, with others being pushed back.

The EU must be clear about what European values are about. Yes, saving lives. Yes, promoting democracy. Yes, promoting human rights in Belarus – but also in our own borders.


  Petras Auštrevičius, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Mr President, Madam Commissioner, dear colleagues, there is no single article in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that the Lukashenko regime has not broken. And, again, my appreciation and solidarity go to the Belarusian people, civil society and the democratic opposition, who have endured and continue the heroic struggle for a future democratic Belarus.

The Lukashenko regime is in full denial and self-solation, but courted by a neighbour in the east. After refusing cooperation with the European Union, Lukashenko is on his way to fulfil the following threats: to flood the European Union with migrants, drugs and even nuclear waste. For several months now Lithuania, Latvia and Poland have been under massive hybrid attack, as the Lukashenko regime instrumentalises irregular migrants in revenge for the EU sanctions.

Dear colleagues, Lukashenko sees no boundaries. His rule and act on behalf of the Belarusian people have no legitimacy. Lukashenko is a former president of Belarus. He has no right to bargain with the sovereignty of Belarus.

In addition to the brutal repression against the people of Belarus, Lukashenko commits acts of state terrorism, all of which fall within the definition of universal jurisdiction and require prompt decisions from the international community and the European Union in particular.

I call on the European Union to come up with next, effective and regime’s behaviour—changing sanctions to stop Lukashenko’s crackdown on Belarusian people and its hybrid attacks on neighbouring EU Member States.

Zhyve Belarus!


  Sergey Lagodinsky, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, just a couple of years ago, we thought we were living in the age of authoritarians. Now we know better. We live in the age of heroes. The Belarusians, the Russians and the Turks have proved to us that heroes are amongst us, the heroes of our times. But calling them heroes alone will not help them much. It will not save their lives and will not bring them back their freedom.

The European Union has made strategic mistakes during this hero journey. Too timid, too slow, too late and too weak. Those were our responses. Too little Europe on the side of Belarusians and, frankly, too many Belarusians that told us not to be on their side at the beginning of this process.

It is time to correct the past mistakes. We must use comprehensive sanctions, close the loopholes for exporters to the EU and stop financing the regime by international organisations. We must start legal proceedings against Lukashenko himself and indict him for the torture of his own citizens. The evidence is there. It’s evident.

Last but not least, the European external services must start centralising and coordinating the national policies vis-à-vis Belarus. Just like in the case of climate, our ability to act internationally will decide whether the EU will survive or implode in the coming years. Our policy vis-à-vis Belarus is a case in point.


  Jaak Madison, fraktsiooni ID nimel. – Aitäh esimehele, austatud proua Johansson! Kuna mul on kaks ja pool minutit aega, siis ma räägin rahulikult, et tõlgid jõuaksid ka ära tõlkida, sest tihti on tõlkega probleeme, kus osa teksti jääb kohale jõudmata.

Esiteks: Valgevene on väga kompleksne küsimus. Mis puudutab demokraatiat, siis mitmed eelkõnelejad, head Leedu kolleegid, on rõhutanud vajadust korraldada uued valimised Valgevenes, demokraatlikud valimised, ja et Lukašenka ei ole legitiimne president. Põhimõtteliselt jah, sellega võib nõustuda – jah, demokraatlikud valimised on vajalikud, aga kus ma oleksin väga ettevaatlik, on siiski see, et (me oleme) mitte ainult Euroopa Liidu riigid, vaid ka üleüldiselt lääneriigid on üritanud kuidagi kunstlikult eksportida demokraatiat kolmandatesse riikidesse, ehk me läheme õpetama mingeid riike, kuidas nad peavad oma igapäevaelu elama. Ma olin mõni aasta tagasi Valgevenes mitu päeva ametlikul visiidil rahvusparlamendi liikmetega ja loomulikult tegemist ei ole selliste valimistega nagu on Eestis või Saksamaal või mõnes muus Euroopa riigis, aga samal ajal mina ei võtaks endale seda õigust minna neile ütlema, et kuidas te peate nüüd täpselt elama, ehk ma siiski üritaksin võimalikult vähe sekkuda riikide siseasjadesse.

Teine küsimus on siiski see oht, mis lähtub nendest riikidest nagu näiteks Valgevene. Mul on ääretult hea meel, et nüüd tänu Valgevenele naljakal kombel, on ka näiteks proua Johansson korduvalt väitnud, et illegaalne immigratsioon, mida mahitab Valgevene, on vastuvõetamatu, see on kuritegelik. Ja samuti on selgelt tulnud sõnumid Euroopa Komisjonist, et üheks efektiivseks vahendiks inimkaubitsejatelt töö äravõtmiseks on füüsilised piiritõkked. Ehk siis Valgevene režiim kasutab praegu ära meie nõrkust ja meie nõrkus on see, et me näiteks viimase kahekümne või kolmekümne aasta jooksul ei ole piisavalt investeerinud omaenda välispiiride kaitsesse, ja alles nüüd me avastasime, et oih, Läti ja Valgevene või Leedu ja Valgevene piiril pole füüsilist tõket, et sealt ei saaks üle jalutada piirist – see on täiesti vastuvõetamatu. Samuti nagu on Eesti ja Venemaa piiril, [kus] pole füüsilist tõket piisavalt, seetõttu mul on väga hea meel, et suund on muutunud, ja ma loodan, et ka Euroopa Komisjon kiidab heaks lõpuks selle, et Euroopa Liidu rahalisi vahendeid kulutada füüsiliste tõkete ehitamiseks. Suur aitäh teile!


  Anna Fotyga, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, there is unity between Russia and China in keeping usurper Lukashenko in power. In case of Russia, we see even instigation to brutal crackdown on Belarusian society by the usurper Lukashenko, as well as waging elements of hybrid war on neighbours, namely Poland, Lithuania and Latvia. Also, in some cases, other countries.

I would just like to mention some cases of brutal crackdown on society. Andzelika Borys has been already 196 days in prison and Andrzej Poczobut, just two days less. Maria Kolesnikova was sentenced to 11 years in prison and Maxim Znak for 10 years in prison.

In case of hybrid war, we have to abandon naivety and clearly see the aggressor and differentiate between aggressor and victims. The activity of Lukashenko is an internationally-condemned criminal activity on this, and I see traces of misunderstanding even in this chamber when we speak about a variety of countries under pressure. Remember that Poland is one of the main defenders of the EU unity in this.


  Manu Pineda, en nombre del Grupo The Left. – Señor presidente, sinceramente, me va a costar hablar de la situación de los derechos humanos en Bielorrusia con la que hay liada en la frontera que tiene con Polonia, Letonia y Lituania. Tenemos tres Estados miembros de la Unión Europea incumpliendo flagrantemente el Derecho internacional y suspendiendo de facto el derecho de asilo desde el pasado verano. Han desplegado sus ejércitos, declarado los estados de emergencia y hecho devoluciones en caliente a Bielorrusia de personas solicitantes de asilo, lo que les ha costado una reprimenda del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos.

A este despliegue se añade el de los matones de Frontex. Y, claro, uno puede pensar que están intentando que Bielorrusia sea la nueva Turquía, Marruecos o Libia, es decir, un país tapón, una frontera externalizada más.

El caso es que las personas que están intentando llegar a la Unión Europea a través de Bielorrusia vienen principalmente de Afganistán y de Irak. Convendrá conmigo, señora Johansson, en que no son paraísos precisamente. Creo que Europa debería asumir alguna vez su responsabilidad en esos conflictos. Quien siembra guerra recoge o debe recoger refugiados.

Ustedes pueden seguir hablando de guerra híbrida, azuzando a la OTAN para que presione a Bielorrusia y demás, pero la única solución es exigir a nuestros socios que respeten los derechos humanos. Hablamos de acogida digna, respeto del derecho de asilo, y de una cosa que le encanta a Polonia: reparto solidario de las personas refugiadas y migrantes. No está mal que por una vez algunos de los países más insolidarios de la Unión Europea vean qué significa para ciudades como Ceuta ser frontera exterior de la Unión Europea.


  Kinga Gál (NI). – Elnök Úr! Már egy éve, hogy a fehérorosz választások után a tüntetéseknek erőszakos módon vetettek véget a belorusz hatóságok. Hányan vannak azóta börtönben? A helyzet azóta drasztikusan romlott, és a belorusz kormány továbbra is elfogadhatatlan módon figyelmen kívül hagy minden nemzetközi kötelezettséget. A belorusz, lengyel, litván és lett határon kialakult migrációs helyzetet illetően teljes szolidaritással állunk Lengyelország, Litvánia, Lettország mellett. Minden segítséget meg kell adni Lengyelországnak, Litvániának, hiszen az EU külső határait védik.

Ma egyértelműnek tűnik, hogy a határzár, a kerítés megoldás az illegális tömeges migráció megfékezésére. Bezzeg a magyar kormány az országot és az EU külső határait védő kerítés építése miatt csak bírálatot és támadást kap mai napig Brüsszeltől. Magyarország megvédte a nyugat-európai tagállamokat és ezt teszi ma is a déli határon, ahogy most Lengyelország és Litvánia a keleti határszakaszon. Mindent meg kell tenni, hogy a migráció ne lehessen politikai zsaroló eszköz.


  Sandra Kalniete (PPE). – Mr President, the Lukashenko regime is exploiting a well-documented Russian playbook of hybrid instruments: in this case, state-sponsored illegal migration. The regime is cynically weaponising the human beings to overwhelm the asylum system of Eastern European countries and Member States, stoke political tension and undermine the EU’s ability to react to other crises. It is a true hybrid war.

Therefore, the European Commission must prepare relevant legislative proposals, providing Member States with the necessary safeguards to efficiently respond to such provocations. I also call for a swift adoption of the fifth package of sanctions, including the sanctions related to smuggling into the EU of illegal migrants.

Belarusian people deserve better men: change. They aspire for democratic changes. In the EPP resolution, we reiterate our non-recognition of Lukashenko as the President. They consider the current regime as illegitimate, illegal and criminal.

Therefore, the EU should engage further with democratic Belarus in a political dialogue and prepare a governance reform vision for Belarus after Lukashenko. The leader of democratic Belarus, Svetlana Tikhanovskaya, should be invited to the Eastern Partnership summit in December 2021.

(Exclamation in Bielarusian)


  Robert Biedroń (S&D). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Mija 14 miesięcy od kiedy Łukaszenka sfałszował wybory. Mija kolejna debata tutaj, w Parlamencie Europejskim, i będziemy mieli kolejną rezolucję, w której będziemy wzywali Komisję Europejską i Radę Europejską do realnego działania.

Pani Komisarz! Dzisiaj nawet na tej debacie nie ma wysokiego przedstawiciela. To pokazuje do jakiego etapu, do jakiego punktu zaszliśmy w walce z reżimem Łukaszenki. Nie ma realnych sankcji, nie ma konferencji darczyńców. Nie ma dzisiaj strategii Unii Europejskiej wobec Białorusi, o którą walczymy od miesięcy, a więźniów politycznych w więzieniach Łukaszenki każdego dnia przybywa. I to jest tak naprawdę obraz pełen tego dramatu, który mamy i na Białorusi, i jeśli chodzi o słabość Unii Europejskiej wobec reżimu Łukaszenki.

I Łukaszenka wygrywa także z nami tę wojnę – bo dzisiejsza debata to pokazuje – jeśli chodzi o destabilizację naszej wschodniej granicy Unii Europejskiej. Dzisiaj Łukaszenka się cieszy z tego, że rząd polski stał się pożytecznym idiotą – i trzeba to powiedzieć jasno i wyraźnie – Łukaszenki. Na polskiej granicy umierają ludzie, na polskiej granicy ci biedni imigranci wpadli w pułapkę reżimu Łukaszenki, wypychani są w jedną i w drugą stronę.

Dlatego, Pani Komisarz, powiedziała Pani przed chwilą, że Pani urzędnicy jadą w przyszłym tygodniu, w najbliższych dniach do Polski. Niech Pani zabierze prawników, organizacje pozarządowe, media, żeby mieć pełną transparentność tego, co się dzieje na polskiej granicy. Dzisiaj tego nie mamy. Proszę Panią w imieniu milionów Polek i Polaków, którzy szanują prawa człowieka i demokrację, żebyśmy się dowiedzieli całej prawdy o tym, co dzieje się na granicy polsko-białoruskiej, bo z ust polskiego rządu niestety nie jesteśmy w stanie się tego dowiedzieć.




  Karin Karlsbro (Renew). – Herr talman! Kollegor, fru kommissionär! Ännu en gång står jag här för att ge mitt stöd åt kampen för frihet i Belarus. Ännu en gång måste vi visa vår avsky mot de brott mot mänskliga rättigheter som Lukasjenka dagligen begår, som nu också handlar om ett cyniskt och omänskligt sätt att utnyttja migranter i sitt desperata maktspel.

Sedan jag stod här sist har listan på personer som berövats sin frihet blivit ännu längre och de frihetsberövade ännu yngre. Sedan vi debatterade situationen i Belarus förra gången har 17-åriga Artiom fått sitt hem genomsökt bara för att han följde en regimkritisk nyhetskanal på sociala medier. Han tvingas sedan att under hot spela in en ny video som regimen postade och där han förklarar att han nu är en laglydig medborgare. Han är inte ensam om att möta samma öde.

EU måste införa skarpare sanktioner mot dem som göder Lukasjenkas skräckvälde. EU måste öka stödet till oppositionen och vi måste hissa den rödvita flaggan i solidaritet med alla frihetskämpar.

Så länge det behövs kommer jag säga det igen. EU kan och EU ska göra mer. Herr Borell, i dag vill jag fråga dig, vad är ditt budskap till Artiom, till Victoria, till Marca, Tatjana och alla andra unga belarusier som berövas sin ungdom ? Hur ska de få sin frihet och sin framtid tillbaka?


  Tineke Strik (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, one year after the fraudulent presidential elections, the situation in Belarus politically, and human rights situation has only further deteriorated. As my colleague already pointed out, the EU must step up its support of the Belarusian society, and make our sanctions and measures more effective.

But in the meantime, Lukashenko has looked for a strategy to silence or punish the EU and the Member States for rightly supporting democratic opposition. The use of migrants and refugees as a geopolitical tool at the borders is shameful and disgusting; it should be strongly condemned, and in no way become effective.

But we also need to ensure we do not play the same game as Lukashenko does, and this is actually, what we exactly see happening now. Poland, Latvia and Lithuania are keeping the borders closed for asylum seekers who ask for protection, and even refrain from giving them food, water and shelter for many weeks now. Five migrants have died at the borders, and many others, among them Afghan and Syrian refugees, are still kept in a deplorable and threatening situation. No one is allowed access to these people, despite clear instructions from the European Court of Human Rights, which are completely disregarded.

Until now, the most important measures from the message from the EU was that the EU stands behind Poland, Latvia and Lithuania. Of course, we need to support those states, but at the same time, not accept that normal EU rules on Schengen and asylum are so painfully violated.

When will the High Representative and the Commission clearly speak up against instrumentalisation of migrants and refugees from both sides?

We urge you, Commission, to immediately act to ensure that no more people will die, that access to protection is guaranteed. Of course, we need to give support, but let us show real solidarity by relocating asylum seekers... (The President cut off the speaker)


  Peter Kofod (ID). – Hr. formand! Der er ingen tvivl om, at Lukasjenko er en udemokratisk despot. Ikke nok med, at han undertrykker sin egen befolkning, han udgør også en latent trussel rettet direkte mod Europa.

Lukasjenko, han har lært af de værste bøller derude. Han har lært af Erdogan: han har set, hvad der har virket for ham over for EU, over for Europa, og det har været at lægge pres på de ydre grænser. Erdogan har med meget stor dygtighed og succes formået at sætte dette system gevaldigt under pres, fordi man ikke vil påtage sig det ansvar, der er fuldstændig nødvendigt, nemlig at sikre de ydre grænser. Og nu har Lukasjenko tænkt sig at gøre fuldstændig det samme. Dette system reagerer ikke. Hvis det reagerer, reagerer det altid for sent. Lyspunktet i denne situation har været reaktionen fra blandt andet Polen, Litauen og Letland, der meget ambitiøst er gået i gang med at sikre deres egen grænse. Det afføder i hvert fald fra min side stor respekt og glæde, at der er nogle nationalstater, der går foran og tager teten og tager føringen i en situation, hvor EU åbenlyst ikke er sig sit ansvar bevidst.

Hvis EU skal udvise solidaritet, så skal det være solidaritet med Polen, Litauen og Letland. Så skal det være solidaritet, hvor vi sørger for, at de kan styre deres grænser og lukke den ydre EU-grænse, så vi kan få ro på denne her situation. For vi skal tage værktøjerne fra despoterne, og vi skal ikke acceptere, at folk uden for Europas grænser styrer strømmene ind i Europa. Det er fuldstændig uacceptabelt.

Der var et parlamentsmedlem fra Ungarn på talerstolen tidligere, som sagde, at alle i Bruxelles hakkede på Ungarn, når Ungarn sikrede den ydre grænse. Og der ville jeg sige til det parlamentsmedlem, at det absolut ikke er alle i Bruxelles, der hakker på Ungarn. Jeg synes, at Ungarn er et fantastisk foregangsland for sikringen af de ydre grænser, og det vil jeg gerne sige stor tak for til de ungarske kollegaer.


  Witold Jan Waszczykowski (ECR). – Mr President, I would like to thank Madam Commissioner for her efforts to solve the problem and for her support for the Polish achievements. Please disregard the lies of the Polish opposition about the problem.

Lukashenko started the hybrid action against the European Union states. It’s hostile activity, which needs a serious united response. We need to implement a non—recognition policy. No—fly zone for officials or limited sanctions are not enough. We have to implement, not the recognition policy of Lukashenko, and recognise instead Ms Tsikhanouskaya, grant her special status and maybe a special office here.

We need tougher sanctions which affect potash and fertiliser transit transport to Russia. We have to expel Belarus from SWIFT transactions and expel and suspend activities in different institutions, in culture and in sports. We need a serious debate in the Security Council of the United Nations and finally, we need investigation conducted by the International Criminal Court.


  Sandra Pereira (The Left). – Senhor Presidente, este debate insere-se na operação de ingerência e desestabilização contra a Bielorrússia que a União Europeia, as suas Instituições e, particularmente, alguns Estados-Membros tentam levar a cabo. A instrumentalização dos refugiados e requerentes de asilo, na sua maioria procedentes do Afeganistão e do Iraque, que se encontram nas fronteiras da Bielorrússia com a Polónia e a Lituânia, e que têm como destino países que integram a União Europeia, é um claro exemplo desta ação que não tem mais do que objetivos geoestratégicos e políticos, colocando em causa a vida e a segurança de milhares de pessoas que procuram uma vida melhor.

O que se exige é que a União Europeia e os Estados-Membros pautem a sua ação pelo respeito da soberania, independência e integridade territorial deste país, no cumprimento dos princípios da Carta das Nações Unidas e do Direito Internacional, respeitando o direito do povo bielorrusso, como de qualquer outro povo, a decidir do seu presente e do seu futuro.


  Ivan Vilibor Sinčić (NI). – Mr President, unfortunately, Belarus is not the only place with endangered democracy. Listening to this debate today, many people in Europe will ask themselves: where are my freedoms? What about repression against us in Europe? What about repression against the people who just want to be free from the mandatory nature of digital COVID certificates – a useless document for prevention? Protests – we speak of protests in Belarus one year ago, but we cannot see the protests in our own capitals today. We speak of dictatorship, but where is democracy in our own countries? Is a bleeding person hit by the police in Minsk more important to us than a bleeding person in Berlin or Paris protests? We are blackmailing our citizens. Policies have been installed that have stolen their normal life. You cannot keep your job without the DCC; you cannot enter a public building without the DCC. There is even an idea rolling that the staff will not be permitted into this very building in the European Parliament without a DCC. If this continues, we can throw to the trash decades of work on declarations, resolutions and conventions that speak of rights and freedoms.


  President. – Mr Sinčić, it happens occasionally that even speakers from political groups are not following the agenda. This is the business of the political groups but you are non-inscrit, and you get the speaking time from a structure which is delivered by Parliament.

I personally believe that with those people who get speaking time on that ticket we need to guarantee that those people stick to the agenda. I think this was not the case in your case, and I am going to inform the President that we have a closer look at such appearances.


  Esteban González Pons (PPE). – Señor presidente, los que salieron hace un año a las calles de Bielorrusia no eran alborotadores, ni radicales, ni extremistas, sino ciudadanos anónimos, maestros, estudiantes, abogados, amas de casa, jubilados; no eurodiputados. Y solo pedían dos cosas: libertad y democracia justa. Más de siete mil hombres y mujeres fueron perseguidos, detenidos, torturados y enviados a prisión sin juicio. Ni siquiera sabemos hoy cuántas personas siguen encarceladas por orden de Lukashenko.

Ahora el dictador bielorruso ha dado un paso más y ha empezado a emplear miles de refugiados iraquíes y afganos como armas humanas contra las democracias vecinas. Antes era la guerra híbrida de las injerencias electorales. Ahora se trata de desestabilizar nuestras fronteras orientales utilizando como proyectiles a personas que viven en suma desgracia. Putin y Lukashenko se han convertido en traficantes de personas. Putin y Lukashenko son jefes de la mafia que compra y vende personas en el este.

Las sanciones contra Lukashenko deben no solo continuar, sino incrementarse. Y nosotros no debemos descansar hasta llevar a Lukashenko a la Corte Penal Internacional.

Muchas veces desde esta tribuna he pedido solidaridad para el sur. Hoy pido solidaridad para el este. Lo mismo que España, Italia y Grecia son frontera de la Unión Europea, lo son Lituania, Letonia y Polonia.


  Maria Arena (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, la répression en Biélorussie n’a pas cessé et s’est même accentuée ces derniers jours. Pourtant, de nombreuses initiatives ont été prises pour traiter cette situation de non-droit, mais ce n’est pas suffisant.

Le mécanisme de sanctions imposées au régime et à ses affiliés qui le financent doit être plus fort, plus clair et plus large. L’Union européenne doit aussi impérativement renforcer son action sur la lutte contre l’impunité et soutenir tout mécanisme de collecte et de protection de preuves, pour que les crimes qui ont été commis ne restent pas impunis.

Nous devons aussi donner plus de visibilité aux personnes que nous soutenons et ainsi demander l’envoi d’une mission de haut niveau pour rendre visite à ces personnes qui sont en prison.

Enfin, il ne faut pas céder au jeu indécent de la migration. La réponse à ce jeu cynique de régimes illibéraux tels que la Turquie, la Libye ou la Biélorussie est une politique de la migration digne de ce nom, qui garantisse la protection des migrants, mais qui garantisse aussi le droit international de la protection de ceux-ci.


  Michal Šimečka (Renew). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, tridsaťpäťtisíc Bielorusov zažilo za posledný rok nejakú formu štátnej represie: zatknutie, uväznenie, mučenie. A to číslo ukazuje na obrovské hrdinstvo Bielorusov, ktorí zoči-voči brutalite neprestávajú bojovať za európske hodnoty, naše hodnoty slobody a demokracie, deň za dňom. To sme si naozaj pred rokom nedokázali ani predstaviť. Rovnako sme si nedokázali predstaviť, že sa Lukašenkov režim napokon stane aj bezpečnostnou hrozbou pre Európu a pre medzinárodné spoločenstvo. Uniesol lietadlo s európskymi občanmi na palube a teraz najnovšie zneužíva zúfalý osud ľudí utekajúcich pred vojnou, aby destabilizoval európske hranice a schengenský priestor. Druhá vec je, že ani Európska únia nezvláda tú situáciu tak dobre, ako by sme možno čakali. Tie sankčné balíky prichádzali neskoro a stále nezasiahli kľúčové sektory ekonomiky, ktoré držia Lukašenka pri moci, ako napríklad petrochemický priemysel. Aj tá diplomatická a praktická pomoc pre bieloruskú opozíciu a občiansku spoločnosť mohla byť a musí byť omnoho výraznejšia. A my sami sme sa tým, že ešte nemáme dokončenú reformu azylového a migračného systému, stali zraniteľnejšími voči Lukašenkovej cynickej taktike. Kolegovia, v týchto dňoch sa veľa hovorí o schopnosti Európskej únie autonómne brániť vlastné hodnoty a presadzovať vlastné záujmy. A tu máme brutálny diktátorský režim priamo v Európe, ktorý mučí vlastných občanov a destabilizuje hranice EÚ. Ak sa nedokážeme vysporiadať s takouto výzvou, tak potom skutočne neviem, ako chceme byť silný globálny hráč.


  Jordi Solé (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, it’s been one year since brave Belarusians took to the streets to demand democracy for their country, and the dictator is still there. He and his illegitimate regime keep suffocating the democratic revolution, whilst our response so far has failed to make much of a difference.

What is happening at the border between the EU and Belarus is completely unacceptable: the instrumentalisation of migrants by Lukashenko’s regime, but also the response of some Member States, particularly Poland. It should not overshadow the fact that in Europe, in our immediate vicinity, there are 700 political prisoners in jail for defending democracy and freedom, that human rights defenders, opposition politicians, civil society, independent journalists keep being systematically repressed, and that people live in fear and under oppression.

The question is: have we, the EU, done everything possible? To be effective, sanctions must target the economically crucial sectors and companies supporting Lukashenko. The international approach must be consistent. Is it reasonable that while we adopt more sanctions, the IMF grants Lukashenko’s regime USD 1 billion?

Stepping up our efforts may not immediately achieve the goal of a democratic Belarus, but it will show the Belarusian people that the EU, with its entire means, stands with them and with their struggle for freedom and democracy.


  Paolo Borchia (ID). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, c'è stata una mancanza nel dibattito di questa mattina. Mi spiego: l'Unione ha inasprito le sanzioni e le restrizioni per quanto riguarda il divieto di sorvolo dello spazio aereo e di accesso agli aeroporti europei per i vettori in Russia. Tra le conseguenze ce ne sono di drammatiche. Infatti, è compromessa la sostenibilità dei programmi di adozione, che tradizionalmente coinvolgono famiglie adottive europee e bambini bielorussi, bambini che infatti, una volta adottati, sono costretti a rimanere nel loro paese, rimanendo separati fisicamente dai genitori che non riescono a visitare questi ragazzi se non attraverso alcune visite occasionali.

È evidente che queste visite occasionali non possono sostituire il normale funzionamento dei programmi di adozione che, invece, dovrebbero permettere ai minori adottati di vivere permanentemente con la nuova famiglia. È una situazione dannosa per la stabilità di questi ragazzi che, dopo aver perso le proprie famiglie naturali, sono anche privati della possibilità di costruire un legame stabile con i nuovi genitori.

Tre settimane fa ho inviato una lettera all'Alto rappresentante Borrell e sono ancora in attesa di una risposta. Servono deroghe alle restrizioni di viaggio, questo per ristabilire un minimo di normalità sulle adozioni e sui soggiorni terapeutici e soprattutto per evitare che i bambini siano sacrificati sull'altare della politica internazionale.


  Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Szanowni Państwo! W jednej ze swoich powieści Ernest Hemingway cytował jako motto angielskiego poetę z XVI wieku, który pisał „Nie pytaj, komu bije dzwon: bije on tobie”. To, co dzieje się na Białorusi, jest elementem szerszego planu geopolitycznego. Za tym stoi Rosja. Musimy mieć tego świadomość. Dziękuję tym wszystkim posłom, którzy przede mną opowiadali się i pewnie po mnie będą opowiadać się za prawami człowieka na Białorusi, za wolnością w kraju europejskim, w kraju który jest częścią europejskiej kultury. To bardzo ważne. Natomiast my, jako politycy, musimy widzieć to w szerszym, geopolitycznym kontekście, bo rzeczywiście w cieniu tego, co się tam dzieje, w cieniu tego wszystkiego stoi pan Putin, Federacja Rosyjska, Kreml. Jest to element walki z Zachodem, a więc walki z nami, z naszymi wartościami. Warto o tym pamiętać.


  Nikolaj Villumsen (The Left). – Hr. formand! Lige nu dør flygtninge på grænsen mellem EU og Belarus. Mennesker på desperat flugt fra krig og undertrykkelse bliver mødt med lemlæstende pigtråd og push-backs. Det er ikke alene umenneskeligt, det er et klokkeklart brud på retten til at søge asyl. Mens den socialdemokratiske regering i Spanien har stoppet brugen af barberbladspigtråd på grænsen til Marokko, så sender den socialdemokratiske regering i Danmark glædeligt den selv samme slags dødelige pigtråd til Litauen. Det er skammeligt.

Vi løser ikke flygtningesituationen ved at bryde internationale konventioner. Vi stopper ikke folk på flugt ved at lemlæste dem. Vi må og skal møde mennesker på flugt med medmenneskelighed og med en solidarisk fordeling af de flygtninge, som kommer til Europa.


  Dorien Rookmaker (NI). – Voorzitter, de migratieproblemen in Europa lopen volkomen uit de hand. Litouwen en Polen worden geconfronteerd met een toestroom van asielzoekers, die daar door Loekasjenko zijn gedropt. Nederland kent ook een groot tekort aan betaalbare woningen, maar ook daar kloppen gemiddeld 2 500 aanvragers per week aan de deur. De situatie in Griekenland is na zoveel jaar nog steeds niet opgelost.

Het is onze verantwoordelijkheid om dit probleem op te lossen in Europa, en dat betekent dat we de zaken anders moeten aanpakken, want zoals we het nu doen, werkt het gewoon niet. We moeten de aanwas van nieuwe asielstromen tegengaan door een harde aanpak van regimes zoals in Belarus, die asielstromen veroorzaken. We moeten werk maken van het bewaken van onze gemeenschappelijke grenzen. We moeten opvang in de regio organiseren en ten slotte moet de EU de afhandeling van asielaanvragen buiten de EU organiseren. De toegang tot Europa zonder geldige papieren kan dan effectief worden geblokkeerd. Het is tijd voor actie! (De Voorzitter onderbreekt de spreker)


  Michael Gahler (PPE). – Mr President, dear colleagues, the Lukashenko regime just prevented my arrested innocent friend Pavel Sieviaryniec from attending his father’s funeral. My sincere condolences to his family. Such behaviour shows the evenly Stalinist and fascist character of this regime.

We must keep the Belarus issue on the agenda. Personal sanctions must be extended to all involved in the persecution of political prisoners. They must be more effectively implemented and extended to private economic profiteers and those state industries that create income for the regime. And let’s add those Russian entities that buy industries in Belarus as we speak.

What we need is to strengthen the legitimacy of the opposition. I wish that the Commission prepares the suggested conference on the future of Belarus, which would involve the leaders of the opposition and civil society to discuss how to implement the pledged financial package for a democratic Belarus once it is emerging.

What we do not need is ambassadors from Member States who refuse to meet Svetlana Tsikhanouskaya, and I wonder whether that is an act of appeasement rather or of personal convenience not to be declared persona non grata. In both cases, not acceptable.

(Exclamation in Bielarusian)


  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señor presidente, señora comisaria Johansson, los tremendos desafíos impuestos por la vecindad con la Unión Europea de Bielorrusia bajo el infame régimen de Lukashenko no se reducen, por supuesto, a las cuestiones migratorias. Pero es imposible ignorar, desde la perspectiva de la Comisión de Libertades Civiles, Justicia y Asuntos de Interior, los derechos de los potenciales demandantes de asilo ante las fronteras exteriores de la Unión, que incluyen a Lituania, Letonia y, por supuesto, Polonia.

Y es crucial asegurar transparencia y supervisión en todas las operaciones en frontera, particularmente en aquellas que cuestionan la efectividad del Sistema Europeo Común de Asilo. La Comisión es guardiana de los Tratados y debe velar por que los procedimientos de asilo y la Carta de los Derechos Fundamentales de la Unión Europea sean observados y respetados también por las agencias de la Unión Europea, también en las operaciones de Frontex.

Y, por supuesto, sería bueno que se involucrase también a la Agencia de Asilo de la Unión Europea, que para eso hemos aprobado el Reglamento que la hace crecer para ejercer supervisión sobre el respeto del Sistema Europeo Común de Asilo en todas las fronteras exteriores de la Unión, incluidas las que tocan con ese infame régimen de Lukashenko.


  Dragoş Tudorache (Renew). – Mr President, does anyone still remember the outrage we felt when we heard about the hijacking of a Ryanair flight? Can anyone still relate to the terror a young freedom fighter must have felt when he found out that the plane he was on would be landing in Minsk?

Our foreign affairs agenda moves on but, unfortunately, for those imprisoned in Belarus the terror is still real. The torture has been going on for months or even years, and justice has not been served. We cannot turn a blind eye. Our lack of action or reaction is what gives dictators of the world, near or far, the audacity to continue attacking the EU and the values it stands for with all the means available at their disposal. The cynical use of migrants as a political weapon is only one example of what such means can be.

We should therefore continue to hit the Belarusian regime where it hurts the most and add more sanctions, better targeting the economic interests of those oligarchs propping up Lukashenko. Moreover, we should not forget the puppeteer behind Lukashenko. We should specifically name the Kremlin regime an accomplice in this clear breach of international law.

As we talk about strategic autonomy and being geopolitical on the world scene, we have a responsibility to protect those that share, fight and suffer for the very values we promote as Europeans, particularly in our immediate neighbourhood. We must help and support the Belarusian people, we should help journalists and activists, who are being silenced by the regime, and we should do so both financially and politically.


  Terry Reintke (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, what is the most powerful weapon that dictators and autocrats have? It is not the tear gas they use or the water cannons, or even the machine guns of their brutal police forces. It is oblivion. People like Lukashenko want us to stop caring. They want us after months and months and months to turn a blind eye, to look away and not look at what is happening in Belarus anymore.

Maria Kolesnikova was illegally detained more than a year ago. Last month, she was illegally convicted, once again, to 11 years in prison. Maria is 39 years old. If this madness is not going to be stopped, she’s going to be 50 by the time that this sentence is over, and even if our message today cannot reach her directly right now, as she is in prison, let us make sure that it’s going to reach Lukashenko. This Parliament will not stop caring. This Parliament is not going to look away, and this Parliament is not going to forget what has happened in Belarus. We will continue to stand in solidarity with the democratic opposition in Belarus.


  Zdzisław Krasnodębski (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Ja chciałem tylko przypomnieć, że Parlament Europejski przyjął już trzy rezolucje w sprawie sytuacji na Białorusi, dwie – w tamtym roku, jedną – w tym. Unia nałożyła w czterech pakietach sankcje na Białoruś, które dotyczą aż 166 osób i 15 podmiotów. Mimo to Łukaszenka, nie zrażony tymi surowymi sankcjami, stłumił opór społeczeństwa. Niewątpliwie to on jest zwycięzcą w tym konflikcie. Jego protektor Putin będzie zasilany miliardami euro z Niemiec, nie tylko z Niemiec.

Wczoraj ogłoszono, że Nord Stream 2 został wypełniony gazem i zatrzymanie tej inwestycji to byłaby prawdziwa sankcja. Niestety nie było nas na to stać. Będą więc fundusze na akcję hybrydową na granicy Białorusi z Litwą i Polską. I możemy się spodziewać powtórki roku 2015.


  Mick Wallace (The Left). – Mr President, the only reason we’re having this debate is because NATO has targeted Belarus for regime change. If the EU cared about human rights, we’d be addressing the plight of refugees and migrants at our borders and police brutality in places like France, Germany and Spain. Tikhanovskaya is a NATO tool: the Belarusian Guaidó. She has Atlantic Council advisers and is close to the likes of the Centre for European Policy Analysis, which is bankrolled by Lockheed Martin, Boeing, Raytheon, Chevron and the US Department of Defense. And much like Guaidó, Tikhanovskaya has little popularity. According to polling conducted by England’s Chatham House, no less, only 4% of Belarusians believe she’d make a good president, while 23 percent prefer Lukashenko, and Viktar Babaryka is on 25 percent. The protests didn’t start unaided. The CIA caught out: the National Endowment for Democracy admitted to having their people on the ground. This interference should stop. It’s a direct violation of Article 2 of the UN Charter.


  Rasa Juknevičienė (PPE). – Gerbiamas Pirmininke, gerbiama komisare, tai, ką dabar išgirdome, yra apgailėtina. Tai girdime per Kremliaus propagandos kanalus. Tai nepriimtina, ką girdime iš Europos Parlamento tribūnos. Aš turiu tai pasakyti. Nenorėtume priprasti ir neturėtume priprasti prie A. Lukašenkos žiaurumo. Jis žiaurus ne tik savo žmonėms baltarusiams. Jam žmogus gali būti kaip mina ar bomba, naudojama hibridiniam karui prieš Europos Sąjungą. Minsko režimas, palaikomas Kremliaus, renka turistus iš Irako ir kitų šalių, kad juos nuvežtų prie Europos Sąjungos sienos ir išstumtų į mūsų teritoriją. Parodėme, kad gebame atremti tokio pobūdžio atakas, tačiau grėsmės išlieka. Esminis būdas sustabdyti šį hibridinį karą – sustabdyti A. Lukašenką, tuo pačiu parodant Kremliui, kad nebandytų dar didesnių migrantų srautų. Turime sutelkti visas pajėgas įkurti tribunolą ... (posėdžio pirmininkas iš kalbėtojos atima žodį)


  Carmen Avram (S&D). – Domnule președinte, de peste un an numărăm morții, prizonierii politici, torturații, dispăruții și exilații din ultima dictatură a Europei, iar sancțiunile împotriva Belarusului curg cu puțin efect: presa independentă a dispărut, drepturile omului se deteriorează, Europa e ținta unei amenințări hibride, iar sub pulpana lui Putin, Lukașenko își pregătește noua constituție, care să îl facă stăpân peste 9 milioane de oameni.

E nevoie urgentă de altă strategie, pentru că acesta nu e un conflict între state, ci între două lumi, una dintre ele anacronică. E necesar un nou pachet de sancțiuni împotriva lui Lukașenko, dar de această dată trebuie să acționăm împreună cu aliații noștri, coordonat, concertat, simultan și nu doar regimul de la Minsk trebuie sancționat, ci și principalul lui sponsor, tot anacronic, care îl ajută pe Lukașenko să-și acopere pierderile provocate acum de măsuri disparate.

E imperativ ca Uniunea Europeană să își asume această misiune, nu doar pentru că are un inamic periculos la graniță, ci pentru că de peste un an milioane de oameni își pun viața în pericol, așteptând ajutorul real al lumii din care și ei vor să facă parte.


  Engin Eroglu (Renew). – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Frau Kommissarin! Die Realität ist, dass die Zahlen der Flüchtlinge, die in Brandenburg über Polen ankommen, täglich steigt und auch das Aufnahmelager in Eisenhüttenstadt inzwischen überlastet ist. Das Regime organisiert Flüge aus dem Irak nach Weißrussland, um diese hybride Kriegsform gegen die Europäische Union zur Eskalation zu führen. Es nutzt dabei Migranten als Waffe gegen die Europäische Union. Leider sind auch schon Migranten dabei verstorben.

Unsere Kommissarin hat absolut recht, wenn sie jetzt zum Beispiel Polen dabei unterstützt, die europäischen Außengrenzen zu schützen. Es ist aber auch auf jeden Fall klar, dass wir den Menschen, die jetzt auf der Flucht sind, helfen müssen und sie nicht dort alleine ihrem Schicksal überlassen dürfen, wenn sie auf dieses Regime hereingefallen sind. Aber genauso ist klar, dass wir dem Regime von Lukaschenka klarmachen müssen, dass wir hier nicht tatenlos zuschauen.

Deswegen begrüße ich sehr, dass die Kommission das Visa-Abkommen bezüglich der Beamten mit dem Lukaschenka-Regime aussetzen möchte. Und ich hoffe auch sehr, Frau Kommissarin, dass Sie im Rat dafür die Mehrheit zusammenbekommen, dass wir hier weitere Sanktionen einführen.


  Thomas Waitz (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin Johansson! Ich danke Ihnen ausdrücklich dafür, dass Sie die über 700 politischen Gefangenen in Weißrussland erwähnt haben.

Ich möchte Ihnen ein Beispiel dazu geben: Ksenija Syramalot – verurteilt zu zweieinhalb Jahren dafür, dass sie eine friedliche Demonstration für freie Wahlen, für Demokratie, für Menschenrechte mitorganisiert hat. Ich habe eine Patenschaft für sie übernommen. Und ich fordere Sie alle auf, mir nachzutun, auch Patenschaften für jene Menschen zu übernehmen, die westliche Werte, die Demokratie, die freie Wahlen in Weißrussland verteidigt haben.

Und ein Zweites, an die Kommission: Wir haben jetzt Sanktionsregime. Ja, wir müssen noch dafür Sorge tragen, dass die Umgehung von diesem Sanktionsregime so nicht stattfinden kann. Und ich ersuche Sie, in Betracht zu ziehen, die Sanktionen um den Rohstoff Holz zu erweitern. Der Wald ist in Weißrussland fast zu 100 Prozent in Staatsbesitz. Das Holz wird international verkauft und bringt Devisen direkt in die Staatskasse von Lukaschenka. Und so finanzieren wir direkt weiter die Unterdrückung der Bevölkerung. Bitte ziehen Sie das in Betracht, Holz mit auf die Sanktionsliste aufzunehmen.


  Anna Zalewska (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Koleżanki i Koledzy! Na granicy białoruskiej przebywają legalnie imigranci, którzy zostali przywiezieni, którzy przylecieli i zapłacili za to pieniądze. Nie mają dokumentów, nie chcą przyjąć azylu. Pomoc humanitarna stoi na granicy polsko-białoruskiej. Reżim Łukaszenki nie wpuszcza pomocy humanitarnej. Polska – przy pomocy 1800 żołnierzy i Straży Granicznej, przy pomocy 180 kilometrów muru – broni Polski i Unii Europejskiej przed kolejną drogą nielegalnej imigracji, nielegalnego handlu ludźmi.

Musimy być razem, musimy mówić jednym głosem, działać mocniej, szybciej, tak by być skutecznym i mówić tak samo. Jeden z polskich posłów użył niewłaściwych sformułowań, posługując się dezinformacją, fake newsami. Potraktujmy to jako niebezpieczny, ale jednak wyskok.


  Andrzej Halicki (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Wolność więźniom politycznym! Tak, wszyscy prześladowani na Białorusi muszą uzyskać wolność, w tym polski dziennikarz Andrzej Poczobut, liderka mniejszości polskiej Andżelika Borys, ale tysiące Białorusinów prześladowanych muszą być wolnymi ludźmi, bo są Europejczykami, mają do tego pełne prawo.

Ale Unia Europejska musi podjąć także kroki prawne. Skoro Aleksander Łukaszenka jest szefem mafijnej grupy przestępczej szmuglującej ludzi, łamie prawo europejskie, terroryzuje swój naród. Musimy podjąć kroki prawne. W poniedziałek w Norymberdze odbywa się konferencja prawników, która przygotowuje projekt postawienia Aleksandra Łukaszenki przed Międzynarodowym Trybunałem Sprawiedliwości. Musimy się do tego przyłączyć. Tak, Aleksander Łukaszenka musi trafić przed Trybunał. Musi być w Parlamencie Europejskim biuro informacyjne dla białoruskiej opozycji. Musimy mieć konferencję wysokiego szczebla, bo musimy działać skutecznie i potrzebny jest piąty pakiet sankcji.

Ale musimy też mówić jednym głosem o granicy i jej szczelności. Niezależnie od tego, kto rządzi w Polsce, kto będzie rządził i kto będzie rządził na Litwie, i rządzi dzisiaj. Granica musi być szczelna, a do tego potrzebna jest nasza pełna europejska współpraca. Także...

(Przewodniczący odebrał mówcy głos)


  Pierfrancesco Majorino (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, da più di un anno assistiamo ad un peggioramento drammatico della situazione dei diritti umani in Bielorussia. Circa 700 sono oggi i prigionieri politici, tra loro i principali oppositori e le voci libere del paese. Quasi 5 000 sono invece i procedimenti penali aperti contro quei cittadini che pacificamente hanno manifestato contro l'esito falsificato delle elezioni e per le loro libertà fondamentali.

Di fronte a questa inaccettabile repressione l'Unione non è stata a guardare, ha messo in campo anche sanzioni giuste. Bisogna mostrare fermezza, continuare, non arretrare rispetto alla necessaria tutela dei diritti umani. È poi estremamente preoccupante la situazione umanitaria al confine tra Bielorussia e Polonia ed è anche vero che da parte della Bielorussia c'è un uso strumentale dei migranti.

Ecco l'Europa – è bene ribadirlo con grande chiarezza – non può in nessun modo abbandonare chi fugge da situazioni così drammatiche.


  Ivars Ijabs (Renew). – Dārgais prezidenta kungs, dārgā Johansones kundze! Gadu pēc baltkrievu tautas brīvības un demokrātijas centienu apspiešanas Baltkrievija atrodas tuvāk Krievijas militāri politiskam placdarmam un tālāk no partnerības ar Eiropu kā jebkad iepriekš. Un šis režīms ir kara stāvoklī ar saviem pilsoņiem. Taču Lukašenko diktatūra tikpat necilvēcīgi par munīciju hibrīdkarā ir padarījusi patvēruma meklētājus uz Eiropas Savienības ārējās robežas, proti, Polijā, Lietuvā un Latvijā. Mūsu rīcībai ir jābūt adekvātai. Uz katru jaunu šādu cilvēktiesību pārkāpumu režīmam mums ir jāatbild ar mērķētām sankcijām pret režīma dalībniekiem un amatpersonām. Tieši šajā kontekstā ir taisnīgi un pareizi liegt brīvas ceļošanas iespējas uz Eiropas Savienību Lukašenko režīma pārstāvjiem. Es tiešām ceru, ka visas dalībvalstis jau drīzumā atbalstīs šo lēmumu. Taču, lai arī cik drūma neizskatītos Baltkrievijas šodiena, mēs nedrīkstam norakstīt Baltkrieviju kā potenciāli eiropeisku valsti un samierināties ar tās briestošu iekļaušanu Krievijā tagadnē. Mēs nevarēsim panākt Baltkrievijas pārveidi vienīgi ar Eiropas iespēju solīšanas burkānu un sankciju instrumentiem vien. Mums ir jāspēcina Baltkrievijas demokrātiskā opozīcija. Жыве Беларусь!


  Beata Kempa (ECR). – Panie przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Tę debatę warto zacząć od przesłania słów solidarności z aresztowanymi działaczami mniejszości polskiej na Białorusi Andrzejem Poczobutem i Andżeliką Borys oraz z setkami zatrzymanych białoruskich aktywistów. Moja ojczyzna, Polska, znalazła się na celowniku hybrydowego ataku ze strony białoruskiego reżimu wspieranego przez przesyłanych z Moskwy ekspertów KGB. Chcę powiedzieć tu jasno: nie ma bezpiecznej Unii bez bezpiecznych granic Polski, Litwy, Łotwy.

Z jednej strony trzeba nam jasno i wyraźnie powiedzieć, że tuby propagandowe KGB wysyłają w świat dezinformację i fake newsy szkalujące Polskę i polskie służby, straż graniczną, wojsko, a polscy funkcjonariusze są fizycznie atakowani przez białoruskich prowokatorów i pograniczników. I dzisiaj trzeba im bardzo podziękować za to, że strzegą granic Polski i strzegą granic Unii Europejskiej. Dzisiaj Parlament Europejski i wszystkie instytucje europejskie powinny stanąć w jednym szeregu przeciwko reżimowi Łukaszenki. Potrzebne są potężne sankcje.


  Jeroen Lenaers (PPE). – Voorzitter, mevrouw de commissaris, collega’s, het is belangrijk om continu onze afschuw uit te blijven spreken over het regime van Loekasjenko. De bevolking in Belarus snakt naar vrijheid, democratie en recht, maar blijft achter met martelingen, censuur en dictatuur. Zij verdienen onze hulp. Het is dan ook cruciaal dat we als Europa alle democratische krachten in Belarus blijven ondersteunen om vrije en eerlijke verkiezingen af te dwingen. Het is goed dat de diverse sanctiepakketten zijn geactiveerd, maar het is niet genoeg. Ieder individu dat zich schuldig maakt aan repressie moet aangepakt worden, en Loekasjenko en zijn handlangers moeten ook internationaal ter verantwoording geroepen worden voor hun misdaden tegen de menselijkheid.

Daarnaast moeten we een sterke reactie hebben op de hybride oorlogsvoering van Loekasjenko tegen de EU door kwetsbare migranten te gebruiken als politieke pionnen in door de staat georganiseerde mensensmokkel. Ongezien en onacceptabel, met dodelijke gevolgen. En we moeten daartegen optreden, want als we dat niet doen, dan zullen op termijn alleen maar meer mensen in gevaar gebracht worden. We moeten onze grenzen en onze waarden verdedigen.


  Der Präsident. – Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Für 13.00 Uhr ist die erste Abstimmungsrunde vorgesehen.

(Die Aussprache wird unterbrochen.)

Последно осъвременяване: 19 април 2024 г.Правна информация - Политика за поверителност