Doslovný záznam ze zasedání

Čtvrtek, 21. října 2021 - Štrasburk

4. Výsledky summitu EU – západní Balkán (rozprava)

  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärungen des Rates und der Kommission zu den Ergebnissen des Westbalkan-Gipfels (2021/2930(RSP)).

Ich darf zu diesem Tagesordnungspunkt auch den Vertreter des Rates, Herrn Außenminister Anže Logar, und Frau Kommissarin McGuinness begrüßen – herzlich willkommen in unserer Aussprache.

  Anže Logar, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, Madam Commissioner, honourable Members, the Slovenian Presidency has devoted special attention to the Western Balkan partners and their future in the European Union. The region is of great strategic importance for the Union, and maintaining a constructive engagement is key for the region.

I am therefore particularly happy to discuss with you the outcome of the EU—Western Balkans Summit in Brdo, hosted by our Presidency and chaired by the President of the European Council, which was a cornerstone event. The summit served to strengthen our ties and stressed the importance of our relations. It allowed us to emphasise that the EU remains the predominant partner and investor in the region. The system and the close partnership during the COVID—19 pandemic were notably underlined.

The Union also reconfirmed its commitment to the enlargement process based upon credible reforms by partners, fair and rigorous conditionality and the principle of own merits. The Brdo Declaration, which was agreed at the summit, highlights these themes as well as the other important aspects.

Let me recall some key features that were discussed. In order to foster the region’s socio—economic recovery, leaders discussed ways to intensify their engagement, building on concrete deliverables, notably the economic and investment plan and the green agenda for the Western Balkans. The summit also agreed a set of concrete deliverables, such as the agreement on a roadmap towards lowering roaming costs between the EU and the Western Balkans.

Let me also recall that fundamental values and principles, notably rule of law, independent justice and strong democratic institutions, remain key. The Union’s assistance will continue to be linked to tangible progress in the area of rule of law and socio—economic reforms, as well as to the Western Balkans partners, adherence to EU values, rules and standards. Inclusive regional cooperation and the strengthening of good neighbourly relations, including with EU Member States, remain important.

So does the need to make further efforts to foster reconciliation and regional stability. In order to ensure the stability of the region and strengthen regional cooperation, ways to deepen our security and strategic engagement were also discussed by the leaders.

Finally, it was agreed to hold an EU—Western Balkans summit as a regular event in the future, a decision that reaffirms the Union’s shared commitment to reinvigorating and enhancing our political dialogue with the region of the Western Balkans.

To conclude, the summit was successful and appreciated by both the EU and the countries of Western Balkans. It was a timely and important event showing our commitment to the shared objective of a strong, stable and united Europe.

I would like to take this opportunity to particularly thank the European Parliament for your role in promoting a sustained and constructive engagement with the Western Balkans and in the strengthening of your important ties. I guess future presidencies will need and will count on your support as well.

  Mairead McGuinness, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, thank you very much for holding this debate to discuss the outcome of the EU Western Balkans summit on 6 October. Our thanks too to the Slovenian Presidency for hosting the event.

The summit was an important opportunity to reconfirm the European perspective of the Western Balkans and the deep links between the European Union and our Western Balkan partners. We are all Europe. We share the same values, geography, history and culture. But most of all, we share the responsibility to build a better common future. We owe it to our citizens.

The enlargement process is at the core of our relations. It has a transformative power, upholding European values and supporting reforms. It is a strategic objective we share, which unites the whole region and the European Union. It is important that it is clearly stated in the summit declaration.

The summit provided a clear analysis of the needs and reforms required, and a strong sense of prioritisation. Together, the European Union and the Western Balkans agreed on a number of tangible measures linked to the implementation of the Economic and Investment Plan. This plan remains the EU’s blueprint for financial engagement in the region and aims to mobilise EUR 30 billion to spur the long-term recovery of the Western Balkans and foster their convergence with the EU.

We agreed on an agenda on innovation, research, education, culture, youth and sport. In practice, this means promoting scientific excellence, reforming the region’s education systems, creating further opportunities for youth, and hopefully reversing the trend of brain drain from the region.

We have also prepared a detailed action plan for the implementation of the Green Agenda to support energy transition, a circular economy, the reduction of pollution and greenhouse gas emissions, the protection of biodiversity, and sustainable farming and food production. We also made progress on developing a roadmap and glide path for the voluntary reduction of roaming charges to roam like at home. We want to extend the way we use our mobile connections anywhere in the EU to the region, without crippling costs.

These are not only tangible measures for citizens in the region. It shows how closely EU policy priorities are mirrored in our work with the region. This is also reflected in the agreement to enhance cooperation between the EU and Western Balkan partners on core security issues such as cyber, hybrid, disinformation, space issues and military mobility, countering illicit firearms trafficking, and counterterrorism.

A clear message was also that reforms in the region are still needed. This includes reforms related to political and economic governance, rule of law and media freedom, and promoting a vibrant civil society. Further and decisive efforts by the Western Balkans are also crucial to deliver on their commitment to establish a common regional market. Of course, the EU will continue to support the region in those efforts, including through a recently adopted instrument on pre-accession assistance. In Brdo, we also agreed to hold regular summits with the region. This confirms the importance of this part of Europe to the European Union.

Over the past months, we have followed a series of public and civic initiatives and contributions by citizens from the region to the Conference on the Future of Europe. And indeed, we should listen to all Europeans, including those in the Western Balkans, on issues that matter for our common future.

  David McAllister, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, the European perspective of our partners in the Western Balkans is in our mutual interest and remains our strategic choice. With the visit of Commission President Ursula von der Leyen last month and the EU Western Balkans Summit two weeks ago in Brdo, the European Union has once again demonstrated its strong political commitment to the Western Balkan countries and the entire accession process.

Having a closer look at the Brdo declaration, I would see five important positive messages to our partners.

Firstly, it is reconfirmed the European perspective of the region and our commitment to enlargement. Secondly, the EU has provided EUR 3.3 billion for emergency support and for supporting the recovery. In addition, the EU together with the Member States, has delivered almost three million doses of vaccines already.

Thirdly, the heads of state have called for a swift implementation of the economic and investment plan and the new IPA III regulation. Fourthly, other very practical measures were agreed to associate the region more closely to us in the European Union, such as to lower roaming charges. And fifthly, the European Union reaffirmed its support to strengthen regional cooperation.

Recent concerning events have shown how deep the divisions run and how much work is still needed to build good and sustainable neighbourly relations. Allow me to thank Commissioner Várhelyi for presenting the enlargement package yesterday at an extraordinary meeting of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. During our discussion, we welcomed the restated commitment of the Western Balkans partners to the primacy of democracy, fundamental rights and values.

EU support must continue to be linked to tangible progress on the rule of law and socio—economic reforms, as well as to the adherence of our European values, rules and standards.

A final point: as we enter a critical juncture for the future of the EU and its enlargement, the EU and the Member States must clear the hurdles precluding us from switching gears in the accession process for countries that show a strong commitment to reforms.

  Tonino Picula, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, we welcome that the Slovenian Presidency organised this summit as one of their priorities, but we cannot hide our dissatisfaction with the overall outcome. When there are no decisions on the dates for concrete actions and when even using the word ‘enlargement’ becomes an issue, we must react.

It’s true that some significant steps were taken, such as adopting the IPA free pre-accession financial instrument and substantial financial commitment has been made throughout the region as well. Nevertheless, we need more political engagement and commitment.

As a group we particularly insist that all countries in the region uphold fundamental rights and the rule of law, defend freedom of media, fight corruption, and we will not compromise on these issues. What worries us is that we are witnessing unrest across the region. Typical patterns of foreign interference and public support for the EU is falling.

As a long-term solution and effective driver of reforms, we propose a credible and reachable European perspective for the Western Balkans countries. We must not shy away from calling out on all of the negative trends and backsliding. Still, we must deliver on our political commitments towards countries that did everything we asked for.

The Western Balkans is a real test of the credibility of the European Union’s declared geopolitical ambitions. Therefore, the accession talks with North Macedonia and Albania, but also regarding the visa-free regime for Kosovo should be approved immediately.

  Ilhan Kyuchyuk, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Mr President, I welcome the past EU—Western Balkans Summit and its conclusions not only because the most important historical lesson for Europe is investing in integration of the continent, but because such public expressions of solidarity are more important than ever, as disinformation campaigns attempt to create divisions have recently been very strong in the Western Balkans.

It shows that any hurdle can be overcome in the commitment to the enlargement process and that fully—fledged EU membership is the ultimate goal. The EU’s commitment to provide nearly EUR 30 billion in grants and investments over seven years in order to aid development and propel Western Balkan countries towards membership is real proof that we stand side by side with our partners and reaffirm our unequivocal support for the region’s European perspective.

However, the enlargement process does not only depend on the level of economic growth, but also on many other achievements, among which are the rule of law, democracy and, last but not least, good neighbourly relations. We have the current examples for this: the provocation on the Kosovo—Serbia border shows us how fragile the peace in the region is, or the difficulties between Bulgaria and North Macedonia to find a compromise on the bilateral dispute demonstrate to us what the role of the past is in the region. I believe we should continue to support Western Balkans in carrying out all those necessary reforms because the European Union and alignment with its values and standards remain the greatest unifying factor for all the people of the Western Balkans.

Having said that, I urge both North Macedonia and Bulgaria to finally resume a constructive dialogue in order to achieve sustainable results. Reaching a compromise over an action plan of concrete measures could foster the whole EU integration, and I think the further delays will put at risk the credibility, objectivity and reliability of the accession process.

  Viola Von Cramon-Taubadel, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, the European promise made to the Western Balkans in 2003 never seemed more distant. It relied on the premise that the EU was a club of best democracy standards, where the rule of law is upheld and fundamental rights are protected, and that such a club has a place for them once they meet the criteria. Neither we are that club anymore, nor does the Western Balkans have incentives to undergo painful reforms. On the contrary, the situation is gloomy, with almost no light at the end of the enlargement tunnel. What we witnessed before and during the last Western Balkans summit was a parade of hypocrisy, empty words, autocratic appeasement and, above all, pretence.

The EU pretends that it wants to enlarge to the Western Balkans, while those countries pretend that they are conducting reforms to join the club. The current approach not only undermines our efforts to democratise these countries, but also endangers peace – as we have recently seen in the north of Kosovo and in Bosnia with a succession threat.

It has to stop, and we need a fundamentally different Balkan policy. Albania and North Macedonia deserve to start accession negotiations immediately as the EU cannot afford to lose its overall credibility due to the Bulgarian veto. Kosovo met all the criteria for visa liberalisation years ago, and the Commission in return reiterates that. But young Kosovans are still prevented from travelling freely like their peers from Lisbon to the Tbilisi.

Furthermore, we will prove our credibility by being fair and strict to the countries that have democratic backsliding, like in Serbia. If we continue the appeasement approach towards autocratic and corrupted leaders such as Aleksandar Vučić and Milo Đukanović, we risk losing again a chance to democratise the region and bring it closer to the Union. The membership promise must become credible again. That is our task. Robust engagement and reinforcing IFOR (International Fellowship of Reconciliation) in Bosnia. Opening accession talks with Albania, North Macedonia, visa liberalisation for Kosovo and strict conditionality for Serbia and Montenegro is the way to become credible in the Western Balkans.

The Western Balkans is not our neighbourhood. It is in our yard. This region means so much for European security, migration and border management, but also for culture and education as we share so much together. If the EU cannot play a pivotal role there, then our dream of becoming a geopolitical Union is indeed just a dream.

  Julie Lechanteux, au nom du groupe ID. – Monsieur le Président, Madame le Commissaire, comme d’habitude lors des sommets européens sur les Balkans occidentaux, la réunion qui s’est tenue en Slovénie le 6 octobre dernier n’a enregistré aucune avancée significative. L’Union européenne procède, comme à son habitude, de manière inconsidérée à un élargissement à des pays qui sont bien loin d’avoir intégré le b.a.-ba de l’acquis communautaire et pour qui la promotion de notre mode de vie européen reste une chimère.

En effet, comment est-il possible de proposer une adhésion à des contrées caractérisées par des situations politiques et géopolitiques d’une grande complexité comme l’Albanie et la Macédoine du Nord, ou encore comme le Kosovo qui, je le rappelle, est une entité non reconnue comme État souverain par cinq États membres de l’Union européenne? Ces pays sont plus connus pour des faits de corruption, des trafics en tous genres et l’actualité judiciaire de leurs dirigeants.

Dans toute cette région des Balkans occidentaux, un seul peuple nous est proche et partage nos valeurs. C’est le peuple serbe, un peuple qui, dans les moments difficiles de l’histoire, a toujours choisi le camp de la démocratie et de la liberté, et qui a fait de l’amitié franco-serbe un point d’honneur de son action politique sur le plan international, et ce, malgré l’horreur des bombardements de l’OTAN en 1999.

  Ангел Джамбазки, от името на групата ECR. – Декларацията от Бърдо, приета в резултат на срещата на високо равнище, е поредният документ, изобилстващ от клишета, празни приказки и нищоказване. Там се говори много за европейски ценности, за върховенство на закона, за основни права и прочие, и прочие, и прочие.

Възмутен съм от лицемерието и двуличието на колегите, които се изказаха досега. Уважаеми колеги, уважаеми го казвам от благоприличие, говорите ми за компромис. За какъв компромис, бе, колеги? Ние ви повтаряме и ви показваме драстично нарушаване на човешките права в Република Северна Македония, отказ от правото на национално самоопределение, заличаване на българска историческа, военна и културна памет. Доказваме го със снимки, доказваме го с кадри, и вие ми говорите за компромис. С кое компромис, с паметта на нашите деди ли искате да направим? С кое да направим компромис, с това, че в Република Северна Македония управляват мъпети, управлявани от Белград и от Москва, и вие се правите, че не го виждате? И тези марионетни правителства там се опитват да попречат на българите да се самоопределят като такива. С това ли искате да правим компромис? Нали върховенството ви на закона, нали върховната ви ценност европейска беше правото на самоопределение и това всеки да се определя, какъвто се чувства? Защо отказвате това на българите в днешна Република Северна Македония? Не виждате ли тези процеси?

Преди една седмица ви показах снимки, снимки, на които се вижда как български военни гробища са превърнати във външна тоалетна. Уважаема Комисар Макгинес, не Ви виждам, но искрено се надявам в момента да не плетете терлички, да решавате судоку или да редите пасианс, а да ме слушате и настоявам да ми отговорите. Какво ще направи Комисията, за да възстанови Република Северна Македония българския военен паметник над град Кавадарци, превърнат във външна тоалетна? Настоявам, показах Ви снимките, видяхте това нещо. Ако белгийски, ако френски, ако английски, ако италиански военни гробища бъдат третирани по същия начин, пак ли ще искате компромис и защо непрекъснато искате компромис, който да бъде само и единствено за сметка на нашата памет, на паметта на нашите деди? Защо не се обърнете, много по-лесно ще бъде за Вас? Искате да започнете веднага преговори с Република Северна Македония и с Република Албания. Чудесно, ами обърнете се към тези, които са под пряката команда на Белград и на Кремъл в Скопие, и им кажете следното нещо: възстановете всички мемориали, български военни гробища, които сте разрушили в нарушение на Женевската конвенция, спрете политиката си на насилие и тормоз над хората с българско национално самосъзнание, след това променете учебниците си и извадете от тях приказките на омразата. Ето ви елементарните неща, които могат да се направят.

Вие, колеги, се правите, че не разбирате какво искаме ние от властта в Северна Македония. Искаме върховенство на закона за местните българи, искаме гарантиране на правото на самоопределение за местните българи, искаме запазване на нашето културно и историческо наследство. Това искаме, уважаеми колеги, нищо повече, нищо по-малко. Ако и сега не сте го разбрали, вашето място не е в Европейския парламент, а в друга институция, с по-ясно изразен профил, който да може да помогне на хора, които не разбират от това да им се казват прости изречения. Но аз съм сигурен, че разбирате, а просто искате от нас да направим компромиса, защото така сте си решили, и това е много глупаво. Тази политика отблъсква народите на Балканите от идеята за единен Европейски съюз. Вие сте най-големите врагове на идеята за Европейския съюз, защото се опитвате да унижите цял един народ и цяла една нация, и ние не можем да разберем защо го правите. Няма никаква логика да се опитвате да унижите цяла една нация.

Г-жо Макгинес, надявам се привлякох Вашето внимание и настоявам за ясен и точен отговор: кога и при какви обстоятелства Европейската комисия ще застави правителството на Северна Македония да възстанови унищожените български военни гробища? Ако не знаете, има Женевска конвенция. Тази Женевска конвенция, почитаема г-жо, третира и военните гробища и държи всяка една държава да пази военните гробища и да уважава паметта на загиналите войници.

И в последната една минута нека ви обърна внимание върху цялата ви политика на Западните Балкани. Тя е дълбоко погрешна. Вие се правите, че не разбирате голямото влияние на Белград и неговата роля в дестабилизацията на целия район, вие се правите, че не виждате голямата роля на Кремъл. Знаете ли къде е Кремъл, знаете ли кой живее в Кремъл и кой работи в Кремъл? Ако не знаете, мога да ви разкажа, но ако не знаете как са породени конфликтите на Балканите, прочетете малко история и вижте ролята на Кремъл на Балканите, която продължава и до ден-днешен. А вие адвокатствате на тази роля, нали сте много за свободата, нали сте много за демокрацията, нали сте много за върховенството на закона? Защо вървите срещу тези принципи? Защо не говорите и не заставите тези правителства всъщност да изпълнят това, което трябва да се направи? Пътят на унижението на една цяла нация, за да отворите вратата за марионетни правителства на Кремъл и на Белград, е дълбоко погрешен. По този начин насаждате тежко разочарование от идеята за Европейския съюз у българската нация. Така че, уважаеми, ако искате преговорите с Македония, заставете властта там да уважава българите в Македония.

  Mick Wallace, on behalf of The Left Group. – Mr President, more than half the Western Balkans put in the EU membership applications over 13 years ago. Some have lost interest, others doubt it will ever happen.

The EU can’t make clear statement on the matter. President Charles Michel said after the summit, ‘there is a desire to work towards progress on enlargement’. After over 20 years of dangling the prospect of EU membership in front of the Western Balkans, vague and distant statements like this must make the people of the Balkan states wonder.

The Albanians who put down their weapons in 1999 did so surrounded by promises from the EU that never materialised. What did happen was a string of leaders vetted by the West allowed the market to rip through their most valuable assets. Privatisation and fire sale of said assets has resulted in the disposal of laws that protected workers’ rights and strong education, health and social-security programmes. Prioritising foreign direct investment meant disaster for local industry.

The EU asked these accession states to address corruption, if they do then they have to reverse some of the predatory buying of state properties that went to US, EU Member States’, Turkish and Israeli companies for peanuts.

For fear more of more eyes turning to Russia and China, our friends in the US now want to speed up things. But much of the trust is gone and, thankfully, a more independently minded leadership is growing in the region.

  Kinga Gál (NI). – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! A nyugat-balkáni régió stabilitása – mi mind jól tudjuk – az EU biztonsági, geopolitikai és gazdasági érdeke. A Bizottság e héten megjelent országjelentései szerint is ezek az országok a nehézségek ellenére értek el előrehaladást számos területen az EU-tagság érdekében. Mégsincs előrelépés konkrét dátummal a bővítés területén, csak bővítési ígéretek vannak az Unió részéről. Ennek negatív hatása már érzékelhető a Nyugat-Balkánon. A térségben nagy a kiábrándultság és ezt a nyugat-balkáni csúcstalálkozó sem volt elég, hogy ellensúlyozza. Ha az Unió nem tesz mielőbb konkrét lépéseket, akkor elveszíthetjük ezen államok bizalmát a tagállamok felé és harmadik országok növelik tovább befolyásukat a térségben.

Mi magyarok aktívan részt veszünk a térség stabilitásának fenntartásában, Magyarország épp most vette át a KFOR parancsnokságát. Mi határozottan kiállunk Szerbia és Montenegró mielőbbi felvétele mellett, Albániával és Észak-Macedóniával való tárgyalások megkezdéséért és vízumliberalizációért. Nyugat-Balkán Európa szerves része, a régió országait minden oldalról az EU veszi körül, ezért szükség van a bővítésre mielőbb.

  Андрей Ковачев (PPE). – Г-н министър, г-жо Комисар, аз и моите колеги от България, както и българската държава, винаги сме подкрепяли интеграцията на Западните Балкани. Това е в наш интерес, европейски интерес. Европейската интеграция обаче е двустранен процес, както ние трябва да сме готови, така и страните от Западните Балкани трябва да положат максимални усилия да преодолеят всичко това, което ги е разделяло и ни е разделяло в миналото. Г-н министър, в останалите няколко месеца от Вашето Председателство нека да положите максимални усилия за нещата, които казаха някои от колегите.

Визите за Косово, това трябва да бъде наистина преустановено, тази дискриминация срещу гражданите на Косово. Започването на преговори. Да, когато реално не можем да направим максималното, което искаме, поне с Албания да започнем преговори. Аз не мога да разбера защо щом 27 държави членки казват „да“ за започването на преговори, защо да не се започне поне с Албания, да се даде малко положителен сигнал към нещо добро да се случва на Балканите? И да положим максимални усилия за преодоляване на последните пречки по отношение на добросъседството, намирането на взаимноприемлива пътна карта, която да влезе в преговорната рамка като гаранция за това, че ще се изпълняват и Договорът за добросъседство с България, и всички неща, свързани с основни човешки права на българите, които са дискриминирани изключително тежко, за съжаление го казвам това, в Република Северна Македония.

Наследството на комунизма, колкото и да е странно за някои от колегите, но повтарям втори път, наследството на комунизма и диктатурата на Тито (въпреки че Тито е скъсал със Сталин, това не означава, че той е някакъв добър демократ) нямат място в Европейския съюз. Това е въпрос, не билатерален спор, а основен въпрос за човешките права, който трябва да бъде преодолян по пътя на европейската интеграция. Желая от сърце колкото се може по-бързо всички граждани на Западните Балкани да станат и европейски граждани. Това е в наш основен интерес, но по този път трябва да се преодолее миналото и комунизмът. Комунизмът не е добро нещо.

  Pedro Marques (S&D). – Mr President, the Western Balkans Summit was an opportunity to reaffirm the region’s European perspective. The timing was good: the relevance was enormous. However, the conclusions were, we have to say, disappointing. When it was time to give a clear signal to those countries that are on a positive path to entering the European Union, the Council failed on giving them that sign.

Albania and North Macedonia are ready to start accession talks with the EU. It would have been an incentive for them and for the whole region to proceed with the necessary reforms. At the same time, it would deter the growing influence of some democratic powers in the region. The EU must reward the merit of those who did what they were supposed to. For those who did not, there must be a different outcome.

The EU cannot bend the rules and, in particular, it must be strong on the rule of law criteria. The rule of law is not a formality; it’s a pillar of democracy. There can be no compromise on it. There is a well-established accession road to the EU, and the EU must stick to it, for better and for worse. Only that way are we credible in the world.

  Klemen Grošelj (Renew). – (začetek govora z izklopljenim mikrofonom) ... goreč podpornik širitve, pa moramo priznati, da pravzaprav enotne vizije širitve v Evropski uniji nimamo.

Na eni strani imamo del držav članic, ki ne podpira širitve oziroma ima do nje zadržke zaradi notranjepolitičnih razlogov, povzročenih tudi z nespoštovanjem vladavine prava dela držav članic kot tudi z zlorabo migracijskega vprašanja. Na drugi strani je del članic, ki ima težave z vladavino prava in uporablja širitev kot talca oziroma kot sredstvo pritiska in poglabljanja prepada oziroma delitve znotraj Evropske unije.

Potem so tu še voditelji Zahodnega Balkana, ki širitev po potrebi uporabljajo za notranjepolitične potrebe, bodisi da na eni strani zavlačujejo z reformami bodisi to izrabljajo za utrjevanje svoje politične moči, ko jim seveda to ugaja. Ko jim to ne ugaja, seveda, so potem zopet proti sami širitvi.

A tu so še ljudje – prebivalci EU in prebivalci Zahodnega Balkana. Na eni strani prebivalci EU zaradi debat okoli vladavine prava oziroma predvsem zaradi nespoštovanja načel vladavine prava v delu Evropske unije izgubljajo vero v samo EU. Na drugi strani so ljudje v regiji, ki zaradi vsega dogajanja oziroma predvsem nekritične drže Evropske komisije do samega dogajanja v regiji počasi izgubljajo zaupanje v Evropsko unijo.

Zato je zdaj morda čas za deklaracijo in tudi politične odločitve, ne v tem domu, ampak predvsem v Svetu EU, ki bodo nam vsem, tistim v EU kot tistim na Zahodnem Balkanu, nalile vsaj drobec čistega vina in pojasnile, kakšna je pravzaprav prihodnost tako imenovanega širitvenega procesa.

  Thomas Waitz (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, yes, we have been talking about Albania and North Macedonia. We, as the European Union, gave them clear conditions which they had to fulfil for us to start negotiation talks, and both countries have fulfilled all the requirements.

In terms of Albania, they made very brave justice reforms, and when it comes to North Macedonia, in all of these countries not everything is perfect yet. That’s why we are not negotiating here or debating here about finally accepting them as partners within the European Union. But we’re talking about starting negotiation talks. And what are negotiation talks? They’re about talking about all the problems, all the reforms, all the progress that is still needed. They’re exactly the platform to also talk about bilateral disputes, which several countries may have with several others.

I really call on Bulgaria to lift that deadlock for that region. To Mr Dzhambazki I say, as far as I know, your party has not been re-elected to the Bulgarian parliament twice, so Bulgarian citizens are not supporting your hatred speech, your deepening of the division. As far as I know, they have elected you out of the Bulgarian Parliament. It would be really important for Bulgaria to stand together with the European partners and to lift the deadlock and to start negotiations finally. We still have a majority in the regions that are pro-European, but the majorities are shrinking and we shouldn’t wait all too long, and this is a huge responsibility for all of us, but especially for Bulgaria in that situation.

On Montenegro: Montenegro is still the frontrunner when it comes to the negotiations. They have opened the most chapters of all the countries in the region. Yes, we’re having a very difficult situation and we need European influence, we need honest European brokers that help with the debate within the country between the former leading party of Mr Djukanovic, DPS, and the current coalition because they need two-thirds majorities for the juridical reforms that are urgently needed. We should help out there.

The last word, on Serbia: Serbia is an important partner in the region. Serbia is a great nation. But you know the European Union is about overcoming historical disputes. It’s about overcoming historical claims on land and whatsoever. I’m an Austrian citizen, what shall I tell you? That’s what the European Union is about, and it’s about looking at the commonalities on what we share and whoever knows the Balkans region knows that the whole Balkans region is sharing a lot: much, much more than divides the different groups, ethnical or religioous, from each other.

So I call on Serbia to use your influence to look at the shared heritage, the shared values, the shared cultural identity in the region, and use your influence for more peace, for better cooperation and for progress towards joining the European Union.

  Nicolaus Fest (ID). – Herr Präsident, Herr Minister, Frau Kommissarin! Vor zwei Wochen sprach hier ein Spanier mit einem ähnlichen Slogan und jemand übrigens, der immer für die Unabhängigkeit Kataloniens eintritt. Ich dachte, das ist eine richtige Idee.

Natürlich, jedes Volk hat einen Anspruch auf Schutz seiner Traditionen, seiner Sprache, seiner Kultur und seiner Lebensgrundlagen. Und vor allem hat es eben auch einen Anspruch auf Schutz gegenüber dem deutlich rassistischen Projekt einer Massenmigration nach Europa.

Damit sind wir auch beim Westbalkan, denn die Völker haben nicht nur einen Anspruch auf Schutz vor Massenmigration, sondern sie haben auch einen Anspruch auf Schutz vor Kriminalität, vor Korruption. Und genau das sind die Hauptprobleme im Westbalkan, ganz abgesehen davon, dass wir überhaupt keine politische Lösung für die dort vorherrschenden Spannungen haben, die sich gerade zwischen Serbien und dem Kosovo wieder gezeigt haben.

Aber vor allem ist der Westbalkan eine Ländergruppe, die von der Korruption geradezu zerfressen ist. Kein einziges dieser Länder ist auf dem Transparency Index oberhalb von Kuba und Saudi-Arabien. Ich weiß gar nicht, wie das möglich ist. Man muss schon ziemlich viel tun, um deren Korruptionsstatus noch zu unterschreiten.

Vor allem aber ist in diesen Ländern auch die Mafia extrem aktiv. Albanien gilt inzwischen als eine der Drehscheiben des europäischen Drogenhandels, und nicht wenige bezeichnen Albanien bereits als Narco-Staat, also als einen Staat, in dem das Mafiageld alle staatlichen Strukturen beherrscht, auch die Presse, auch die Jurisdiktion.

Diese Staaten wollen Sie tatsächlich jetzt noch nach Europa hineinführen. Das ist übrigens auch ein Bruch des Versprechens, das wir nach dem Brexit hatten. Da hieß es vonseiten der Kommission: Ja, wir haben verstanden, keine weitere Erweiterung. Jetzt hat man das schon wieder vergessen.

Auch wirtschaftlich ist der Westbalkan im Übrigen völlig uninteressant. Insofern ist es ein Schwachsinnsprojekt. Und wenn ich jetzt höre, noch einmal 3,3 Milliarden, lieber Herr McAllister, dann kann ich nur sagen: 3,3 Milliarden sind auch hier vergeudet. Und das sind meistens 3,3 Milliarden deutsche Steuergelder.

  Der Präsident. – Meine Damen und Herren, ich darf Sie darüber in Kenntnis setzen – ich möchte das jetzt schon der Ordnung halber sagen –, dass unsere Geschäftsordnung eine sehr klare Regel beinhaltet.

Die klare Regel besagt, dass kein Mitglied dieses Hauses innerhalb dieses Hauses und des Plenums Transparente verwendet und ausstellt. Bis zur Stunde wurde diese Regel auch auf Kleidungsstücke angewendet. Nachdem es jetzt zum zweiten Mal zu einer derartigen Vorgangsweise kommt, werde ich dieses Thema, um hier für ein für alle Mal eine Klarstellung herbeizuführen, in der nächsten Sitzung des Präsidiums zur Sprache bringen, um diesen Geschäftsordnungspunkt detaillierter auszuführen.

Herzlichen Dank für Ihr Verständis dafür.

  Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Jestem zawiedziony wynikami szczytu na Słowenii, szczytu Unia-Bałkany Zachodnie, ponieważ te kraje zasługują, aby dać im pewną mapę drogową ich przyszłego wejścia do Unii Europejskiej.

Pamiętam nasze wizyty, również pan David McAllister je pamięta. Parę lat temu myśmy mówili przedstawicielom tych krajów, że ich akces nastąpi pod koniec lat 20., w tej dekadzie – tak się nie stanie. Pamiętajmy o skutkach politycznych, mianowicie są to kraje, które były nieraz historycznie w orbicie wpływów Rosji i jeżeli będziemy je odpychać od Unii czy też przedłużać tę drogę do Unii, to na tym będzie grała i na tym będzie korzystała Rosja. To warto powiedzieć, choć oczywiście w pierwszym okresie trzeba przyjmować Serbię, Czarnogórę, Macedonię Północną i inne kraje. To jednak jest bardziej skomplikowane.

  Δημήτριος Παπαδημούλης (The Left). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η ευρωπαϊκή προοπτική των Δυτικών Βαλκανίων είναι προς το κοινό μας συμφέρον, αλλά προχωρά πολύ αργά. Αποφασίστηκε το 2003 στη Σύνοδο Κορυφής της Θεσσαλονίκης και από τότε έχουν γίνει ελάχιστα βήματα. Όσο η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση βραδυπορεί να κάνει πράξη τις δεσμεύσεις της, το κενό θα το καλύπτουν άλλοι: η Ρωσία του Πούτιν· η Τουρκία του Ερντογάν και οι εθνικισμοί, όπως οι κραυγές που ακούσαμε από τον κύριο Dzhambazki πριν που, ευτυχώς, απορρίπτονται και από τον λαό της Βουλγαρίας.

Σας ζητώ ταχύτερα βήματα, και από εσάς στην Επιτροπή και από εσάς στο Συμβούλιο, κύριε Logar. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση πρέπει να καταρτίσει χρονοδιάγραμμα, να αναλάβει δεσμεύσεις, να δώσει κονδύλια και οι χώρες των Δυτικών Βαλκανίων πρέπει να προχωρήσουν ταχύτερα με τις δημοκρατικές μεταρρυθμίσεις και να εναρμονιστούν με τα κριτήρια της Κοπεγχάγης. Και εσείς πρέπει να κινήσετε αμέσως την έναρξη των ενταξιακών διαπραγματεύσεων και για τη Βόρεια Μακεδονία και για την Αλβανία. Γιατί η Βόρεια Μακεδονία έκανε μαζί με τη χώρα μου, την Ελλάδα, ένα σημαντικό βήμα που το χαιρέτισαν εδώ όλες οι πτέρυγες, τη Συμφωνία των Πρεσπών. Δεν μπορείτε, λοιπόν, να λέτε σε αυτούς τους λαούς «τσάι και συμπάθεια», περιμένετε σε ένα αόριστο μέλλον, διότι τότε θα μειώνεται η εμπιστοσύνη τους και προς την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και προς τη δημοκρατία.

  Λευτέρης Νικολάου-Αλαβάνος (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, οι εξελίξεις στα Δυτικά Βαλκάνια είναι επικίνδυνες. Παρά τους ανταγωνισμούς στο εσωτερικό της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης κλιμακώνεται η διείσδυση στην περιοχή για τους εμπορικούς διαδρόμους και τους δρόμους μεταφοράς ενέργειας, ενισχύονται οι αμερικανονατοϊκές βάσεις και οξύνεται ο ανταγωνισμός με τη Ρωσία, που προωθεί συμφέροντα δικών της μονοπωλίων και έχει στρατιωτική παρουσία, αλλά και με την Κίνα, που διεισδύει με ισχυρούς οικονομικούς ομίλους στο πλαίσιο της ένταξης των Βαλκανίων στο δρόμο του μεταξιού.

Η αστική τάξη της Ελλάδας παίζει κεντρικό ρόλο σε αυτά τα σχέδια. Στα πλαίσια της γεωστρατηγικής της αναβάθμισης, μετά τη «νατοϊκής κοπής» συμφωνία των Πρεσπών, ανέλαβε την αεροπορική επιτήρηση στη Βόρεια Μακεδονία, την Αλβανία, το Μαυροβούνιο. Παρέχει υποδομές, όπως το λιμάνι της Αλεξανδρούπολης, για πρόβες πολέμου με τη Ρωσία, στοχοποιώντας το λαό μας. Συμμετέχει σε επικίνδυνους ιμπεριαλιστικούς σχεδιασμούς που προωθούν αλλαγές συνόρων και μπορούν να οδηγήσουν σε νέα πολεμική ανάφλεξη.

Η όξυνση των αντιπαραθέσεων ομίλων και ιμπεριαλιστικών κέντρων στα Δυτικά Βαλκάνια προμηνύει και άλλα βάσανα για τους λαούς, που χρειάζεται σήμερα να κλιμακώσουν την κοινή τους πάλη ενάντια στα ιμπεριαλιστικά σχέδια για να κλείσουν οι ξένες βάσεις και για την αποδέσμευση από το ΝΑΤΟ και την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση.

  Michael Gahler (PPE). – Mr President, instead of technocratically confirming already taken decisions and bureaucratically assessing any pre-accession progress, I wonder why the danger of a break-up of Bosnia Herzegovina has not been an issue in this summit. The recent concrete steps towards the secession of the Republika Srpska undertaken by the nationalist leadership under Milorad Dodik should ring all alarm bells.

The votes in the Republika Srpska (RS) Assembly foreseen for next week are without precedent and, being illegal and unconstitutional as well as violating the Dayton Agreement, have the potential to generate concrete grounds for the RS leadership to pursue their secessionist agenda and thereby endangering stability and even peace in the whole Western Balkans.

I therefore urge the Office of the High Representative (OHR) and the EU to issue a strong and possibly joint statement condemning the vote in strong terms, as well as declaring it illegal. Further, I trust that in the coming weeks, the EU and the OHR will use all possible diplomatic influence and, finally also, the OHR Bonn powers to bring the nationalist forces in the Republika Srpska leadership to reason.

I wonder what concrete measures, including sanctions, or the removal from office of those responsible are being considered in order to maintain the territorial integrity of Bosnia Herzegovina and the peace in the region.

You know what happens if we allow Dodik to declare independence? The next day he will be recognised by Putin, who takes revenge for Kosovo, and the green men are probably already on standby somewhere, perhaps in a niche in the Russian information centre.

We cannot allow that to happen. Let us react properly and in time.

  Marek Belka (S&D). – Mr President, the future of the Western Balkans region will speak volumes about EU credibility as an economic and political power. We remain the region’s main trading and investment partner, but still have to achieve a lot more in geopolitical terms. It is both our moral duty and our strategic imperative to proceed with the integration process of our partners, even if we stumble into problems along the way.

The EU is well prepared in terms of providing funds and good practices, as the declared economic investment plan and the Western Balkans Guarantee Facility prove. However, we have to be certain that it is not money for nothing that we are putting in place. Political commitments agreed during the summit have to be transformed into reality, in which respect for the rule of law, legal certainty, respect for human and social rights, fighting corruption, and independent public institutions are working standards, not recommendations, in our integration dialogue.

We have to demand extra effort from both the candidate countries and ourselves to guarantee that the integration roadmap is being implemented, the acquis adopted and democratic standards are being upheld. Only then may we expect the integration process to be the success which we all wish to see.

  Valter Flego (Renew). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, poštovana povjerenice, poštovane kolegice i kolege, pa u stvari mi više od jednog desetljeća slušamo o tome da se Europska unija želi proširiti na zapadni Balkan. I samo slušamo i, u stvari, ništa više od toga. Na žalost, nismo se puno pomakli s početka.

Izgleda zbilja da se Europskoj uniji uopće ne žuri i uvijek dolaze neki novi prioriteti, i novi, i novi, ali bogami ni države u regiji nisu se oznojile od posla. I one znaju što trebaju učiniti, jasne su im reforme, ali, evo, nema žurbe. Dok se, dakle, s jedne strane Europska unija pretvara da je što skorije proširenje jedan od prioriteta Europske unije, zemlje pak iz regije za svoje kozmetičke promjene kažu i tvrde da su to temeljite reforme. Naravno da nisu, a nestabilnost, drage kolegice i kolege, raste, i raste, i vrlo vrlo opasno raste. Na žalost.

Zato shvatimo konačno da smo jedni drugima potrebni i neka čim prije završi ovaj nesretni status quo jer nema jake Unije bez proširenja na zapadni Balkan, ali ni stabilnog, ponavljam stabilnog i prosperitetnog zapadnog Balkana bez njegovog cjelovitog uključivanja u Europsku uniju.

Poštovani, vrijeme je za akciju, za konkretnu akciju i konkretna djela za uključivanje tih zemalja u Europsku uniju bez figa u džepu, bez kalkulacija, bez odugovlačenja. Krenimo, razgovarajmo, djelujemo, ali ne da prođe još jedno desetljeće u ovakvom statusu quo jer je to danas naše trenutno susjedstvo, naše dvorište za koje smo itekako zainteresirani kakvo će biti jer i mi ovisimo o tom susjedstvu i to mora postati sutra naša zajednička europska kuća.

  Tineke Strik (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, it is awful to conclude, but we must admit that the EU Member States are not committed to the Western Balkan region. Their permissive conclusions of the summit last week made that again painfully clear. The refusal to keep their promise towards countries making progress towards the EU accession criteria has a devastating impact. It hurts their economy, young people leave, Russia, China and Turkey fill the gap that the EU leaves and tensions rise in the whole region.

And some tensions are related to resistance against reforms. And we see a big crisis now in Bosnia—Herzegovina with the potential to escalate into another civil war. A vote is scheduled in the Republika Srpska (RS) Assembly to withdraw from the federal infrastructure of Bosnia—Herzegovina. Yesterday, they already took the first step with the RS medical agency. These decisions directly threaten the stability and peace in the region. It will blow up the Dayton agreement and throw the country back in time, far from the path towards succession.

And I wonder, do the High Representative and the Commission realise the urgency of this threat? The joint declaration of Mr Borrell and Mr Blinken called upon all parties to respect and protect state institutions. Why not a clear call upon Mr Dodik, who is playing with fire at the moment? We urge you to do everything you can to prevent these votes and also to show the consequences of the adoption of the votes beforehand, because the members of the RS Assembly must realise the impact of their decision before they take it. And we need to be reassured that the EU has prepared an adequate response. So, bring this crisis to the highest level of the Commission and discuss it in the EU Council tomorrow.

At the same time, we must keep our promise, start the negotiations talk with North Macedonia and Albania, make unambiguously clear that both countries already meet the criteria. Bilateral disputes are no justified reason to obstruct the start. I hope that the High Representative will affirm this very clearly, and I urge the Bulgarian government to lift the veto as soon as possible. Opening negotiations and granting visa liberalisation to Kosovo is not only deserved but necessary to regain the trust of their citizens and to reassure the people in the whole region that we generally welcome their European aspirations.

  Dominique Bilde (ID). – Monsieur le Président, le processus d’élargissement aux Balkans occidentaux est symptomatique du déficit démocratique de l’Union européenne. En effet, 59 % des Français sont opposés à ces nouvelles adhésions. Les chiffres d’autres États membres, comme l’Allemagne ou l’Autriche, sont à l’unisson. Ce rejet massif contraste avec l’apparent fait accompli émanant des instances européennes. Ainsi, la présidente de la Commission déclarait-elle, lors du sommet dont il est question aujourd’hui, que les Balkans faisaient d’ores et déjà partie de l’Union européenne.

Aberration démocratique, cet élargissement l’est également sur le plan social et économique. Tout d’abord parce qu’avec l’Albanie, le Kosovo et la Bosnie-Herzégovine, hors République serbe, l’Union intégrerait pour la première fois en son sein des États majoritairement musulmans et, surtout, gagnés par l’islam radical d’importation. De fait, la région s’est sinistrement démarquée par la plus forte concentration de djihadistes revenus de Syrie ou d’Irak en Europe. Des États comme la Bosnie-Herzégovine ou la Macédoine du Nord ont même publiquement et volontairement rapatrié certains d’entre eux.

Par ailleurs, alors que l’Union a perdu, avec le Brexit, un contributeur net important et l’une de ses locomotives économiques, ces pays accusent dans ce domaine un retard indéniable. Nos industries auront fatalement à souffrir d’une concurrence accrue au moins-disant salarial et social. L’Albanie se distingue à cet égard par le salaire minimal mensuel le plus bas d’Europe. Le secteur textile, qui amorce une timide renaissance dans ma région Grand Est, aura tôt fait d’être balayé par ce dumping massif.

Du reste, la Commission renie jusqu’à ses propres principes. Ainsi, Jean-Claude Juncker théorisait-il en 2018 que la résolution des litiges frontaliers serait une condition préalable à toute nouvelle adhésion. Or, le processus d’élargissement se poursuit aujourd’hui, alors même que les tensions sont à vif dans les Balkans pour ce qui est des Serbes du Kosovo, de l’Église orthodoxe du Monténégro ou encore des dissensions entre Nord Macédoniens et Bulgares. Bref, ce projet insensé confirme l’inéluctable déclin auquel est vouée l’Union européenne. Déclin d’autant plus flagrant au regard du dynamisme insolent du Royaume-Uni...

(Le Président retire la parole à l’oratrice)

  Ladislav Ilčić (ECR). –Poštovani predsjedavajući, poštovani kolege, zemlje takozvanog zapadnog Balkana očekivale su konkretne datume, a dobile su samo tapšanje po ramenu. Mi si ne smijemo dozvoliti da europska perspektiva takozvanog zapadnog Balkana postane jeftina floskula koja se samo ponavlja na sastancima na vrhu. Mi moramo biti konkretni.

S druge pak strane, ne smijemo uvoditi Srbiju u Europsku uniju samo zato da bismo je odmaknuli od ruskog utjecaja, ili pak Bosnu i Hercegovinu da bismo je odmaknuli od turskog utjecaja. Naravno, Europska unija si ne smije dozvoliti jači ruski i kineski ili turski utjecaj u vlastitom dvorištu, ali sve zemlje zapadnog Balkana trebaju izvršiti potrebne reforme, a ne se nadati da će ući u Europsku uniju pomoću geopolitičkih ucjena.

Drago mi je da Deklaracija iz Brda naglašava rješavanje bilateralnih odnosa, uključujući i odnose s državama članicama Unije, jer znamo da postoji cijeli niz otvorenih pitanja koja Srbija i Bosna i Hercegovina izbjegavaju riješiti s Hrvatskom. Prvenstveno tu mislim na ravnopravnost Hrvata kao konstitutivnog naroda i promjenu izbornog zakona u Bosni i Hercegovini, kao i rješavanje ratnog nasljeđa i pitanje prava hrvatske nacionalne manjine u Republici Srbiji.

Hrvatska je svoj dio posla odradila, a sad očekujemo da u duhu reciprociteta to učine i drugi.

(Die Aussprache wird unterbrochen.)