Doslovno izvješće

Četvrtak, 11. studenog 2021. - Bruxelles

3. Rezultati Vijeća za trgovinu i tehnologiju EU-a i SAD-a (TTC) (rasprava)

  Der Präsident. – Der erste Punkt der Tagesordnung ist – wie Sie auch dem Internet entnehmen können – die Erklärung der Kommission zu dem Ergebnis des EU-US-Handels- und Technologierats (TTC) (2021/2934(RSP)).

Ich möchte Sie darauf hinweisen, dass Sie mit Ihrem Abstimmungsgerät spontane Wortmeldungen und blaue Karten beantragen können – also nicht mit der Hand, sondern mit dem Abstimmungsgerät –, nachdem Sie Ihre Abstimmungskarte in das Gerät eingeführt haben. Sie sollten deshalb Ihre Abstimmungskarte stets mitbringen. Im Plenarsaal liegt eine entsprechende Anleitung auf jedem Tisch. Wenn Sie sich für eine spontane Wortmeldung registrieren möchten, können Sie das ab sofort tun, ohne das Ende der Aussprache abzuwarten.

Ich möchte Sie außerdem darauf hinweisen, dass Redebeiträge im Saal nach wie vor am zentralen Rednerpult gehalten werden. Dies gilt nicht für die spontanen Wortmeldungen, blaue Karten und Wortmeldungen zur Geschäftsordnung. Ich möchte Sie deshalb bitten, die Rednerliste im Auge zu behalten und sich zum Rednerpult zu begeben bzw. dorthin begleitet zu werden, wenn Ihr Redebeitrag ansteht.

  Valdis Dombrovskis, Executive Vice-President of the European Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, before going to the Trade and Technology Council itself, let me first zoom out and outline why the year 2021 has been a landmark year for transatlantic relations.

We have successfully pressed the reset button with the Biden administration. After the grounding of the Airbus—Boeing dispute at the EU—US summit in June, we also agreed to hit the pause button on the steel and aluminium trade dispute. Our agreement includes starting discussions on the new global arrangement on sustainable steel and aluminium.

Of course, we remain attentive and active on a number of US policy developments that may affect EU interests. Those could be the increase of the US domestic content via the reinforcement of ‘Buy American’ or the use of tax incentives, for example for the purchase of electrical vehicles. But overall, it is clear that our trade and investment partnership remains a global engine of prosperity.

Beyond resolving our trade disputes, we must create space to find new avenues of cooperation and deal with the challenges and opportunities of the future. In this respect, the first meeting of the Trade and Technology Council (TTC) at the end of September represented an important step in the right direction, as well as an important political signal. We are ready to lead the way in setting the standards and rules for the technologies of the 21st century, putting our core values at the centre. We are addressing environmental challenges and market opportunities for clean technology, and we are ensuring more resilient and secure supply chains, in particular in semiconductors, pharmaceuticals and critical materials for our economies.

The trade component of the TTC is of particular importance, and we have determined shared principles and areas for export control cooperation, especially on dual—use technologies. We also agreed to cooperate on best practices in investment screening, for example, on risk analysis and risk mitigation, in relation to sensitive technologies.

There will be a special focus on SMEs and on policies that can accelerate their uptake of digital technologies. We will work together on global trade challenges like non—market economic policies and practices, the protection of labour rights such as combating forced and child labour, and addressing trade—related aspects of climate and environmental action will also be part of our work.

Finally, we aim at avoiding unnecessary barriers to trade in new technologies while respecting our regulatory autonomy. We have thus set in motion a whole range of work strands that we will now pursue with vigour. To ensure concrete progress, we will meet regularly at principals’ level. The next meeting is scheduled for spring 2022 in the EU.

There is strong willingness on both sides of the Atlantic to make our cooperation in the TTC a success. We are counting on your support for this. Members of the European Parliament, but also national governments, are essential in raising awareness around the fact that the benefits we gain from transatlantic cooperation will also require some compromises. We are committed to providing the European Parliament with information on the work of the TTC and we are committed to a transparent and inclusive engagement with key stakeholders and civil society at large.

Stakeholder engagement also figured prominently in the first TTC meeting. Last month, the Commission also opened a One—Stop Shop to collect continuous stakeholder input on the platform called Futurium. I strongly encourage you to promote this point of contact among your constituencies and stakeholders. We also encourage stakeholders on both sides of the Atlantic to join forces and, wherever possible, work together to shape joint transatlantic positions.

Executive Vice-President Vestager will now provide you with more input on the technology side of the Trade and Technology Council.

  Margrethe Vestager, Executive Vice-President of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, thank you very much for the invitation to come here with Valdis to have this exchange and to debrief you on the first meeting of the Trade and Technology Council (TTC).

Our digital partnership with the US plays an important role in enabling us to deliver on what we have set up for this digital decade. We have an opportunity to set a vision for a democratic and human-centred digital transformation, both at home and obviously also around the world. And following the successful first meeting in Pittsburgh on 29 September, I think it is clear that the TTC has a huge potential. We spent one and a half days together with US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, US Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo and US Trade Representative Katherine Tai. We had positive, frank, direct discussions. We do not always agree on every topic, but I think that shows that we are not just a talking shop: we aim for concrete deliverables for making progress on the issues at stake.

Now the TTC will focus on the actions identified in the joint statements, where the 10 working groups have been given specific tasks. Valdis has taken you through a number of these very important points. So let me just briefly touch upon three areas of particular importance when it comes to the technology side of the Trade and Technology Council.

First, on artificial intelligence, we agreed in Pittsburgh to develop trustworthy AI to oppose the use of AI that violates fundamental rights. To achieve this, we will develop mutual principles, concrete implementation tools and also value-based innovation projects. And I think this outcome shows that there is no transatlantic contradiction between promoting innovation and protecting our fundamental values.

Second, on semiconductors, we will work on rebalancing global supply chains with a view to enhancing security of supply, both for the US and, of course, the European Union. We will, as a first step, jointly identify gaps and vulnerabilities behind the current chip shortage, sharing our assessment of information collected from industry. As the next step, we will discuss how to cooperate in our respective investment strategies. We both want to strengthen our domestic capacities while sharing the aim of avoiding a harmful and expensive subsidy race. We need to diversify our sources of supply to avoid single points of failure, ensuring that we can rely on them also in times of crisis. I think that is a very important lesson that we all learned from the pandemic.

Last, on platforms, the Pittsburgh statement shows that we have built consensus on a set of common challenges, but also shared concerns. These concerns have even been, I think, more relevant after the testimony of Frances Haugen in this House earlier this week. As a first step, we will work with the US on urgent topics such as algorithmic amplification, transparency and data access to platforms by researchers.

Both sides have committed to robust and continuous engagement with a broad range of stakeholders, including civil society, to ensure that there is sufficient buy-in, ownership, so the outcomes of the cooperation will have real effects on ground. For this to be successful, it requires the close involvement of the European Parliament, and as Valdis just said, we really welcome the strong support for the TTC, also shown by the visit of several committees to Washington DC last week. As Valdis said, next spring in Europe, the venue and the date have not been set yet, but it will be here within the Union. And of course we hope to keep our engagement with this House ahead of this meeting.

  Radosław Sikorski, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, as Chair of the delegation for relations between the European Union and the United States I’d like to congratulate the Commission on the setting—up and launch of the Trade and Technology Council.

I believe it builds on the history of the successful Coordinating Committee from back in the 1980s and earlier, which stemmed the flow of modern technologies to what was then the Communist bloc.

In the 1990s, we were hoping that China and Russia would join the world of free research, free enquiry and freedom in general, and that they would at least abide by the rules of the World Trade Organization. This has not happened. Therefore, unfortunately, we have to stick together with our democratic allies to set minimum standards and to start stemming the abuses.

So well done. I pledge the full support of my delegation to your work.

  Bernd Lange, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, I would say to the Executive Vice—Presidents that we indeed support the Trade and Technology Council.

Let me make three remarks. One, this is a discussion forum, as Executive Vice—President Vestager said, to have an open and frank discussion. It is not a T—TIP reloaded. It’s a totally different child, and this is really important to have in mind and also to make public.

Second, it’s really important to set the impact for the challenges of the future specific to the field of trade – so standards on artificial intelligence, the question of subsidies, the question of export controls. All this has to be discussed, to give also some input to global trade, to the World Trade Organization.

Thirdly, we will scrutinise this process as a parliament in the Committee on International Trade and in Parliament in general, because transparency and the involvement of stakeholders is really important in this process. That’s also a lesson learned from the T—TIP exercise.

  Liesje Schreinemacher, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Mr President, last week we visited the US, where we met with our counterparts in the US Congress, with high officials in executive branches and with European as well as American businesses. It was great to see the Trade and Technology Council (TTC) being embraced in such a great way, in a bipartisan way. If I didn’t know any better, I would have thought that it was an American idea to begin with, which is great. A new transatlantic initiative that will allow us to work on the challenges we are faced with today. I look forward to strong cooperation on setting new digital standards on foreign direct investment (FDI) screening, on fighting unfair competition coming from non—market economies, to name a few.

But let’s not forget that the same people who are shaking hands over the TTC now are also the ones in charge of negotiating the trade irritants and challenges that are still hanging over our heads, even if they may be suspended for two or five years. Of course, we know our interests will never fully coincide, but let’s use this momentum of the TTC and stop fighting each other with unnecessary or illegal tariffs and join forces on working together on global trade challenges. So now we have to get beyond words and actually come to concrete and tangible deliverables. This would be my most important question to the Commissioners here this morning: what do you see as a concrete deliverable in the very near future? I look forward to your answer.

  Reinhard Bütikofer, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, Executive Vice—Presidents, it is good that the Trade and Technology Council (TTC) had a successful start. The first TTC meeting in Pittsburgh, however, does not mark the end of our trade controversies with the US. It doesn’t even mark the beginning of the end, but hopefully it marks the end of a new beginning in sorting out some of the issues. This assessment is borne out by what we see as a result of the recent trade and aluminium deal that you negotiated, Executive Vice—President. This is a welcome result, even though it is weaker than we had hoped and issues do remain.

Even more important strategically, I believe, is the standard—setting dimension going forward. Shaping the future, not just sorting out legacy issues. And there we have to work very diligently with the US because this is of geopolitical relevancy. And if you allow me to say that, in the spirit of geopolitical responsibility, wouldn’t it make sense if there would not just be the American Secretary of State, but also our foreign minister?

  Marco Campomenosi, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signor Presidente, signori Vicepresidenti, onorevoli colleghi, anche io accolgo con favore il nuovo dialogo con gli Stati Uniti: cibersicurezza, digitale, gestione dei dati, le grandi sfide globali sono solo alcuni degli elementi importanti di cui discutere.

Ed è anche positivo il fatto che non stiamo parlando di un accordo commerciale di libero scambio, che su temi come l'agricoltura ci porterebbe lontano e ci porterebbe in conflitti difficilmente risolvibili, però abbiamo dei temi su cui è giusto riflettere.

Per esempio io ovviamente, come tutti, accolgo con favore le aperture americane sul tema dei dazi all'acciaio e all'alluminio, però in questo momento servono solo ad alcuni esportatori ma non faranno altro che aumentare la carenza di acciaio che c'è in questo momento per i nostri produttori in Europa, su cui secondo me avremo bisogno di intervenire ulteriormente.

E poi ci sono dei temi che riguardano la credibilità geopolitica di noi come istituzioni perché, da un lato, mi sembra – l'ho già detto altre volte – dobbiamo essere atlantisti sempre, anche quando governano i repubblicani, non solo quando governano i democratici.

E poi alcuni casi, come quello emerso da un'inchiesta giornalistica nei giorni scorsi che parla di motori tedeschi venduti alle navi da guerra cinesi, quando qua, anche in quest'Aula, ci sono dei deputati che sono stati sanzionati per le loro posizioni sulla Cina o altri che si sono recati a Taiwan pochi giorni fa.

Ecco, non vorrei che qualcuno confonda l'autonomia con l'irrilevanza, perché qui è in gioco la credibilità in un rapporto transatlantico che deve essere coerente in tutte le azioni che compiono l'Unione europea e gli Stati membri.

  Geert Bourgeois, namens de ECR-Fractie. – Voorzitter, ik ben zeer ingenomen met de resultaten van de eerste bijeenkomst van de Handels- en Technologieraad EU-VS en wil de Commissie hier dan ook uitdrukkelijk mee feliciteren.

Ik ben een fervent voorstander van de Handels- en Technologieraad: we moeten ernaar streven om als EU en VS samen de mondiale standaarden te zetten. Dit is een grote uitdaging. De Chinese standaardisering is momenteel in volle opmars. Als wij de toon niet zetten, zullen andere machten dat doen. Mijnheer Dombrovskis, dit moet inderdaad gebeuren vanuit onze gedeelde waarden en dat zal niet altijd even makkelijk zijn. We hebben enerzijds immers de VS, die een enorme voorsprong heeft op het gebied van gegevens en bovendien beschikt over een eengemaakte kapitaalmarkt, en waar nauwelijks regelgeving bestaat en veel ruimte is om te experimenteren, en anderzijds de EU, die niet alleen kampt met een grote achterstand, maar bovendien de neiging heeft te veel te willen regelen. De Commissie moet daarom stimulerende regelgeving vaststellen zonder onnodige belemmeringen.

Voorts sluit ik me aan bij het streven van mijnheer Dombrovskis naar een intenser partnerschap. We moeten alle problemen op tafel leggen: de protectionistische “Buy American Act”, de “Jones Act” en ook de dreigende heffingen op elektrische voertuigen. Een duurzaam partnerschap moet stoelen op openheid en gelijkwaardigheid.

Ten slotte wil ik oproepen om verder te gaan dan de wetgevingsdialoog en de totstandkoming van een echte trans-Atlantische parlementaire coöperatie na te streven.

  Helmut Scholz, im Namen der Fraktion The Left. – Herr Präsident, werte Vizepräsidenten! Die Gespräche der Delegation des Handelsausschusses unseres Hauses letzte Woche in Washington verdeutlichten, der TTC ist der gegenwärtig wohl wichtigste wahrnehmbare beiderseitige Versuch, die Zusammenarbeit USA-EU neu zu ergründen.

Zugleich ist klargeworden: Das wichtigste Thema für die USA sind die USA – Buy American. Das zweitwichtigste Thema für die USA ist China – strategischer und systemischer Rivale. Die Bedeutung der Partnerschaft mit der EU wird daran bemessen, ob die EU als ökonomischer Wettbewerber bereit ist, amerikanischen Interessen zu folgen, und auch daran, wie sich die EU an der Seite der USA im Konflikt mit China aufzustellen bereit ist.

In diesem Rahmen wird nun der TTC platziert, und angesichts der planetaren Interessen – mit Blick nach Glasgow – müssen wir die verbleibende Zeit intensiv nutzen, um gemeinsame Interessen abzustecken. Der TTC wird nur fruchtbar sein, wenn er nicht zu einem Gremium der Absicherung globaler Vorherrschaft in Technologie und Industrie mutiert, sondern mit seinen Arbeitsgruppen, mit den geplanten breiten Stakeholdern, Beratungen und Meinungsaustauschen im wirklichen Sinn als Dialogforum für Nachhaltigkeit und Überwindung von Armut dient.

Warum sollten wir nicht gerade die amerikanischen Ideen für eine Handelspolitik aufgreifen, die ihre Arbeiterinnen und Arbeiter ins Zentrum stellt? Wir müssen sie nur so umgestalten, dass sie den Beschäftigten in allen Ländern der Welt dient.

Viele befürchten jedoch, dass das Format TTC von den traditionellen Macht- und Konzerninteressen gekidnappt werden wird. In TTIP war die geplante regulatorische Kooperation ein Schwerpunkt der öffentlichen Kritik. Mit TTC ist die Idee nun wieder da, bloß ohne Handelsabkommen.

  Tiziana Beghin (NI). – Signor Presidente, signori Vicepresidenti, onorevoli colleghi, avere un forum aperto per confrontarsi con gli Stati Uniti dopo anni di chiusure e incomprensioni è un grande passo avanti, di cui mi congratulo con la Commissione.

Ho però alcune domande su cui spero i Vicepresidenti vogliano esprimersi, perché a distanza di quasi un mese dalla prima riunione io continuo ad interrogarmi su quale sia la vera natura di questo Trade and Technology Council.

Si tratta di un forum dove mediare su spinose questioni di legislazione, oppure di un luogo semplicemente in cui discutere? È uno strumento per scambiare idee o si vuole una base per un futuro accordo transatlantico?

Insomma, se gli impegni presi non sono vincolanti, come è stato più volte ribadito, qual è allora il livello di commitment e impegno dei partner, soprattutto vis-à-vis di alcune sfide collettive come le misure per la limitazione delle emissioni o l'intelligenza artificiale?

E infine, qual è il ruolo che la Commissione vede per il Parlamento in tutto questo? Poiché finora non siamo stati particolarmente coinvolti in questo forum.

  Eva Maydell (PPE). – Mr President, I would like to be clear, I think that only together will the EU and the US influence global rules in the decades to come. I think that we currently see that our combined share of economic output is shrinking. Our democratic allies are fewer and fewer. And even after the election of President Biden, both of us engage in avoidable mistakes. I think we need each other, and this is why the Trade and Technology Council is too important to fail. Now it is up to us to use windows of opportunities. And I think one such window, as Executive Vice-President Vestager mentioned, is now open on artificial intelligence. Many experts agree that on AI, guidelines and the public also demand more oversight. So let’s make AI and other digital matters our early successes, hopefully opening the door for other topics with more complicated pasts.

We, in the European Parliament, are ready to engage with Congress and citizens to make these issues a success.

  Miapetra Kumpula-Natri (S&D). – Mr President, Commissioner, establishment of the Trade and Technology Council (TTC) between the EU and United States is highly welcomed. It provides a valuable platform to cooperate on the topical matters of today in tech and trade issues, as well as to strengthen transatlantic relations. We are living in the interconnected world, which underlines the importance of cooperation.

To give an example, the world is changing due to the emergence of AI. It is important that we discuss advantages of AI and ensure that it is utilised in a responsible, transparent way in accordance with universal human rights: AI that helps to protect democracy and not counteract it; human—centred AI that improves health and does not cause mental sicknesses. Another example to show that the world can’t afford trade barriers that hinder green tech to help the climate crisis. Because the work of the TTC encompasses topics that are political and dealt with also in the European Parliament, it is crucial that Parliament be informed about progress and the work of the TTC.

Let me finish here, as the Vice—Chair for the US Delegation and Transatlantic Legislators’ Dialogue, that committees involved have agreed to establish a subcommittee to follow the work on the TTC to complement the scrutiny work of the committees.

  Dragoş Tudorache (Renew). – Mr President, I was also in Washington last week as Chair of the Special Committee on Artificial Intelligence in a Digital Age (AIDA) and with colleagues from across this aisle – an outreach mission, which we had wanted to do since the inception of the AIDA mandate.

Our aim was to set the basis of a dialogue with the US Congress on artificial intelligence in the impact of frontier tech on the world of tomorrow. But the launch of the Trade and Technology Council (TTC) just weeks before opened up a broader perspective of transatlantic leadership on technology, on a shared realisation that the future of our relationship will be more and more dominated by tech cooperation, by what we will accomplish in converging standards, research, data governance and on developing mutually beneficial projects. And I congratulate the Commission for the launch and for how the TTC was organised.

There are many commonalities at the heart TTC: common values, same challenges and opportunities, and most importantly, we see the geopolitics of technology in the same way. But there are also differences, which we need to acknowledge and learn to work with. We see the urgency in the form of regulating and digital platforms differently. We also have a different approach to how to prepare standards. We are more top-down while they work more bottom-up, co-creating together with the industry. We must accept these different regulatory cultures and in fact take the best from each other. I think we can and should work more with the business sector like the Americans do, while we can share with them the very good work that you the Commission has done in preparing the legislative landscape on digital issues. And most importantly, and we have made this point very forcefully, we must build a parliamentary dimension of the TTC, one where we can come together as legislators and exercise oversight and political guidance on the evolution of the council.

  Anna Cavazzini (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, I think it is really good that we are debating today the Trade and Technology Council because this important body needs parliamentary oversight – a lot of colleagues have mentioned this already. As the whistleblower Frances Haugen told us this week in the European Parliament, we cannot face the huge power of Facebook, Google and co. on our own, so cooperation with the US is crucial.

I think the EU is really on the right track in fighting the harmful business models of big platforms that always choose profit over safety of effects. And of course, I think some things still need to be strengthened, for example, in the USA, when it comes to transparency of algorithms and tackling problems caused by targeted advertisement or strengthening the consumer angle – some of the things Frances Haugen also mentioned, and I hope this Parliament will do so.

But we are going in the right direction and this is good. And I want this positive tech agenda based on privacy, fundamental rights, consumer protections and values, to be the guiding principles when discussing and dialoguing with the US while keeping our regulatory autonomy.

  Roman Haider (ID). – Herr Präsident! Zuerst einmal freut es mich, dass wir uns hier endlich wieder einmal mit einem der Kernthemen der EU beschäftigen, nämlich dem internationalen Handel – ist ja hier nicht immer so.

Es geht um die Stärkung der transatlantischen Partnerschaft zwischen den USA und der Europäischen Union in sehr breiten Feldern – Technologieaustausch und Handel. Und das ist gerade angesichts der zunehmenden Bedrohung durch China prinzipiell zu begrüßen, und insbesondere wegen der nicht marktkonformen Wettbewerbsverzerrungen durch China ist so eine Kooperation sinnvoll. Ich verweise nur auf chinesische Dumpingpreise, Dumpinglöhne, erzwungenen Technologietransfer bei Joint Ventures, Produktpiraterie und, und, und.

Insgesamt werden aber leider derartige Abkommen wenig nutzen, wenn die EU-Kommission mit ihren Plänen zur Zerschlagung der europäischen Industrie unter dem Deckmantel des Klimaschutzes weitermacht. Diese verantwortungslose Politik treibt Europa in Abhängigkeiten zu allen anderen Mächten und macht damit eine eigenständige europäische Politik unmöglich.

  Dominik Tarczyński (ECR). – Mr President, I’d like to focus on the challenges, and not only on income, money and shaking hands.

The main challenge is China. So the question to the Commission is very simple: how can we combat China, I mean the lack of standards from China? Because when we had this conversation in Washington last week, everyone was happy to do it, and the Trade and Technology Council (TTC) is a beautiful thing. But what about China? We can still see people who are basically hypocrites. They are making the money, making the business as usual, they are talking about the TTC, about cooperation, they are talking about fighting for the people and combating the lack of standards, but that’s still money coming from China.

So, what can we do and when can we do it? What concrete steps can be taken to protect our European economy? Because this is the most important part of the TTC as a future. If we want to be successful and safe, we have to make decisions – not just talking, talking and shaking hands.

  Manuel Bompard (The Left). – Monsieur le Président, le Conseil du commerce et des technologies nous a été vendu avec les louanges habituelles sur la relation transatlantique que l’Union forme avec les États-Unis. Il semble donc que les pratiques déloyales et les humiliations des dernières années ne vous ont pas servi de leçon. En voici deux d’une longue liste.

En 2014, après un chantage inacceptable de la justice américaine, General Electric s’empare de la branche énergie d’Alstom. Il pille les brevets, renie ses engagements et laisse des milliers de salariés sur le carreau. Quel merveilleux partenariat!

Il y a quelques semaines encore, une alliance militaire avec l’Australie se forge dans le dos de l’Union européenne au prix de la rupture d’un très gros contrat passé avec la France. Quelle formidable coopération!

Soyons sérieux! Jusqu’à quand devons-nous accepter d’être les dindons de la farce? Il est temps de comprendre que les États-Unis ne sont pas nos amis, mais une puissance avec ses intérêts propres. Cessons d’être naïfs et protégeons nos emplois, nos industries et nos savoir-faire. Ayons le courage de l’indépendance.

  Edina Tóth (NI). – Tisztelt Elnök úr, tisztelt Biztos asszony! Fontosnak tartom, hogy az EU és az Egyesült Államok rendszeres együttműködést alakítson ki, ezért üdvözlöm, hogy az EU-USA Kereskedelmi és Technológiai Tanács prioritásai között szerepelt a két térséget érintő chiphiány felszámolása. A koronavírus-járvány egyik előre nem látott következménye, hogy a félvezetők piacán világszerte hiány alakult ki, amelynek hatását leginkább az autóipar fogja megérezni. A chip előállításához szükséges nyersanyaghiány jelentősen megemeli a gépjárműgyártás költségeit, amely az előrejelzések szerint súlyos károkat fog okozni az iparági szereplőknek az elkövetkezendő években. Mindezek hatására a személygépkocsik ára drasztikusan emelkedhet. A krízis járulékos vesztesei pedig a vásárlók lesznek. Az ő pénztárcájuk lesz leginkább megterhelve. Remélem, hogy az Európai Bizottság is minél hamarabb cselekedni fog, és a fogyasztók érdekeit figyelembe véve fogja az új cselekvési tervét kidolgozni.

  Juan Ignacio Zoido Álvarez (PPE). – Señor presidente, con 780 millones de habitantes y el 40 % del PIB mundial, Europa y los Estados Unidos hemos desarrollado la relación económica más importante del mundo.

Pero nuestra relación va mucho más allá del aspecto puramente comercial: Europa y los Estados Unidos somos los dos grandes pilares que sustentamos el orden democrático liberal y de Derecho; un orden democrático cada vez más amenazado por regímenes dictatoriales que cuentan con mayores capacidades tecnológicas y mayor peso económico. Si europeos y estadounidenses pretendemos conservar este orden liberal, la cooperación ya no es una opción sino una obligación.

Debemos apuntalar las instituciones compartidas que regulan el comercio y el orden internacional, pero también debemos mirar al futuro. Debemos diseñar las normas necesarias para proteger nuestra privacidad, preservar nuestra ciberseguridad y regular la inteligencia artificial. Ya no nos basta con el efecto Bruselas. Si queremos seguir liderando el siglo xxi, las democracias necesitamos el efecto Bruselas-Washington.

  Kathleen Van Brempt (S&D). – Voorzitter, ik denk dat we het er allemaal over eens zijn dat we na Trump met de huidige regering-Biden moeten werken aan een positieve agenda voor de toekomst. Dit betekent niet alleen dat we problemen moeten oplossen, bijvoorbeeld op het gebied van staal en aluminium, maar ook dat we een positieve agenda moeten opstellen met kwesties die van belang zijn voor onze toekomst. De Handels- en Technologieraad EU-VS is daarom zeer belangrijk.

We weten allemaal dat technologie zoals artificiële intelligentie kan worden ingezet met het oog op het welslagen van onze toekomst en het welzijn van onze bevolking. Deze technologie kan echter ook voor een groot aantal andere doelstellingen worden gebruikt. Het is daarom van essentieel belang dat democratische samenlevingen zoals de Verenigde Staten en Europa op dit gebied samenwerken en dit niet overlaten aan samenlevingen die de desbetreffende technologie gebruiken voor spionage of grootschalig toezicht op hun bevolking.

Deze democratische controle moet ook vanuit het Europees Parlement kunnen plaatsvinden. Dit is van groot belang om het draagvlak verder te versterken.

  Nicolae Ştefănuță (Renew). – Mr President, today is 11 November, it’s Remembrance Day, the day that weapons stood still in Europe. I think it is time to remember that, because working together on trade and technology is also about peace, not only about the economy. It will help us win an international competition with China and neutralise its ever-expanding power on the world stage. It is time we fought together unfair trade practices such as theft of intellectual property. It is time we established clear and strategic standards for the use of artificial intelligence so that we have to fight human rights violations through mass surveillance.

The COVID-19 pandemic has shown us how fragile the global production systems are, and we need to build resilient and sustainable supply chains for tomorrow. I’d like to paraphrase the 1992 US elections by saying ‘it’s not only the economy, stupid, it’s also peace’.

  Henrike Hahn (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident! TTC – der Handels- und Technologierat – ist ein Baustein zu einer transatlantischen Allianz für Klimaneutralität.

Beim Klimaschutz schauen USA und EU in dieselbe Richtung. Das konnten wir mit dem Industrieausschuss in Washington, D.C. letzte Woche ausführlich diskutieren und sehen, aber wir brauchen auf beiden Seiten noch viel konkretere Zielvorgaben für die Dekarbonisierung. Bei der Energiegerechtigkeit, beim gerechten Übergang und bei der Einbindung der von der Transformation betroffenen Menschen müssen wir auch global denken und gut zusammenarbeiten. Und der TTC soll als Forum dienen für die Versorgung mit Rohstoffen, für nachhaltige und belastbare Lieferketten, für die Schaffung von Märkten, für Sekundärrohstoffe und den Austausch von Know-how zu grüner Technologie.

Halbleiter sind wichtig für die Digitalisierung und für den Klimaschutz. Wir wollen europäische Kapazitäten dazu aufbauen als Partner und faire Konkurrenz, bei der wir Kompetenzen und Märkte berücksichtigen müssen. Und für globale Datenströme im Einklang mit Grundrechten benötigen wir vertrauenswürdige Partner – auch gerade die USA. Es gibt viel zu tun. Gemeinsam geht es am besten.

  Virginie Joron (ID). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, Madame la Commissaire, 500 milliards d’euros en 2030: le marché mondial de l’informatique en nuage est un enjeu majeur pour la France et pour l’Europe. Mais ce marché ne va que dans un seul sens: vers les États-Unis.

Seules 5 % des données européennes sont stockées en Europe. Même le gouvernement français favorise Google et Microsoft. Données militaires et données de santé sont gérées par ces sociétés alors que des acteurs français comme OVH et Scaleway offrent des solutions souveraines.

Les négociations sur le DMA (la future législation sur les marchés numériques) doivent permettre à l’Europe de reprendre la main vis-à-vis de certaines pratiques des Google, Amazon et Facebook. Mais comment la Commission européenne pourra vérifier et inspecter hors de l’Europe ces entreprises? Les Américains, eux, obligent les fournisseurs de services à divulguer aux autorités toute information, qu’elle se trouve à l’intérieur des États-Unis ou à l’autre bout du monde.

Dans ce forum transatlantique, vous devez porter la voix des entreprises vraiment européennes qui font travailler des ingénieurs en Europe. N’écoutez pas uniquement le lobby Digitaleurope, car le Coréen Samsung, le Chinois Huawei, Facebook, Google et Amazon financent ce lobby. M. Chao-Muller, directeur du lobby Digitaleurope ne représente pas nos intérêts.

  Michiel Hoogeveen (ECR). – Voorzitter, toen de Volksrepubliek China in 2001 toetrad tot de Wereldhandelsorganisatie, was het de bedoeling dat de handel zou toenemen en China langzamerhand een liberale marktdemocratie zou worden.

Dit is echter anders uitgepakt dan verwacht. China kiest zijn eigen koers en combineert staatskapitalisme met een zeer assertieve handelspolitiek. De bijeenkomst van de Handels- en Technologieraad EU-VS die onlangs in Pittsburgh heeft plaatsgevonden en waarbij de EU en de Verenigde Staten hebben aangetoond dat zij de technologische uitdagingen van de 21e eeuw aankunnen en dat zij deze het best op trans-Atlantisch niveau kunnen aanpakken, was dan ook van groot belang.

Om onze welvaart en manier van leven te beschermen, moet de technologische voorsprong van het westen behouden blijven. Nederland staat bijvoorbeeld bovenaan de wereldwijde markt voor halfgeleiders, wat een geopolitiek voordeel is. De huidige problemen in de toeleveringsketen moeten dus worden opgelost.

Een strategische, trans-Atlantische samenwerking betekent eveneens dat onze bedrijven dergelijke technologieën niet zomaar kunnen delen met landen die andere politieke belangen nastreven. Laat Pittsburgh dan ook het startschot zijn van een nauwere trans-Atlantische samenwerking, waarbij ook andere gelijkgestemde landen zich kunnen aansluiten.

  Massimiliano Salini (PPE). – Signor Presidente, signor Commissario, onorevoli colleghi, noi abbiamo una narrazione entusiastica, legittimamente entusiastica, nel commento che facciamo alla luce dell'accordo sottostante alla costituzione di questo Consiglio commerciale e tecnologico tra Stati Uniti ed Europa.

È legittimo l'entusiasmo, la soggettività politica dell'Unione europea consiste nell'appartenenza all'asse atlantico con gli Stati Uniti, ma questo accordo documenta anche l'esistenza di una ferita. La ferita che da tempo, politicamente, vede messo in difficoltà questo asse: sull'Afghanistan; sulla partita legata alla battaglia contro il cambiamento climatico; sulla difesa, con l'accordo AUKUS.

Allora il punto è, da un lato, il presidio tecnologico – trasparenza negli algoritmi e quant'altro – e commerciale, ma dall'altro chi si farà carico politicamente di condurre questa enorme partita. L'Europa, politicamente, da chi sarà guidata nello sfruttare il contenuto di questo nuovo accordo con gli Stati Uniti?

  Tonino Picula (S&D). – Mr President, it has been an exciting couple of weeks for transatlantic relations. After a turbulent summer we are picking up on the positive momentum – from lifting the travel ban, joint environment commitments in Glasgow, meetings on the highest level, suspension of the aluminium and steel trade dispute, the Pittsburgh meeting – to name a few.

In my capacity as a standing rapporteur for relations with the US, I fully recognise the importance of the TTC for our overall relations. It’s one of the key pillars. We want to see sustainable, ethical and inclusive digital and green transitions that benefit our citizens.

I would like to underline the issue of transparency and parliamentary cooperation. Even though the TTC is not negotiating a new comprehensive trade agreement, we learned our lesson from the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. This is why I join calls to involve parliamentarians from both sides in your work. We are ready to contribute to this positive agenda.

  Dita Charanzová (Renew). – Mr President, while this Council is a major opportunity, there is no doubt that the European Union and the United States have a lot of potential for common action and cooperation. And our agenda is finally on the right track.

But we must ensure that this doesn’t become just a talking shop. We need to prioritise. We need to make tangible suggestions. The goal of each meeting should be a concrete result and concrete action. The procedure to implement any decision will, however, take time, so we need to move quickly, or it may be too late. Some have pointed out that the TTC should not turn into just a China-bashing exercise. They are right, but we cannot ignore the geopolitical reality and who our main competitor is.

  Anna-Michelle Asimakopoulou (PPE). – Mr President, as Vice-Chair of the Committee on International Trade (INTA), I support the Trade and Technology Council as a positive development in transatlantic relations, and Pittsburgh was a good starting point. The question is now what can we expect from the TTC? We know it will deal with trade and technology, so that takes care of the two Ts. But the essence of what we can expect can be described best by using words starting with the letter C, so we can expect that the TTC will be a forum where we can converse and collaborate, where we can minimise conflict, where we can compare and converge approaches, where we can reach compromises and aim for consensus – where we can find a way to deal with China, even though we avoid using the name.

But if I were to choose one word starting with the letter C to describe what a successful overall outcome would be of the TTC for the transatlantic relationship, I would choose the word ‘compatibility’. After all, in trade and tech, as in life, compatibility is the essence of solid and long-lasting relationships.

  Karin Karlsbro (Renew). – Herr talman! Handel är en förutsättning för tillväxt, välstånd, utveckling och innovation, men den är också ett verktyg för att trygga fred och säkerhet.

“Trade needs democracy”, sa USA:s handelsminister när hon besökte oss i somras. Men demokratin behöver också handeln. När vi ser på världen med handelspolitiska glasögon blir det uppenbart att demokratier måste samarbeta, precis som EU och USA nu gör på områden som digitalisering och teknik.

Vi ska ha höga förväntningar på det här samarbetet, att det ska öka konkurrenskraften, leverera mindre krångel och mindre byråkrati – vilket gynnar både företag och konsumenter – och stimulera grön teknikutveckling som hjälper oss att minska utsläppen.

Vi förväntar oss att nya gemensamma regler ska bygga på demokratiska värderingar med respekt för mänskliga rättigheter och integritet. Varje nytt band som knyts mellan EU och USA är viktigt.

Världens ledande demokratier står starka. Ännu starkare står vi tillsammans.

  Pilar del Castillo Vera (PPE). – Señor presidente, señora vicepresidenta, los Estados Unidos, por historia y valores, constituyen un aliado natural de Europa. Nuestras economías están muy entrelazadas ya, pero la necesidad de reforzar esa relación ha ido siendo mayor a medida que el mundo se ha hecho más global; el Consejo de Comercio y Tecnología ha abierto nuevas expectativas para reforzar esa alianza, especialmente en un área tan determinante como la digitalización.

Quiero incidir en cinco ámbitos en los que apremia desarrollar un esfuerzo común: buscar soluciones en la crisis de los suministros de semiconductores; promover el desarrollo de una inteligencia artificial que genere confianza; desarrollar políticas y acciones coordinadas en materia de ciberseguridad; trabajar en un área tan crucial, tan determinante, como los estándares, y avanzar hacia un espacio trasatlántico de datos que permita a nuestros investigadores y a nuestras empresas aprovechar todo su potencial.

Hace unos días una delegación de la Comisión de Industria, Investigación y Energía estuvo en Washington D. C., y quedó patente el interés renovado que hay: no se puede perder, señora vicepresidenta, este impulso, y el Consejo de Comercio y Tecnología tiene que empezar a dar resultados.

  Jörgen Warborn (PPE). – Herr talman! Fru kommissionsledamot! Den globala handeln störs nu alltmer av protektionistiska vindar, och det måste vi omgående ändra på.

Global handel är lösningen för att tackla många av våra utmaningar. Människor, jobb och vårt välstånd är beroende av handel.

Jag välkomnar TTC som en nystart för att kartlägga våra gemensamma värderingar och för att fördjupa alliansen mellan EU och USA. Vi ska samarbeta med alla allierade som vill upprätthålla en fri, rättvis och regelbaserad handel.

Därför är det viktigt att vi nu väver ihop våra ambitioner, att vi upprätthåller säkra och motståndskraftiga leveranskedjor för digitala produkter och tjänster och att vi fullt ut stöder globaliseringen.

Av de tio arbetsgrupperna skulle jag vilja fokusera på den om småföretagare idag. Min fråga till kommissionen blir följande: Vad är kommissionens målsättning med arbetet i The Trade and Tech Council för europeiska småföretag?

  Christophe Hansen (PPE). – Mr President, EU-US relations are back on track and that’s exactly where they belong. With the grounding of the Airbus-Boeing dispute and the suspension of the Section 232, the tariff conflict, we can once again focus on building rather than on repairing.

It is the mark of good policy not to let the perfect be the enemy of the better. You have taken your responsibility in doing so and created the basis between punch-all effects from Trump’s divisive trade policies for good. We look forward to seeing tangible results coming out of the TTC, in particular in the fight against distortive trade practices and subsidies. And we hope this can give impetus as well to the multilateral process on this.

I have said it before: when the EU and the US quarrel, Beijing and the Kremlin rejoice. But when the EU and the US work together on setting the standards for the 21st century, the world finally pays attention, and that is exactly the way forward.

ELNÖKÖL: KLÁRA DOBREV
alelnök

„Catch the eye” eljárás

  Maria-Manuel Leitão-Marques (S&D). – Senhora Presidente, Senhora Comissária, na semana passada, fiz parte de uma delegação do Parlamento no Comité Especial sobre Inteligência Artificial e tivemos a oportunidade de discutir, aprofundadamente, a cooperação tecnológica com deputados, serviços da Presidência, Departamento de Estado e de Comércio, stakeholders e vários grupos de reflexão.

Convergimos no propósito de acelerar a inovação. Convergimos até nos valores que precisamos de proteger, em nome de um modelo democrático para o digital. Mas existe ainda uma grande distância nos instrumentos regulatórios que devemos usar para esse efeito, para que os dados sejam protegidos de forma equivalente, ou na abordagem de risco de a Inteligência Artificial.

Precisamos, por isso, dos dois lados do Atlântico, de estar abertos para a construção de pontes e soluções comuns, que não têm de ser exatamente iguais, mas que, no fim, nos permitam, como afirmou a Sra. Vice-Presidente, um espaço digital de confiança.

  Barry Andrews (Renew). – Madam President, I very much welcome the first meeting of the Trade and Technology Council, which took place in September – something that would have been inconceivable under the previous American administration.

I certainly welcome the first statement of the Council, which emphasised the importance of workers on both sides of the Atlantic, on shared values and also on SMEs and the working groups that have been set up under the Council. It is striking that some elements of open strategic autonomy are clearly there in the statement – for example, balancing the encouragement of foreign direct investment on the one hand, but also investment screening.

But advancing any trade agenda requires a high level of scrutiny and particularly parliamentary scrutiny. So I wish to add my voice to those who’ve already asked what the role of the European Parliament is in scrutinising the work of the Council and the working groups set up thereunder.

Finally, I would like to welcome the statement made by President von der Leyen yesterday reaffirming steadfast American support for the Good Friday Agreement and against the triggering of Article 16.

  Bogdan Rzońca (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani Komisarz! Dużo dobrych informacji napływa przy dzisiejszej debacie o współpracy między Stanami Zjednoczonymi a Europą. Dobrze byłoby rzeczywiście, żeby standardy w zakresie użycia nowych technologii i użycia handlu jako instrumentu rozwoju gospodarczego były narzucane właśnie przez współpracę Stanów Zjednoczonych z Unią Europejską – tu mamy naprawdę ogromną szansę. Dlatego chciałem zapytać o pewien możliwy aspekt tej współpracy. Zwracam się do pani komisarz: jakie miejsce według pani w przyszłości będzie miała współpraca Unii Europejskiej i Stanów Zjednoczonych w obszarze kosmosu? To jest to miejsce, gdzie możemy naprawdę dużo zaoferować światu, dobrze wykorzystać tę część świata – kosmos – w stosunku do wyzwań gospodarczych i współpracy międzynarodowej.

  Maria Grapini (S&D). – Doamnă președintă, doamnă comisară, cred că nimeni nu pune la îndoială necesitatea unui acord între Uniunea Europeană și Statele Unite. Am avut un eșec, din punctul meu de vedere, cu TTIP, sper să nu ajungem în același punct și sper să învățăm din ceea ce s-a întâmplat în negocierea TTIP.

De fapt, lucrul pe care și acum îl văd încă neclar, este vorba de armonizarea standardelor, este vorba de renunțarea la principiul la care țin foarte mult Statele Unite, „Buy America”.

Practic noi, piața Uniunii Europene, în calitate de vicepreședintă a pieței interne, spun că avem nevoie de acordul cu Statele Unite. În același timp, avem nevoie de echitate, de similaritate, avem nevoie de sprijinul IMM-urilor și mă bucur că s-a vorbit aici că veți ține cont.

Dar vreau să știu care sunt pașii următori și cum vedeți lucrul cu Parlamentul European, pentru că eu cred că nu putem să ne bazăm doar pe ceea ce discutați acolo neluând decizii și când, care este termenul și care sunt pașii pe care îi urmăm pentru a ajunge la un asemenea acord.

  Dragoş Pîslaru (Renew). – Madam President, the TTC is a great achievement and EU—US relations are critical for the common future of both the US and the EU at global level.

Last week I was in Washington with the mission from the Committee on Industry, Research and Energy and there was openness and a warm welcome on the part of our American counterparts. But I also felt a certain level of uncertainty or non—clarity relating to the immediate objectives in several of the ten Working Groups that have been set up. For instance, in Working Group 3 on Secure Supply Chains we are right now at the phase that we are doing mapping and the exchange of information. We are talking about the US and the EU Chips Act, but it’s more like mirroring things rather than having an integrated approach.

So what I am kindly asking you is, how do you perceive the kind of cooperation that we had, for instance with Pfizer—BioNTech, when the subsidies played together? Is that the future that we can see in terms of objectives?

(„Catch the eye” eljárás vége)

  Margrethe Vestager, Executive Vice-President of the Commission. – Madam President, dear Members, I’m really encouraged by this debate – with the warm support, but also with the level of detail and specificity. I think, in answering some of the questions, you have actually given part of the answers yourself.

One of the main questions, of course, is what actually is the Trade and Technology Council? Because it cannot be a place where we sort of prejudge what will be the opinions of this House. I think that must be absolutely clear. But that doesn’t mean that it can be without effect. Just as a side remark, I’d say that actually I’m quite happy that we can shake hands again because I think that shows that we have moved quite some lines, both in terms of the pandemic, but also in getting to a better relationship with colleagues in the US.

I think what was said by Anna—Michelle Asimakopoulou was very precise as a description of what the TTC is. Because what we can do is we can exchange information, we can discuss things that we disagree on. We can align points of view and – I think very importantly – we can be specific. Let me take the question of semiconductors. Here what we have agreed is to collect information on both sides and then to establish a common analysis as to what are the reasons for the chip shortage that we are faced with right now. Obviously, it’s really, really difficult to do something about it on short—term notice, but we can make our future, mid— and long—term actions, be informed by the causes for the short—term shortage that we are faced with right now. I think that those important insights will make our work also for the European Chips Act and for a European Chips Strategy so much more solid.

The ten working groups are indeed different because they have a different focus. Working groups, for instance, on standards, will not only be focusing on setting EU—US standards, but also on working together in multilateral standard—setting forums. I think it is not to be underestimated how important it is to have such early warning cooperation to know what is being brought up, what is at stake. Because we know that there are others who want to set their standards also in multilateral standards—setting organisations. So, we can coordinate our approaches to key global technology, to economic issues, to trade issues, and because of that we can deepen transatlantic trade and economic relations, basing this on politics where our shared values get a specific concrete expression in real life.

I think the second example of that is the work that we are doing on artificial intelligence. The first result was to align our point of view that the critical thing here is to have a risk—based approach, so that when AI is used in cases where fundamental values might be at stake, this is where we should focus. In order to make sure that we have an innovation—prone approach to artificial intelligence so that we can use it as much as possible.

So the first step is to align our way of thinking. The next step is to see if we can develop common tools in order actually to see if common principles are being upheld. Because there are thousands and thousands of producers, of coders, of programmers, of future users of AI, who would want to know how to make sure that they are on the right side of our principles. Here, of course, we have an obligation to develop tools that will allow that to happen.

As you’ll also see, we have a working group as to how to enable small and medium—sized businesses to be part of the technological development. I think that is really important, because the work we do here is actually to open the market so that small and medium—sized businesses will have a much bigger chance based on their merits, on their talent, on their ideas, on their work ethics, actually to get to their customers – which also, of course, chips into the question of platforms that I mentioned in my introduction.

One of the things that I will mention to bridge into how the European Parliament can be involved is the One—Stop Shop that Valdis Dombrovskis mentioned in his introduction, because outreach to stakeholders and the scrutiny of the European Parliament is part of what can make the TTC a success. So, we have this website where one can both interact with us, but where also papers become available as soon as possible so that it is open as to what it is that we’re doing. I think that is very important. I hope that you will promote this in your constituencies for the different stakeholders for whom it is important.

The meeting that we had under the leadership of a Member of this Parliament, Bernd Lange, with a number of other committee chairs being invited, is part of the answer to the question as to how the European Parliament can be involved. I think this debate is also part of how the European Parliament can be involved. And, of course, for us to prepare the next meeting, we will discuss in the set—up chosen by Parliament as to how Parliament can be involved in the preparation of the next meeting.

Last but not least, I share some of the remarks made about China. If you look at our AI proposal, you will see that there are use cases where we find it really crucial to say these uses are forbidden in the European Union, because this is not a place of surveillance. This is a place where data belongs to people and not to the state.

But I think the key to success of the TTC is that we want something with the Americans and they want something with us, because we have something really strong in common: old democracies, strong fundamental values, the respect of the individual with the integrity of their dignity as the starting point.

I think the only way to excel in this world is not to try to answer what other people are doing. It is to find our own way to excel, to over go, to show what we really are about. I think the TTC is part of that puzzle, next to all the many other things that this House is initiating, that this House is pushing the Commission to do, that this House enables Member States to do. Only in that respect can we deliver to European voters what has been promised. Thank you very much for the strong support and for this important debate.

  Elnök asszony. – A vitát lezárom.

Írásos nyilatkozatok (171. cikk)

  Benoît Lutgen (PPE), par écrit. – Les relations entre les États-Unis et l’Union européenne sont complexes et le lien fraternel qui nous unis ne peut être résumé en quelques mots. Ceci dit, il est important de noter que, même si avec le président Trump cette relation a souffert, l’ère Biden est prometteuse et permettrait, si l’Union européenne s’en donne les moyens, de reconstruire un lien fort. Ce lien est nécessaire à nos économies: en 2020 plus de 164 000 entreprises européennes ont exporté des biens pour une valeur de 353 milliards. Cette reconstruction de l’amitié américano-européenne, doit passer par le TTC. Il doit permettre d’aider les deux parties à régler leurs différends commerciaux. Il doit également être positif pour les citoyens tant pour en démontrer l’intérêt que pour renforcer nos valeurs communes. J’ai entendu certains de mes collègues s’inquiéter de notre implication dans la rivalité États-Unis-Chine. Il ne faut pas se voiler la face, la Chine représente une menace commune pour nos intérêts tant à l’étranger qu’au sein de nos frontières par leurs investissements. Occulter cette influence ne pourrait que nuire aux intérêts de l’Union.

  David McAllister (PPE), schriftlich. – Letzte Woche haben die Vereinigten Staaten und die Europäische Union endlich den jahrelangen Streit um Sonderzölle auf Stahl- und Aluminiumimporte beigelegt. Nachdem verschiedene Entwicklungen der jüngeren Vergangenheit das grundsätzlich positive Verhältnis der EU mit den USA zuletzt belastet hatten, war dies eine weitere positive Nachricht. Die USA sind und bleiben unser wichtigster strategischer Verbündeter.

Ebenso ist positiv, dass der neue Handels- und Technologierat vor gut einem Monat hoffnungsvoll gestartet ist. Ein intensiver Dialog stärkt das gegenseitige Vertrauen und Verständnis. Wir haben gemeinsame Interessen und stehen vor enormen Herausforderungen, auf die wir uns konzentrieren sollten. So werden wir nach gemeinsamen Lösungen für die Lücken in den Lieferketten für Halbleiter suchen. Die globale Halbleiterversorgungskrise ist vermutlich der größte Bremsklotz für die wirtschaftliche Erholung nach der Pandemie und kostet schon jetzt Arbeitsplätze, gerade auch in Deutschland. Die EU und die USA sollten dieses Problem zusammen angehen.

Der Handels- und Technologierat sollte weitere drängende Fragen behandeln. Dazu zählen beispielsweise gemeinsame Regeln für Künstliche Intelligenz oder die Plattformökonomie, sowie unser Verhältnis zu China. Hier sollten wir uns strategisch enger mit Washington abstimmen. Jetzt gilt es, den Schwung des ersten Treffens mitzunehmen und die transatlantische Zusammenarbeit zu stärken.

  Ivan Štefanec (PPE), písomne. – Politika novej americkej administratívy sľubuje zmenu prístupu k medzinárodným obchodným vzťahom a špeciálne posilnenie väzieb s Európskou úniou. Je pozitívne, že sa to začína diať práve v oblasti, ktorá bude mať pre budúcnosť obrovský význam, a tou sú moderné technológie. Ak sa s americkou stranou podarí dohodnúť na spoločných štandardoch, budeme lídrami, ktorých budú nasledovať aj iné krajiny. Bude dobrou správou, ak tieto rokovania otvoria základ pre obnovenie širokej obchodnej dohody.

  Marco Zanni (ID), per iscritto. – Il dialogo con gli Stati Uniti su grandi sfide globali come la cybersecurity, l'intelligenza artificiale o la protezione dei dati, è fondamentale. È attraverso la collaborazione con i nostri partner atlantici che potremo ritagliarci un ruolo da protagonisti nello scenario tecnologico internazionale. Ci sono tuttavia temi su cui riflettere. Nonostante trovi positivo, che ci siano state delle aperture sul tema dei dazi all'acciaio e all'alluminio, ritengo che gioverebbero solo ad alcuni esportatori e rischierebbero di aggravare il problema di approvvigionamento, ormai caratteristico dell'era post-pandemica. Non dobbiamo poi essere ipocriti: un caso come quello emerso nei giorni scorsi su motori tedeschi, venduti alla Cina per le sue navi militari, ci fa apparire incoerenti e rischia di vanificare azioni importanti come la visita dei nostri delegati a Taiwan.

Auspico che anche i prossimi incontri siano caratterizzati dalla collaborazione, per i nostri interessi e per fronteggiare il crescente potere di mercato della Cina.

Ribadisco infine, quanto già detto in passato: il dialogo con gli Stati Uniti deve essere portato avanti in modo continuativo e coerente, slegato da tifoserie democratiche o repubblicane.