Posėdžio stenograma

Ketvirtadienis, 2021 m. lapkričio 25 d. - Strasbūras

1. Posėdžio pradžia

ΠΡΟΕΔΡΙΑ: ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΠΑΠΑΔΗΜΟΥΛΗΣ
Αντιπρόεδρος

(Η συνεδρίαση αρχίζει στις 9.00)

2. Tarybos pozicija per pirmąjį svarstymą (Darbo tvarkos taisyklių 63 straipsnis)

  Πρόεδρος. – Ο Πρόεδρος έλαβε από το Συμβούλιο τις θέσεις του σε πρώτη ανάγνωση, καθώς και τους λόγους που ώθησαν το Συμβούλιο να τις υιοθετήσει, και τις θέσεις και γνωμοδοτήσεις της Επιτροπής. Οι πλήρεις τίτλοι θα καταχωριστούν στα Συνοπτικά Πρακτικά της παρούσας συνεδρίασης. Επομένως, η τρίμηνη προθεσμία που έχει το Κοινοβούλιο για να αποφανθεί αρχίζει να τρέχει από αύριο 26 Νοεμβρίου 2021.

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Προτού προχωρήσουμε στις συζητήσεις και πριν από τη σημερινή ψηφοφορία η οποία θα αρχίσει στις 9.30 και κατά τη διάρκεια της οποίας θα ψηφίσουμε επί της απόφασης της επιτροπής EMPL για την έναρξη διοργανικών διαπραγματεύσεων σχετικά με:

- την πρόταση οδηγίας του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου και του Συμβουλίου για επαρκείς κατώτατους μισθούς στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση

τον λόγο μπορούν να λάβουν μόνο ένας ομιλητής υπέρ της απόφασης της επιτροπής για έναρξη διαπραγματεύσεων και ένας ομιλητής κατά της απόφασης.

  Johan Danielsson (S&D). – Mr President, thank you for the floor. I want to talk on behalf of all those who have supported our call to ensure a meaningful vote for the whole Parliament on the Directive for adequate minimum wages. I want to start by thanking Marianne Vind, Nikolaj Villumsen, Malin Björk and other colleagues from different groups and Member States who have contributed to collecting signatures. Because, colleagues, the proposal for a Directive on adequate minimum wages in the EU is perhaps one of the most important files during this mandate. It is therefore only reasonable that the whole Parliament get a meaningful say on our position, not just the 35 Members who voted in favour of the mandate in the Committee on Employment and Social Affairs (EMPL).

By voting against the trilogue mandate today we would secure a meaningful vote on the directive in the plenary in December. Otherwise, we will not see this file until it’s a done deal after the trilogues. Council has not yet adopted its position so we can afford the three weeks requested to ensure a democratic and meaningful vote on Parliament’s position. I therefore urge you to vote against a negotiating mandate for the minimum wage file today.

I would also like to tell you about the specific concerns from a Swedish and Danish perspective. In our countries, businesses, trade unions and all political parties across the spectrum, all agree that this proposal risks undermining our well-functioning collective bargaining models. In all political groups here in Parliament, Danish and Swedish colleagues have tried to get support for meaningful safeguards for our labour market models. Unfortunately, our concerns are not reflected in the committee report, so voting against the mandate today will also give us more time to find a solution.

In conclusion, give us time to find solutions by voting against the negotiating mandate.

  Agnes Jongerius, rapporteur. – Mr President, today we have this meaningful vote because we are voting on the mandate to start negotiations with the Council and the Commission on decent minimum wages and strengthening collective bargaining. I speak here today also on behalf of my co-rapporteur Dennis Radtke.

The proposals of the Committee on Employment and Social Affairs (EMPL) will improve the lives of millions of workers in Europe. For the people who work in shops, in logistics, in cleaning and in agriculture, we can make a difference today. On the one hand, we are ensuring that statutory minimum wages must be adequate and must provide for a decent standard of living, and, on the other hand, we are strengthening the position of social partners and collective bargaining throughout Europe.

The directive is catering for the national traditions and labour market models all over Europe. We are not imposing a statutory minimum wage on any Member States. On the contrary, we have added extra safeguards for the Nordic models. Yesterday, in COREPER, they managed to find a compromise, and today I think it’s our turn. So put a plus on the report and let’s start trilogue negotiations. It’s a plus for those people who work hard and still cannot make ends meet. So, on behalf of Dennis Radtke and myself, I urge you to vote in favour.

3. Tarptautinė kovos su smurtu prieš moteris diena ir dabartinė Stambulo konvencijos ratifikavimo padėtis (diskusijos)

  Πρόεδρος. – Το επόμενο σημείο είναι η συζήτηση σχετικά με τη δήλωση της Επιτροπής για τη Διεθνή Ημέρα για την Εξάλειψη της Βίας κατά των Γυναικών και την πορεία της κύρωσης της Σύμβασης της Κωνσταντινούπολης (2021/2979(RSP)).

  Helena Dalli, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, the 25th of November was officially designated by the United Nations General Assembly as the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, in the year 2000. Today, the promises made over 20 years ago are still valid.

I reaffirm the Commission’s strong stance on combating all forms of violence against women and domestic violence. While marking this day remains important to continue raising awareness and mobilising all actors to take firm action, I would like to remind this House that our efforts go beyond the 25th of November, of course.

Together with President von der Leyen and Vice—President Jourová, we have spoken out clearly on this matter and we have put forward a series of actions that will make a difference to women and girls across Europe.

In March 2020, the Gender Equality Strategy set out ambitious actions, policy objectives and goals to strive towards a Union of equality, free from all forms of violence against women and girls. As stressed in this strategy, the EU’s accession to the Council of Europe Istanbul Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence is a key priority for this Commission.

The Istanbul Convention is a comprehensive and powerful legal instrument to prevent and combat gender—based and domestic violence and protect victims. It remains the gold standard for the work we do within the EU. The recent opinion of the European Court of Justice on the Istanbul Convention allows the Council to explore the way forward.

The Commission remains fully supportive of the EU’s swift accession to the Convention. However, as previously announced in this House, we cannot keep on running on the spot, especially since, in the light of the Court’s Opinion, the date of the EU’s accession to the Convention is not certain.

We need an EU instrument addressing violence against women and domestic violence via binding obligations on Member States that are enforceable by the Commission. Taking the Court’s opinion into consideration, we are now examining how to best take forward the announced legislative proposal.

Early 2022, the Commission will table a directive to prevent and combat violence against women and domestic violence. The proposal will be comprehensive and will build on the objective of the Istanbul Convention ensuring that EU Member States have effective measures in place to prevent and combat violence against women and domestic violence and support victims. But it will also address recent phenomena of violence against women, which have become so visible under COVID times, such as digitally based violence or domestic violence.

In December, the Commission will also table a proposal to trigger a Council decision to extend the list of Europe crimes to include hate crime and hate speech. If this is achieved, the Commission would be able to propose an EU level criminalisation of hate speech and hate crime on grounds of sex and sexual orientation, amongst other grounds. These measures will be accompanied by a set of other measures aimed at eliminating violence against women, such as a recommendation on the prevention of harmful practices and the launch of an EU network on the prevention of gender—based violence.

The work on these two initiatives will start next year. Both actions will focus on the importance of the pre—emptive measures and on the education of boys and girls from an early age about gender equality and non—violent relationships. Moreover, the Commission continues to fund organisations and projects working on the ground to eliminate violence against women and girls.

  Ελισσάβετ Βόζεμπεργκ-Βρυωνίδη, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας PPE. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, ακόμη μια μέρα αφιερωμένη στην καταπολέμηση της βίας κατά των γυναικών και διαπιστώνουμε με θλίψη και απογοήτευση ότι το φαινόμενο της έμφυλης βίας είναι πάντα ευρύτατα διαδεδομένο στην Ένωση. Τα αδιάψευστα στοιχεία αποτελούν κόλαφο. Δεκαεφτά εκατομμύρια γυναίκες στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση υφίστανται σωματική ή σεξουαλική κακοποίηση κάθε χρόνο, ενώ 3.000 χάνουν τη ζωή τους ως συνέπεια πράξεων ενδοοικογενειακής βίας. Είναι σοκαριστικό. Κατά τη διάρκεια των lockdown, μάλιστα, τα κρούσματα βίας και έμφυλης κακοποίησης αυξήθηκαν δραματικά, ενώ ανησυχία προκαλεί και η έντονη εμφάνιση της ειδικής μορφής έμφυλης βίας στο Διαδίκτυο. Τονίζουμε με έμφαση ότι η βία δεν αποτελεί μόνο ακραία μορφή διάκρισης κατά των γυναικών. Είναι κατάφωρη παραβίαση ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων και βάναυση προσβολή του ανθρώπου από άνθρωπο. Με πρωτοβουλία μου, ως εισηγήτρια της νομοθετικής έκθεσης για την έμφυλη βία στο Διαδίκτυο, ζήτησα από την Επιτροπή να εντάξει με νομοθετική πρόταση τη διαδικτυακή βία στα επαχθή εγκλήματα του άρθρου 83 παράγραφος 1 της Συνθήκης και να προωθήσει δράσεις στα κράτη μέλη τόσο για την πρόληψη του εγκλήματος όσο και για την προστασία των θυμάτων. Όταν φτάσουμε στην καταστολή, το έγκλημα έχει ήδη διαπραχθεί. Παρά την ένταση του φαινομένου, έξι κράτη μέλη ακόμη δεν έχουν κυρώσει τη Σύμβαση της Κωνσταντινούπολης. Μέχρι το τέλος αυτής της κοινοβουλευτικής περιόδου, το θέμα αυτό πρέπει να έχει λυθεί οριστικά. Αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, πρέπει να καταλάβουμε ότι έχουμε υποχρέωση να υπερασπιστούμε τις αξίες μας, γιατί και μόνο η ύπαρξη ντροπιαστικών φαινομένων βίας κατά των γυναικών μάς αφαιρεί το δικαίωμα να μιλάμε για ευρωπαϊκό πολιτισμό.

  Pina Picierno, a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signora Commissaria, una vittima ogni sei ore in Europa, ogni sei ore.

Questi sono numeri, storie, che parlano di ciascuno di noi, parlano di ognuna di noi, perché ognuna di noi, direttamente o indirettamente, ha avuto esperienza di quella violenza. Indipendentemente dalla nostra condizione sociale e dalla nostra appartenenza religiosa, dalla nostra condizione di vita perché, che sia fisica o psicologica, che sia implicita oppure sfacciata, come spesso è, la violenza attraversa tutte le nostre vite e rimane un limite insopportabile, insopportabile, alla nostra dignità, alla nostra libertà e, in definitiva, alla nostra vita.

E allora, Commissaria, Presidente, noi dobbiamo chiederci oggi: questa emergenza è in cima alle priorità delle istituzioni europee e di questa Assemblea? La risposta è no, perché così non è. Basta considerare che non siamo ancora stati capaci, per esempio, di ratificare la convenzione di Istanbul, che è uno strumento minimo. Dovremmo andare ben oltre, ben oltre, e nemmeno questo siamo riusciti a fare.

Siamo ostaggio di governi illiberali e antidemocratici, che continuano a bloccare anche le misure minime che servirebbero per tutelare le donne e per non trasformare questa giornata soltanto nell'ennesima giornata di ricordo delle vittime. Non può essere soltanto questo. Abbiamo bisogno di andare oltre, abbiamo bisogno di dare risposte a quelle donne.

Non c'è più tempo, non abbiamo più tempo. Le donne muoiono ammazzate per mano degli uomini, che sono compagni, ex compagni e mariti. Non è una tragedia naturale, colleghe e colleghi, non è un'alluvione, non è un terremoto! Sono dei crimini, che vengono compiuti dagli uomini, in nome di una cultura precisa che si chiama patriarcato, e che noi, da qui, a cominciare da qui, dobbiamo capovolgere e sconfiggere.

  Samira Rafaela, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Mr President, almost one in three women around the world becomes subject to physical or sexual violence in their lifetime. This implies that we all know a woman – and probably more – who has been abused. Abuse is a direct result of persisting gender inequalities in our society. With that in mind, it is incomprehensible that some colleagues in this European Parliament continue to oppose making gender equality a reality. Some of you in the Parliament deny the institutional character of the gender pay gap, you deny the danger of abortion bans to women’s health and you deny the fact that your actions have consequences.

The fight for elimination of violence against women starts here in this Parliament. The EU has still not ratified the Istanbul Convention, and the EU still does not yet consider gender—based violence to be a ‘Euro—crime’ under Article 83, just to give you some examples. This urgently needs to change. I know that the European Commission is working hard, and I encourage you. Know that we support you in the Parliament to make this a reality. Violence against women and girls should not be a political issue. It should be a matter of respect and decency, but as long as some people in this House want to have a political fight over women’s rights and gender equality, we need to be ready to win that fight.

Let me conclude by reaching out to the men and boys in Europe. This is about your family, about your loved ones and people who are dear to us. Violence does not happen in a vacuum. It happens in a society that condones the subordinate position of women. I therefore call upon all men to speak out against systemic inequalities. Join our fight against violence and be the promoters of change because this is not only a women’s issue. This is an issue that is the responsibility of all. We need to fight that together. We can only win this battle together. Take the responsibility. It starts here in Parliament.

  Sylwia Spurek, w imieniu grupy Verts/ALE. – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani komisarko! Dwa lata temu przewodnicząca Komisji Europejskiej Ursula von der Leyen jako kandydatka na to stanowisko zobowiązała się do przyspieszenia ratyfikacji konwencji stambulskiej i chyba najwyższy czas wywiązać się z danego słowa. Parlament tylko w tej kadencji już 50 razy wzywał Komisję i Radę do działań przeciwko przemocy ze względu na płeć, w tym do pilnej ratyfikacji konwencji. Sama dodatkowo apelowałam o to 21 razy. TSUE potwierdził, że ten proces może być zakończony przez Radę kwalifikowaną większością głosów. Nie ma już prawnych przeszkód, czekanie na jednomyślność to tylko polityczna wymówka.

Pani komisarko, wiele razy mówiliśmy tu o polskim rządzie, o jego naruszeniach praworządności, łamaniu praw człowieka, praw kobiet. Sama wielokrotnie z tego miejsca zdecydowanie krytykowałam rząd i potępiałam jego antydemokratyczne działania, ale w 2020 r. ten rząd zmienił prawo, wprowadził policyjny nakaz opuszczenia domu przez sprawcę przemocy w rodzinie, umożliwił natychmiastową izolację sprawcy od ofiary. To konkret. A co konkretnego zrobiła Komisja? Czy przygotowała przynajmniej jakiś projekt aktu prawnego? Powiem coś, co może zabrzmieć szokująco, ale może to państwa zmotywuje. Ktoś mógłby pomyśleć, że rząd PiS przynajmniej na poziomie legislacyjnym przez ostatnie dwa lata zrobił więcej niż Komisja dla kobiet, ofiar przemocy w rodzinie.

Pani komisarko, państwa bierność w tej sprawie to także łamanie praworządności, państwa bierność w tej sprawie to przyzwolenie na dalsze łamanie praw człowieka w odniesieniu do kobiet. Państwa bierność w tej sprawie to przyzwolenie na lekceważenie i atakowanie konwencji stambulskiej przez państwa członkowskie.

  Simona Baldassarre, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signora Commissaria, noi donne rappresentiamo il motore del cambiamento, siamo coloro che reggono la società, che portano avanti la famiglia e, molto spesso, ci troviamo a doverci dividere tra lavoro e cura dei più fragili.

Purtroppo, se guardiamo agli ultimi dati ufficiali di Eurostat sui femminicidi in Europa, nel 2019 sono state uccise quattro donne al giorno, una donna ogni sei ore, e una donna su tre ha subito almeno una volta violenza fisica o sessuale dall'età di 15 anni. Possiamo solo immaginare come siano peggiorati questi numeri con la pandemia, con le denunce che sono salite in picchiata durante le fasi di lockdown. Solo nel mio paese, l'Italia, dall'inizio del 2021 abbiamo avuto ben 57 vittime di femminicidio.

Quindi abbiamo il dovere di denunciare ogni attacco verso una donna che sia fisico, psicologico, economico od online. Soprattutto non possiamo dimenticare quelle violenze di cui si parla meno. Penso, ad esempio, al dramma dell'utero in affitto, sul quale in questa legislatura non siamo riusciti a prendere una posizione netta. Una violenza che si fonda sullo sfruttamento di miriadi di donne, costrette a vendere il loro corpo per fame, diventando meri strumenti per esaudire l'egoismo di chi vuole comprarsi un figlio. Questa è la nuova schiavitù del terzo millennio!

Colleghi, durante questa giornata internazionale per l'eliminazione della violenza contro le donne non limitiamoci alle parole spesso effimere, ma prendiamo un impegno serio tutti assieme, per agire tempestivamente per le reali necessità delle donne europee. Le donne possono realmente essere il motore della ripartenza.

Voglio concludere oggi ricordando le parole di Oriana Fallaci: "Essere donna è affascinante. È un'avventura che richiede un tale coraggio, una sfida che non annoia mai."

  Jadwiga Wiśniewska, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Szanowni Państwo! Musimy mówić o przemocy i pomóc przerwać milczenie jej ofiarom. Co trzecia kobieta na świecie doświadczyła przemocy fizycznej, psychicznej, ekonomicznej czy wykorzystywania seksualnego. Niestety kobiety i dziewczynki w Europie nadal doświadczają również bardzo szczególnej i okrutnej przemocy, jaką jest okaleczenie narządów płciowych, a proceder małżeństw nieletnich dziewczynek z dorosłymi mężczyznami ma miejsce również w Unii Europejskiej.

Pragnę wyrazić ubolewanie, że ta kwestia nie została podniesiona ani w wystąpieniu pani komisarz, ani w stanowisku Komisji Europejskiej. Czyżbyście państwo udawali, że tych okrutnych przestępstw nie ma?

Coraz powszechniejszą formą przemocy jest również cyberprzemoc, m.in. stalking, mowa nienawiści, rozpowszechnianie materiałów pornograficznych. Uważam, że wszystko, co jest nielegalne offline, powinno być również nielegalne online.

Jak wskazują dane, przemoc domowa w czasie pandemii się nasiliła, bowiem ofiary zostały zmuszone do pozostania w zamknięciu ze swoimi sprawcami. W ubiegłym roku, w moim kraju, Polsce, którą tak państwo się interesujecie, uchwalono ustawę antyprzemocową. Nowa procedura szybkiego reagowania wobec sprawców przemocy domowej polega na szybkim izolowaniu ofiary od sprawcy i nakazuje natychmiastowe opuszczenie przez niego mieszkania.

Proszę brać z nas przykład, wymieniajmy się dobrymi praktykami. Niech łączy nas sprawa, a niestety dzieli nas ideologia.

  Manon Aubry, au nom du groupe The Left. – Monsieur le Président, on a libéré la parole avec MeToo, puis on a balancé notre porc. On a balancé notre porc dans le cinéma, on a balancé notre porc dans la littérature, on a balancé notre porc dans le sport. On s’est levées et on s’est cassées. Mais vous avez décoré les porcs. Même ceux qui ont reconnu les faits.

Puis on a balancé notre propre famille, les adultes qui violent des enfants, les hommes qui violent d’autres hommes. On a balancé les comédiens, les musiciens, les youtubeurs, les éditeurs. On a aussi balancé l’Église et, dernièrement, les bars. Et maintenant, on balance même les politiques. Mais vous les avez faits ministres.

Ne pensez pas que cela n’a pas de coût pour nous. Dès qu’on balance, viennent les représailles, les intimidations, la mise à l’écart, les insultes, les menaces, le harcèlement. Nous sommes épuisées, mais nous n’avons pas peur de vous. On continuera de balancer autant qu’il le faudra pour faire cesser l’impunité des agresseurs, autant qu’il le faudra pour nous mettre à l’abri et conquérir le respect qui nous est dû.

  Lívia Járóka (NI). – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! Tisztelt Biztos Asszony! Tisztelt Képviselőtársaim! Mindannyian egyetértünk abban, hogy a nők elleni erőszak megszüntetése igazán közös célunk és feladatunk, politika nélkül. Az isztambuli egyezmény azonban, azt kell mondanom 30 éves antropológusi tapasztalat után, hogy ennek a kötelező érvényűvé tevése egyszerűen megosztó, mivel beemel olyan ideológiák által vezérelt elemeket, melyek egyszerűen elfogadhatatlanok azoknak a keresztény elveket valló konzervatív közösségeknek, amelyek itt is reprezentálva vannak a teremben. Szimbolikusan nem tudja megteremteni az európai egységet, mivel nem a konszenzusorientált megoldást nyújtja, hanem ideológiailag, Önök is értik és érzik, hogy nagyon nagy harcot teremt. 2011-ben mi, Magyarországon ratifikáltuk az Európai Tanács nőkkel szembeni erőszak és a kapcsolati erőszak elleni küzdelemről szóló irányelvét és azok megelőzéséről szóló egyezmények minden olyan rendelkezését, amely valóban a nőkről szól és a nőkért szól.

Az FRA 14-es tanulmánya kimutatta, hogy Magyarországon az uniós 33 százalékos átlaggal szemben 28 százaléka esett csak párkapcsolati erőszak áldozatául a nőknek. Magyarország harcol a nők elleni erőszak visszaszorításáért. Mi nem a dokumentumok ratifikációjában, hanem a tettekben hiszünk.

(Η συζήτηση διακόπτεται)

4. Pirmasis balsavimas

  Πρόεδρος. – Ανακοινώνω την έναρξη της πρώτης ψηφοφορίας.

5. Tarptautinė kovos su smurtu prieš moteris diena ir dabartinė Stambulo konvencijos ratifikavimo padėtis (diskusijų tęsinys)

  Πρόεδρος. – Συνεχίζουμε τώρα τη συζήτηση πάνω στη δήλωση της Επιτροπής σχετικά με τη Διεθνή Ημέρα για την Εξάλειψη της Βίας κατά των Γυναικών και την πορεία της κύρωσης της Σύμβασης της Κωνσταντινούπολης (2021/2979(RSP)).

  Frances Fitzgerald (PPE). – Mr President, today we mark the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women – for the 30th time. However, it is simply not good enough to mark this day each year and talk about the significant achievements we have made, or the challenges that are still there. Violence against women remains a scourge. Women are dying. Women are suffering every single day across Europe, and you have to ask the question: how do we tolerate this as a society?

We saw a 30% increase during the COVID pandemic in the number of cases – physical, sexual, psychological, online, offline, sexual, coercive control, financial control. Transnationally we have taken significant steps, of course, with the Istanbul Convention – but what has happened to it? It’s extraordinary. Despite having the Istanbul Convention, which was a seminal moment, a game changer, we now see it used as a target, a Trojan horse. To those who have not yet ratified the Istanbul Convention, let’s be clear: you are sitting back and letting violence against women happen. Shame on you. Shame on those countries that will not take the steps that are needed to eliminate violence against women.

The European Commission, of course, needs to ramp up pressure with its proposal to combat violence against women, because women in Europe should be safe everywhere – in their homes, in the street, in their workplaces. So let’s make a pledge now that we shall not come back here year after year. Let’s ensure that drastic action is taken in the coming months so that in a few short years we can proudly proclaim that Europe is the first continent in the world to eradicate violence against women. That is not too tall an order. That’s where we should be. That’s where we need to be. And if women are to be safe, those are the steps that we need to take to ensure a quality life for all our citizens, including women.

  Łukasz Kohut (S&D). – Panie Przewodniczący! Mamy 2021 rok. Przemoc ze względu na płeć dawno powinna już należeć do przeszłości, ale tak niestety nie jest. To codzienność w wielu domach Europejek. Akcesja całej Unii do konwencji stambulskiej jest zablokowana. Tymczasem polski premier skierował konwencję do pseudo-Trybunału. Nie miejmy złudzeń, gdy tylko zwietrzą okazję i znajdą coś, co odwróci uwagę ludzi, tak jak to się stało w przypadku aborcji, wysadzą konwencję w powietrze.

Należy sięgać po alternatywne rozwiązania. Unijna dyrektywa o przeciwdziałaniu i walce z przemocą ze względu na płeć jest konieczna. Ciężar takich przestępstw jest wystarczający, by uznać je za europrzestępstwa. Oczekuję, że Komisja przedstawi propozycje prawa w tym zakresie. Unijne instytucje muszą działać, gdy prawa podstawowe obywatelek nie są respektowane, gdy ich bezpieczeństwo jest zagrożone. Tego także oczekują obywatelki Polski. Do znudzenia będę powtarzał: Polska to nie PiS, Polska to Sosnowiec, w którym dzięki inicjatywie aktywistek i poparciu prezydenta od paru dni mamy Rondo Praw Kobiet. Takie oddolne działania pokazują, co obywatele myślą o postępowaniu rządu wobec ich babć, matek, sióstr i córek.

I na koniec trochę bolesnej prawdy do was, prawico. To wy jesteście zagrożeniem dla rodziny, a nie mityczny gender. Wy, którzy przymykacie oko na przemoc domową, uderzając w zapisy konwencji stambulskiej, które zobowiązują do wprowadzenia konkretnych rozwiązań na rzecz ochrony ofiar i profilaktyki przemocy. Kaczyńskiemu marzy się już nawet rejestr ciąż. Doprowadzacie do katastrofy demograficznej. Młode Polki nie chcą rodzić w Polsce. Fizycznie jesteście tutaj w Europie, ale mentalnie bliżej wam do Afganistanu i do rządzących tam talibów.

  Chrysoula Zacharopoulou (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, coups, menaces, humiliations, exploitation sexuelle, cyberharcèlement, féminicide... Et la liste est malheureusement encore très, très longue. Soyons réalistes, nous ne pouvons pas atteindre l’égalité entre les femmes et les hommes tant que les violences continuent, que les victimes sont stigmatisées et que les agresseurs restent impunis.

Pourtant, nous avons un instrument fort et contraignant, la convention d’Istanbul, qui définit des normes de protection minimales pour tous les types de violences basées sur le genre. Alors que l’adhésion des 27 États membres de l’Union européenne pourrait changer la vie de millions de femmes européennes, six pays continuent à refuser de la ratifier. Nous demandons aux chefs d’État de la Bulgarie, de la Slovaquie, de la Hongrie, de la Lettonie, de la Lituanie et de la République tchèque: ne considérez-vous pas que vos citoyennes méritent d’être écoutées, d’être crues, d’être protégées? La décision récente de la Cour de justice européenne confirme que vos excuses ne sont pas recevables.

Et vous, Madame la Commissaire, nous attendons depuis deux ans et demi un paquet législatif ambitieux contre les violences et l’ajout de la violence de genre comme crime dans le droit européen. Vous connaissez la chanson «Paroles et paroles et paroles»; et les actes, c’est pour quand?

  Gwendoline Delbos-Corfield (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, when an increasing number of countries decide to attack the Istanbul Convention and to use disinformation in order to undermine the protection of women and LGBTI people, the EU and its institutions must more than ever be exemplary and ambitious, not only by reaffirming our shared values on equality and fundamental rights but also by using the tools that we have to react when they are under attack, and that we under-use systematically on these sorts of topics.

In May 2020, the Hungarian Parliament rejected the ratification of the Istanbul Convention under the pretext that it promotes destructive gender ideologies and illegal migration. At the same moment, civil society organisations reported an alarming increase of reports of domestic violence during the first COVID-19 lockdown. Today it is not even possible to understand the extent of gender-based violence in Hungary, as the government simply does not collect data on this issue. Instead of properly funding services for victims of gender-based violence and enacting adequate legislation to eradicate gender-based violence, the Hungarian Government spends its energy in rejecting any international or EU text excluding the word gender.

Every time people talk about not ratifying the Istanbul Convention but fighting anyway, every time they want to protect some women but not others, every time they avoid the word ‘gender’, the word ‘intersectionality’, the word ‘minorities’, they do not really want to act. They are just using this. And every time they use also the word ‘ideology’, they are just using the combat of women to use their own purpose, and they’re not doing anything.

  Assita Kanko (ECR). – Mr President, I would like to share a short story that many of you have probably heard already from a neighbour, from a family member, from a friend, or maybe it was your own experience. The girl came to my office. She told me that it was 11 years ago. She was 11 years old and the man was someone that the family knew. She was raped. She told me that this year her mother finished paying the debt that she contracted to pay lawyers. And what for? For no justice. This girl was strong. She’s going to become a police officer, because she wants to help fight sexual crimes.

But if, for every mayor, every policy-maker, the European Commission, the European Parliament, for all of us, law enforcement is not becoming a reality, this girl will have become a police officer for nothing. Is her daughter, in turn, going to tell a story like this to a policy-maker? This is just one of the many examples of problems that women are facing, and together we need to make change happen. This is only what I wanted to share with you.

  Sandra Pereira (The Left). – Senhor Presidente, violência no trabalho, violência doméstica, violência no namoro, ausência de acesso a direitos sexuais e reprodutivos, mutilação genital feminina, assédio moral e sexual, prostituição ou a mercantilização do corpo da mulher como objeto sexual: diferentes formas de violência sobre as mulheres que têm de ser reconhecidas como expressões extremas de desigualdade e discriminação que se manifestam na humilhação, no desrespeito pela integridade física e psicológica das mulheres que as sofrem. Formas de violência que atentam contra a dignidade, o estatuto social e os direitos de todas as mulheres.

O tratamento autónomo de cada uma destas diversas formas de violência deve ser assegurado, reconhecendo o que isto representa na vida das mulheres. A adoção de medidas no combate e prevenção às discriminações, desigualdades e violências sobre as mulheres é essencial para a emancipação e para a igualdade na lei e na vida.

Hoje, 25 de novembro, Dia Internacional para a Eliminação da Violência Contra as Mulheres, saudamos a valiosa intervenção das organizações de mulheres na prevenção e combate às diversas formas de violência e exploração sobre as mulheres. Esse é também o nosso compromisso.

  Clara Ponsatí Obiols (NI). – Mr President, last week, Mr Pedro Sánchez Pérez-Castejón, the Prime Minister of Spain, went to Istanbul to visit his friend, President Erdoğan. They appeared before the press and Erdoğan took the occasion to speak strongly against the Istanbul Convention, with very offensive remarks about women. Mr Sánchez listened impassively, he smiled and uttered no words beyond friendship, investment or economic times. Erdoğan’s remarks were as offensive as his behaviour over the ‘sofagate’ scandal. But no one in Brussels has bothered to react, not even to express concern.

This Spanish talk of friendship is a dangerous liaison indeed, and the Commission should be watching it, because beyond undermining the Istanbul Convention, the close friendship between Spain and Turkey is a threat to European security and stability much more widely. Spain sells Turkey the boats that threaten the security of Greece and Cyprus, and weapons that fuel the conflict in the Middle East. And meanwhile, Spanish banks are investing in a very volatile Turkish economy that can bring big risks to the eurozone.

Commissioners, please watch out for Spain and Turkey.

  Isabella Adinolfi (PPE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, pace, diritto, rispetto per ciascun essere umano. Quando siamo giovani pensiamo che siano parole scontate, che tutti abbiamo questi principi positivi dentro di noi. Quando sei adulto, invece, ti rendi conto che esiste il bene ed esiste il male.

Oggi voglio usare parole molto semplici e comprensibili per tutti quelli che ci stanno ascoltando. La Convenzione di Istanbul è "il primo strumento internazionale giuridicamente vincolante che crea un quadro giuridico completo per proteggere le donne da qualsiasi forma di violenza." Quindi la Convenzione di Istanbul è un trattato, e i trattati vanno prima firmati e poi ratificati dagli Stati, in modo che gli Stati siano vincolati a rispettare questi trattati.

In questa Convenzione parliamo di concetti molto semplici. Si dice che gli Stati dovrebbero inserire nei propri codici penali una serie di reati perpetrati contro le donne: violenza psicologica, violenza sessuale, stalking, violenza fisica, stupro, matrimonio forzato, mutilazioni genitali, aborto forzato, sterilizzazione forzata, molestie sessuali. Reati aberranti, eppure ci sono paesi dell'Unione europea che ritengono che non sia un atto di civiltà ratificare l'accordo.

Cittadini e cittadine europei, donne, padri, oggi dovete chiedere ai vostri governi e ai vostri politici che vi rappresentano: perché? Perché è difficile metterci la faccia contro una violenza sessuale o una mutilazione genitale? Perché è difficile metterci la faccia contro un matrimonio forzato o uno stupro?

Il compito dei politici è quello di prendere delle decisioni e rappresentare la democrazia. E allora io voglio sapere perché ci sono paesi dell'Unione europea che sono omertosi verso questo trattato e se questi paesi rappresentano veramente i valori dell'Unione europea.

  Evelyn Regner (S&D). – Mr President, 28 – 28 women were killed this year in Austria. 28, nearly all of them by men close to them, murdered simply because they are women.

But violence against women and children doesn’t start with these femicides, it starts in the heads, the words, the first black eye hidden from others. Why hidden? Because still today, instead of holding the men responsible who use violence against women, we blame often the women. We often hear ‘not all men’. But most men haven’t yet understood: this issue of violence is theirs to solve. They can’t be bystanders looking away, laughing, uncomfortable at a misogynistic joke.

And therefore, today I call on all those men who already know violence is not OK: you need to call out your friends and brothers, and you need to believe women when they tell you about the violence that they experience. Every third woman you meet is a survivor of violence. Every third.

  Michal Šimečka (Renew). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, I will be speaking my mother tongue, po slovensky, vážení kolegovia, 600, 600 žien, vyše 600 žien bolo podľa tých posledných dostupných dát Eurostatu zavraždených v roku ešte 2018 intímnym partnerom alebo rodinným príslušníkom alebo svojim príbuzným v 14 štátoch Európskej únie, a to sú dáta ešte spred pandémie.

Koľko ďalších žien prišlo o život odvtedy v iných krajinách Európskej únie, o ktorých nemáme bližšie dáta? Koľko žien denne čelí fyzickému a psychickému násiliu? A koľko nahlásených prípadov sa nikdy neobjaví v týchto dátach? Naozaj násilie páchané na ženách je jedným z najväčších problémov, ktorým ako demokratická a moderná spoločnosť čelíme. V Únii dokážeme veľmi efektívne chrániť spotrebiteľov a ich práva, no nedokážeme dostatočne chrániť ženy pred fyzickým a psychickým násilím. Sme na seba hrdí, že sme veľmocou regulácie, ale v mnohých členských štátoch sme nedokázali ratifikovať Istanbulský dohovor. Preto vyzývam Komisiu na urýchlené prijatie opatrení na úrovni EÚ, ktoré budú ekvivalentom toho ratifikovaného dohovoru.

  Alice Kuhnke (Verts/ALE). – Herr talman! Varje dag misshandlas, våldtas och dödas eller mördas kvinnor av män i sin närhet. Varje dag utsätts också barn för det övergrepp som det faktiskt också är att se och höra sin mamma bli utsatt. Vi kan fortsätta att prata om att det är så här. Eller så bestämmer vi oss för att göra mer för att få stopp på det. Det går, men det krävs att vi använder de verktyg som finns, som fungerar.

Med andra ord är den politiker, den partigrupp, det parlament, den regering eller den kommission som inte gör vad som krävs, som inte använder de verktyg som faktiskt finns, alla politiker som accepterar att män misshandlar, våldtar och dödar kvinnor. Ni vet vilka ni är och vi vet vilka ni är.

  Julie Lechanteux (ID). – Monsieur le Président, Madame le Commissaire, l’ordre du jour est point d’étape et état d’avancement sur l’élimination de la violence à l’égard des femmes. La conclusion est que rien n’est fait, rien n’avance. En France, 220 000 femmes par an subissent des violences conjugales; plus de 100 000 femmes sont violées ou agressées chaque année; 120 000 sont excisées chaque année; le nombre de viols a augmenté de 32 % ces deux dernières années. La preuve encore que rien n’est fait, ni en France, ni en Europe.

Vous préférez investir dans de la publicité pour le port du hidjab et faire preuve d’hypocrisie, voire d’ironie, en signant un accord international dénommé «convention d’Istanbul», ville turque dont le président Erdoğan est un islamiste. Cet islamiste a relégué Mme von der Leyen sur un canapé comme une petite écolière, laissant aux hommes les discussions sérieuses. Rien ne pourra jamais améliorer la condition des femmes dans cette Union européenne victime du syndrome de Stockholm.

Si un jour vous souhaitez remettre les pieds sur terre, revenir à la réalité, c’est 35 % des femmes qui indiquent avoir été exposées à des violences physiques ou sexuelles au cours de leur vie. Ce sont 101 femmes qui ont péri sous les coups, en France, depuis le 1er janvier de cette année. Voilà ce qui arrive quand on veut confier le destin, le sort des femmes à leurs pires ennemis. Michel Sardou chantait «Femmes, je vous aime». Il serait vraiment temps de les aimer, et de les aimer vraiment.

  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Г-н председател, насилието над жени трябва да бъде преследвано и наказвано. Това трябва да става, разбира се, през наказателните кодекси на всяка една държава. Така работи правната система на държавите. Истанбулската конвенция обаче няма нищо общо с това. Това е една пропаганда, в която под легитимния знак за борба срещу насилието над жени беше вкарана идеология. И вие отлично знаете това. Идеология, която е част от триадата, заедно с климатичната истерия и утопичния „зеленизъм“ на някаква идея за нов световен ред, който се опитвате да налагате. Идеология, която ще бъде пометена, разбира се, от вашите нови приятели, клетите бежанци. Това ще се случи и то е неизбежно. Ако за да проверите и да видите каква пропаганда е така наречената „Истанбулска конвенция“, просто ми кажете каква е статистиката за насилието в ислямските общности във Франция. И тогава ще разберете за какво говорим. Вие всички знаете за тази статистика, но тя не е удобна и затова не говорите за нея. Ако искате да предложите ефективна борба срещу насилието, която трябва да се води, разбира се, това трябва да се прави през наказателните кодекси на съответните държави, а не да се провежда безумна пропаганда, нито да се прави някакъв опит за промяна на нашето общество през така наречената „джендър идеология“.

  Eugenia Rodríguez Palop (The Left). – Señor presidente: María Isabel, Erika, Mónica, Zuita, Pamela, Amal, María de los Ángeles, María Pilar, Hazna, África, Consuelo, Alicia, Rocío, Nicoleta, María Teresa, Betty, Lucía, Jordina, Mari Cruz, Mari Carmen, Conchi, Flora... algunas de las 37 mujeres asesinadas por sus parejas y exparejas, por quienes decían quererlas.

Y mientras, en la Unión Europea, a pesar de los esfuerzos de este Parlamento, sigue paralizada la ratificación del Convenio de Estambul, la Comisión plantea dudas sobre la violencia de género como eurodelito y hay controversia sobre el alcance de la propuesta legislativa que pretende plantear.

Solo espero que la Comisión no dé alas a los negacionistas y a los Gobiernos de extrema derecha que nos boicotean en el Consejo. Esos Gobiernos y sus aliados son los que amparan la cultura de la violación, los que avanzan sobre los cuerpos de las mujeres en su particular «cuento de la criada», convencidos de que somos propiedad de varones, Estados o iglesias.

Miles de mujeres esperan nuestra respuesta y no podemos dejarlas solas.

  Miroslav Radačovský (NI). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, ochrana žien pred násilím a takúto ochranu je potrebné považovať za prioritu číslo jedna nielen v legislatíve, ale predovšetkým v hlave človeka.

Veľmi dobre poznám kontroverzný a právne nedokonalý Istanbulský dohovor. Ako sudca so 40-ročnou praxou tiež veľmi dobre poznám legislatívu Slovenskej republiky. Musím skutočne objektívne a bez emócií konštatovať, že legislatíva Slovenskej republiky, pokiaľ sa týka ochrany práv žien pred násilím, je dokonalejšie a lepšia, objektívnejšia a nekomplikovaná. Navrhujem preto, aby sa legislatívci Európskej únie oboznámili s jurisdikciu Slovenskej republiky, prevzali a implementovali ju do práva Európskej únie a potom ten Istanbulský dohovorík môžeme kľudne hodiť do kanálu La Manche.

A ešte niečo na záver. Ohradzujem sa proti výrokom niektorých europoslancov, ktorí tvrdia, že krajiny, ktoré neprijali Istanbulský dohovor, sú akési zaostalejšie. Na Slovensku to tak nie je. My, Slováci, máme svoje ženy radi, pretože to sú najkrajšie ženy na svete.

  Nathalie Colin-Oesterlé (PPE). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, la lutte contre les violences à l’égard des femmes est un sujet qui nous concerne tous, sur lequel nous devons agir et sur lequel nous ne pouvons pas échouer. L’Europe a un rôle à jouer. Aujourd’hui, évidemment, les États membres peuvent légiférer, mais c’est à leur bon vouloir.

Alors l’Europe, oui, a le devoir d’agir. Agir en ratifiant la convention d’Istanbul, premier instrument international contraignant pour lutter contre la violence à l’égard des femmes et des enfants. Et l’Europe doit faire pression sur les six pays qui ne l’ont pas encore ratifiée, car cela n’est pas acceptable. L’Europe doit aussi agir en légiférant. La Commission européenne a annoncé qu’elle présenterait un texte en décembre prochain visant à créer une base commune et contraignante pour tous les États membres afin de lutter contre ces violences. Alors, j’attends que cette nouvelle législation intègre trois volets: un volet prévention, pour mieux former, dès le plus jeune âge, les citoyens européens à l’égalité des sexes; un volet protection, pour mieux accueillir, écouter et protéger les femmes victimes de violences; et un volet poursuites, pour définir un cadre commun au niveau européen et faire de la violence fondée sur le genre un nouveau domaine de criminalité.

Il est urgent de former tous les professionnels qui sont amenés à traiter des affaires de violence à l’égard des femmes. Il est urgent de créer un numéro d’appel gratuit européen, ouvert 24 heures sur 24 et disponible dans tous les États membres et dans toutes les langues. Il est urgent de créer un réseau européen de guichets uniques sécurisés d’assistance aux femmes victimes de violence et il est urgent d’augmenter le budget de Daphné, ce programme de l’Union européenne qui finance des projets visant à prévenir et à combattre la violence et à protéger les victimes.

  Heléne Fritzon (S&D). – Herr talman! Ja, mäns våld mot kvinnor är ett av våra största samhällsproblem. Det är både en orsak till och en konsekvens av ojämställda samhällen, och våld i alla dess former går att förebygga, men det krävs politisk vilja. Vi har inte råd att vänta en enda dag till på att kvinnor ska få åtnjuta sina mänskliga rättigheter.

Det handlar också om barnen. Alla barn har rätt till en trygg och kärleksfull barndom, och inget barn ska behöva uppleva våld. Inget barn ska se sin mamma bli misshandlad av en man, och alla flickor och kvinnor ska ha rätt att leva sina liv utan våld och övergrepp. Därför är det viktigt att både EU och samtliga medlemsstater ratificerar Istanbulkonventionen. Vi kan inte vänta en enda dag till. Kvinnor och flickor har rätt att leva ett liv fritt från våld och övergrepp.

  Katalin Cseh (Renew). – Mr President, Bernadett Orosz, a mother of six from Hungary, was brutally and repeatedly beaten by her partner. Her nose got fractured, her eardrum exploded and her face was disfigured. When she asked for a restraining order, she couldn’t get one. Out of desperation, she took pictures of her injuries and posted them on social media, and then she was sued for invasion of privacy.

Colleagues, Bernadett is an EU citizen. Her story clearly shows that our system is broken. Our system is failing victims, and the Istanbul Convention is our most powerful tool to repair it. There is clear evidence of that from countries that have ratified it. There is a clear positive change from prevention to prosecution. Let me just say that the populist right’s shameful attacks and the smear campaign against the Convention is absolutely horrendous. We have also already heard in this Chamber that this is against their values – as if violence could ever be a value. Hungarian Minister Judit Varga talks about political hysteria as if the victim’s cry for help could ever be mistaken for hysteria.

It’s time for the EU to step up. It’s time for an EU-level ratification of the Istanbul Convention. We call on the incoming French Presidency to put it on the Council agenda, because women in the EU deserve much better.

  Ernest Urtasun (Verts/ALE). – Señor presidente, un tercio de las mujeres europeas ha vivido algún episodio de violencia a lo largo de su vida. En el caso de España llevamos ya treinta y siete muertes este año. Desde hace algunos años, desde 2003, desde que se cuentan, más de mil víctimas.

Es una auténtica plaga y hoy nos hemos levantado con la cifra —atiendan— de 53 000 mujeres que tienen vigilancia policial porque son perseguidas por sus parejas o exparejas, amenazadas por la violencia. Es una auténtica plaga. La mitad de la población, señora comisaria, vive bajo la amenaza de la violencia machista.

¿Hay algo más urgente en materia de política pública que afrontar este fenómeno? Y el marco europeo es totalmente insuficiente. Sí, es una vergüenza que seis países no quieran ratificar el Convenio de Estambul, pero pónganlo ya en la agenda del Consejo y ratifíquenlo por mayoría cualificada si es necesario.

Por último, no puede ser que aún no tengamos un marco propio europeo. Esperamos mucho de la Directiva que nos ha prometido. Esperamos que sea comprensiva, amplia —que abarque el fenómeno de una manera muy muy muy amplia— y ambiciosa para poner fin a esta lacra. Muchas europeas que hoy en sus países no tienen un marco propio de lucha contra la violencia machista necesitan de esta Directiva para que sus países impongan normas de una vez.

  Gunnar Beck (ID). – Mr President, the Istanbul Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence is the first European convention to impose legal duties specifically to protect women. It’s been ratified by most EU Member States. The EU is now calling on the remaining six members to follow soon.

Two comments. Of course, women should be protected against violence. However, why only women? Men are as likely to suffer domestic violence as women. Why don’t they merit protection? Second, some States object to ratification because they fear the courts may interpret the convention too broadly and apply it to gender matters unrelated to domestic violence and violence against women. The convention is specifically aimed at both, and the text freely refers to both, but little else.

The Vienna Convention on the Laws of Treaties requires that treaties be interpreted in good faith and according to their ordinary meaning, unless that meaning is woefully unclear or absurd. Yet the EU, and some national courts, commonly construe legal provisions dynamically, that means against their wording and to further purposes the courts invent and impose.

The only safeguard against this undemocratic practice of judicial lawmaking by unelected and politically appointed officials, is the literal, or text-based, interpretation. What there is need for is a convention against judicial lawmaking, not the judicial extension of the Istanbul Convention.

  Beata Mazurek (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Szanowni Państwo! Przemoc wobec kobiet nie ma narodowości – występuje na całym świecie i jest obecna we wszystkich grupach społecznych, niezależnie od wieku, wykształcenia, wyznania czy statusu społecznego. Przemoc wobec kobiet może mieć różne oblicza i nie ma tu znaczenia, jaką formę przybiera, ponieważ każda, ale to każda przemoc wobec kobiet powinna być skutecznie karana przez przedstawicieli wymiaru sprawiedliwości i stanowczo potępiana.

Tworzenie spójnego i skutecznego systemu przeciwdziałania przemocy, nie tylko wobec kobiet, ale wobec każdego człowieka, to zadanie, które spoczywa na państwach członkowskich. Tylko dobrze egzekwowane prawo może w znaczny sposób ograniczyć zjawisko przemocy wobec każdej osoby, która się z nią zetknęła.

Na koniec, szanowni państwo, chciałabym zwrócić uwagę i przypomnieć o sytuacji kobiet w Afganistanie, które każdego dnia doświadczają różnych form przemocy. Czy świat zapomniał już o ich cierpieniu? Te kobiety, jak każda z nas, zasługują na życie w poczuciu bezpieczeństwa i godności. Niestety tak nie jest i nic nie wskazuje na to, by cokolwiek się zmieniło, ponieważ my nic albo niewiele robimy.

  Niyazi Kizilyürek (The Left). – Mr President, unfortunately, domestic violence remains a widespread phenomenon in Europe. One in five women in a relationship have experienced physical and or sexual violence by a partner or ex-partner. In many countries, half of family murder victims are killed by a partner or a relative.

Despite all of these undeniable facts, some EU Member States are refusing to ratify the Istanbul Convention. Some go so far as to consider it as promoting destructive gender ideology or same sex marriage. This is virtual patriarchy, which is one of the main reasons for the victimisation of women. It is a fact that low-level gender equality is one of the causes of gender violence. So also is toxic masculinity.

Let’s ratify the Istanbul Convention, but be aware that patriarchal structures cannot be deconstructed only with legal measures. We need also deep-rooted changes in all levels of life. We need absolute gender equality. Above all, we need to raise our voice against patriarchy.

  Laura Ferrara (NI). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la violenza contro le donne rimane una delle più diffuse e gravi violazioni dei diritti umani. Le sofferenze e le conseguenze negative sulla salute fisica e psicologica, così come nella sfera pubblica e privata, si amplificano in condizioni di vulnerabilità, di crisi umanitarie e con l'attuale pandemia. Femminicidio, tratta, mutilazioni genitali, abusi e molestie sessuali, online e offline, sono solo alcuni dei fenomeni attraverso cui si manifestano i comportamenti violenti, ai quali non è estraneo il contesto familiare.

Occorre allora condannare con forza l'atteggiamento di quegli Stati membri che mettono in discussione la Convenzione di Istanbul, ritardandone la ratifica e l'attuazione o anche manifestando la volontà di recedere. Questo tipo di comportamento vanifica gli sforzi nell'Unione europea per ampliare le azioni rivolte a prevenire la violenza di genere, per rendere agevole la protezione e l'assistenza delle vittime, la denuncia e il perseguimento dei colpevoli.

Gli obiettivi della Convenzione rappresentano una sfida prioritaria da vincere in campo legislativo, sociale e culturale per contrastare la violenza contro le donne e affermare i loro diritti fondamentali.

  Aušra Maldeikienė (PPE). – Gerbiamas Pirmininke, mieli kolegos, prieš keletą metų mano aštuoniolikos metų mokinę ir jos mamą nušovė pavydo apakintas tėtis. Žiaurų šeimos problemų sprendimo būdą pasirinkęs vyras buvo garsus gydytojas, profesorius, su kuriuo kartu dirbau mokyklos tėvų komitete.

Kas lemia, kad net 31 procentas Europos moterų patiria fizinę ir seksualinę prievartą, kuri kartais baigiasi net mirtimi? Pagrindinė priežastis – dar neįveikta patriarchalinė šeimos samprata bei lyčių stereotipai, kuriuos vis dažniau kartoja vadinamosios tradicinės šeimos apologetai.

Prieš penkerius metus popiežius Pranciškus paskelbė raginimą tikintiesiems ir ten aiškiai pasakė, kad smurto prieš moteris ištakos yra vyriškas mačizmas, su kuriuo būtina kovoti.

Vis dėlto bent jau mano šalyje Lietuvoje Stambulo konvencija neratifikuojama visų pirma dėl politikų pataikavimo vietiniams hierarchams, kurie aiškina, kad konvencija įstatymo lygmeniu įtvirtina stereotipinį požiūrį, supriešinantį vyrus ir moteris. Sunku suvokti turinį.

Panašios mintys randa puikią dirvą visuomenėje, kurioje smurtas dažnai net neatpažįstamas. Seksualinė prievarta šeimoje laikoma santuokinių pareigų vykdymu, o smurto aukos kaltinamos, kad smurtą iššaukia jų pačių, esą, netinkami veiksmai.

Norint perkirsti smurto ratą, būtina imtis aktyvesnio švietimo. Smurtą patiriančioms moterims privalu suteikti pagalbą, saugią gyvenamąją vietą, skaitmenines platformas, kurių pagalba jos galėtų informuoti apie savo problemas. Kad šios priemonės būtų ne vien formalios, jas būtina deramai finansuoti.

  Cyrus Engerer (S&D). – Mr President.

Caroline, Elenor, Maria, Antonia, Shannon, Lourdes, Marija Carmela, Angele and Chantelle. Our sisters, our mothers, our friends. The nine women who have been killed in my country, Malta, only in the past five years because of a very specific disease: hatred and violence towards women. And despite the 137 women who are murdered every day in the world, femicide continues to be a de facto definition, and no single Member State seems to have a concrete taxonomy defining the murder of a person which is the direct result of hatred because of their gender.

The root cause when it comes to gender-based violence is gender stereotyping, which not only harms women, but harms all those who identify with their gender, and those who don’t. The ratification of the Istanbul Convention is key in the fight against gender-based violence. It is unacceptable that Bulgaria, Czechia, Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary and Slovakia have still not ratified it. Enough time-wasting. Ratify the Convention now.

  Abir Al-Sahlani (Renew). – Herr talman! Redan innan pandemin var våldet mot kvinnor på tok för utbrett här i EU. En tredjedel av alla europeiska kvinnor har blivit utsatta för någon form av våld, alltså var tredje kvinna härinne i rummet och i hela EU. Varje dag dör en kvinna på grund av våld i nära relationer. Den här pandemin har inneburit att våldet i hemmet har fått florera fritt, och vissa konservativa krafter har utnyttjat pandemin för att ytterligare inskränka kvinnors mänskliga rättigheter.

Istanbulkonventionens mål är ju att skydda kvinnor från våld, men den utmålas som genuspropaganda och ett hot mot kärnfamiljen. Den polska regeringen, ledd av partiet Lag och rättvisa, är, som första europeiska land, på väg att lämna konventionen. I stället för att arbeta mot alla former av våld mot kvinnor har samma regering föreslagit att införa ett nationellt register över gravida kvinnor och på så sätt institutionalisera kränkningar av kvinnors mänskliga rättigheter – samma regering vars strikta abortlagar har lett till att en kvinna har dött.

Kära kommissionsledamot, detta är inte ett jämställdhetsproblem för EU i vårt samhälle –det här är en skam för oss. Jag förväntar mig konkreta åtgärder så att vi kan sätta stopp för våldet mot kvinnor i hela EU.

  Kim Van Sparrentak (Verts/ALE). – Voorzitter, elke week sterven er vijftig vrouwen in Europa aan geweld, puur omdat ze vrouw zijn. Transgenders worden in elkaar geslagen op straat en vermoord. Vrouwen worden gedrogeerd in de kroeg en vervolgens bruut verkracht. Jonge meisjes plegen zelfmoord omdat ze intieme beelden met een jongen hebben gedeeld, die hij vervolgens zonder toestemming online gooit.

Mevrouw Dalli, we zitten in een pandemie, en dan heb ik het niet alleen over covid. Elke minuut dat we geen actie ondernemen, is er een te veel. Twee jaar geleden heeft u aangekondigd met Europese wetgeving te komen om dit geweld te criminaliseren en te voorkomen. Volgende maand zou u het dan eindelijk presenteren, maar nu is het weer uitgesteld. We kunnen niet langer wachten. Ook wordt het hoog tijd dat de EU het Verdrag van Istanbul ratificeert. Vrouwen in heel Europa rekenen op u. We verwachten actie, en geen lege woorden meer!

  Jorge Buxadé Villalba (ECR). – Señor presidente, ayer estuve buscando información para saber cuánto ha aumentado o disminuido la violencia sobre las mujeres desde que se aprobó el Convenio de Estambul: no encontré nada. Pregunté a los servicios del Parlamento Europeo, que tampoco tienen nada.

La Unión Europea destina miles de millones de euros al año para fomentar la igualdad —o eso dice—. Tenemos observatorios de la mujer, comisiones de igualdad, organizaciones no gubernamentales, organizaciones gubernamentales, ministras, consejeras, comisarias e incluso cátedras en las universidades, pero es imposible encontrar una cifra oficial de qué está sucediendo.

No sabemos si la violencia sobre las mujeres aumenta o disminuye, pero, oyéndoles a ustedes, parece que aumenta, lo cual quiere decir que sus políticas de género no sirven para nada. De hecho, la realidad nos dice lo contrario: en 2015, cuando se permitió la entrada masiva de inmigración islámica en Alemania, se produjo un aumento drástico de la violencia contra las mujeres.

Nosotros lo tenemos claro: la violencia contra las mujeres se combate con control de las fronteras, apoyo a las familias y penas severas contra los criminales y los maltratadores. Ustedes hacen lo contrario: enfrentan a hombres y mujeres, hablan de la «masculinidad tóxica» y consideran a todos los hombres, en general, violadores en potencia. Así no haremos nada.

  Pernando Barrena Arza (The Left). – Señor presidente, desde que en 2003 se empezaron a recoger datos sobre violencia hacia las mujeres, han sido asesinadas en Euskal Herria 112 mujeres, 11 menores.

Detrás de este número inaceptable hay nombres y existencias, proyectos de vida robados. Especialmente queremos tener en la memoria a Erika Tavares, Conchi González, Aintzane Pujana, María Pilar Berrio y la vecina de Biarritz de 75 años que han sido asesinadas a lo largo de 2021 en Euskal Herria.

Para hacer frente a esto necesitamos herramientas y compromisos claros, y uno de ellos es el Convenio de Estambul, una herramienta que abrió la perspectiva de lo que son las violencias machistas y exigió a los Estados compromisos y respuestas claras, con medidas de verdad, justicia, reparación y garantías de no repetición.

Como ya han dicho otros compañeros precedentes, a día de hoy solo veintiún Estados miembros han ratificado el Convenio y la Unión todavía no lo ha hecho como tal. Pedimos de manera urgente que la Unión Europea ratifique el Convenio de Estambul y que entre ya en la agenda del Consejo. Sabemos que los domicilios no son seguros para muchas mujeres, del mismo modo que los Estados e instituciones tampoco lo son si no se hacen cargo de convenios como estos.

Quiero acabar agradeciendo al movimiento feminista la labor incansable de concienciación y actuación. Si hoy estamos aquí, evidentemente es porque ellas siguen abriendo camino.

  Luisa Regimenti (PPE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signora Commissaria, l'odierna ricorrenza ci induce a riflettere su un fenomeno che costituisce non solo un'emergenza pubblica e sociale, ma una delle più vergognose violazioni dei diritti umani.

Arriviamo a questa giornata simbolica con un bilancio tragico: solo in Italia nel 2021 si conta un femminicidio ogni tre giorni. Ma chi pensa che le donne siano il sesso debole, si sbaglia. Vivere una vita da donna richiede molta più forza e determinazione rispetto a quella di un uomo e spesso il dover resistere davanti alle ingiustizie, le oppressioni, le sopraffazioni e gli abusi.

In una società democratica non può e non deve esserci spazio per nessuna forma di violenza contro le donne, ma ciò si realizza mediante una rivoluzione in termini di sensibilizzazione della comunità e non può certo prescindere da un sostegno europeo e nazionale.

La Convenzione di Istanbul è il più completo trattato internazionale sui diritti umani per prevenire e combattere la violenza contro le donne, e se è vero che tutti gli Stati membri hanno firmato la Convenzione, permangono ancora delle sfide relative alla sua ratifica.

È quindi necessaria un'azione urgente per porre fine alle errate interpretazioni della Convenzione di Istanbul e per porre al centro dell'agenda politica europea la tutela dei diritti fondamentali, l'uguaglianza fra i sessi, la sicurezza e la giustizia, per poter dire oggi: "non vi lasciamo sole, noi ci siamo!"

  Maria Noichl (S&D). – Herr Präsident! Ich spreche als Europäerin, als Frau, als Mutter, als Oma, und ich möchte es ganz deutlich sagen: Wer die Werte, wer die Inhalte, wer die Handlungsaufträge der Istanbul-Konvention nicht teilt, kann nicht Teil dieser EU sein. Denn diese EU ist ein Versprechen, vor allen Dingen auch ein Versprechen an die Frauen. Die Istanbul-Konvention ist so etwas wie ein Sammelband. Die Istanbul-Konvention ist ein Sammelband für Schutzaufträge, ein Sammelband für Aktionen, für ein Friedensversprechen den Frauen gegenüber und vor allen Dingen für ein einheitliches Schutzniveau für alle Frauen in der EU.

Die Istanbul-Konvention ist somit das weitreichendste Instrument, das wir derzeit zum Schutz gegen Gewalt an Frauen haben. Und es ist ganz klar, dass es endlich an der Zeit ist, dieses Papier zu ratifizieren, es als EU zu ratifizieren, mit qualifizierter Mehrheit zu ratifizieren, keine Zeit mehr zu verlieren und sich damit ganz, ganz klar auf die Seiten der Frauen und auf die Seiten der Männer zu stellen, die klar gegen Gewalt an Frauen kämpfen.

Es ist eine Gruppe von Frauen und von Männern, die einen Schritt in die Zukunft machen wollen. Und die ewiggestrigen Männer, die müssen wir überwinden.

  Irène Tolleret (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, chers collègues, Jennifer en France, Angelica en Allemagne, Sylvia en Italie, Anna en Pologne. Quelques noms de femmes qui sont des sœurs, des cousines, des amies, des mères, des filles. Quatre groupes humains détruits parce que ces femmes ont été tuées par leur conjoint ou leur ex-conjoint, cette année, en 2021, dans l’Union européenne, ici et maintenant.

Malheureusement, la liste est plus longue. Chaque année, des centaines de femmes meurent en Europe, tuées par leur conjoint ou leur ex-conjoint. Chaque jour, des femmes sont violentées, harcelées, dans la rue, sur internet. Nous vivons aujourd’hui dans une société qui est gangrénée par les stéréotypes de genre. Le patriarcat, le machisme, le sexisme sont toujours une réalité.

Nous, législateurs européens, avons une responsabilité. Nous ne pouvons pas seulement nous protéger derrière l’idée que la convention d’Istanbul doit aller plus loin. Nous avons aussi besoin d’une directive pour lutter contre les violences, mais nous devons également mener une réelle révolution culturelle pour qu’au niveau de l’éducation que nous offrons à nos filles et à nos garçons, à la maison comme à l’école, dès le plus jeune âge, nous transmettions aux garçons et aux filles la culture de l’égalité. Pour que cette liste de femmes tuées n’existe plus.

  Malin Björk (The Left). – Herr talman! När Istanbulkonventionen antogs var vi många som jublade. Äntligen ett internationellt instrument för att bekämpa det könsbaserade våldet – det som förminskar våra liv, som tar liv. Men i dag attackeras Istanbulkonventionen av högerkonservativa, auktoritära krafter. Vi ser hur våldet mot kvinnor och hbtqi-personer förminskas och till och med ursäktas. Vi kan inte låta det ske.

Inget EU-land ska kunna avsäga sig åtagandet att bekämpa våld mot kvinnor, varken Polen eller något annat land. Kvinnorna har sagt sitt. Vi har modigt brutit tystnaden. Vi stöttar varandra. Men jag undrar: Var är männen? Var är åtgärderna? Var är resurserna? Var är pengarna? Var är den krismedvetenhet som vi ser när det gäller annat? Det här är terror mot kvinnors kroppar.

Ni agerar som om politiken inte hade någon möjlighet att göra någonting. Det har den. Vi ska ha nolltolerans mot alla former av könsbaserat våld. Vi ska ha mer resurser till kvinnojourerna. Vi ska tro på den som vågar berätta. Det är modigt att bryta tystnaden. Vi ska säga att det är förövaren som bär all skuld. Vi ska säga att lagen står på din sida. Vi kommer inte att vila förrän vi har satt stopp för våldet mot kvinnor och flickor.

  Seán Kelly (PPE). – Mr President, violence against women can take many forms, from coercive control to physical abuse. Earlier this month, my colleagues and I were delighted to welcome Sarah Benson of Women’s Aid Ireland to the European Parliament. The charity was a very deserving recipient of the 2021 European Citizen’s Prize, in recognition of the frontline support that they have provided since the outbreak of COVID-19.

Figures show an increase of over 40% in calls to the charity’s helpline after March 2020. The figure is stark, and even more so when you remember that many instances of domestic abuse go unreported, due to the stigma and shame imposed on victims. My own country of Ireland signed the Istanbul Convention in 2015, and I am pleased to say that we ratified it in March 2019.

Many policy and legal improvements were made leading up to the ratification, but that does not mean we should stop here. Recent progress includes the commencement of Coco’s Law, which criminalises the taking and distribution of intimate images without consent. While I believe that we are seeing real and positive change, violence against women inside and outside the home in Ireland and across the EU remains far too common. We must continue to fight to end it.

  Predrag Fred Matić (S&D). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, povjerenice, na Međunarodni dan borbe protiv nasilja nad ženama prvo bih izrazio žaljenje zbog činjenice da o ovom problemu ne postoji relevantna i ažurira statistika. To znači da brojke koje imamo ne ocrtavaju realnost koja je danas još gora. A trenutno statistika govori: svaka treća žena je tijekom života bila žrtva fizičkog ili seksualnog nasilja, svaka četvrta mlada žena bila je izložena obiteljskom nasilju i nasilju od strane intimnog partnera. U prosjeku dvije od tri žene nisu prijavile nasilje policiji. Iz ovoga možemo zaključiti: problem nasilja nad ženama s godinama ne jenjava već, nažalost, raste. Postojeći programi prevencije i zaštite ne donose rezultate. Mali postotak prijave nasilja govori o nepovjerenju prema institucijama. I ono najbolnije, ove nam brojke vrlo jasno pokazuju da naš ključni dokument, Istanbulska konvencija, nije zaživjela na način na koji smo zamislili i da je vrijeme da se povuku hrabriji potezi.

Naša je odgovornost da pratimo implementaciju Istanbulske konvencije, a od Europske komisije iščekujemo novu direktivu za borbu protiv nasilja nad ženama, obećanu do kraja ove godine. Želim vjerovati da Komisija neće ostaviti žene na cjedilu.

  Hilde Vautmans (Renew). – Mr President, for already almost an hour and a half today, we have listened to the stories and we have listened to the numbers. But, Madam Commissioner, did we really hear them? I will repeat them: nearly one in three women have been abused in their lifetime and, since the COVID pandemic, the figures are even worse. Since the COVID—19 pandemic, we see a real shadow pandemic. Since the start, two in three women report that they have experienced some form of violence.

Colleagues, we must act and we must act together. Luckily, there were a few men talking today, but most of us talking here were women. We need the men also to fight. May I say that? We also need you, because what is happening is no longer acceptable. For me, what should be done is that we need to believe the survivors. We must tackle the root causes and we should introduce one European helpline. We should take care of the victims.

Madam Commissioner, we should make gender-based violence a European priority. There are many priorities, but for me, it’s a very important one that we can no longer accept. So please, push those six Member States to ratify the Istanbul Convention. Colleagues, altogether here, say no to violence to women.

  Katarina Barley (S&D). – Mr President, gender-based violence has many forms and faces, and we see it everywhere. We have a tool to prevent and combat violence against women and domestic violence: the Istanbul Convention. It does not solve the problem all by itself, but it is a commitment to take action.

Now we see that this Convention is being framed by autocratic regimes. They say it is against their history and culture to fight against gender—based violence. Are you serious? Some of them have even signed it themselves.

We have to see it as part of the bigger picture. We currently witness the increase of transnational, highly-organised and well—funded anti—gender movements in the European Union and worldwide that go hand—in—hand with anti-democratic movements. These movements put into question the achievements of women’s rights and endanger, at the same time, our democratic foundation. Because it all goes together when you look at these regimes: fight against the independence of judiciary, fight against free media, fight against critical culture and the rights of women. That’s always the same pattern.

Now, we have to fight for the rights of women, and I’m happy to say that the new coalition contract in Germany includes the full implementation of the Istanbul Convention. There are still small parts missing in the digital space, and this contract also makes clear that Germany will fight for the ratification and implementation in our Council of Europe partner countries. This is the way to go.

  Marc Angel (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, c’est un scandale! Aujourd’hui, six États membres – la Bulgarie, la Hongrie, la Lettonie, la Lituanie, la Slovaquie et la Tchéquie – n’ont toujours pas ratifié la convention d’Istanbul, qui protège les femmes, les filles et la communauté LGBTI. En plus, le gouvernement polonais menace de se retirer. Voilà pourquoi la ratification par l’Union européenne reste bloquée au Conseil.

Refuser cette convention qui sauve des vies est un geste insensible et d’une terrible cruauté face aux violences faites aux femmes en Europe. Considérant le nombre croissant de féminicides, je ne peux que me tourner vers ces six gouvernements et leur rappeler qu’au travers de leur attitude, c’est du sang qu’ils ont sur les mains.

Nous, Parlement européen, ne pouvons pas rester insensibles à cette réalité. Voilà pourquoi une très grande majorité, Madame la Commissaire, va faire avancer les propositions législatives qui incluent les normes d’excellence de la convention d’Istanbul et l’initiative d’ajouter les violences faites aux femmes et aux filles à la liste des crimes inscrits dans le droit européen.

Madame la Commissaire, comptez sur nous pour renverser le patriarcat. Comptez sur nous pour combattre ensemble les mouvements antigenres et leur idéologie. Ce sont eux les idéologues dans cette histoire.

  Helena Dalli, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, Europe is the frontrunner when it comes to elimination of violence against women and girls. Women and girls deserve to live free from violence in Europe and beyond. This is why the Commission is not only working on EU-wide action and legislation, but is combating gender-based violence across the world.

Our main tools in this respect are the Gender Action Plan III and the ongoing EU-UN Spotlight Initiative. Earlier this year, the Commission, as Action Coalition leader of the UN Generation Equality Forum on gender-based violence, committed itself to act through policy proposals, actions and funding, in combating gender-based violence across the world. Ensuring that sufficient protection and support is available for all women and girls will help us achieve a world free from violence.

I thank this Parliament for its continuous support in our common goal by recalling this year’s theme for 25 November, ‘Orange the World: END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN NOW!’.

PŘEDSEDNICTVÍ: DITA CHARANZOVÁ
místopředsedkyně

  President. – The debate is closed.

Written statements (Rule 171)

  Атидже Алиева-Вели (Renew), в писмена форма. – Безспорен е фактът, че насилието, основано на пола, остава ужасяваща реалност за твърде много граждани в ЕС. Въпреки високите цели, които постави Комисията, все още няма задоволителни конкретни резултати. Много от жените, подложени на насилие, мълчат, защото вярват, че насилниците ще се променят. А всъщност статистиката сочи, че 33% от жените в ЕС са били подложени на физическо и/или сексуално насилие, а 55% са били сексуално тормозени. Затова сега, ние, ясно и на висок глас трябва да говорим за този проблем. Стотици животи можеха да бъдат спасени, само ако имахме адекватни мерки и бяхме приложили категорични политики в областта на домашното насилие и насилието, основано на пола.

Трябва да гарантираме безопасността на жените по света чрез премахване на насилието, основано на пола, в многобройните му форми, за да постигнем равенство между половете. Насилието не е непредотвратимо. Изход има. Един ефективен инструмент в борбата срещу насилието над жените е Истанбулската конвенция. За съжаление, България все още е една от страните, които не са я ратифицирали. ДПС е единствената партия, която от самото начало изразява подкрепата си за конвенцията. Искрено вярвам, че ратифицирането й ще има ключова роля, за да можем да изкореним насилието срещу жените и да осигурим пълно равенство между половете.

  Rovana Plumb (S&D), in writing. – Violence against women and girls is one of the most widespread, persistent and devastating human rights violations in our world today. While gender—based violence can happen to anyone, anywhere, women and girls are particularly vulnerable, for instance young girls and older women, migrants and refugees, indigenous women and ethnic minorities. Violence against women continues to be an obstacle to achieving equality, development, as well as to the fulfilment of women and girls’ human rights. All in all, the promise of the Sustainable Development Goals to leave no one behind cannot be fulfilled without putting an end to violence against women and girls. As long as women are traumatised, beaten, raped, trafficked, murdered or in other ways denied their bodily autonomy, and while girls are still harassed in school and online, exposed to female genital mutation and forced marriage, Europe is not equal and not free from gender—based violence. I welcome the European Commission’s intention to put forward an EU Directive to combat gender—based violence and domestic violence before the end of 2021. Ambitious and progressive legislation coupled with sufficient funding for anti—violence initiatives are urgently needed. Europe must become a zero—tolerance zone for gender—based violence.

  Christine Schneider (PPE), schriftlich. – Geschlechtsspezifische Gewalt ist nach wie vor ein globales und europaweites Problem. Ich bedauere ausdrücklich die mangelnden Fortschritte bei der Ratifizierung der Istanbul-Konvention. Ich stimme mit der Kommission überein und befürworte die geplanten Maßnahmen, denn die Zahlen sind erschreckend: Eine von drei Frauen in der EU hat seit ihrem 15. Lebensjahr körperliche Misshandlung und sexuelle Gewalt erfahren. Jede Woche verlieren etwa 50 Frauen ihr Leben durch häusliche Gewalt durch ihre Partner. Nach Angaben der Vereinten Nationen wurden im Jahr 2019 weltweit 243 Millionen Frauen und Mädchen misshandelt, aber nur 40 Prozent zeigten dies an. Die Situation hat sich während der COVID-19-Pandemie noch verschärft, da die Frauen gezwungen waren, zu Hause bei ihren Missbrauchern zu bleiben.

  Stefania Zambelli (ID), per iscritto. – I numeri inerenti alla violenza contro le donne in Europa, sono ancora oggi allarmanti. Si stima infatti che in Europa il 33% delle donne sia vittima di violenza fisica o sessuale. Purtroppo, a perpetrare violenza contro le donne sono proprio le persone ad esse più vicine, come il padre o il partner. La pandemia da COVID-19, non ha fatto altro che esacerbare questa situazione, con picchi di femminicidi durante i mesi di lockdown. Dobbiamo garantire sostegno alle donne vittime di violenza e alle famiglie che hanno perso una donna a causa di femminicidio: aiuto psicologico, compensazioni economiche celeri e giuste, pene severe per chi ha perpetrato il reato. I sistemi giudiziari devono dare risposte rapide e certe, a chi ha perso una madre o una figlia. È inammissibile che in Europa ci siano ancora enormi differenze tra i vari schemi nazionali di compensazione per le vittime di reato.

È nostro dovere far sì, che chi ha subito un reato e le lo ro famiglie, ottengano giustizia velocemente.

6. Diskusijos dėl žmogaus teisių, demokratijos ir teisinės valstybės pažeidimo atvejų (diskusijos)

6.1. Padėtis Somalyje

  President. – The next item is the debate on seven motions for resolutions on the situation in Somalia (2021/2981(RSP))*.

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* See minutes.

  Janina Ochojska, autorka. – Pani Przewodnicząca! W rezolucji dotyczącej sytuacji w Somalii znalazły się najważniejsze tematy opisujące trudną sytuację w tym regionie, takie jak pogłębiający się kryzys humanitarny, brak zabezpieczenia żywnościowego, przemoc wobec kobiet i dzieci oraz wciąż nieukończony proces wyborczy. Wzywamy w niej do ochrony osób wewnętrznie przemieszczonych i uchodźców, a także do uwolnienia dziennikarzy, zlikwidowania kary śmierci oraz ustanowienia niezależnego systemu sądów. Wobec prognozy przewidującej wzrost liczby osób potrzebujących natychmiastowej pomocy i ochrony do 7,7 mln w 2022 roku położyliśmy nacisk na zwiększenie pomocy humanitarnej. Informacje z ONZ oraz od rządu somalijskiego mówią o szybko pogłębiającej się suszy, która może doprowadzić do ekstremalnych sytuacji na wiosnę przyszłego roku. Już około 2,7 mln osób cierpi z powodu braku dostępu do bezpiecznej wody, braku higieny, żywności oraz pastwisk dla zwierząt. Kryzys humanitarny pogłębia fakt, że tylko 3 % populacji jest zaszczepione na COVID-19. Rezolucja zwraca uwagę na negatywny wpływ pandemii na edukację oraz na służbę zdrowia. Podkreśla wagę zmian klimatycznych i ich negatywnego wpływu na ekonomię.

Zdecydowanie potępiamy przemoc seksualną wobec kobiet i dziewcząt. Oczekujemy podjęcia środków zapobiegawczych. Wzywamy liderów somalijskich do ukończenia procesu wyborczego do izby niższej do końca tego roku. Z zadowoleniem został przyjęty wzrost udziału kobiet w wyborach oraz wybór 26 % kobiet do izby wyższej.

Dziękuję kolegom z innych grup politycznych za współpracę nad przygotowaniem wspólnego tekstu rezolucji.

  Hilde Vautmans, Auteur. – Voorzitter, de situatie in Somalië, ik moet het u niet vertellen, is bijzonder zorgwekkend. Een amalgaam aan conflicten vormt een rem op de stabiliteit, de ontwikkeling en de welvaart van het land. Het land wordt geteisterd door terreur, geweld, politieke instabiliteit. Ook de klimaatverandering eist er zijn tol, met als gevolg een humanitaire ramp van jewelste.

Als ik u de cijfers even schets: 2,9 miljoen intern ontheemden, zes miljoen mensen die nood hebben aan humanitaire hulp, bijna één miljoen kinderen die het risico lopen op acute ondervoeding! Kunt u zich dat voorstellen? Ik vind het hallucinant dat ik dat hier op dit spreekgestoelte moet zeggen.

Onze steun aan dat land is dan ook belangrijk. Let op, we doen al heel veel: 35 % van alle humanitaire hulp aan Somalië komt van Europa en de lidstaten. Maar als we het land verder willen begeleiden, dan moeten we die inspanningen aanhouden, dan moeten we onze hulp voortzetten, die hulp gebruiken als hefboom om veranderingen door te voeren.

Mevrouw de commissaris, ik heb een aantal prioriteiten die ik graag aan u wil meegeven, om Somalië uit deze enorme crisis te begeleiden. Dring aan op verkiezingen, daar begint het mee. Veroordeel de willekeurige opsluitingen en aanvallen op journalisten en het misbruik en geweld tegen vrouwen. Zeker vandaag mag ik u dat vragen! Ondersteun het land in de strijd tegen gewapende groeperingen. Veiligheid is de beste garantie op ontwikkeling, zoals bekend. En tot slot, richt uw aandacht op de meest kwetsbaren: de vele misbruikte kinderen, de zovele ondervoede kinderen en de zovele kindsoldaten.

  Alviina Alametsä, author. – Madam President, people in Somalia suffer from political instability, terrorist activities, drought and food insecurity. 45 million people are on the edge of famine. 2.9 million people are displaced. The humanitarian situation is rapidly worsening. The extended electoral process and COVID-19 have deteriorated the human rights crisis even further. For the society and democracy to start functioning, it is essential to bring the elections to a conclusion without delay. It is also disappointing that the number of women in the Upper House falls short of the agreed 30% quota. Without women and young people, who form a majority in Somalia, rebuilding a nation is not possible.

Somalia also faces gender-based violence and abductions, sustained attacks on journalists and media workers. This must come to an end. We need stronger support from the EU and Member States for Somalia. We need to protect those that advocate for human rights and keep the authorities in check. We must strengthen our support for human rights and environmental defenders in Somalia and support dialogue of civil society with the authorities.

When all our instruments and support is not enough on the ground, I also call for the EU and the Member States to facilitate the issuing of emergency visas and provide temporary shelter to the human rights defenders in EU Member States.

  Adam Bielan, author. – Madam President, the economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, seasonal floods, plant disputes and the gradual withdrawal of the African Union mission, increased insecurity and instability across Somalia. Among the direct consequences, the humanitarian situation, and especially food security, has been deteriorating even further throughout Somalia. There are now close to six million people in need of humanitarian assistance.

In addition to this, the terrorist group, al-Shabab has stepped up attacks, ambushes, suicide bombings, and targeted assassinations of government officials. I deeply regret al-Shabab’s attacks, which deliberately disrupt the electoral process in Somalia. We cannot remain neither idle nor indifferent to this deteriorating situation.

The EU and the other relevant external action bodies must urgently address humanitarian access constraints in the country, as well as support the strengthening of Somalia’s democracy. We should intensify our help by all possible means.

  Emmanuel Maurel, auteur. – Madame la Présidente, nous assistons en Somalie à une situation très grave, quasi inextricable, où se croisent activités terroristes, violations des droits de l’homme, instabilité politique et insécurité alimentaire.

Nous avons d’un côté un groupe terroriste affilié à Al-Qaïda, qui s’appelle Al-Chabab, responsable d’atrocités affreuses, qui cause la mort de milliers de civils et enrôle de force des milliers d’enfants. Et très récemment, samedi dernier, un journaliste, Abdiaziz Mohamud Guled, a été tué dans un attentat-suicide commandité par les djihadistes. De l’autre côté, nous avons des autorités régionales et nationales très faibles, corrompues, qui ont mis en place une législation abominable à l’égard des femmes et des petites filles et qui commettent des exactions contre les journalistes, contre les syndicalistes et contre les militants des droits de l’homme. Et tout cela, ça fait 6 millions de personnes en attente d’assistance alimentaire, 2 millions et demi de personnes qui sont au bord de la famine et un État failli.

L’Union européenne doit évidemment continuer à donner de l’aide humanitaire et même, peut-être, amplifier cette aide. Mais je crois qu’elle doit aussi éviter l’écroulement complet de la Somalie. Cela passe par une action en faveur d’institutions plus stables, à même de rassembler toutes les composantes infranationales. Quel est le risque? Le vrai risque, c’est que nous ayons un nouvel Afghanistan dans la Corne de l’Afrique. L’Europe ne peut pas laisser faire cela. Elle doit se mobiliser davantage.

  Maria Arena, au nom du groupe S&D. – Madame la Présidente, c’est vrai, la Somalie fait face à une crise politique majeure, aggravée par la pandémie du coronavirus et des chocs climatiques répétés, qui empirent la situation humanitaire et contribuent à la stagnation économique du pays.

À cela vient s’ajouter, comme l’a dit mon collègue, M. Maurel, la situation sécuritaire dans le pays, du fait particulièrement de groupes intégristes, tels que ceux qui ont été listés, comme Al-Chabab, mais de bien d’autres aussi qui y sont aujourd’hui actifs et engendrent une certaine criminalité dans cette région.

Je parlerai plus particulièrement des 800 000 enfants en Somalie qui sont aujourd’hui menacés par la malnutrition. Ce que nous demandons effectivement, c’est de travailler sur les questions de sécurité, qui sont essentielles dans cette région, mais aussi sur les questions humanitaires qui, à mon sens, relèvent également de notre responsabilité et de notre devoir d’aider ces enfants souffrant de malnutrition.

Par ailleurs, il y a aussi la question des journalistes, particulièrement ciblés par rapport à la question des droits de l’homme. Il n’y a pas de démocratie sans journalisme et sans moyens de défense des journalistes dans la région et donc, là aussi, un mécanisme de protection, en particulier des défenseurs des droits de l’homme et des journalistes, doit être préconisé.

  Beata Kempa, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani Komisarz! Somalia stoi w obliczu największego kryzysu żywnościowego w ciągu ostatnich dwudziestu lat. Stanowi epicentrum kryzysu w tej części Afryki. Gospodarcze skutki COVID-19, sezonowe powodzie, plagi szarańczy pustynnej przyczyniają się do tego, że poziom braku bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego właśnie tam będzie wzrastał.

Prowadzone działania humanitarne w Somalii napotykają wielkie trudności. Mimo to społeczeństwo międzynarodowe, donatorzy, organizacje humanitarne podejmują ogromne wysiłki, by przyjść z pomocą i wesprzeć Somalijczyków. Za to trzeba im z tego miejsca podziękować.

Należy jednak pamiętać, że w Somalii pomoc dociera jedynie do 20 % potrzebujących natychmiastowego wsparcia. Trudności w udzielaniu pomocy humanitarnej powoduje destabilizacja polityczna kraju trwająca od początku lat 90. Zatem Unia Europejska musi być liderem na arenie międzynarodowej, aby przyczynić się po pierwsze do ustabilizowania sytuacji w kraju i umożliwić pracownikom humanitarnym dotarcie z niezbędną pomocą do najbardziej potrzebujących.

Somalia sama nie poradzi sobie z ubóstwem i niedożywieniem. Potrzebne są skoordynowane działania i wielostronna współpraca, by uratować Somalijczyków przed głodem, a w dłuższej perspektywie odbudować infrastrukturę i pobudzić rozwój gospodarczy tego kraju.

Jutro we Wrocławiu odbędzie się konferencja, którą organizuję, na temat głodu jako największego wstydu XXI wieku. I tam będziemy rozmawiać o najlepszych praktykach w niesieniu pomocy.

  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (NI). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signora Commissaria, nonostante tutti i nostri sforzi in questi anni, gli sforzi dell'Unione e dell'ONU per la ricostruzione e la stabilizzazione politica della Somalia, purtroppo questo sventurato paese è ancora oggi dilaniato da violenza, terrorismo jihadista, carestie, malnutrizione, corruzione e, ancora, anche criminalità.

Sì, dobbiamo garantire che le elezioni non siano ritardate oltre la data di dicembre, altrimenti questo fornirebbe ancora più spazio ad Al Shabaab per riguadagnare terreno di influenza, ma dobbiamo anche riflettere sull'imminente scadenza del mandato dell'AMISOM, per pensare a come possiamo garantire, aiutare, contribuire a costruire sicurezza in Somalia. Dobbiamo avere un approccio realistico e accessibile, che spinga per un maggiore coinvolgimento dell'ONU, ma che debba anche cercare di garantire che venga fornita una sicurezza a guida somala, rispettosa dei diritti umani, capace di fornire soluzioni concrete agli africani per problemi africani.

Proteggere i giornalisti e i difensori dei diritti umani, impedire che i bambini somali siano condannati o a essere bambini soldato o a morire di fame, questo è quello che noi dobbiamo realizzare stando al fianco delle comunità locali, stando al fianco della società civile e di tutti coloro che non vogliono che la Somalia diventi uno Stato fallito.

  Carlos Zorrinho (S&D). – Senhora Presidente, Senhora Comissária, só este ano, 964 civis foram mortos ou ficaram feridos em consequência de confrontos armados na Somália. Além dos mortos e feridos, aumenta diariamente o contingente de malnutridos, subnutridos, deslocados, desempregados, refugiados climáticos e dos diversos conflitos internos e externos.

Tudo isto soma-se a uma resposta muito frágil à pandemia e a uma situação política insustentável. O impasse eleitoral que se vive exige forte empenho para que se possa concluir o processo em curso até ao final deste ano, não deixando brechas abertas para que o terrorismo tome conta do quotidiano, como já aconteceu e está a acontecer em tantos outros países do continente.

As limitações dos direitos, liberdades e garantias dos cidadãos em geral, dos opositores em particular, aliados às limitações à liberdade de expressão e assassinatos de jornalistas, são condenáveis. As mulheres e crianças são, neste conflito, como em muitos outros casos idênticos, o elo mais fraco, e têm que ser protegidas. As autoridades da Somália não podem votar ao esquecimento os seus cidadãos e têm de agir de forma rápida, responsável e firme para que a crise possa ser debelada em proveito de todos e sobretudo do país.

  Helena Dalli, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, today, I have four points of concern to make.

First, since we continue to witness political security tensions in Somalia that have created delays in the electoral process and overall reform dynamics, notably security transition. While we welcome news that Somalia’s leaders appear to have resolved their differences, we urge them to refocus on national priorities and work to overcome political hurdles. We urge the finalisation of a credible electoral process by the end of 2021, in line with the electoral model consensually agreed, respecting the 30% minimum quota for women.

And secondly, we have security concerns about al-Shabab’s ability to continue to conduct attacks. We strongly condemn all acts of terrorism and express our condolences to Somali victims and to those African Union soldiers killed or wounded fighting against al-Shabab. Countering terrorism requires close coordination and collaboration among all stakeholders. We urge Somali and African Union leadership to enhance cooperation on this and to implement these Somali Security Transition Plan, which is critical for progress on security. We remain committed to a comprehensive political approach for Somalia’s future and acknowledged that African Union security engagement in Somalia is required beyond 2021, in line with UN Security Council Resolution 2568. The EU is prepared to support a continued presence and post a mission. But we do need to understand what that presence would look like before financial commitment.

Thirdly, Somalia faces humanitarian challenges such as drought conditions and floods that lead to food insecurity and displacements. The country is also on the frontline of climate change, and the frequency and severity of climate related hazards is increasing. Today, the situation is grim, with severe drought and low humanitarian aid funding levels. Children, women, the elderly and persons with disabilities continue to bear the brunt of Somalia’s humanitarian crisis.

Fourthly, the rise in human rights abuses, such as conflict related sexual violence and grave violations against women and children remains deeply worrying. The Somali authorities should hold perpetrators of these violations accountable, expediting the implementation of its commitments to end and prevent these grave violations.

  President. – The debate is closed.

The vote will take place today.

Written statements (Rule 171)

  Karol Karski (ECR), na piśmie. – Są niestety regiony lub kraje, które powracają jako temat na forum Parlamentu niezmiennie od wielu lat i w których – pomimo wysiłków społeczności międzynarodowej – sytuacja zamiast się poprawiać, ulega nieustającemu pogorszeniu. Jednym z takich miejsc jest Somalia. Nieudolne rządy, niestabilność polityczna, działalność grup separatystycznych oraz terrorystycznych, braki żywności, susze oraz pandemia koronawirusa doprowadziły to państwo do skraju katastrofy humanitarnej. W kraju, w którym mieszka łącznie 12 milionów ludzi, połowa – około 6 milionów – wymaga natychmiastowej pomocy, a prawie 3 miliony dotyka głód i brakuje im podstawowych środków do życia, w tym dostępu do wody. Szczególnie dramatyczna jest sytuacja najmłodszych: według najnowszych prognoz w 2022 roku około 1,2 miliona dzieci w wieku poniżej pięciu lat będzie niedożywionych.

Co więcej, nieletni wcielani są siłą do organizacji zbrojnych – przede wszystkim przez terrorystów z Al-Shabaab, ale również przez wojska należące do lokalnych władz, klanów, a nawet rządu. Tego typu praktyki powinny być bezwzględnie zaprzestane, a społeczność międzynarodowa powinna zwracać na tę kwestię szczególną uwagę. Trzeba również pamiętać, że bez względu na środki finansowe przekazane przez ONZ, Unię Afrykańską czy UE, sytuacja nie ulegnie poprawie, dopóki nie ustabilizuje się sytuacja polityczna w kraju, nie zakończy się proces wyborczy i nie zostanie wyłoniony nowy, skuteczny rząd.

6.2. Privačių karinių ir apsaugos bendrovių, visų pirma „Vagnerio grupės“, vykdomi žmogaus teisių pažeidimai

  President. – The next item is the debate on six motions for resolutions on human rights violations by private military and security companies, particularly the Wagner Group (2021/2982(RSP))*.

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* See Minutes.

  Andrius Kubilius, author. – Madam President, first of all, we are discussing a very important issue, and second, we give our full support to this important resolution, and thank the initiators very much.

Everybody knows what the Kremlin’s Wagner Group is and what kinds of war crimes they have committed in Crimea, Donbas, Syria, Libya, the Central African Republic and other places: torture, killings, sexual violence, mass summary executions, disappearances and so on and so on. Until now, nobody has been brought to international justice. We also need to understand what the Wagner Group is, according to international law. It is not a private military and security company, and it is not a voluntary group of mercenaries. It is a Kremlin regime proxy organisation, a proxy military force with clear elements of criminal gangs in their activities. Such a state proxy organisation is covered neither by conventions which prohibit the activities of mercenaries nor by any kind of international regulations which are applied to private, military and security companies.

That is why it will be very important, after this resolution is passed, to continue our job in the Parliament and other EU institutions in order to deal with such entities as the Wagner Group. My proposals are, first, to make a full—scale investigation into Wagner Group activities and crimes with a special parliamentary report, not just with an urgency resolution, which is good and needed for the time being; second, to qualify the activities of the Wagner Group as activities of state—organised and state—sponsored criminal gangs; third, to create an international law which would set out that states or entities which hire such proxy organisations as the Wagner Group also become internationally responsible and liable for the crimes committed by the Wagner Group; and fourth, to create an international law which would define that, for the crimes of such criminal gangs like the Wagner Group, Russia, the Russian State and the Kremlin regime, which created such proxy criminal organisations, are also internationally responsible and liable.

  Sven Mikser, author. – Madam President, I believe this resolution is extremely timely since just last week, the Council reached an agreement to apply new sanctions on the so-called ‘Wagner Group’ – a private military security company with very close ties to Russian leadership.

The Wagner Group has been deploying its mercenaries in various conflict zones across the world. The group is often used in order to obscure Russia’s role in those conflicts and to try to maintain a degree of deniability regarding Russia’s direct involvement. We must not be deceived by those clumsy efforts, and we are not.

The Wagner Group and other similar companies have, over the years, committed innumerable human rights violations. But sadly, they have so far largely escaped investigation, prosecution and punishment. This is absolutely unacceptable. We must make sure that all those crimes are investigated and prosecuted, and we must demand that the authorities of the countries in which our CSDP missions operate, terminate any contracts with PMSCs accused of having committed human rights violations.

We have to fully utilise the EU Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime, and we must demand that all governments contracting PMSCs ensure strict compliance with international humanitarian law, democratic oversight and accountability. And we must remain at the forefront of international regulatory efforts in this regard.

  Nathalie Loiseau, auteur. – Madame la Présidente, officiellement, le groupe Wagner n’existe pas. C’est du moins la position du Kremlin. C’est ennuyeux, parce qu’on trouve le groupe Wagner partout où la Russie essaye d’étendre son influence: – en Ukraine, en Syrie, en Libye, en Centrafrique et peut-être un jour – espérons que non, faisons en sorte que non –, au Mali. C’est ennuyeux, parce que les victimes du groupe Wagner, elles, existent bien.

Viols, tortures, assassinats, arrestations arbitraires. Notre résolution décrit les atrocités commises par les hommes de Wagner et c’est une litanie de l’horreur. Il faut saluer tous ceux qui enquêtent sur ces crimes, parfois au péril de leur vie. Trois journalistes russes sont morts assassinés en Centrafrique parce qu’ils enquêtaient sur les exactions du groupe Wagner. C’est sans doute pour cela qu’officiellement, à Moscou, le groupe Wagner n’existe pas: pour permettre à la Russie d’échapper à ses responsabilités face à ses crimes.

Mais le groupe Wagner ne se contente pas de violer massivement les droits de l’homme. Il prospère sur la détresse des pays où il sévit. Exploitation minière, captation des ressources douanières, il ne recule devant rien pour capter les ressources des pays qui ont eu le malheur de recourir à ce qu’on n’ose pas appeler ses services. Ajoutons à cela des campagnes de désinformation massives, car ce groupe russe ne veut pas seulement intervenir partout où cela lui chante, il veut aussi chasser ceux, et notamment les Européens, qui essayent de stabiliser les pays en crise et de les sortir du chaos, fonds de commerce de ces mercenaires.

Alors, je voudrais dire aux autorités maliennes de penser à leur pays, de s’élever au niveau des responsabilités dont elles se sont emparées et de tourner le dos clairement, définitivement, à l’idée de recourir à des mercenaires qui ne feraient qu’ajouter de la violence à la violence sans jamais y mettre un terme. Et je veux saluer notre Union européenne qui a décidé de sanctionner le groupe Wagner et l’enjoindre à agir vite et fort contre ces semeurs de haine et de mort.

  Viola Von Cramon-Taubadel, author. – Madam President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, it is high time to speak aloud about the paid mercenaries who kill across the globe. ‘Death is our business and business is going well’. These words were patched on the arms of the 33 Wagner Group fighters arrested in Belarus last year. Russian mercenaries were on their way to another mission in Africa. They were walking into a planned operation by the Ukrainian intelligence for the crimes committed in Donbas. At the very last moment, the head of Zelensky’s administration failed the operation. Unfortunately, justice was not served at that time.

How well is the business going? If you were one of the fighters in Donbas, you were awarded EUR 10 000 per month. Others kill for EUR 300, but those are compensated for their low salaries by taking over the mineral resources of the host country, as Russian mercenaries do in Libya.

Besides being the mastermind of this industry and a close friend of President Putin, Mr Prigozhin often honours his hired killers with multi-million dollar contracts. Ukraine, Syria, Sudan, Mozambique, Libya, Central African Republic, Venezuela: people of these and other countries have suffered greatly under the crimes committed by mercenaries. The EU should respond with the strictest measures.

To do so, we need closer coordination among the EU and the NATO allies. Personal sanctions should be imposed on everyone upholding this inhuman industry. This way, we can show the Wagner Group and others that death is not a business: it is a crime against humanity and comes with grave consequences.

  Miguel Urbán Crespo, autor. – Señora presidenta, la verdad es que el número de empresas militares y de seguridad privada va en aumento, alentadas justamente por muchos Estados que las utilizan con un claro interés geopolítico y para evitar el escrutinio público y la rendición de cuentas. Paralelamente, aumentan también las denuncias sobre la implicación de estas empresas en casos de tortura, de violencia sexual, de asesinatos y de otras muchas violaciones de derechos humanos.

Esta Resolución se enfoca en una empresa en concreto, pero, desgraciadamente, hay muchas más que no se han querido mencionar, al igual que tampoco se ha querido mencionar cómo algunas de estas empresas se benefician del aumento del presupuesto de la «Europa fortaleza» a la vez que venden armas y alimentan los conflictos que obligan a la gente a huir.

La privatización de la seguridad genera inseguridad e inestabilidad a nivel mundial. Por eso, nuestra postura es muy clara: no a la externalización de la seguridad a entidades privadas. La seguridad no puede convertirse en una mercancía en manos de paramilitares.

  Michaela Šojdrová, za skupinu PPE. – Paní předsedající, tato zpráva Evropského parlamentu je důkazem toho, že naší prioritou je bezpečnost a lidská práva. Chci poděkovat všem kolegům, kteří tuto zprávu iniciovali a vyjednali. Právě Wagnerova společnost se objevuje všude tam, kde jsou konflikty, jako je válka na Ukrajině, v Sýrii, v Libyi. Tyto tajné soukromé armády a bezpečnostní společnosti představují nebezpečí jak pro oběti, tak pro vlády i mezinárodní instituce, které se snaží tuto skupinu přivést k zodpovědnosti za její činy. Wagnerova skupina představuje další hybridní nástroj války, kterou vede Rusko proti Evropské unii a našim spojencům. Formálně sice neexistuje, bylo to tady již řečeno, v Rusku je mimo zákon, protože tam jsou všechny záležitosti bezpečnosti a obrany svěřeny státu. Přesto existují důkazy o tom, že tato Wagnerova skupina existuje.

Jsem velmi ráda, že se minulý týden ministři zahraniční Evropské unie dohodli na navržených sankcích, namířených přímo proti operacím Wagnerovy skupiny. Evropská unie musí tyto sankce zavést co nejdříve. Evropská unie musí sdílet zpravodajské informace a ztížit Moskvě popírání odpovědnosti a šíření lží o zapojení do válečných operací. Dámy a pánové, není čas čekat na další oběti Wagnerovy skupiny.

  Juozas Olekas, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, private military and security companies are not a new phenomenon, but in recent years their activities reached new heights. They function on the brink and in the shadow of international law. They become a useful tool for their totalitarian regimes and the rulers of illiberal democracies to project their powers and influence by hiding their direct involvement. We should not be naive: calling on Russia to stop activities of the Wagner Group will not give any results. Operations of this group are planned and controlled from the highest rank of the Kremlin corridors. Wagner Group involvement is well documented in many recent armed conflicts.

The EU could, and should, do two things. First, sanction business related to the private military groups that are reported to commit human rights atrocities; freeze their bank accounts; and, if necessary, prosecute them in accordance with international law. Second, emphasise to all possible local beneficiaries that using such military is not compatible if a country seeks further cooperation and investment from the European Union. The approaching EU-Africa Summit will be a good place to address this issue.

  Petras Auštrevičius, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Madam President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, the Russian private, military and security companies constitute a major means of strategic deception which they call Maskirovka. Using legal loopholes, information denial and multilevel state apparatus support, those companies – in particular Wagner – became an important factor in hybrid warfare of the present Russian Federation. Russian PMSEs, well-tested during the occupation of Crimea and Donbas, further spread their activities and mercenary activities in Middle East and Africa. A major rise and further expansion of Wagner-type PMCs is guaranteed by well-controlled vertical political power and a ring of trusted friends in the Kremlin. At this crucial point, colleagues, we have to break down the anonymity of Wagner activities and disclose undercover their operations.

  Gunnar Beck, im Namen der ID-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Seit 2013 sind in Mali über 50 französische Soldaten gestorben. Das Land ist nicht befriedet, Islamisten terrorisieren die Bevölkerung. Die Regierung Malis wünscht nun den Abzug der französischen Truppen und will die Bevölkerung mithilfe der russischen Wagner-Gruppe schützen. Frankreich fordert weitere EU-Sanktionen gegen Russland.

Mali ist die erste Testprobe für die neue grüne Außenministerin Baerbock. Wird sie ihrer Emanzipierungs- und Selbstbestimmungsrhetorik für Afrika treu bleiben oder willfährig, Macrons Wunsch entsprechend, französische Truppen durch EU- und auch deutsche Truppen ersetzen?

Seien wir ehrlich! In den Banlieues von Paris und Marseille werden französische Truppen eher gebraucht, um dort Leben zu schützen. Ebenso wie deutsche Soldaten in Duisburg oder auf der Kölner Domplatte.

  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (NI). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signora Commissaria, la prima cosa da capire riguardo al gruppo Wagner è che molto probabilmente non esiste un gruppo Wagner, non c'è una singola azienda registrata con questo nome, ma piuttosto una rete di entità interconnesse col sistema statale e militare russo e collegate tra loro tramite sovrapposizione di proprietà e reti logistiche. La loro natura offre una sfida molto difficile per le entità statuali che non sempre possiedono tutti i giusti strumenti per affrontare i rischi posti dall'attività di questi contractors.

Sono fondamentali dunque tutte le diverse iniziative che sono volte a sviluppare norme giuridiche internazionali chiare e vincolanti, che vadano a restringere e disciplinare queste attività.

L'UE deve supportare fermamente il gruppo di lavoro intergovernativo delle Nazioni Unite nel suo progetto di un quadro normativo per le compagnie private, assicurandosi che questo documento sia ambizioso e che la sua attuazione tempestiva porti a sostenere gli sforzi di tutte le giurisdizioni nazionali e internazionali, per avviare procedimenti penali per ritenere tutte queste PMSC responsabili delle gravissime violazioni dei diritti umani che spesso commettono.

In presenza di regole chiare e trasparenti avremo finalmente quegli strumenti necessari per rendere finalmente concreto il contrasto a quelli che in apparenza sembrano fantasmi, ma che in realtà sono semplicemente nascosti tra le pieghe dei nostri sistemi.

  Tom Vandenkendelaere (PPE). – Voorzitter, we kunnen het strategische belang van de Sahel in het Europese Afrikabeleid niet genoeg onderstrepen. Maar ons engagement – of het nu op het gebied van veiligheid, humanitaire bijstand of ontwikkeling en staatsopbouw is – in deze regio en in het bijzonder in Mali heeft het zwaar te verduren door destabiliserende factoren, zoals de operaties van de Wagner Group, die zeker meer van onze aandacht vragen. De Unie en de lidstaten moeten hier gericht en effectief tegen optreden. Ik vind het ook belangrijk dat mijn land België hier zijn volle verantwoordelijkheid in opneemt.

De sancties tegen actoren achter de inzet van deze huurlingenbende komen niets te vroeg, maar er zal meer nodig zijn. Ik pik twee aandachtspunten uit onze resolutie.

Ten eerste, de vermoedelijke invloed van en sturing vanuit Rusland moet grondig worden onderzocht, en zo mogelijk onthuld. Er zijn sterke aanwijzingen dat het ook hier gaat om een methodiek van hybride oorlogsvoering, net zoals in het oosten van Oekraïne. Waar hybride dreigingen ontstaan, zijn wij het aan onszelf verplicht om te investeren in weerbaarheid.

Ten tweede, waarom ontwikkelt de Unie niet actiever een effectief beleid, mevrouw de commissaris, tegen het ondermijnende optreden van huurlingen in conflictgebieden in het algemeen en tegen de destabiliserende effecten ervan voor ons buitenlands en veiligheidsbeleid? Een reflectie over huurlingen en de manier waarop de Unie daar beleidsmatig mee moet omgaan, is echt aan de orde.

  Raphaël Glucksmann (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, disons-le clairement, les Américains, en privatisant la guerre, ont ouvert la boîte de Pandore. Le gouvernement russe s’est engouffré dans cette faille à sa manière – opaque, secrète, en dehors de tout cadre légal.

Le groupe Wagner, qui n’a aucune existence formelle en Russie, fait les guerres que Moscou ne déclare pas. Ukraine, Syrie, Libye, Centrafrique, etc., on retrouve ces mercenaires absolument partout, avec leur long cortège d’exactions, de tortures, de viols, d’exécutions, de pillages. L’ombre qui permet ces crimes est systématiquement organisée.

Rendons hommage ici aux trois journalistes russes de Dossier Center qui ont été assassinés en Centrafrique alors qu’ils enquêtaient sur le groupe Wagner. Rendons hommage à l’ONG Memorial qui a eu le courage de porter plainte à Moscou contre un tortionnaire du groupe pour ses crimes en Syrie et qui est aujourd’hui menacée d’interdiction par le pouvoir russe. Mettons donc les actions de Wagner en lumière, sanctionnons tous les cadres, les agents, les financiers du groupe. Supprimons les aides publiques aux gouvernements qui ont recours à leurs services.

Wagner est un groupement mafieux en guerre contre les intérêts et les principes de l’Union européenne, et il est temps de le traiter comme tel.

  Katalin Cseh (Renew). – Madam President, dear colleagues, let me be very clear, organisations such as the Wagner Group simply should not exist and not because the Kremlin does not acknowledge their existence, I mean they should not be able to operate at all, full stop. Because a paramilitary group profiting off chaos and violence is not only immoral, it is profoundly dangerous. Acting as an extended arm of Putin, the Wagner Group is a direct risk for Europe and a direct threat to our strategic interests.

Their strategic goals are our foreign policy nightmares. Our failure is their success. A danger to our societies, to our democracy and indeed to our sovereignty. The Wagner Group has ignored international agreements and committed grave human rights violations across the globe. It is deeply concerning that they could do this undisturbed for so long.

But the era of impunity has to be over. With the Council’s belated decision to target a group of sanctions there is finally some hope for accountability. So I urge the Council to extend measures to the Kremlin’s decision-makers responsible for Wagner’s operations. We finally have a working sanctions regime colleagues, so let’s use it efficiently.

  Krzysztof Hetman (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani komisarz! Grupa Wagnera to firma wojskowa, która według doniesień ekspertów ONZ dopuszcza się poważnych naruszeń praw człowieka. W Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej ich działalność skierowana jest najczęściej przeciwko obrońcom praw człowieka, aktywistom, dziennikarzom czy mniejszościom. Od momentu utworzenia Grupa Wagnera była militarnie zaangażowana w działania w wielu miejscach na świecie, m.in. na Ukrainie, w Libii czy w Syrii. Federacja Rosyjska utrzymuje, że Grupa Wagnera jest podmiotem prywatnym, jednak jej związki z Kremlem są oczywiste, a jej założyciel Jewgienij Prigożin został co więcej objęty unijnymi sankcjami. Mimo to i mimo, że grupa dopuszcza się tak poważnych naruszeń praw człowieka, w dalszym ciągu jest ona obecna w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej. Uważam, że Unia musi dać wszystkim swoim partnerom jasno do zrozumienia, że jest to całkowicie nie do zaakceptowania.

Wzywamy rząd Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej do zerwania wszelkich powiązań z Grupą Wagnera. Nasi partnerzy muszą pamiętać, że współpracując z podmiotami gwałcącymi prawa człowieka i nie pociągając ich do odpowiedzialności, stają się współwinni ich działań. Musimy stanowczo domagać się sprawiedliwości dla poszkodowanych, a także uważnie monitorować działalność podmiotów o charakterze militarnym takich jak Grupa Wagnera.

Uważam, że bardzo ważne jest też, aby Komisja wykorzystała wszelkie dostępne jej narzędzia monitorowania, by mieć pewność, że fundusze Unii Europejskiej w żadnym wypadku bezpośrednio bądź pośrednio nie są wykorzystywane do finansowania prywatnych przedsiębiorstw wojskowych bądź jakiejkolwiek innej organizacji czy przedsięwzięć naruszających prawa człowieka

  Nacho Sánchez Amor (S&D). – Señora presidenta, no es siempre la guerra híbrida, a veces son actores híbridos en conflictos tradicionales o convencionales los que aceleran esa huida del Derecho en un marco internacional de legislación sobre la guerra ya de por sí débil y frecuentemente incumplido.

Pero sean cuales sean los actores y sean cuales sean las etiquetas superpuestas con las que se van ocultando, al final de la cadena de comando y de pago hay siempre un poder político; hay un Gobierno; hay un Estado. Estos actores híbridos son ejecutores de políticas que se deciden en despachos oficiales.

Muchos de los colegas han hablado de esa cadena de impunidades. Me gustaría preguntarle, señora comisaria, ¿sabe usted que este Parlamento aprobó la creación de un observatorio contra la impunidad en materia de derechos humanos y que la Dirección General de Presupuestos ha boicoteado la creación de ese observatorio contra la impunidad? ¿Es consciente la Comisión de que puede estar siendo, seguramente sin querer, cómplice de tantas impunidades en materia de derechos humanos en el mundo?

Señora comisaria, por favor, transmita la indignación de esta autoridad presupuestaria que ordenó a la Comisión crear un observatorio contra la impunidad para este y otros muchos casos.

  Hannah Neumann (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, if private military and security companies behave like warlords, it’s time we treated them like warlords. The original job of these companies is actually to protect people and buildings, but what some do is smuggle arms, rape, torture, kill and do the dirty jobs for other governments. In return, they are allowed to use and to loot countries’ natural resources. The Wagner Group is present in this kind of business in half of Africa, rapidly expanding; new companies are mushrooming, and even private military and security companies (PMSCs) employed by Western governments have been involved in these kinds of crimes.

So it’s time that we got this under control. We have to sanction – and very thoroughly sanction – these PMSCs, but also those who contract them, for being involved in these kinds of human rights abuses. We should no longer support governments that rely on the services of PMSCs that commit human rights violations. Finally, we need to work on a very solid international framework that focuses on the accountability of these organisations and clearly restricts the legal tasks in which they are allowed to be involved.

  Witold Jan Waszczykowski (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Przepraszam za spóźnienie, które wynika z mojego inwalidztwa. Od lat przestrzegamy przed rosyjskim imperializmem. Rosja chce zmienić zimną wojną architekturę bezpieczeństwa. Czyni to, używając m.in. wojska, jak w Czeczenii, w Gruzji i na Ukrainie, przez cyberingerencję różnych trolli, przez kampanię dezinformacyjną, na przykład w Russia Today, ale również przez siły proxy, jak na Białorusi, czy obecnie omawianą grupę Wagnera.

To kampanie hybrydowe. Grupa Wagnera to prywatna instytucja wojskowa, która interweniowała już na Ukrainie, w Libii, w Afryce. Czy dopiero groźba interwencji tej grupy w Mali, na Sahelu, powoduje pewne otrzeźwienie, że zastanawiamy się, jak to powstrzymać? Musimy apelować, wywrzeć presję na Rosję, o wstrzymanie wsparcia logistycznego, finansowego, politycznego. Musimy też wspierać Ukrainę w wysiłkach na rzecz postawienia grupy Wagnera przed sądem.

  Helena Dalli, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable members, the use of private, military and security companies has become common in conflict-affected situations. On the one hand, this practice can be legitimate in certain circumstances, as long as all applicable bodies of law are fully respected and incorporated in their activities. In particular, these companies must operate under precise contractual obligations, control and oversight, and with safeguards in place to prevent excessive use of force. The contracting state, the state where the company is operating and the state where the company is registered, all have obligations to ensure that laws are respected, including international, humanitarian and human rights law.

On the other hand, the EU has become increasingly alarmed by the activities of the Wagner Group, which reportedly has close links to Russia and is allegedly present in 23 African countries. Their legal status is vague, as well as their modus operandi, objectives and targets. Obviously, it is very difficult to prevent and ensure accountability for potential human rights and international, human and humanitarian law violations in the context of such ambiguity.

The current situation in the Central African Republic is an illustration of this complex reality of blurred lines and diffused responsibilities. According to the latest UN human rights report on the Central African Republic, issued on 4 August 2021, Russian instructors and the employees of private security companies are specifically mentioned as involved in combat activities and at the origin of many human rights and humanitarian law violations.

The Special National Commission of Inquiry also acknowledged in October 2021 that some violations are attributed to Russian instructors. In light of the possible engagement of the Wagner Group in Mali, which is unacceptable from the EU’s. perspective, the EU has decided in its latest Foreign Affairs Council meeting to start working on restrictive measures to sanction this group. It is important to ensure legal clarity, well-defined rules of engagement and full transparency in the use of private military and security companies. International law sets clear obligations for states to protect, respect and fulfil human rights. However, the Wagner Group’s current modus operandi clearly demonstrates that there is no intention to operate within the existing legal framework.

  President. – The debate is closed.

The vote will take place today.

Written statements (Rule 171)

  Anna Fotyga (ECR), na piśmie. – Cieszę się, iż Parlament Europejski dostrzegł zbrodniczą działalność Grupy Wagnera i opracował zdecydowaną rezolucję zawierającą moje liczne uwagi. Wykorzystywanie przez Kreml prywatnych firm wojskowych opiera się na długiej historii ZSRS, który operował różnymi siłami zastępczymi za granicą, wykorzystując tysiące specjalistów wojskowych pod przykrywką „doradców” jako ważne narzędzie wpływu politycznego i wojskowego na całym świecie, za ich pomocą rozniecając konflikty i wpływając na ich przebieg, jednocześnie oficjalnie zaprzeczając rosyjskiemu zaangażowaniu.

Dziś rolę tę pełni Grupa Wagner, która wspierając niedemokratyczne reżimy, systematycznie narusza prawa człowieka, dopuszcza się masowych egzekucji, tortur, gwałtów i grabieży, bierze udział w zachłannym przejmowaniu kluczowych zasobów naturalnych. Najbardziej drastyczne zbrodnie popełnione w Syrii, Libii i RŚA wskazujemy w rezolucji. Pamiętajmy jednak, iż Grupa Wagnera swoje doświadczenie zdobywała przede wszystkim podczas rosyjskiej agresji na Ukrainę. Mówiliśmy o tym cztery lata temu podczas zorganizowanej przeze mnie konferencji. Potępienie zbrodni popełnionych przez Grupę Wagnera jest ważne. Istotne jest także wskazanie na odpowiedzialność państwa rosyjskiego oraz ukaranie zbrodniarzy. Sankcje nałożone na Jewgienija Prigożyna to za mało. Ukraińskie władze dostarczyły Interpolowi setki nazwisk członków Grupy Wagnera działających na okupowanym Krymie i w Donbasie. Popieramy wysiłki zmierzające do postawienia ich przed ukraińskim sądem, a także apelujemy o międzynarodowe śledztwa i postawienie sprawców przed międzynarodowymi trybunałami.

6.3. Žmogaus teisių padėtis Kamerūne

  President. – The next item is the debate on seven motions for resolutions on the human rights situation in Cameroon (2021/2983(RSP))*.

______________

* See Minutes.

  Christian Sagartz, Verfasser. – Sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin, geschätzte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Jeder hat Anspruch auf alle in dieser Erklärung verkündeten Rechte und Freiheiten, ohne irgendeinen Unterschied etwa nach Rasse, Hautfarbe, Geschlecht, Sprache, Religion, politischer oder sonstiger Anschauung, nationaler oder sozialer Herkunft, Vermögen, Geburt oder sonstigem Stand.

So klar und so eindeutig der zweite Artikel der Allgemeinen Erklärung der Menschenrechte im Jahre 1948 bereits formuliert wurde, so klar ist auch unser Auftrag heute hier in diesem Parlament. Leider müssen wir feststellen, dass auch 2021 viele dieser Rechte mit Füßen getreten werden. Es liegt an uns, dorthin unsere Augen zu werfen und dorthin unsere Kritik zu lenken.

Das gilt auch für die Menschenrechtslage in Kamerun, und einer, der sich dort besonders für die Menschenrechte einsetzt, insbesondere für die englischsprachige Minderheit, das ist Felix Agbor Nkongho. Ob als Menschenrechtsanwalt, ob als Vizepräsident der Afrikanischen Anwaltskammer für Zentralafrika oder als Gründer des Zentrums für Menschenrechte und Demokratie für Afrika: Er erhebt seine Stimme. Er wurde dafür verhaftet und erst auf Druck internationaler Verbände und Organisationen wieder freigelassen. Und er wird nach wie vor für sein Engagement mit dem Tode bedroht.

Es gäbe jetzt viel über die Lage in Kamerun zu sagen, aber ein Thema möchte ich besonders erwähnen: Das ist der Missbrauch von Militärgerichtsbarkeit auf Zivilisten. Das widerspricht eklatant dem Recht auf ein faires Verfahren vor unabhängigen Gerichten, zu dem sich auch Kamerun verpflichtet hat. Als Abgeordnete appellieren wir heute in unserer Entschließung einmal mehr an alle staatlichen Autoritäten, aber auch an die Separatisten in Kamerun, den Waffenstillstand einzuhalten, die internationalen Angebote zum Dialog, föderale Systeme aufzubauen, anzunehmen, politische Gefangene freizulassen und die Drohungen gegen friedliche Aktivisten, Journalisten, Arbeitnehmervertreter, Minderheiten, Frauen und Kinder sofort einzustellen. Und wir appellieren auch an alle europäischen Institutionen, die Menschen in Kamerun nicht im Stich zu lassen.

  Maria Arena, auteur. – Madame la Présidente, au Cameroun, après le référendum constitutionnel de 1972, le système du gouvernement fédéraliste garantissant la représentation des 20 % d’anglophones a été abandonné au profit d’un système centralisé qui donne l’avantage aux francophones. Depuis, les anglophones au Cameroun souffrent d’une marginalisation accrue, qui n’a fait qu’empirer.

En 2016, les enseignants et avocats de la région du sud-ouest et nord-ouest anglophones se mettent en grève, car ils estiment que le gouvernement, majoritairement francophone, tente de réduire le système de Common law et l’enseignement pratiqué en anglais dans ces régions. La réaction du gouvernement Biya est sans appel: une réponse militaire dure, qui fait émerger des mouvements séparatistes et provoque de violentes manifestations. S’enclenche alors une spirale de violence entre le gouvernement, sourd à des revendications légitimes et s’engageant à détruire tous ceux qui veulent diviser la nation, et des mouvements séparatistes anglophones qui se radicalisent et s’arment contre le pouvoir francophone de Yaoundé et qui répriment tous ceux qui n’adhéreraient pas à leur cause. La victime, comme toujours, est la population civile, qui est massacrée – 3 000 morts –, privée d’école et obligée de fuir – plus d’un million de déplacés aujourd’hui au Cameroun.

Actuellement, le gouvernement Biya refuse toujours de prendre en compte les demandes d’éléments modérés pour un retour au fédéralisme qui accorderait aux régions une plus grande autonomie. Et les séparatistes, par ailleurs divisés, campent sur leurs demandes d’indépendance. Nous avons aujourd’hui un certain nombre de revendications. Nous demandons une aide humanitaire. Nous demandons également qu’un dialogue soit établi et nous demandons que le Service d’action extérieure œuvre en ce sens.

  Barry Andrews, author. – Madam President, two weeks ago, seven year old Brandy Tartaw was shot and killed by a police officer while walking home from school in Bamenda, a city in northwest Cameroon.

Brandy is just one of thousands of young girls who are the utterly innocent victims of the armed conflict in Cameroon over the past five years. The forced school boycott in the Anglophone regions has exposed children to child recruitment by terrorist organisations, forced labour, forced childhood marriage and sexual abuse. Children make up 28% of all cases of gender—based violence in Cameroon, and 13 percent of girls are married before the age of 15.

Today, we mark the International Day of Violence Against Women. The case of Cameroon reminds us that women and young girls continue to be systematically used as pawns in power struggles across the world. Of course, in order to protect women and girls in Cameroon, we need an immediate ceasefire and for both sides to initiate peace talks without further delay.

First and foremost, we must protect life. But the only surefire way to ensure that the human rights of women, girls and others are upheld in Cameroon is to have effective legal safeguards. And that is why Renew insisted on strong emphasis on the rule of law in this urgency resolution.

To protect human rights, you need functioning courts, robust, proportionate laws and international recourse. This is the responsibility of the Cameroon government, and it is also the European Union’s responsibility as strategic partners of Cameroon to exert the necessary pressure to make this happen.

  Ignazio Corrao, author. – Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, as you know, Cameroon is beset with two violent conflicts and went from peaceful protest to war. The escalation of violence has led to a number of simultaneous political and security challenges and to the high level of instability which the people of Cameroon are now facing. This is very deplorable and frustrating.

Armed groups and government forces committed widespread human rights abuses, including extrajudicial or summary execution and mass killings. This has resulted in 80% of schools in the two Anglophone region being closed or destroyed, and 700 000 students are denied education. We also see that ethnic tensions are rising, with political speech turned into hate speech, based on ethnicity and gender discrimination, which is taking place in an atmosphere of terror in the region, including targeted attacks on students, teachers, but also journalists and humanitarian workers.

All this is very concerning, and the European Union needs to respond strongly. It is no longer possible to ignore this conflict, and the situation is increasingly deteriorating. We need to mediate for an immediate cease fire, calling on both sides of the conflict to cease purposefully targeting civilians, schools and children, which deprives them of the right to education.

It is also time that we make use of all the financial instruments provided by development aid or other programmes as political leverage, using them to enhance the defence of human rights in a country that is suffering since too long.

  Dominique Bilde, auteur. – Madame la Présidente, je l’avais souligné en 2019, la crise anglophone au Cameroun se prête mal à des simplifications outrancières. Si l’on s’entend sur ses aspects les plus tragiques, nombre de réformes entreprises depuis son déclenchement sont, elles, souvent occultées. Qu’il s’agisse de la création en 2017 d’une commission nationale pour la promotion du bilinguisme et du multiculturalisme, du recrutement de professeurs et de magistrats anglophones, ou encore du grand dialogue national et du statut accordé en 2019. Occultée, l’attitude des leaders de l’agitation anglophone des régions du Nord et du Sud-Ouest, dont beaucoup résident aux États-Unis et en Europe, l’est également, puisque certains auraient rejeté toute discussion avec le gouvernement.

Du reste, cette insurrection se fonde-t-elle uniquement sur des considérations d’ordre linguistique et culturel? Nombre d’anglophones vivent, après tout, dans des régions qui ne le sont pas, dans ce pays à 80 % francophone. La revendication de certains anglophones, s’agissant de leur représentation au sein de sociétés pétrolières, pourrait être symptomatique de motivations économiques sous-jacentes.

Gardons-nous de crier haro sur le Cameroun, à plus forte raison à l’heure où le terrorisme islamiste semble en passe d’embraser toute l’Afrique centrale. On n’insistera jamais assez, en effet, sur le lourd tribut payé par le pays dans sa lutte résolue contre l’État islamique et Boko Haram, sur son sol et au-delà, dans le cadre de la Force multinationale mixte et du partenariat transsaharien. S’y ajoute l’accueil dans des circonstances difficiles de plusieurs centaines de milliers de réfugiés nigérians et centrafricains.

À l’heure où, en 2020, l’Extrême-Nord camerounais aura été la cible de plus d’attaques de Boko Haram contre des civils que le Nigeria, le Niger et le Tchad pris ensemble, le Cameroun, gage de stabilité dans une région sous tension, a besoin de notre soutien, pas de nos anathèmes.

  Seán Kelly, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, in recent months, the Anglophone crisis has entered a new phase with a drastic escalation of violence in the English speaking regions. Having acquired more sophisticated weapons, clashes between Anglophone separatist groups and Francophone government security forces have increased in frequency and severity.

Furthermore, a total lack of investigation and prosecution for crimes committed by both sides has created a climate of impunity. The impact of this crisis on civilians has been devastating, with over 3000 lives lost to date and my colleague, Barry Andrews, indicated one a few moments ago.

A huge casualty in this conflict has been education, as separatists have chosen schools as their bases and camps and enforced a vicious boycott, depriving 700 000 children of their right to education.

The response to the urgency has been a military one, with troops deployed in the Anglophone regions since 2016. Instead, there should be a strong focus on dialogue and accountability for the crimes committed on both sides in the Anglophone regions.

I urge the European Union, along with the African Union and the United Nations, to continue to work to end this catastrophe through mediation. Without dialogue there can be no peace.

  Hannes Heide, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, Commissioner, it is time that the European Union has a close eye on the ongoing conflict in Cameroon that has expanded permanently within the last five years. It has left more than one million people internally displaced. More than 3 000 have lost their lives. 2.2 million people are requiring humanitarian assistance. 66 000 have fled into neighbouring Nigeria. 700 000 students do not attend school because of a boycott across the Anglophone regions. 50% of the children in Cameroon are reportedly being abused. Homosexuality is threatened with prison sentences up to five years.

Initially, peaceful protests by Anglophone civil society were suppressed with extreme violence. I hope and wish that there is still a possibility for mediation in the armed conflict in the Anglophone region, and aid organisations must get unrestricted access. Rule of law and fair trials have to be re-established and military courts for civilians abolished.

It is the bilingualism of its people that has made Cameroon so special. It is our task to contribute that the people of Cameroon can live in freedom and without repression.

  Carlos Zorrinho (S&D). – Senhora Presidente, Senhora Comissária, já não é a primeira vez que debatemos a situação dos Camarões neste plenário, mas, infelizmente, continuamos a ter razões para o fazer. O conflito armado continua a assolar o país, o Boko Haram continua ativo a ceifar vidas, e ainda ontem nos chegou a notícia de vários alunos assassinados no Sudoeste, num ignóbil ataque terrorista.

A repressão da sociedade civil e o conflito armado têm de cessar. A prisão de opositores e a limitação dos seus direitos, a utilização dos tribunais militares para julgamentos de caráter civil, a limitação dos direitos dos cidadãos e, muito provavelmente, dos estudantes, sob o pretexto de um confinamento ao abrigo da pandemia, a violência usada contra crianças e professores, a falta de segurança que resulta em denúncias de violações, raptos, tortura, assaltos, assassinatos, não são admissíveis.

Apelo, mais uma vez, ao Governo dos Camarões para que respeite os direitos dos seus cidadãos e se empenhe num cessar fogo efetivo entre as partes em conflito, para que seja restabelecida a paz e o Estado de Direito naquele país.

  President. – Colleagues, before I give the floor to the Commission, I have one announcement to make on behalf of the President.

At least 27 people drowned yesterday in the Channel trying to reach the UK, seeking a better life. We cannot allow such tragedies to continue, and this House is strongly engaged in the common migration and asylum policy. I invite you to observe a minute of silence in memory of the victims.

(The House rose and observed a minute’s silence)

  Helena Dalli, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, the European Union is following closely the human rights situation in Cameroon, a country situated in a fragile region, taking its due share of the burden hosting refugees fleeing from the Central African Republic and Nigeria.

There are two persistent violent crises within Cameroon in the so-called Anglophone regions and in the far north. Firstly, separatist claims in the predominantly Anglophone regions of the northwest and southwest have led to a situation where the civilian population is taken hostage in the fight between numerous splintered non-state armed groups and the Cameroonian security forces.

This has led to extreme violence and security, human rights violations and humanitarian crises. Illegal armed groups have been trying to impose an irresponsible school boycott for years now and punish any collaboration with central authorities.

On the other side, state security forces sometimes use disproportionate force to respond. The EU has welcomed efforts by Cameroonian authorities to fight impunity among its security forces and to restore trust with the population, although still more can be done. Together with its Member States and international partners, the EU has consistently called for an inclusive dialogue to solve the crisis.

Secondly, in the far north region, incursion of terrorists and armed groups also cause violence and violation of human rights. Cameroon fights against Boko Haram and ISWAP and gets the support of the EU through the multinational joint task force. The EU also provides support by investing in the socio-economic development of the region and addresses the root causes of extremism through various actions aiming at strengthening the humanitarian development peace nexus.

Thirdly, the EU also encourages Cameroonian authorities to avoid the excessive use of preventive detention, as the non-respect of the habeas corpus principles enshrined in the constitution of the country lead to abuses and undermines the population’s trust in the judiciary.

Finally, the EU plays a recognised role in Cameroon in promoting human rights and fundamental freedoms through its cooperation with civil society and human rights defenders.

  President. – The debate is closed.

The vote will take place today.

Written statements (Rule 171)

  György Hölvényi (PPE), írásban. – Sajnálatos módon Afrikában egyre több konfliktus bizonyítja, hogy bármiféle fejlődés elengedhetetlen előfeltétele a biztonság. A mostani kameruni krízis megértéséhez elengedhetetlen, hogy szem előtt tartsuk a biztonsági tényezőket. A Boko Haram kameruni célpontok elleni folyamatos támadásai következtében, a kormány erők képtelenek megvédeni az ország határait és a lakosait. A biztonsági állapotokat jellemzi, hogy tegnap a terroristák négy tizenéves fiatalt gyilkoltak meg egy iskolában.

Ilyen körülmények között, amikor emberek ezrei naponta szembesülnek a dzsihadista terrorral és több millióan éheznek, balliberális gender ideológiáról beszélni szélsőségesen félrevezető. Ez a magatartás az unió hitelességét ássa alá és azt jelzi, hogy semmit nem tudunk az afrikai valóságról. A Boko Haram tevékenysége a regionális biztonságot fenyegeti, és újabb, Európába induló migrációs hullámmal fenyeget. Az EU-nak lépnie kell, és támogatnia kell azon tagállamok erőfeszítéseit, köztük Magyarországét is, amelyek készek katonai szerepvállalással támogatni az afrikai polgárok biztonságát. Emellett természetesen nem feledkezhetünk meg az alapvető emberi jogok védelméről.

Ezek mindig is az EU alapértékeinek részét képezték. Azonban nem kioktatnunk kell afrikai partnerországainkat, hanem párbeszédet kell kezdeményeznünk. A párbeszédnek természetesen az egyenlő partnerség elvére kell épülnie és figyelemmel kell lennünk az esetleges helyi érzékenységekre. Javaslom, hogy a Parlament mihamarabb kezdeményezzen tényfeltáró missziót Kamerunba, hogy első kézből ismerhessük meg a helyi kihívásokat.

(The sitting was suspended at 11.50)

7. Posėdžio atnaujinimas

(The sitting resumed at 12.59)

8. Balsavimo rezultatų paskelbimas (žr. protokola)

(The sitting was suspended at 13.03)

9. Posėdžio atnaujinimas

(The sitting resumed at 13.30)

10. Antrasis balsavimas

  President. – I will now move to the second voting session of today.

We will vote on the files as indicated on the agenda. The voting session will be open from 13.30 until 14.45. The same voting method will be used as during the previous voting sessions. All votes will be held by roll call.

I declare the second voting session open. You have until 14.45 to vote. The results of the second voting session will be announced at 16.00.

The debates will resume at 15.00 with the major interpellation on the Commission’s assessment of the quality of its answers to questions for written answer.

 

(The sitting was suspended at 13.31)

VORSITZ: RAINER WIELAND
Vizepräsident

11. Posėdžio atnaujinimas

(Die Sitzung wird um 15.01 Uhr wieder aufgenommen)

  Der Präsident. – Ich möchte zu Beginn der Tagesordnung zunächst sagen, dass wir gestern, auch noch während ich gestern Morgen Sitzungsdienst hatte, mit der Zuschaltung der Außenbüros ein kleines technisches Problem hatten.

Wir haben dann entschieden, dass wir andere Kollegen vorziehen. Dieses Hin und Her bringt dann halt auch Veränderungen in der Rednerliste mit sich. Die zugehörigen Redezeiten wurden dann nicht mitübertragen, und das hat für einige Kollegen Unannehmlickeiten zur Folge gehabt.

Da bitte ich um Nachsicht – inbesondere die Kollegin Bentele, die sich wie üblich auf ihre Redezeit vorbereitet hatte. Ich habe sie sehr unerwartet in ihrer Redezeit unterbrochen und sie damit aus dem Konzept gebracht.

Dafür bitte ich alle Beteiligten um Nachsicht.

Wir arbeiten weiter an der Verbesserung unserer Abläufe, vor allem wenn technische Probleme auftreten, die immer möglich sind.

12. Platesnės apimties klausimai (diskusijos)

  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die große Anfrage zur schriftlichen Beantwortung von Christine Anderson und Markus Buchheit im Namen der ID-Fraktion an die Kommission zur Bewertung der Qualität der Antworten der Kommission auf Anfragen zur schriftlichen Beantwortung durch die Kommission selbst (G-001002/2020).

Ich weise die Mitglieder darauf hin, dass es bei allen Aussprachen dieser Tagung keine spontanen Wortmeldungen gibt und keine blauen Karten akzeptiert werden.

Außerdem sind wie bei früheren Tagungen Zuschaltungen aus den Verbindungsbüros des Parlaments in den Mitgliedstaaten möglich.

Ich möchte Sie außerdem darauf hinweisen, dass Redebeiträge im Saal nach wie vor am zentralen Rednerpult gehalten werden. Ich möchte Sie deshalb bitten, die Rednerliste im Auge zu behalten und sich zum Rednerpult zu begeben, wenn Ihr Redebeitrag ansteht.

  Guido Reil, im Namen der ID-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Worum geht es heute? Um die Bewertung der Qualität der Antworten der Kommission auf die Anfragen zur schriftlichen Beantwortung durch die Kommission selbst.

Sie merken, wir drücken uns hier gerne ein bisschen kompliziert aus. Aber worum geht es? In jeder Demokratie der Welt ist es das Grundrecht von Abgeordneten, den Regierenden Fragen zu stellen. Nun haben wir hier keine Regierung, Gott sei Dank, aber wir haben die allmächtige und erleuchtete Kommission.

Nun ist es eigentlich normal in jeder Demokratie der Welt, dass Abgeordnete so viele Fragen stellen dürfen, wie sie wollen. Hier ist das anders: Die Zahl unserer Fragen ist limitiert. Es ist eigentlich auch normal, dass diese Fragen zeitnah beantwortet werden. Im Deutschen Bundestag zum Beispiel dauert die Beantwortung so einer Frage im Schnitt eine Woche. Hier hat die Kommission sich vorgenommen, die Fragen innerhalb von sechs Wochen zu beantworten. Sechs Wochen – nur, sie hat es sich nur vorgenommen; sie schafft es nicht wirklich. Zwei Drittel der gestellten Anfragen dauern deutlich länger.

Ich habe zum Beispiel letztes Jahr auf dem Höhepunkt der ersten Corona-Welle, am 15. Mai, eine Anfrage gestellt. Da ging es um die detaillierten Zahlen der Kurzarbeit in Europa – die hätte ich gerne gewusst. Die Antwort kam auf dem Höhepunkt der zweiten Corona-Welle, am 14. September, und die Antwort war, dass die Kommission das nicht so genau weiß. Aber mir wurden dann auch gute Ratschläge gegeben, wo ich mich denn schlau machen könnte.

Aber das ist eigentlich nicht der Sinn von diesen Anfragen, und so geht man mit Parlamentariern nicht um. Jetzt sagt die Kommission: Ja, durch Corona haben wir gerade so viel zu tun, wir hatten ein Problem. Das glaube ich ja alles, nur, dieses Problem ist ein uraltes: Vor 25 Jahren hat die britische Abgeordnete Anita Pollack es zum ersten Mal angesprochen, und seitdem reden wir fast jährlich darüber.

Es wurden hier schon Abgeordnete von der Kommission als Idioten bezeichnet, weil sie es gewagt haben, Fragen zu stellen, um Stress zu machen und Arbeit zu machen und Umstände. Das will man ja alles nicht.

Man muss hier endlich zu einem normalen parlamentarischen Verfahren kommen, wie es in jeder Demokratie dieser Welt auch funktioniert. Dies müsste auch in diesem Europäischen Parlament irgendwann mal möglich sein. Es ist absolut – und ich sage es in aller Deutlichkeit – respektlos, wie die Kommission hier mit uns Abgeordneten umgeht.

  Helena Dalli, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, timely and pertinent replies to parliamentary questions are an integral part of the Commission’s special partnership with the European Parliament.

President von der Leyen made this a priority in her political guidelines from the beginning of her mandate. These questions and answers are an important instrument of political scrutiny. The Commission’s objective is always to provide answers that focus on the main points that the Members of Parliament raise.

Let me recall that while the timeline for replies set by the European Parliament in its internal Rules of Procedure is not legally binding on the Commission, the Commission continues to deploy all possible efforts to respect them, and this is a challenge.

The Commission receives between 6 000 and 7 000 parliamentary questions per year and addresses them all. In 2020, the Commission received 6 767 questions – 57% more than in 2019, at 4 308.

The complexity, cross—cutting nature and sensitivity of the subjects may of course have an impact on the time needed for handling and validating the replies. According to Article 230 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, parliamentary questions are to be answered by the Commission, and not by individual Commissioners. Every reply is therefore subject to an internal consultation at both service and cabinet level so that all relevant policy aspects are taken into account. Each answer is then assessed by the Members of the Commission responsible for the subject matter before the college approves it.

The Commission is constantly working to streamline its internal processes and underlying IT tools to reduce delays, while ensuring the collegiality of its answers. These efforts clearly showed results in 2020.

  Der Präsident. – Vielen Dank, Frau Kommissarin Dalli!

Ich äußere mich ja selten zu Tagesordnungspunkten. Aber da dieser Tagesordnungspunkt nun doch den Parlamentariusmus betrifft, will ich erstens sagen: Da will ich dem Abgeordneten ein Stück weit widersprechen.

Also: In diesem Parlament werden so viele Fragen wie in kaum einem anderen Parlament gestellt. Das stimmt, da haben Sie Recht. Aber Sie haben, in der deutschen Übersetzung jedenfalls, ausgeführt – und da ist die Sprache schon ein bisschen verräterisch –, dass die wichtigsten Fragen der Abgeordneten beantwortet werden. Jede Frage des Abgeordneten ist wichtig, soweit sie nicht erkennbar missbräuchlich gestellt wird, was es durchaus auch gibt.

Wenn Sie sagen, dass es Mechanismen gibt und dass die Zeitvorgabe, die wir haben, eine Sollbestimmung ist: Es ist bei uns vieles anders als bei den Regierungen. Sie haben darauf hingewiesen, dass die Kommission ein Kollegialorgan ist. Aber dann erwarten wir schon, erstens, dass diese Mechanismen gut geölt und gut durchdacht sind.

Und zweitens, wenn danach immer noch ein Problem übrigbleibt, dann könnte ich mir durchaus vorstellen, dass die Kommission sagt: Lasst uns doch einen verbesserten und respektvolleren – wie der Abgeordnete gemeint hat – Umgang in eine interinstitutionelle Vereinbarung hineinschreiben.

Wenn es dann gut funktioniert und substanzielle Antworten kommen, dann ist man, bei berechtigter Würdigung aller Umstände, sicher auch mit acht Wochen einverstanden, wenn dann eben eingehalten wird, was vereinbart ist.

Ich würde sehr gerne sehen, wenn die Kommission sich da noch weiter bemühen würde, weitere Verbesserungen zu erzielen. Ich glaube, ich spreche da im Namen des gesamten Hauses.

Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

13. Tarptautinių uostų perpildymas ir išaugusios transporto išlaidos, darantys poveikį Europos Sąjungai (diskusijos)

  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärung der Kommission zur Überlastung internationaler Häfen und gestiegenen Transportkosten zum Nachteil der EU (2021/2980(RSP)).

Ich weise die Mitglieder darauf hin, dass es bei allen Aussprachen dieser Tagung keine spontanen Wortmeldungen gibt und keine blauen Karten akzeptiert werden.

Außerdem sind wie bei früheren Tagungen Zuschaltungen aus den Verbindungsbüros des Parlaments in den Mitgliedstaaten vorgesehen.

Ich möchte Sie außerdem darauf hinweisen, dass Redebeiträge im Saal nach wie vor am zentralen Rednerpult gehalten werden. Ich möchte Sie deshalb bitten, die Rednerliste im Auge zu behalten und sich zum Rednerpult zu begeben, wenn Ihr Redebeitrag ansteht.

  Helena Dalli, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, on behalf of Commissioner Vălean I would like to thank you for raising the issue of international ports, congestion and increased transport costs affecting the EU.

We are indeed dealing with extraordinary and unexpected challenges in freight logistics as a result of the disruption caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. These are topics of utmost importance to our industries and economy, and ultimately to each of us as citizens and consumers. With the COVID-19 pandemic, we have undoubtedly been through the most severe crisis in decades and it is not over yet as we all know.

Transport and logistics have been one of the most affected sectors. The sector has experienced exceptional pressures since spring 2020. Yet transport and logistics operators continued to operate and deliver essential goods during the pandemic. This was possible due to the considerable personal efforts and sacrifices of transport workers, including in the maritime transport sector.

There are multiple causes for the current disruption in the market. Container shipping demand picked up strongly from July 2020 as factories reopened and consumers shifted some of their household budgets from services to goods. Companies restocking depleted inventories further contributed to the sudden swing in demand. Some companies sought to increase their inventory in anticipation of future disruption.

Moreover, as economies did not reopen at the same time across the world, this created more container shipping demand in other places, causing substantial imbalances. This was further exacerbated by port congestion due to lower port productivity as a result of strict Covid protocols – covered port closures or due to weather impact.

In addition, the dramatic rise in consumer demand for goods has translated into a surge in global container shipping demand. Since July 2020 this has caused record high container shipping spot rates, on average around four to five times the normal levels on the main east-west trade. Spot freight rates have continued rising in the third quarter of 2021, reaching new historical highs. And whilst recent average arrival delays have stabilised, schedule reliability remains poor.

Importantly, a substantial amount of container ship capacity is currently tied up at anchor waiting to berth. Because port congestion increases journey times, this requires more container ship capacity. Shipping companies are increasingly deploying more capacity into key trades, in particular on the Asia to North America West Coast route.

However, the deployment of more capacity outside schedule creates a surge of cargo at the destination, with the potential of making the congestion even worse. The problem has resulted in bottlenecks and terminals and on land which affect vessels utilisation rate and effectively removes capacity from the market, reducing the ability to cater for demand.

We have recently seen a new escalation of port congestion in some critical ports outside the EU, such as Los Angeles, Long Beach, where more than 80 container vessels are waiting outside the harbours. The Commission is in regular contact with relevant stakeholders to identify any scope for action that can help towards a return to normal operations.

We are monitoring carefully market developments, facilitating dialogue between all actors of the supply chain and liaising with competition and transport authorities, both within and outside the EU. Currently it does not seem that regulation and market intervention could profitably substitute market mechanisms in sorting out congestion problems in logistic chains and imbalances between demand and supply.

The Commission is also in contact with regulators and competition authorities in China and the USA. Following our exchanges, we agreed that no anti-competitive behaviour from shipping alliances aimed at increasing freight rates has been identified so far. Nevertheless, we should focus on understanding the causes of the current difficulties and on learning the lessons of this pandemic.

We need to enhance the resilience of our supply chains and be better prepared to respond to potential future crises. In markets that are heavily intertwined, common shared actions would appear to be the most appropriate response, fighting congestion on the seaside and land side. For instance, building buffer and spare capacity, improving port call efficiency and digitalisation would in particular appear relevant.

Digitalisation and new business models in support of collaborative logistics could be important enablers in this process. One of the key elements for a resilient transport system is the availability and smart use of information. This could lead to real time decisions in the shipping and container market.

Data sharing will enhance process planning, enable failure detection and mitigation and facilitate interaction among all actors in the supply chain. Being able to track the availability and positioning of empty containers could lead to quicker reactions by all market operators in case of congestion or delay, such as container rerouting or changes in ships loading plans.

I strongly believe that we need a systemic approach accounting for the user’s perspective to achieve an integrated, multimodal smart and green transport system. Transport modes, infrastructure and assets need to be managed in a more efficient and integrated way to better exploit idle capacities. I thank you and look forward to your comments.

  Pablo Arias Echeverría, en nombre del Grupo PPE. – Señor presidente, señora comisaria, muchas gracias por estar aquí.

Celebro que, por fin, tratemos este importante debate que hemos propuesto desde mi grupo parlamentario —desde el PPE—, porque es, sin duda, uno de los temas prioritarios en Europa y no solo afecta al sector del transporte, sino a todos los eslabones de la cadena logística y, en última instancia, por supuesto, a todos los europeos.

La pandemia ha provocado que los costes del transporte aumenten en más de un 1 000 %, causando retrasos y bloqueos en el reparto de mercancías a nivel mundial. Esto está generando gran inseguridad jurídica a todos los actores implicados. A ello se suman el aumento de los costes de la energía y la escasez de materias primas, que en la Unión Europea tenemos que importar y que mayoritariamente entran por nuestros puertos.

Los efectos indirectos, como la subida de los precios y la inflación, amenazan la recuperación económica, el bolsillo de nuestros ciudadanos y la competitividad de nuestras empresas. Como he dicho, la crisis afecta a todos los sectores, por supuesto al alimentario, pero también al automovilístico, al de la construcción o al textil, por solo citar algunos de ellos. La amenaza de desabastecimiento es real y se prevé que continúe al menos hasta el verano de 2022.

A todo esto y a la vez, en la Unión Europea trabajamos en un nuevo marco del sistema de emisiones de CO2 —los llamados RCDE—, incluyendo el transporte marítimo, cuya consecuencia va a ser el encarecimiento, sin duda, aún más si cabe, del ya elevadísimo coste del flete marítimo actual. Se prevé una deslocalización de los tráficos actuales a terceros países no afectados por el sistema RCDE, aunque esto ya nos dará para debates más adelante.

Sabemos que las causas y soluciones de la crisis son globales. Pero, dicho esto, no podemos quedarnos de brazos cruzados esperando a ver cómo evolucionan las cosas. Hay que pasar a la acción para contener el impacto y garantizar que nuestros puertos sigan siendo competitivos a nivel mundial.

¿Qué pretende hacer la Comisión a nivel europeo para minimizar los efectos de esta crisis en el mercado único, en nuestros ciudadanos y en nuestra industria y, especialmente, en nuestras pymes?

  Carmen Avram, în numele grupului S&D. – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, criza din porturile lumii, care ar fi putut fi anticipată într-o oarecare măsură, a declanșat un tsunami economic istoric, iar acest val devastator a lovit teritoriul Uniunii Europene deja zguduit de efectele pandemiei.

Consecința o vedem cu toții: rafturile se umplu mai greu, fabricile au întârzieri masive la livrări din cauza microcipurilor care ajung foarte greu din China, prețurile au explodat peste tot, sărbătorile de iarnă ar putea aduce haos în magazine. Și lucrurile nu se vor liniști curând, avertizează specialiștii. Dar cel mai grav este că în plină criză sanitară, printre produsele care fie nu se găsesc, fie sunt cu mult mai scumpe, se numără medicamentele unele vitale în tratamentul anti-COVID.

În țara mea, acest lucru se simte dramatic în acest val 4 care ne-a lovit cumplit. În spitale, stocurile de anticorpi monoclonali au lipsit cu desăvârșire, iar alte tratamente ajung cu mare întârziere. În fața acestui scenariu, pe care nu trebuie să îl lăsăm să devină apocaliptic, Uniunea Europeană trebuie să acționeze cu fermitate și promptitudine.

Strategia farmaceutică pentru Europa, votată ieri în plenul Parlamentului European, este un prim pas pentru a evita o viitoare criză a medicamentelor, însă nu e suficient. Trebuie luate urgent măsuri noi, pentru că dacă această criză din porturi nu a fost anticipată, măcar acum știm exact la ce ne putem aștepta în lunile sau chiar anii care vin.

Am înțeles cu toții care ne sunt vulnerabilitățile. E momentul, deci, să acționăm. Europa are nevoie imediat de o regândire a producției, astfel încât să putem fabrica acasă produse vitale: medicamente, echipamente sanitare, componente electronice, hrană suficientă. Trebuie să ne dotăm porturile cu infrastructură de ultimă generație și cu servicii adaptate vremurilor pentru eficientizarea timpilor de așteptare, să investim în resursa umană care se diminuează pe întreg teritoriul Uniunii Europene. Aceste măsuri nu numai că ne vor asigura supraviețuirea în momente de criză, dar vor asigura și noi locuri de muncă și venituri suplimentare.

Dar înainte de toate, trebuie să ne dotăm rapid cu un cadru legislativ care să ușureze noile investiții, pentru că industriile ar fi gata să pornească motoarele, dar în epoca Green Deal, care le cere să respecte reguli stricte, au nevoie de sprijin și de predictibilitate. Trebuie să investim neîntârziat în cercetare pentru a oferi alternativa verde la tot ceea ce vrem să lăsăm în urmă și pentru a pregăti un viitor sigur pentru generațiile care vin.

  José Ramón Bauzá Díaz, en nombre del Grupo Renew. – Señor presidente, señora comisaria, muchas gracias por su comparecencia, aunque lamento que quien no esté aquí para dar explicaciones sea la comisaria responsable de la materia, ante una crisis del transporte de mercancías sin precedentes y de la que ella es competente directamente.

Señorías, en el mundo entero y en Europa se encuentran —nos encontramos— inmersos en una crisis de suministros sin precedentes que afecta a toda la cadena logística y, con ello, a millones de personas, a millones de empresas, a millones de consumidores europeos.

Esta crisis es el conjunto de una serie de factores, desde la caída de la producción en sectores clave hasta las dificultades que atraviesa el transporte marítimo o también el de carretera. Estos cuellos de botella unidos a la fuerte subida de los precios de la energía, sobre todo del gas, aunque también del petróleo, están afectando directamente a las perspectivas de crecimiento de nuestra economía.

Por eso mismo, desde mi Grupo, desde Renew Europe, y como portavoz de esta Comisión de Transportes y Turismo en materia del grupo liberal, es por lo que he solicitado la comparecencia de la Comisión Europea en esta Cámara para que dé explicaciones sobre un problema que requiere de una cosa: de actuar.

Es cierto que estamos ante una cuestión en la que influyen numerosas fuerzas de mercado, como es el caso de la sobredemanda o de una oferta limitada. Pero, aun así, los problemas no se resuelven por arte de magia. Nosotros, los que estamos hoy aquí presentes, somos los que tenemos la capacidad de apoyar a nuestras empresas, sobre todo cuando se enfrentan a problemas con respecto a los que no pueden actuar y que no pueden resolver por sí mismas.

No podemos quedarnos aquí cruzados de brazos mientras observamos cómo no hay contenedores, cómo los precios de los fletes aumentan exponencialmente o cómo las empresas tienen problemas para conseguir sus productos y las materias primas más esenciales.

Para eso no estamos aquí, señorías. Estamos para dar soluciones, soluciones a una crisis global, soluciones a una situación que amenaza con el desabastecimiento de miles de empresas. Y sobre todo cuando estamos a punto de empezar el Black Friday, el Cyber Monday o bien la campaña de Navidad. Por eso necesitamos impulsar un marco de respuesta internacional a la crisis de suministros que evite estos cuellos de botella en el futuro y que también nos haga menos dependientes de Asia y, en concreto, de China.

En segundo lugar, debemos impulsar la inversión europea en infraestructura de transporte que facilite el movimiento y que los productos lleguen de forma más rápida y más económica.

Finalmente debemos reforzar nuestro transporte rodado, el ferrocarril, pero también el transporte de carretera, injustamente criminalizado por algunos y que padece una acuciante falta de mano de obra. Las dificultades económicas que están atravesando los camioneros españoles, los búlgaros, los rumanos o de cualquier país de la Unión Europea, agravadas por el incremento del precio de los combustibles, merecen no solo nuestro reconocimiento, sino que merecen una atención especial por parte de las instituciones europeas.

Ya acabo. Señor presidente, querida comisaria, aprendamos de los errores del pasado y no esperemos a que las crisis se solucionen por sí mismas. De lo contrario, estamos seguros de que la crisis desaparecerá, pero con ella también desaparecerán nuestras empresas. Y les puedo asegurar que eso no podemos permitírnoslo.

  Maximilian Krah, im Namen der ID-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin! Der Stau, den wir in den Häfen haben, ist eine Folge des Corona-Lockdowns. Und es ist natürlich, dass genau deshalb nun Nachholbedarf besteht und eine erhöhte Nachfrage den Preis treibt. Es ist aber auch abzusehen, dass dieser Preis sinken wird, weil es sich um eine einmalige Nachholaktion für den Lockdown handelt.

So sehr ich es begrüße, dass die Kommission diese Preissteigerungen im Blick hat, so sehr fürchte ich, dass sie dies zum Maßstab und zum Anlass nimmt, jetzt grundlegende politische Wandlungen vorzunehmen. Manchmal muss man auch den Mut haben, solche einmaligen Effekte auszuhalten, anstatt durch unüberlegte Handlungen oder langfristige Strategien aus einem einmaligen Affekt eine dauerhafte Krise zu machen.

Dieses Haus und auch die Kommission neigen dazu, dass sie das Heilmittel gegen jedes Problem, das auftritt, darin sehen, dass sie eine neue Politik machen. Wenn ich die Reden meiner Vorredner angehört habe, sind das ja immer sehr grundlegende Fragen. Man möchte quasi die ganze Gesellschaft umbauen, nur um den Stau in den Häfen zu beseitigen. Lassen Sie uns doch überlegen, ob dieser Stau nicht eine sehr konkrete Folge des Lockdown ist, und ob in dem Maße, wie es uns gelingt, von der Corona-Pandemie wegzukommen und wieder reale Mechanismen zu haben, den Notstand zu beenden, dann auch dieser Stau automatisch zurückgehen wird!

Und wenn es eine strategische Idee gibt für die Zukunft, dann ist es die, dass wir nicht dauerhaft unseren Handel von maritimen Handelswegen abhängig machen sollten, sondern dass wir auch nach kontinentalen Handelswegen schauen sollten. Wir sollten also auch überlegen, ob wir nicht gerade Richtung Osten Landwege brauchen, damit wir eben nicht einseitig von maritimen Handelsstraßen abhängig sind.

Aber auch das ist keine Frage, die etwas mit der Reaktion auf die Corona-Pandemie zu tun hat. Es ist eine generelle Frage unserer Handelspolitik. Wir können sie jetzt diskutieren, aber sie wird an den derzeitig hohen Preisen nichts ändern.

Was wir mitnehmen können, ist, dass eine unüberlegte Corona-Politik die Inflation treibt, und zwar in jedem Bereich. Das kann uns kurzfristig helfen. Was uns auch helfen kann, ist, dass eine überbordende Bürokratie und überbordende politische Handlungen oft das Gegenteil dessen bewirken, was sie sollen. Das Gegenteil von gut ist gut gemeint.

Ich respektiere, dass man versucht, auf eine konkrete Krise gut gemeint zu reagieren. Ich wünschte, wir würden gut reagieren. Und das heißt: Lassen Sie uns diesen Stau, der entstanden ist, abarbeiten und lassen Sie uns dann sehen, wie es weitergeht, nach all dem, was uns die Ökonomen sagen, wenn sich die Preise normalisieren und stabilisieren, wenn wir aufhören, mit neuen politischen Handlungen den Wirtschaftskreislauf zu beeinträchtigen.

  Joachim Stanisław Brudziński, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Obecne wyzwania związane z przeciążeniem międzynarodowych portów morskich oraz wzrostem kosztów transportu mające wpływ na Unię Europejską wymagają działań o charakterze globalnym w związku z globalnym charakterem transportu morskiego. Przyjmowanie wiążących działań o charakterze regionalnym może mieć odwrotny skutek od zamierzonego i pogłębiać obecną niekorzystną sytuację.

Wśród proponowanych rozwiązań wymagających zaangażowania Unii Europejskiej na szczeblu międzynarodowym można wskazać: ustanowienie międzynarodowego systemu wymiany informacji na temat sytuacji na szlakach żeglugowych oraz zatłoczenia kluczowych portów morskich, jak i wytypowanie portów alternatywnych do obsługi ładunków, wypracowanie globalnych rozwiązań w zakresie operacji portowych, wyznaczenie pracowników transportowych, marynarzy, pracowników portowych, operatorów logistycznych jako kluczowych pracowników i tym samym umożliwienie im funkcjonowania w przypadku wprowadzanych restrykcji mających na celu przeciwdziałanie pandemii, w końcu uczynienie zawodów związanych z branżą morską bardziej atrakcyjnymi.

Obecnie doświadczenia powinny stanowić cenny wkład dla wypracowanego przez Komisję Europejską planu awaryjnego dla transportu towarowego w Unii Europejskiej.

  Cláudia Monteiro de Aguiar (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, vivemos, de facto, um estrangulamento logístico, uma crise de abastecimento global que afeta a competitividade da economia europeia, que afeta os cidadãos. O aumento generalizado dos preços, a falta de stock ou atrasos nas entregas e reposições, é uma realidade que precisa da nossa resposta.

A União, junto dos parceiros internacionais, tem de encontrar resposta às causas deste estrangulamento, uma resposta conjunta, desenvolvida com o setor marítimo, com os transitários, armadores, portos e a parte multimodal para a distribuição.

Uma inação da União é desapontar os consumidores europeus e é enfraquecer a competitividade europeia. A escassez dos contentores e dos navios de grande porte, o congestionamento dos portos, a falta de armazenamento, os atrasos na distribuição para o interior dos países, o aumento dos preços da energia, o aumento das taxas, a concentração e as alianças nas mãos de poucos são elementos a que a União tem de responder.

Acresce que muitos armadores, para baixarem os custos, preferem rotas mais rentáveis, congestionando portos de grande dimensão e preterindo portos mais periféricos, o que resulta na escassez de produtos também nestes mercados. Países como Portugal, as regiões ultraperiféricas europeias, sofrem este efeito de desvio de rotas, sem qualquer alternativa de abastecimento. Por isso, muitos consideram que o setor marítimo enfrenta uma tempestade perfeita perante uma crise global e o aumento generalizado dos preços em 2022.

Senhora Comissária, o que fez a Comissão para colmatar estes elementos? Os Estados Unidos apresentam um grande plano para as infraestruturas adjacentes? E o que podem esperar os portos e os operadores para o alívio dos estrangulamentos das cadeias de abastecimento? E termino: que plano tem para a União que assuma este esforço global para regular o funcionamento da rede mundial de logística e transporte? Porque é disto que falamos. Cooperação para a retoma económica.

  Juozas Olekas (S&D). – Mr President, the COVID—19 pandemic drastically changed our daily routine. As work from home became a new normal and people could not spend their incomes on travel and services, a big part of their freed cash went to buy overseas goods. This brought an unprecedented challenge to the global supply chain. An increased demand for goods, together with the recovered economy, highlighted many bottlenecks in the global supply chain and increased shipping costs.

The UN Conference on Trade and Development report, published on 18 November, stresses that small open economies would suffer disproportionate consumer price increases because of their high trade charges. According to this report, in my country, Lithuania, prices there will rise by 3.9% and in Estonia by 3.7%. The impact will be even greater in the Small Island Developing States, which could see import prices increase by 24% and consumer prices by 7.5%.

The question is what the EU and the Member States can do to reverse this worrying trend? The additional resources brought to ease port congestion have given the first positive results. We no longer hear news about container ships waiting for weeks to unload their cargo. Modernising the quality of port infrastructure and improving shipping connectivity would also help to ease shipping congestion.

But, in the long run, this crisis shows that the EU should do more to shorten the supply chain. This is true for different economic areas, such as agriculture, pharmacy and manufacturing. We should encourage bringing the production capacity back to Europe and, in this way, help to shield our industries and consumers from future shipment, and market, volatilities.

  Vlad Gheorghe (Renew). – Domnule președinte, alimentele și medicamentele ajung la noi după un foarte lung lanț de aprovizionare. Principalele căi de transport sunt rutier și maritim – ambele date peste cap și cu costuri record în pandemie. De noi depinde ca transportatorii să livreze bunurile rapid și în siguranță, la costuri decente pentru cetățenii europeni. Porturile noastre suferă acum din cauza porturilor extra-europene: sunt timpi de tranzit mai mari, tarife crescute, iar containerele lipsesc. În România, livrările din China costă de până la 8 ori mai mult decât în 2019.

Cetățenii și companiile europene nu trebuie să suporte aceste facturi. S-a ajuns aici pentru că nu am reglementat corect, nu am dat fondurile europene acelor investiții care să asigure management portuar eficient și infrastructură competitivă. Pandemia ne-a arătat clar ce trebuie să îmbunătățim. Trebuie să ieșim din birouri, să ieșim pe teren, unde sunt adevăratele probleme. E cazul să încetăm discuțiile nesfârșite și să acționăm. Cetățenii europeni chiar merită asta.

  Ciarán Cuffe, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, there have been winners and losers in this awful pandemic. And I read this morning that container shipping companies made profits of almost USD 50 billion in the third quarter alone of this year, and that kind of money surpasses the profits of tech giants like Facebook, Amazon, Netflix and Google, despite the fact that most of the underlying costs for these companies haven’t changed. And these spiralling costs of shipping, up almost a thousand per cent for some routes from China to Europe, these are disrupting supply chains and they are increasing costs for consumers. And the impact of these increases, it tends to impact most on the less well-off and smaller countries. And, of course Covid and the Suez Canal blockage played a role, but we also know that there are competition concerns in the shipping centre. And when can we expect some action from the Commission on concentration in the market?

I do find it interesting that we constantly hear from the shipping industry and from some MEPs that tackling the climate crisis will negatively impact EU shipping’s competitiveness or be too expensive. And this argument is at the core of the opposition to even mild attempts to decarbonise the sector. Of course, such a short-sighted view conveniently ignores the fact that competitiveness is irrelevant if parts of the Earth are uninhabitable.

So my question to the shipping companies is, will you be investing the tens of billions of euro of profit into truly clean technologies to save us from the climate emergency? And another crucial and related issue is that some of our trade flows are inherently unsustainable, sending apples from New Zealand to Ireland is surely unsustainable and we need to tackle all of this.

So the true cost of some things in our economy is rarely reflected, and this is particularly true in the field of transport. If we’re serious about the price of carbon, we must take action. We must tackle the shipping sector and ensure that the decarbonise.

  Clare Daly (The Left). – Mr President, I think it is interesting that we’re having this discussion on the eve of Black Friday, the day where undoubtedly we’ll see a splurge in online sales driven by the likes of Amazon that will have our congested ports creaking at the seams. And when we talk about the challenges of the carrying capacity of container ships and the container shortages and so on, let’s spare a thought for the port workers at the receiving end of this crisis, because soaring freight rates and costs are placing additional pressure also on the workforce.

In many ways, part of the crisis is actually a case of chickens coming home to roost. A consequence of the driving down of wages and conditions, attempts to break dockworkers’ unions across the EU, outsourcing work practices, refusing to hire trained dockworkers for lashing and so on. And this race to the bottom must end. We don’t want a return to the days of on the waterfront, so graphically illustrated by Marlon Brando’s film. Transport workers have paid a huge price during the Covid crisis, and they are now at the receiving end of this surge.

But I think we need to step back as well and look at whether container transport can keep apace in the changing world. We know the EU is launching its connectivity strategy, Global Gateway, in response to the Chinese Belt and Road. But before we do, we might want to make sure that no European countries are taking part in corrupt practices with local governments to get concessions on container terminals, like the French billionaire Vincent Bolloré and his links with the Togolese and Ghanaian presidents to get concessions in the ports of Lomé and Conakry.

So no shortcuts. Ports should be run fairly everywhere around the world with respect for workers’ rights everywhere.

  Chris MacManus, on behalf of the The Left Group. – Mr President, I welcome the debate on congestion at international ports and increased transport costs affecting the EU. This debate has particular relevance in my own country of Ireland. As an island nation where, pre—Brexit, much of our exports had gone via Britain to the continent. It is important we continue to develop transport links between the island of Ireland and Europe.

Increasing port traffic to and from Ireland, whilst important, needs to be complemented with increased access to these ports from across our island. This means investment in key infrastructures such as rail. Such investments should aim to increase freight and passenger services all across our island.

Indeed, it is time for the Irish Government to act and re-open Ireland’s Western Rail Corridor. The reopening of the Western Rail Corridor would not only be an investment which tackles regional imbalance, but it would also be an investment in sustainable transport and assist our efforts to reduce carbon emissions. The rail line would provide a link from the west and northwest of Ireland to the deep-water ports of Foynes and Waterford, providing a significant opportunity for economic development and helping to reverse the decline of our region. It would not only benefit our all—Ireland economy and communities, but our environment as well.

  Helena Dalli, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, thank you for this debate, and I will pass on your comments to Commissioner Vălean. The Commission, within the realm of its powers and competences, is willing to address your concerns about the functioning of the market, ensuring Europe’s competitiveness, and the proper functioning of the maritime supply chain.

Currently, it would seem that regulation and market intervention would not usefully substitute market mechanisms and sorting out congestion problems and logistic chains, and imbalances between demand and supply. However, in markets that are heavily intertwined, common shared actions, would appear as the most appropriate responses. Fighting congestion on both the sea side and land side would in particular appear relevant.

  Der Präsident. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Sitzung wird für einige Minuten unterbrochen. Sie wird um 16.00 Uhr mit der Bekanntgabe der Ergebnisse der zweiten heutigen Abstimmungsrunde wieder aufgenommen.

(Die Sitzung wird um 15.48 Uhr unterbrochen)

14. Posėdžio atnaujinimas

(Die Sitzung wird um 16.00 Uhr wieder aufgenommen)

15. Balsavimo rezultatų paskelbimas (žr. protokola)

16. Paaiškinimai dėl balsavimo (žr. protokola)

17. Balsavimo pataisymai ir ketinimai (žr. protokolą)

18. Pateikti dokumentai (žr.protokolą)

19. Peticijos (žr. protokolą)

20. Sprendimas rengti pranešimus savo iniciatyva (žr. protokola)

21. Susiję komitetai (Darbo tvarkos taisyklių 57 straipsnis) (žr. protokola)

22. Šios mėnesinės sesijos protokolų tvirtinimas ir priimtų tekstų perdavimas

  Der Präsident. – Die Protokolle der Sitzungen vom 22. bis zum 25. November werden dem Parlament zu Beginn der nächsten Sitzung zur Genehmigung vorgelegt.

Wenn es keine Einwände gibt, werde ich die in diesen Sitzungen angenommenen Entschließungen den in diesen Entschließungen genannten Personen und Gremien übermitteln.

23. Kitų posėdžių kalendorinis planas (žr. protokola)

24. Posėdžio pabaiga

(Die Sitzung wird um 16.02 Uhr geschlossen)

25. Sesijos atidėjimas

  Der Präsident. – Ich erkläre die Sitzungsperiode des Europäischen Parlaments für unterbrochen.