Tuarascáil focal ar fhocal na n-imeachtaí

Dé Céadaoin, 19 Eanáir 2022 - Strasbourg

20.2. An staid sa Chasacstáin

  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über sechs Entschließungsanträge zur Lage in Kasachstan (2022/2505(RSP))1.

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1 Siehe Protokoll.

  Andrius Kubilius, author. – Mr President, today we should speak not only about Kazakhstan, but also about all the post—Soviet post—imperial authoritarian area, which is becoming an area of brutality, oppression and blood.

We know what a tragedy had happened recently in Kazakhstan, when during the period of peaceful protests, brutal riots were artificially initiated as a pretext to seek the Russian—led military deployment. The outcome of this brutal action against those peaceful protests is very bloody: several hundred dead, many injured and nearly ten thousand detained.

There is a need for objective international investigation of all the recent tragedies in Kazakhstan, of course. But even now, we can make three general conclusions.

First, recent developments in Kazakhstan, in the same way as 2020 developments in Belarus, have shown that ordinary people and civil society in those countries are fed up with authoritarian regimes, corruption, lack of justice and lack of rule of law. And that is a reason why people are demanding essential change in their countries.

Second, the Kremlin is becoming geopolitically weaker in the region, and the only way for the Kremlin to keep influence on authoritarian regimes in the post—Soviet area is to play the role of military gendarme against any democratic developments.

And third, in the post—Soviet area, we see clear evidence that authoritarian regimes, with the assistance of the Kremlin, are bringing only persecution, torture and deaths of innocent people, and only those countries which, after the fall of Soviet Empire, managed to establish democracies and the rule of law are able to keep peace and protect basic human rights.

History repeats itself. Soviets collapsed when militaries were started to be used against peaceful protesters. Now, the end of authoritarianism in the post—Soviet area is also coming closer and closer.

  Nacho Sánchez Amor, autor. – Señor presidente, el Parlamento Europeo envía, con esta Resolución acordada por los principales grupos, un mensaje claro al pueblo y a las autoridades kazajas: un mensaje de solidaridad con la sociedad kazaja, que afronta una crítica situación económica, agravada por la pandemia, y una elevación de los precios en un contexto político de falta de libertades y de corrupción que dura ya décadas, una combinación de hartazgo y desesperanza que se ha traducido en las mayores protestas en la historia del país.

Y un mensaje, también, el del Parlamento de condena a la violencia: la perpetrada indiscriminadamente por las fuerzas de seguridad en la represión de las protestas, con una incalificable llamada del presidente Tokáyev a disparar sin aviso a las personas que estaban en la calle, la cual le acompañará, desgraciadamente, toda su vida política, y también la violencia de unos grupos armados de origen sospechoso que se sirvieron de las manifestaciones para sembrar el caos y que fueron la excusa precisamente para esa brutal represión. Es difícil saber algunos detalles de lo que ha pasado y por eso es importante que haya una investigación internacional; yo creo que seguramente la OSCE, al ser Kazajistán miembro de esa organización, sería el agente internacional más capacitado.

Si es cierto que esto ha sido una lucha de clanes, aparentemente el presidente Tokáyev ha salido reforzado, librándose de la sombra de su antecesor, Nazarbáyev: ese sería el momento de demostrar esa supuesta voluntad reformista implantando un programa de reformas económicas y políticas democráticas rápido y profundo. Y la Unión Europea tiene que ser muy exigente: 225 muertos, 10 000 detenidos y, además, la represión contra los activistas de derechos humanos en una vuelta de tuerca a esa situación autoritaria. Y ello, con una enorme falta de coherencia: si las manifestaciones pacíficas fueron instrumentalizadas por grupos armados con alguna agenda política, por terroristas, ¿dónde están los terroristas?, ¿por qué se detiene a los dirigentes de derechos humanos que, teóricamente, se manifestaron pacíficamente?

Es el momento de imponer sanciones a los responsables de estas graves violaciones y es el momento de que nuestra Delegación tenga una excelente comunicación con la sociedad civil y abandonemos esa idea de la diplomacia silenciosa que hasta ahora hemos seguido en Kazajistán.

PREDSEDÁ: MICHAL ŠIMEČKA
podpredseda

  President. – Colleagues, good evening, I will speak in Slovak for the rest of the session.

   Dôvodom je, že toto je úplne prvý raz historicky v dejinách Európskeho parlamentu, čo z tohto pódia zaznieva slovenčina, a myslím, že je to celkom významný moment. Ďakujem veľmi pekne.

  Róża Thun und Hohenstein, autorka. – Dziękuję bardzo, Panie Przewodniczący, i bardzo serdecznie gratuluję wyboru.

Mr President, maybe I will switch into English. This is not my lengthy speech. This is a list of political prisoners in Kazakhstan – of human rights defenders persecuted for political reasons. There are hundreds of names. This list is much longer today after the crackdown on the peaceful demonstrations that recently took place in Kazakhstan. People in over 60 cities went to the streets, first because of price increases, but it quickly developed into protests against the cruel regime in Kazakhstan.

Hundreds were killed, thousands are in prisons, and many are being tortured. Why? Because they struggle for the same values and for the same freedoms which unite most of us in this House and in the European Union. How is it possible that we sign the enhanced partnership and cooperation agreement, but we hardly react when basic human rights are being trampled in the most brutal manner? Where is any activity from the European External Action Service? I see Commissioner that you are now taking over all functions in the European Commission.

Our mailboxes are flooded by fake news and propaganda coming from official Kazakh authorities, but we, in this House, get two hours to prepare a resolution on those horrible events, and this resolution should not exceed five pages. We wanted, in this resolution, to describe the horrible situation of the citizens in Kazakhstan and demand sanctions against the Kazakh authorities, despite the fact that the resolution is too short and doesn’t describe the situation thoroughly due to lack of time and space, which is a shame in fact.

I must ask you all to vote for this resolution; call out for personal sanctions against those who are responsible for the crimes committed against the people of Kazakhstan.

  Anna Fotyga, author. – Mr President, many things are still unclear in the events of this month in Kazakhstan, yet one thing is deadly clear: the enormous use of force by many parties to those events.

Let me quote one document that is available on the web page of CSTO, the organisation led by the Kremlin – by Vladimir Putin – from the meeting of leaders on 10 July, where he said that he was not willing to allow further ‘colour revolutions’ in the region. That means that the so—called stabilising intervention that we had there by CSTO forces resembled the events that we know from Hungary and Czechoslovakia in communist times rather than current peaceful operations to stabilise the situation.

  Heidi Hautala, author. – Mr President, allow me to congratulate you on your election – it’s the first time you are chairing our session.

Commissioner, for decades, repression and persecution have been pervasive in Kazakhstan. It is therefore welcome that, since taking power, the Tokayev Government has promised and announced democratic reforms. Yet we need to see the implementation of these reforms.

Now, the internal situation in Kazakhstan remains complex, and we need to understand what happened exactly when the peaceful demonstrations turned violent. What kind of elements were involved? Were they organised? Were they instigated by somewhere? So above all, we need an independent international investigation into those events. The truth about who caused the escalation and the ensuing violence and loss of life must be found out, and the perpetrators must be punished when they exceed normal dealing with demonstrations. The kleptocrats who by any means try to cling to power should face tough measures. Let us be firm in recovering the assets which have been stolen by the elites. Let’s ensure that we contribute to the fact that they face justice for crimes against their own people. Those who are on the side of the reforms in Kazakhstan need to be identified, and they critically deserve our support.

Colleagues, there’s a lot that can be done by the EU to support democracy and the rule of law in Kazakhstan. Together with the OSCE and the UN Human Rights Council, the EU must ensure that these independent investigations will be carried out. All allegations of torture and ill treatment in detention must be thoroughly investigated, and civil society and free media must be supported in their work.

  Miguel Urbán Crespo, autor. – Señor presidente, a inicios de enero estalló en Kazajistán una auténtica revuelta obrera y popular. El detonante de las protestas fue el alza del precio del gas licuado, pero en realidad esto solo fue la gota que colmó el vaso de una población que vive bajo un régimen corrupto que exprime a las clases populares mientras beneficia a unas élites corruptas, un régimen que lleva años robando y reprimiendo brutalmente a su propio pueblo.

Que en 24 horas y en pleno invierno el precio de los combustibles se duplicara, mientras el 70 % del petróleo kazajo se exporta a los mercados occidentales, es simplemente una vergüenza. Y esto fue la gota que colmó el vaso. Que 162 personas —lo que es lo mismo, el 0,001 % de la población kazaja— posean el 55 % de la riqueza del país es una muestra más de la desigualdad tan brutal que es capaz de generar el modelo capitalista extractivista implementado en el país. Esto también es violencia y no lo podemos olvidar.

No podemos olvidar tampoco que una cantidad significativa del expolio al pueblo kazajo se ha convertido en acciones y en propiedades en Europa occidental en medio de un silencio atroz. Exigir el fin de la corrupción en Kazajistán pasa por mirar también los intereses económicos occidentales y defender las demandas que han sacado a las calles al pueblo kazajo, como los que han realizado las y los trabajadores petroleros pidiendo la nacionalización de la riqueza petrolera del país.

Mientras no se aborden y se solucionen las causas que están detrás de las protestas y se siga mirando hacia otro lado, el problema persistirá, porque la desigualdad y la corrupción se han convertido en un auténtico secuestro de la democracia. No olvidemos que sin reparto de la riqueza no hay democracia.

  Traian Băsescu, în numele grupului PPE. – Domnule președinte, doamnă comisar, de la preluarea funcției în 2019, președintele Tokaev a încercat să facă o deschidere a țării către democrație, inițiind o serie de reforme.

Inițial, manifestațiile au fost masive, dar pașnice, declanșatorul acestora fiind creșterea explozivă a prețurilor la combustibil, pe fondul nemulțumirii acumulate de populație, atât în privința nivelului de trai, cât și în privința respectării drepturilor fundamentale. Ulterior, clădiri administrative au fost atacate de grupuri violente, iar intervenția forțelor de ordine, lipsite de pregătirea necesară pentru a face față evenimentelor, a generat escaladarea violenței.

Lipsa de încredere în structurile de securitate conduse de fostul președinte Nazarbayev și camarila sa a fost de natură a genera neîncredere în voința acestor forțe de a restabili ordinea constituțională, ceea ce a determinat apelul la intervenția Organizației Tratatului de Securitate Colectivă.

Este prematur să tragem concluzii definitive asupra evenimentelor din Kazahstan. Președintele Tokaev a anunțat o listă a reformelor economice și sociale care vor fi implementate în perioada următoare de noul guvern.

Chiar dacă și-a retras trupele, Rusia va cere să tragă foloase maxime din faptul că a salvat regimul. Federația Rusă este în situația de a constata că după Belarus, în Kazahstan, o altă fostă componentă a U.R.S.S. de la frontiera sa, a fost necesară intervenția armatei pentru înăbușirea revoltei populației. Rusia riscă să plătească un preț greu al jocurilor pe care le face pe seama reducerii extracției și a creșterii prețurilor la combustibili fosili, iar prețul ar putea fi chiar propria-i stabilitate internă.

China are nevoie de un Kazahstan stabil, care să continue să furnizeze materii prime ieftine, iar Kazahstanul are nevoie acum de consolidarea relației economice și politice cu Uniunea Europeană.

  Maria Arena, au nom du groupe S&D. – Monsieur le Président, il y a deux semaines, la contestation au Kazakhstan a démarré avec la colère des populations à la suite de l’augmentation du prix du gaz, qui a plus que doublé sur fond de grandes inégalités. Selon plusieurs ONG, le bilan officiel de 225 morts est largement sous-estimé. Le gouvernement, pourtant, continue d'invoquer la lutte contre le terrorisme pour justifier les réponses sanglantes à cette révolution.

Mais cette crise met aussi en lumière un régime autocratique qui a été mis en place par Nazarbaïev, qui lui-même a organisé un transfert de pouvoirs à Tokaïev en maintenant son influence politique et économique et qui a renforcé les injustices, et le mécontentement s’est exprimé par la rue.

Il apparaît également qu’à ce mécontentement populaire s’est ajoutée une guerre des clans. Ce pays, longtemps considéré comme la stabilité de la région par un certain nombre d’acteurs, est devenu l’instabilité de la région. Sans doute faut-il évaluer notre soutien européen à une élite kazakhe qui ne voyait que son enrichissement personnel et l’appauvrissement de ses peuples. Je pense qu’il faut une évaluation et une modification de notre politique extérieure.

  Klemen Grošelj, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Mr President, the recent events in Kazakhstan have once again proved how fragile the situation is in Central Asia. Two weeks after the tragic events in the country, we still don’t have a clear picture of what actually happened. There is an official account of the events with limited credibility and a flood of unofficial reports with a greater or lesser degree of credibility.

What we know for sure is that extreme violence and rioting took place, people died and the country was on the verge of sliding into complete chaos. There seems to be consensus that social issues were the trigger of these protests, as peaceful demonstrators demanded lower fuel prices and political change in the country. However, the nature of the protests completely changed when rioting, robbing and use of firearms in the streets began. Some reports indicate an excessive use of force by the authorities, but it is also true that rioters used force; some of them were armed and extremely violent, not only towards the police, but also towards fellow citizens and bystanders.

What we need now is a foreign investigation of recent events, with the involvement of the international community. I think the OSCE can do an excellent job in this matter. But above all we need to stress that it is in the hands of the Kazakh authorities to draw lessons from these tragic events if they wish to be a strategic partner of the European Union.

Kazakhstan needs to start an open and frank process of democratisation of its society. I know it is a tough choice, but the only way to guarantee the long-term stability and prosperity of the country is to ensure the full respect of all citizens’ fundamental rights.

  Viola Von Cramon-Taubadel, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, congratulations also from my side.

The people of Kazakhstan have long enough tolerated hardships and injustice. Their patience reached its limit and they have started protesting peacefully. Increased gas prices are not the root cause of discontent, but a symptom of a larger social injustice. It is a common practice in an autocratic state that growing dissatisfaction is abused by a few. Small violent groups hijacked the peaceful protest and, in an orchestrated manner, started looting, setting on fire and storming the official buildings.

While defending institutions is an obligation of any government, it does not justify the disproportionate use of force. Peaceful protesters were stripped of their rights of expression. The term ‘terrorist’ was randomly used. Over 10 000 people were detained and President Tokayev gave orders to shoot without warning. Shutting down the internet and further restricting media freedom left the Kazakhs uninformed and alarmed.

Moreover, in an unprecedented move, President Tokayev invited Russian troops to restore order. This sets a dangerous precedent in the 30 years of sovereign statehood that was preserved carefully by balancing the powerful neighbours and its own ethnic groups. The invited Shanghai Cooperation Organisation groups were led by the same Russian general who also participated in annexing Crimea and other occupations.

Those foreign forces have now mostly left. However, not only Tokayev, but the whole country have to foot the bill for Putin’s services. What will be on the bill? Recognition of Crimea? Control of Kazakhstan’s uranium mines? A new military base? Time will tell.

Meanwhile, the EU was again shamefully absent from this crisis. Instead of shuttle diplomacy and presence on the ground, we limited ourselves with expression – again, traditional concerns. We need to be and can be more active. We should support Kazakhstan if its sovereignty comes under attack. But equally important is to stand with the journalists, civil society and activists that defend the democracy.

  Thierry Mariani, au nom du groupe ID. – Monsieur le Président, Almaty, Noursoultan et bien d'autres villes au Kazakhstan ont été le théâtre d'affrontements meurtriers. Le Kazakhstan a dû même faire appel à l'Organisation du traité pour la sécurité commune afin de rétablir l'ordre. Et je note que la quasi-totalité des troupes étrangères sont déjà retournées dans leur pays.

C'est donc avec une certaine surprise que j'ai appris l'inscription de ce débat à l'ordre du jour. Je m'en suis réjoui au début. Je me disais que, peut-être, notre Parlement évoquerait la stabilité de ce pays depuis l'indépendance. Pas de guerre civile sanglante comme au Tadjikistan. Pas de conflit avec les États voisins comme entre l'Arménie et l'Azerbaïdjan. J'imaginais peut-être que nous allions encourager le développement qui y règne. Je pensais que nous rappelle l'importance de nos relations commerciales pour les matières premières avec ce grand pays d'Asie centrale. Je me disais naïvement peut-être que nous féliciterions le Kazakhstan pour sa paix religieuse dans une partie du monde en proie à la radicalisation islamiste.

Mais non, j'oubliais que ces résolutions ne servent en réalité qu'à donner bonne conscience à notre Parlement. Il faut condamner et si possible condamner vite. Même si on dispose d'absolument trop peu d'informations. Nous ne savons pas exactement ce qui s'est passé au Kazakhstan. D'autres orateurs l'ont souligné avant moi. Nous savons par contre qu'il y a eu beaucoup trop de vies perdues chez les manifestants comme chez les forces de sécurité.

Est-ce une émeute à cause de l'inflation? Est-ce une nouvelle manipulation de monsieur Abliazov grâce aux milliards de dollars qu'il a volés au peuple kazakh et qui lui servent à financer des organisations pour déstabiliser le pays? Est-ce le résultat de tensions politiques? Nous n'en savons rien avec sûreté à cette heure-ci.

Et pourtant, une majorité de députés brandit fièrement ces condamnations. Car les progrès du Kazakhstan, son rôle central dans les nouvelles routes de la soie, son évolution politique, visiblement, passent au second plan. Ce qui semble intéresser la majorité de ce Parlement, c'est d'utiliser toutes les situations pour attaquer la Russie ou la Chine.

J'adresse toutes mes condoléances aux victimes militaires et civiles de ces événements et je souhaite que la lumière soit faite et que le Kazakhstan reprenne son développement tant économique que démocratique.

  Hermann Tertsch, en nombre del Grupo ECR. – Señor presidente, (palabras inaudibles) de precios y que desembocaron en graves disturbios en todo el país fueron aplastados con implacable contundencia y con una intervención extranjera de fuerzas rusas. El presidente Tokáyev llamó a disparar a matar contra los manifestantes y las fuerzas rusas también se mostraron implacables. Así, realmente no tenemos la cifra de muertos y, desde luego, sabemos que, no casualmente, hay entre ellos muchos activistas de la oposición.

No sabemos si estos disturbios han sido utilizados en guerras de familia internas en el régimen; lo que sí sabemos es, por un lado, que se ha aplastado a la oposición y, por otro lado, sabemos también, lo sabemos muy bien, que los rusos han llegado, que los rusos han creado un precedente muy importante de intervención en un país exterior para restablecer supuestamente la calma, como ya hacían otrora bajo el régimen soviético. En ese sentido, en estos momentos en que tenemos la crisis de Ucrania, es realmente preocupante que la Unión Europea no haya existido, que Borrell no haya existido, una vez más, para las cuestiones importantes.

  Özlem Demirel, im Namen der Fraktion The Left. – Dankeschön, Herr Präsident, und auch Gratulation meinerseits! Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Weltweit können immer mehr Menschen ihren Lebensunterhalt nicht stemmen. Steigende Lebenshaltungskosten, Energiepreise und Nahrungsmittelpreise, die Schere zwischen Arm und Reich driftet auseinander, Mittelschichten erodieren – so und zugespitzter auch in Kasachstan.

Kasachstan gehört zu den wichtigsten Erdöl- und Gasexporteuren der Welt. Doch das normale Volk in Kasachstan kann sich nicht einmal einen vollen Tank leisten. Westliche Unternehmen wie Chevron, ExxonMobil, Shell, Eni und der russische Konzern Lukoil betreiben die Ausbeutung der kasachischen Öl- und Gasvorkommen. US-Firmen sind die wichtigsten Investoren. China tritt verstärkter auf. Eine kleine Clique Korrupter regiert, plündert und verkauft das Land, während die Bevölkerung verarmt.

Dagegen wehrt sich das Volk. Arbeiterstreiks in Ölraffinerien gegen Massenentlassungen haben breite Teile der Bevölkerung mit zu einem sozialen Aufstand bewegt. Sie fordern soziale Sicherheit, das Recht auf unabhängige Gewerkschaften, die grundsätzliche Organisationsfreiheit.

Die Reaktion aus der EU gegen diese martialische Staatsgewalt gegen demonstrierende, streikende Arbeiterinnen und Arbeiter war aber bemerkenswert zögerlich. Soziale Aufstände, die eventuell eigene Kapitalinteressen negativ betreffen könnten, sieht man hier scheinbar auch nicht so gerne. Man verweist auf den Machtkampf der korrupten Cliquen in Kasachstan. Ja, die gibt es, und ja, die versuchen den Aufstand zu instrumentalisieren – aber das ändert nichts am Charakter, dass es ein Volksaufstand ist, dass es Arbeiter sind, die streiken. Und meine Solidarität gehört ihnen und ihren berechtigten Forderungen.

  Milan Uhrík (NI). – Vážený pán predsedajúci. Po nepokojoch na Ukrajine a v Bielorusku sme svedkami ďalšieho pokusu o destabilizáciu ďalšej postsocialistickej krajiny, tentokrát Kazachstanu.

Mainstreamové médiá najprv informovali, že protestujúci v Kazachstane sú len obyčajní ľudia, ktorým vadí desaťcentové zdraženie cien energií resp. plynu. Americký prezident Biden dokonca varoval kazašskú vládu a Ruskú federáciu pred porušovaním ľudských práv demonštrantov, pretože inak bude musieť Amerika zasiahnuť. Lenže potom niektorí z týchto demonštrantov zobrali do rúk zbrane a podpálili vládne budovy, podpálili štyri sídla televízií, obsadili medzinárodné letisko a odrezali hlavy dvom mladým policajtom. Jednoducho teroristi, ktorí sa pokúsili v Kazachstane o štátny prevrat.

A ja nepovažujem za správne, aby teraz Západ alebo Európska únia potvrdila Kazachstan len preto, že aj s podporou Ruskej federácie a ďalších krajín zabránili tomuto štátnemu prevratu. Jediní, koho tu treba odsúdiť, a nahlas, sú teroristi, ktorí tieto štátne prevraty rozpútavajú, financujú a podporujú.

  Tomislav Sokol (PPE). – Poštovani predsjedniče, povjerenice, kolegice i kolege, nedavno smo svjedočili prosvjedima koji su izbili u Kazahstanu nakon što je vlada početkom godine znatno povećala cijene plina.

Mnogo toga još je nejasno ali znamo da su prosvjedi započeli u zapadnom dijelu zemlje a nezadovoljstvo građana ubrzo se proširilo na ostatak zemlje i preraslo je u opće prosvjede protiv korupcije, siromaštva i nejednakosti. Skupovi su potom eskalirali u nerede i oružane sukobe te je zabilježen niz slučajeva kršenja ljudskih prava. Do ovih prosvjeda, naftom bogati Kazahstan, jednu od najvećih zemalja svijeta mnogi su smatrali najstabilnijom državom u nestabilnoj regiji. Od pet srednjoazijskih država koje su stekle neovisnost nakon raspada Sovjetskog Saveza Kazahstan je daleko najveći i najbogatiji. Veličine je Zapadne Europe i leži na velikim zalihama nafte, prirodnog plina, plemenitih metala te najveći je svjetski proizvođač urana.

Eskalacija nezadovoljstva i nastala kriza izazvali su naročitu pažnju dva moćna kazahstanska susjeda, Rusije i Kine. Zemlja većinu svog izvoza nafte plasira u Kinu a tradicionalno je čvrsto u ruskoj geopolitičkoj sferi interesa. Nakon više dana prosvjeda i gotovo pravog rata na ulicama mnogih gradova Kazahstana, režim je polako uz pomoć Organizacije ugovora o kolektivnoj sigurnosti koja je poslala vojne snage sastavljene uglavnom od ruske vojske ponovno uspostavio kontrolu. Rusija je time pokazala da je najsnažniji partner sadašnjoj vladi u sprečavanju izbijanja bilo kakve revolucije koja bi mogla ugroziti trenutnu vlast. Shodno tome, sadašnja ili bilo koja buduća vlada u toj zemlji postat će još više ovisna o Kremlju. To pokazuje da Moskva i dalje shvaća prostore bivšeg Sovjetskog Saveza svojim dvorištem. Toga moramo biti svjesni i njezinu snagu ne smijemo podcjenjivati.

  Evin Incir (S&D). – Mr President, freedom, democracy and social justice are core values of the European Union. We need to stand up for them within our Union, as well as defend them beyond.

In recent weeks, we have witnessed the people of Kazakhstan take to the streets to protest against social and economic inequalities, corruption and authoritarian governance. A president that instructs his military to fire live ammunition against his own people does not respect human rights. A president that shuts down the internet in order to limit the voice of his journalists and his citizens does not respect freedom of expression. A president that prohibits mass gatherings to silence his population violates the right to assembly.

It is our duty as political leaders to listen to the voice of the Kazakh people, to call for an independent investigation into recent events, and to sanction the authorities behind the actions.

Silence may not cost us anything, but for the people of Kazakhstan, it costs everything. Let’s act now.

  Атидже Алиева-Вели (Renew). – Г-н Председател, уважаеми колеги, за огромно съжаление новата година не започна добре в Казахстан. Станахме свидетели на мирни протести, които за изключително кратко време се превърнаха в сцени на насилие. Следях отблизо събитията и на първо място бих искала да изкажа своята солидарност към гражданите и да поднеса искрените си съболезнования към семействата и близките на всички жертви. Вярвам в правото на гражданите на мирни протести, като начин на изразяване. Същевременно обаче е важно да се направи разлика между мирните протестиращи и онези, които са били там, за да провокират насилие и безредици.

Бих искала да подчертая, от друга страна, че държавата има право и задължение да поддържа мира, но силата, която се използва, трябва винаги да бъде пропорционална. Убедена съм, че има нужда от щателно и прозрачно разследване на тези събития. Приоритетите и усилията в момента трябва да бъдат насочени към зачитане на правата и свободите на гражданите, постигане на напредък по обявените реформи и осигуряване на стабилност в страната и региона. Все още е твърде рано за заключения.

Искрено се надявам исканията на мирните протестиращи за икономически и политически промени да са били чути. Европейският съюз трябва да продължи да подпомага Казахстан по пътя на демокрацията.

  Markéta Gregorová (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, it is unfortunate that already, at the beginning of the new year, we are debating grave violations of human rights happening worldwide here, and Kazakhstan is in the spotlight.

The citizens of Kazakhstan have spoken clearly before. They want to have a more democratic country, where inequalities in the rich fuel-producing country would fade away, and freedom of speech, the right to peaceful protest and freedom to choose political representation would be upheld. Instead, people are given a cult of oligarchic personality, none of the promises fulfilled, and inequalities widened.

The actual conditions of long-term tension led to the protest. It is disgraceful that instead of leading debate with protesters and fulfilling some of the promised reforms, people were labelled as terrorists, violently beaten and killed.

The EU, as a proclaimed leader in human rights, must reflect on what has been happening. Sadly, the EU has no voice in the region and has reacted with too little, too late. Furthermore, how can the sanction mechanism work when people like Orbán cannot recognise human rights violations and can block, thanks to the unanimity rule, the vote at the Council?

For change to occur, we must establish ourselves as the influential partner who can help with peaceful resolutions, and to have credibility, we must impose targeted sanctions on the high-level Kazakh officials responsible or change our voting mechanism, which simply does not work.

  Bernhard Zimniok (ID). – Herr Präsident, werte Kollegen! Ich habe Verständnis für die Bürger Kasachstans, wenn sie sich erheben, um der schamlosen Ausbeutung des Landes durch die Eliten ein Ende zu bereiten. 225 Tote, hunderte Verletzte und tausende Inhaftierte sind die bisherige traurige Bilanz. Das ist scharf zu verurteilen, das muss verurteilt werden – keine Frage.

Dass jedoch ausgerechnet die deutsche Regierung Kasachstan dazu auffordert, die Versammlungs- und Meinungsfreiheit zu respektieren, ist schon grotesk. Bei uns reagiert die Regierung auf die landesweiten friedlichen Massenproteste gegen die Corona-Maßnahmen mit vollkommen unverhältnismäßigen Mitteln: mit einem Angriff auf die Versammlungsfreiheit. Selbst zwei Bürger, die zusammen stehen oder gehen, können schon als eine unerlaubte Demo gewertet werden. Ein harmloser Einkaufsbummel eines Ehepaars kann ihm damit zum Verhängnis werden.

(Zwischenruf)

Halten Sie den Mund!

Ein Priester, der mit ein paar Gläubigen in München den Rosenkranz gebetet hat, wurde vor meinen Augen in Polizeigewahrsam genommen. Vorwurf: unerlaubte Versammlung. Ich dachte, ich bin in Nordkorea.

Das Verbot von Telegram steht im Raum, um die Bürger weiter in ihrer Meinungsfreiheit einzuschränken. Dass sich die Bürger lediglich Alternativen zu den Medien suchen, die nur noch Haltung statt Fakten vermitteln, scheint wenig zu interessieren. Grundrechte erweisen sich scheinbar nur noch als politischer Ballast. Noch nie in unserer deutschen Geschichte wurde das Leben so stark eingeschränkt wie heute. Verbote und Grundrechtseinschränkungen sind aber Instrumente, die einer Demokratie absolut unwürdig sind.

Hunderttausende friedliche Demonstranten aus der Mitte der Gesellschaft werden als Rechtsradikale, Nazis und Staatsfeinde bezeichnet. Mit Verhaftungen und hohen Geldstrafen sollen sie mundtot gemacht werden. So löst man keine Probleme, sondern man muss vielmehr aufpassen, nicht selbst vollendet in totalitäre Zustände abzugleiten. Liebe Bundesregierung, …

(Der Präsident entzieht dem Redner das Wort.)

  President. – I’m sorry, if I can ask you to speak on the topic, and most importantly, your time is up. Thank you very much.

  Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Gratulacje dla Pana Przewodniczącego z okazji wyboru. Jesteśmy z krajów ze sobą sąsiadujących, jako sąsiad trzymam kciuki za sąsiada.

Moje przemówienie rozpocznę nie od polityki, bo jesteśmy wszyscy ludźmi. Myślę, że z tej sali powinny popłynąć kondolencje i wyrazy współczucia dla rodzin tych, którzy zginęli w Kazachstanie. W moim przekonaniu powinniśmy tak uczynić i życzyć temu krajowi i jego społeczeństwu, aby, tak jak przez ostatnie 30 lat, był w dalszym ciągu (o czym już tu wspomniano) krajem, który jest przykładem stabilizacji w Azji postsowieckiej, w Azji Środkowej.

Byłem w Kazachstanie 11 razy. Nigdy nie powiem, że jestem ekspertem, ale myślę, że trochę znam sytuację w tym państwie. Tym, którzy nie byli tam ani razu i formułują daleko idące wnioski, życzyłbym skromności. Myślę, że dzisiaj trzeba życzyć naszemu partnerowi – bo Kazachstan jest bardzo ważnym partnerem Unii Europejskiej, jednym z 10 największych państw świata – właśnie stabilizacji.

  Vladimír Bilčík (PPE). – Mr President, let me express my deepest condolences to the families and friends of those who have lost their lives in the past weeks in Kazakhstan. The exercise of freedom of expression and peaceful assembly should never result in the images and violence we saw in various cities across Kazakhstan.

Kazakhstan is an important member of the international community. It also carries a lot of geopolitical weight in Eurasia. What happens in the biggest country in Central Asia has a direct impact on all countries in the region. Therefore, the political responsibility of those in power towards their own domestic issues is important, both within and outside of Kazakhstan. It is imperative that the political leadership of the country follows and abides by international obligations. To put it plainly, it is unacceptable that peaceful protesters are shot in the streets.

Kazakhstan’s international standing and image has suffered over the past weeks. The pictures of violence and indiscriminate shooting have circulated around the world. It is imperative that the country’s political leadership and public institutions address and investigate thoroughly the events of the past weeks and release political prisoners. Kazakhstan’s international standing will also be judged by its approach to freedom of information. In times of crisis, citizens have the right to be informed, and journalists must be allowed to carry out their work freely. Tools such as internet blackouts and inviting foreign troops to its territory fundamentally question the country’s international place, but also the domestic capacity to govern in line with Kazakhstan’s declared commitments.

Kazakhstan, as a matter of fact, enjoys the most advanced bilateral relations with the EU in Central Asia. The Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement provides the basic framework for our bilateral relations, and we should use it to address the consequences of the recent crisis, but also to build a deeper engagement with Kazakhstan.

We must step up our engagement in Central Asia, not only in times of crisis, but also in day—to—day cooperation. We need to be firm, but also to keep our communication channels open. If we don’t, we shall remain mere spectators from afar and Kazakhstan’s big neighbours, China and Russia, will happily overpower us. In our policy we must be both principled and wisely consequential.

  Juozas Olekas (S&D). – Mr President, first of all, I would like to express my condolences to the relatives of the victims. I would like to join many of you in condemning the recent events in Kazakhstan. The initially peaceful demonstrations, with legitimate economic and political demands, were hijacked by criminal elements, and then the military responded with excessive and sometimes non—discriminatory use of force.

I would call on the Kazakh authorities to respect the rights of the citizens, including the right of peaceful demonstration. I also call on the authorities to conduct a transparent inquiry on the cause of the incidents and to prosecute those who are responsible for violence and for the excessive use of force. In order for the investigation to be as transparent as possible, it is important for this investigation to include representatives of international organisations and NGOs. I believe that our European partners also could take the initiative and send a fact—finding mission to the country.

  Petras Auštrevičius (Renew). – Mr President, I would like to congratulate you on your debut in this position and I wish you all the best.

Commissioner, dear colleagues, for decades, the ruling elites in Kazakhstan have been used to winning elections for with nearly 100% of the votes, but never felt safe facing people’s anger. Political instruments like Leader of the Nation gave them access to unlimited personal wealth and the influence of privileged groups, but were largely based on the fierce persecution and intimidation of political opponents. The unsustainable political system alone was unresolved and deepening social economic problems typical of the Soviet legacy is an optimal scenario for the influence and intervention of Russia, a kind of gendarmerie of the continent.

Independent investigation, access to impartial legal defence and deep political reforms, not foreign intervention forces, is a genuine way forward for Kazakhstan. The European Union must review and strengthen its political conditionality vis-à-vis Kazakhstan.

  Sergey Lagodinsky (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, congratulations on your new function.

First and foremost, let me, let us, express our condolences to those Kazakh people who suffered during the recent crisis. When I see the crowds looking for the bodies of their loved ones, my heart weeps tears. When I see the demolished streets of Almaty, hear the voices of people who are scared, my heart weeps tears. So, we must express our solidarity with the Kazakh nation, and this is the starting point of any discussion about the current situation or about the future of the country.

But I would also like to express hope. Hope that the new government and the president of this wealthy and large country would use this crisis for a chance – not to grab power, but a chance to introduce reforms; reforms for law-enforcement authorities based on civil rights and political reforms based on freedom and pluralism, and yes, foreign policy reforms based on a vision of Kazakhstan as a truly independent country in the region – a country facing Europe and European values, and yes, the green reforms that this country started in order to rid itself of the dependency on fuels that it has.

There are many hopes that we share. These weeks will decide whether these hopes will ever materialise. You, President Tokayev, have a chance to prove to us all, everyone who spoke today, that we are wrong about our fears. We are waiting for a sign from you.

  Maximilian Krah (ID). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Als ich den Entschließungsentwurf gelesen habe, habe ich mich schon gewundert, als ich von friedlichen Demonstrationen las. Denn tatsächlich sind Regierungsgebäude in Flammen aufgegangen, sind Polizeibeamte geköpft worden und waren die Demonstrationen schwer bewaffnet. Woher kamen die Waffen?

Wir haben es also schon mit einem bewaffneten Aufstand zu tun gehabt. Ich muss erst einmal feststellen, dass, wenn es zu einem bewaffneten Aufstand kommt, es dann das Natürlichste in der ganzen Welt ist, dass die Sicherheitsbehörden versuchen, den auch schnell wieder mit Waffengewalt zu ersticken. Genau das ist geschehen. Und es ist schnell über die Bühne gegangen. Und es war auch nicht so, dass russische Truppen an der Front gestanden hätten, sondern sie haben rückwärtige Einrichtungen geschützt.

Insofern taugen die Geschehnisse in Kasachstan weder dazu, das übliche Russland-Bashing hier im Haus fortzusetzen, noch kann man erkennen, dass die Regierung etwas getan hätte, was nicht eine Regierung anderswo auch getan hätte.

Das Interessante ist aber, dass wir immer schnell im Verurteilen sind, ohne dass wir eine Analyse vornehmen. Tatsache ist, dass sich die kasachische Regierung seit Monaten und Jahren bemüht, neben ihrer geografischen Eingrenzung zu China und Russland auf der einen Seite und den ethnischen Kontakten zur Türkei auf der anderen Seite auch Kontakte zum Westen aufzubauen, und dass sie sich deshalb auch öffnet und dass es Reformen gibt.

Die Botschaft, die wir jetzt senden, ist, dass wir sie schulmeistern, dass wir nicht versuchen, beide Seiten zu hören, und dass wir letztlich diese Bemühungen konterkarieren. Und diese Botschaft wird auch an alle zentralasiatischen Republiken gehen. Man wird sagen: „Mit den Europäern können wir nicht zusammenarbeiten, weil wenn hier irgendetwas passiert, was wir nicht wollen, dann werden wir von oben herab geschulmeistert. Man bedroht uns mit Sanktionen. Lassen wir es sein!“

Und genau deshalb kann ich Sie nur – wie ich das ja häufig zu tun habe – daran erinnern, dass es an der Zeit ist, zur Diplomatie zurückzukommen, zum Ausgleich, zur Partnerschaft, zum Zuhören, und dass die Zeiten, wo Europa den Rest der Welt schulmeistert und nach seinen Maßstäben beurteilt, Gott sei Dank vorbei sind.

Kasachstan verdient eine Chance – aber eine, die die Realität berücksichtigt, und nicht eine, die meint, alles müsse so laufen wie in der Europäischen Union. Gott sei Dank muss es das nicht.

  Michiel Hoogeveen (ECR). – Mr President, Kazakhstan is a country on a geopolitical tightrope. The Russian Federation and China on the one hand, the West on the other. After the end of the Cold War, Kazakhstan inherited the world’s fourth-largest nuclear weapons arsenal. It denuclearised and is now mainly reliant on Russia for its security.

On the other hand, the EU has grown to become Kazakhstan’s largest trading partner, and it is one of our major energy suppliers. May Kazakhstan be a lesson: a strong hike in energy prices fuels protests against the government, and we need to think strategically and look out for the interests of the EU and its citizens. An extra hike in energy prices is something our citizens cannot afford. As the EU, we need to benefit from a stable and reliable Kazakhstan. In that respect, sanctions or meddling in the domestic affairs of Kazakhstan will only come back to haunt us.

  Seán Kelly (PPE). – Mr President, the unprecedented protests in Kazakhstan at the beginning of the year saw some of the deadliest violence in the country’s post-Soviet history. Sparked by an almost 90% jump in car fuel prices in the oil-rich west of the country, protests spread with surprising speed as citizens across the country rose against the regime simultaneously.

During clashes, security forces received orders to shoot live ammunition and, declaring a state of emergency, the President called for help from a Russian—led military bloc. Since last I spoke on the harsh restrictions imposed on the rights to peaceful assembly in Kazakhstan almost a year ago, little has changed for the better. The violent unrest that began with peaceful protests has left an estimated 225 people dead. Shocking. Arrests of activists continue and the regime appears determined to crush this movement.

The crimes against civil society and human rights in Kazakhstan demand a firm response from the EU. It is time to impose personal sanctions against leaders involved in the violent suppression of peaceful demonstrations. The EU, together with the international community, must immediately initiate a proper investigation into the crimes committed and the disappearance of citizens during the two weeks of rallies. We must demand that the Kazakh authorities release all political prisoners and completely withdraw foreign troops. Since the country’s independence in 1991, Kazakhstan has been an important partner to the EU. It would be nice if it were possible for this to continue for the benefit of the lovely Kazakhstan people.

  Isabel Santos (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, num país como o Cazaquistão, que vive amordaçado há três décadas, com as liberdades cortadas, dominado por um regime cleptocrático e corrupto que se eterniza e marcado por uma profunda desigualdade, era inevitável que a revolta popular acabasse por tomar as ruas, como já tinha acontecido em 2011.

Sejamos claros, isto que aconteceu não é novo e era previsível. O uso desproporcionado da força contra manifestantes pacíficos e as reais motivações do desenvolvimento dos acontecimentos não podem passar, mais uma vez, sem uma investigação internacional independente, que deve ser liderada pela OECE no âmbito do Mecanismo de Moscovo.

É isto que os familiares das vítimas destes incidentes nos estão a pedir, não declarações piedosas e condolências. Estão a pedir-nos uma investigação clara sobre o que aconteceu e estão a pedir-nos que àqueles que foram detidos não lhes aconteça o mesmo que aconteceu a Vladimir Kozlov em 2011, que ficou vários anos detido na prisão e vários anos sob tortura e tratamento desumano e degradante.

  Ilhan Kyuchyuk (Renew). – Mr President, I would like to pass on my congratulations to Madam Commissioner.

The European Parliament always stands for democratic values. We cannot ignore the tragic events that took place in Kazakhstan earlier this month. Kazakhstan is a strategic partner in Central Asia, and we have always welcomed positive developments in this country. But, at the same time, we act rightly to any violations of human rights there. And yes, innocent citizens protested for a better social economic life. But why these protests quickly spread violence, anarchy, that led to military intervention by a third country, killing dozens and violating human and fundamental rights, is a question that should be raised.

Therefore, I do believe that we must give Kazakhstan time to explain to us the reasons for the terrible tragedy and how the country plans to further implement its own promises. Kazakhstan should carefully examine every fact and launch a full—scale and transparent investigation into the events.

  Tatjana Ždanoka (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, it will take a lot of time to investigate deeply the events of January 2022 in Kazakhstan but, nevertheless, our Parliament has once more assumed the role of judge.

I have several questions in connection with the proposed resolution. When urging the Kazakhstan authorities to refrain from applying charges of terrorism too broadly, is our Parliament not applying too broadly such definitions as ‘activist’ or ‘religious organisation’? Do we properly distinguish between peaceful protesters and those who used violence and committed crimes? Why, when saying that a number of international journalists’ offices came under attack by the state forces, did we turn a blind eye to the effects of the burning down of the buildings of major Kazakh TV channels and the international channel MIR by armed groups of well-trained men? Are we not selective when mentioning the names of several political prisoners, but forgetting cases no less famous? As a member of the Central Asia Region Parliamentary Cooperation Committees (PCC) and a former vice—chair of this delegation, I ask for respectful dialogue with Kazakhstan.

  Иво Христов (S&D). – Г-н Председател, през последните 30 години Казахстан преживя преход от социалистическа към неолиберална икономика, довел до огромна концентрация на богатството в ръцете на шепа хора. Ощетените излязоха на улицата и днес оплакваме невинни жертви. Протестите, избухнали в началото на тази година, са резултат от тази несправедливост - факт, който властите в Нурсултан признаха официално. Мълниеносната ескалация на мирните протести и израждането им в насилие и вандализъм обаче говорят за задкулисни интереси, които паразитират върху справедливия гняв, включително и радикални салафитски елементи.

В случая с Казахстан Европейският съюз не бива да допуска грешката, която допусна в Сирия. Не бива да се произнасяме прибързано по социален конфликт, който крие риск от политическа и дори религиозна радикализация. Надявам се специалната правителствена комисия, натоварена с разследването на трагичните събития, да предостави убедителни факти, които да ни позволят да формулираме нашата принципна позиция, в интерес на бъдещите ни отношения с Казахстан и неговия приятелски народ.

  Christophe Grudler (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, la situation au Kazakhstan m'inquiète fortement. Quel chef d'État peut justifier de tirer sans sommations sur ses ressortissants? Il ne s'agit pas de remettre en cause la souveraineté du président Tokaïev. Le Kazakhstan est un État libre et souverain.

Mais quelles que soient les raisons de la colère de l'État, je ne peux accepter la méthode employée. Je ne peux supporter que le peuple kazakh soit pris pour cible à balles réelles par son propre dirigeant. Qui peut l'accepter? Je demande par ailleurs que la lumière soit faite sur les nombreuses disparitions et arrestations effectuées par le gouvernement kazakh. J'imagine la souffrance que doivent ressentir les familles des personnes disparues.

Le président Tokaïev doit fournir des réponses, et si les réponses ne sont pas claires et acceptables, je demande que des sanctions exemplaires soient prises contre le Kazakhstan et que tout échange commercial ou diplomatique soit rompu avec ce pays jusqu'à nouvel ordre. Un pays qui ne respecte pas les droits humains n'a pas le droit de commercer avec l'Union européenne et ses États membres.

  Engin Eroglu (Renew). – Sehr geehrter Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Frau Kommissarin, meine sehr geehrten Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Lassen Sie uns hier über das Wesentliche reden! Wir hatten Unruhen in Kasachstan, und erneut – wie fast jeden Monat – sind erhebliche Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit auf diesem Globus passiert.

In Kasachstan wurde ohne Vorwarnung auf Demonstranten geschossen, und über 200 sind verstorben. Ja, richtig, viele Tausende dieser Demonstranten, Frau Kommissarin, sind friedliche Demonstranten gewesen. Es haben sich auch Plünderer unter die Demonstranten gemischt – das wissen wir, das sehen wir in den Bildern. Und vielleicht war auch ein kleiner Bruchteil der Demonstranten gewalttätig. Aber was nicht geht, ist, auf eine Bevölkerungsmenge mit scharfer Munition zu schießen – eine erneute Übertretung der roten Linie.

Frau Kommissarin! Das Parlament, der Rat und die Kommission müssen hier mit aller Gewalt auf Kasachstan einreden, aber auch Kasachstan nicht in die Arme von China und Russland treiben. Wir müssen Kasachstan gemeinsam einen Weg zu Freiheit und Demokratie aufzeigen, und das ist die Aufgabe, die wir jetzt bewältigen müssen.

  Vlad Gheorghe (Renew). – Domnule președinte, de săptămâni întregi în Kazahstan se moare pe străzi. Cel mai mare protest de la căderea U.R.S.S. a fost înăbușit violent, deși cetățenii manifestau pașnic. Sunt peste 10 000 de arestați, câteva sute de uciși.

Să avem curajul să spunem evidența: este aceeași rețetă ca în Ucraina, ca în Belarus, ca la protestele din Rusia. Știm vinovații, știm și miza. Să nu protejăm libera exprimare și chiar dreptul la viață, să ignorăm provocările de la granițele noastre, este greșit moral, dar și strategic! Nu doar statele membre estice sunt amenințate, ci întreaga construcție europeană.

Dacă stăm și acum deoparte, vom pierde respectul cetățenilor noștri, invităm dușmanii la noi în casă, deși atacul lor a început de ani buni, prin propagandă, fake news, prin interpuși care să submineze democrațiile europene din interior. Până acum Europa le-a răspuns doar cu conferințe, discursuri și cafele.

E timpul să acționăm ferm și unit, să fie clar tuturor cine este liderul în regiune!

  Stella Kyriakides, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, we have all been shocked by the unprecedented violence that erupted in Kazakhstan earlier this month, in particular, in Almaty. It is important that a clear distinction is made between the early peaceful protests, which began on 2 January and the ensuing violence that erupted nationwide, resulting in the president imposing a state of emergency and calling for the assistance of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in countering what he referred to as terrorist attacks.

The picture emerging is that well—armed and trained violent groups hijacked what began as peaceful protests. However, their exact identity and motivations remain unclear. It is possible that those groups were associated with some security paramilitary forces, which would indicate that their formation and existence was covered up by some security structures. There could also be a link to a past struggle related to the succession and access to resources between the circles related to the former president and President Tokayev.

At this stage, we cannot rule out that external forces have also been involved in the events. According to official sources, initially, almost 10 000 people were detained, but many have been freed in the meantime. Two hundred and twenty-five people have been killed in the events, including 19 security officers, and almost 5 000 people have been injured. Approximately 2 030 troops were deployed for the first time in the CSTO’s history, with Russia sending by far the largest number. The withdrawal of the CSTO troops, which began on 13 January, has been completed today, according to the latest news. An official investigation of the events has begun.

At this point, the complexity of the crisis merits a cautious interpretation and reaction. It is probably too early to draw conclusions about the EU’s future policy towards the country. There are still many open questions, including about the origin, identity and motivation of the attackers. In our exchanges with the authorities, we called for a full, transparent and independent investigation into the events, including on human rights violations. Peaceful protesters should not be treated like criminals. In this regard, we note the statement by President Tokayev that participants in peaceful demonstrations should not be prosecuted.

We expect the results of the investigation into these dramatic events to be shared with us in a transparent manner. President Tokayev has committed to important social economic reforms. However, we call on Kazakhstan to continue with political reforms and democratisation and we continue to support these reforms as an integral part of our enhanced partnership and cooperation agreement.

  Predseda. – Rozprava sa týmto skončila, hlasovanie sa uskutoční zajtra.

Písomné vyhlásenia (článok 171)

  Daniel Buda (PPE), în scris. – Îmi exprim îngrijorarea cu privire la evoluția protestelor din Kazahstan. Răspunsul extrem de violent al autorităților la manifestațiile pașnice, folosirea forței în mod excesiv au contribuit la escaladarea atacurilor violente și destabilizarea situației în zonă. Ordinul președintelui Tokaev „de a trage pentru a ucide”, reprezintă o încălcare gravă a dreptului la viață. Libertatea de exprimare a cetățenilor nu a fost respectată. Sunt alături de poporul din Kazahstan și de familiile celor care și-au pierdut viața în timpul acestor manifestații și condamn în mod ferm abuzul de putere făcut de către guvernul Kazahstanului. Solicit guvernului din Kazahstan să elibereze persoanele reținute în mod abuziv, să pună capăt oricărei acțiuni care încalcă fundamental drepturile omului și amenință viața acestora. Solicit ca dreptul la manifestații pașnice să fie garantat poporului, iar fiecare decizie luată în această privință să fie conform prevederilor internaționale. Am încredere că structurile, instituțiile și agențiile europene vor întreprinde anchete referitor la abuzul de putere făcut de guvernul din Kazahstan și vor monitoriza situația actuală, în așa fel încât angajamentele asumate la nivel internațional, cât și față de poporul kazah, să nu fie încălcate. Aceste evenimente nu se pot repeta și trebuie sancționate corespunzător.

  Dita Charanzová (Renew), in writing. – 2022 started with a setback for freedom and democracy in Kazakhstan. We saw and heard horrific scenes of the repression during the protests – security forces shooting unarmed people, arbitrary arrests and disappearances, torture, internet shutdowns... the list, sadly, goes on. On top of this was a show of force from Russia, which brought back chilling memories of ‘external assistance’ in countries such as my own.

This is all happening in a country with a partnership and cooperation agreement with the EU. We must step up our engagement with Kazakhstan, and show that if concrete advances in human rights and democracy do not take place, there will be consequences for the agreement and sanctions to those violating human rights. High Representative, the events of these weeks have brought suffering, fear, and instability. The people of Kazakhstan want change and a better future, and we must be there for them.

  Pedro Marques (S&D), por escrito. – O Cazaquistão vive, há mais de 30 anos, sob a alçada de um regime ditatorial, de onde nos chegam permanentemente registo de práticas inaceitáveis. A corrupção, a violência absolutamente desproporcionada, a tortura e a degradação das liberdades mínimas são realidades absolutamente documentadas.

Se isso não bastasse, os recentes acontecimentos vieram evidenciar ainda mais o clima de repressão em que se vive no país, o desprezo pelos mais elementares direitos e pela própria vida humana. Exigimos, por isso, a realização de uma investigação internacional independente aos mais recentes acontecimentos registados no Cazaquistão, onde, legitimamente, a população luta contra a realidade de opressão vivida no país.