Fullständigt förhandlingsreferat

Tisdagen den 8 mars 2022 - Strasbourg

1. Öppnande av den årliga sessionen

VORSITZ: OTHMAR KARAS
Vizepräsident

  Der Präsident. – Ich erkläre die Sitzungsperiode 2022–2023 des Europäischen Parlaments für eröffnet.

2. Öppnande av sammanträdet

(Die Sitzung wird um 9.01 Uhr eröffnet)

Der Präsident – Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren! Ich darf die Sitzung am Weltfrauentag eröffnen und allen Damen gratulieren und uns Männer bitten, dass wir uns diesen Tag und die Ursache – die Unterschiedlichkeiten, die es heute noch diskriminierenderweise zwischen Männern und Frauen gibt, nicht nur am Arbeitsmarkt – bewusst machen.

  Robert Roos (ECR). – Mr President, I would like to draw attention to Rule 237a on Extraordinary measures. According to this rule, Parliament may, ‘in exceptional and unforeseeable circumstances beyond its control, make a temporary derogation from Parliament’s usual procedures.’

Scientists have said that the effect of the COVID pass on transmission is close to zero, even though global data confirms that the pandemic has ended and we have now entered an endemic phase without serious risk to life and health. Now that Belgium and France return to normal, the time has come for the European Parliament to also return to its normal and usual procedures.

It doesn’t make any sense to think there is a normal world outside the Parliament where we can get together in bars and restaurants without masks, without social distancing and without COVID passes, but it’s too dangerous and unsafe within the Parliament and that we still need these restrictions.

Dear President, there is no logic in continuing extraordinary measures, not even a tiny bit. Let’s end these restrictions today.

  Der Präsident. – Herr Kollege, Sie wissen, dass die zuständigen Gremien, sowohl das Präsidium des Parlaments als auch die Konferenz der Präsidenten, diesen Punkt auf der Tagesordnung haben. Sie wissen, dass die bisherigen Regeln bis zum 13. laufen und dass wir gestern im Präsidium die weitere Vorgangsweise besprochen haben, die zweifelsohne zu einer weiteren Öffnung führen wird. Wir werden Schritt für Schritt vorgehen und die nötigen Beschlüsse dazu durchführen.

Wir sind hier in einem hohen Ausmaß auch gewillt, mit dem Ärztlichen Dienst des Hauses und mit dem Juristischen Dienst, aber auch mit allen Fraktionen darüber zu reden, wie wir hier weiter vorgehen. Auch gestern Abend hat im Präsidium des Parlaments eine eingehende Diskussion dazu stattgefunden.

3. Utländsk inblandning i alla demokratiska processer i Europeiska unionen (debatt)

  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagungspunkt folgt die Aussprache über den Bericht von Sandra Kalniete im Namen des Sonderausschusses zu Einflussnahme aus dem Ausland auf alle demokratischen Prozesse in der Europäischen Union, einschließlich Desinformation über Einflussnahme aus dem Ausland auf alle demokratischen Prozesse in der Europäischen Union, einschließlich Desinformation (2020/2268(INI)) (A9-0022/2022).

  Sandra Kalniete, rapporteur. – Mr President, today, Europe faces two major, transformative crises which will shape our future for many years to come – the COVID—19 pandemic and Russia’s unprovoked, brutal war against Ukraine.

There is one crucial, dark, vicious common denominator for both – the widespread, coordinated and systematic spread of hostile and targeted disinformation.

Since we have discussed several times the consequences of COVID—19 disinformation campaigns, today I will concentrate more on the Kremlin’s propaganda machinery working in overdrive to justify Putin’s unprovoked act of aggression, shredding of international law and sending thousands of Russian people to an irrational and deadly war.

And let’s call a spade a spade. Putin’s propaganda machinery was not ‘turned on’ only on February 24th, it has been working in Europe for decades already, attempting to poison and divide our societies.

With all this in mind, we have arrived at the moment of truth to ask a frank question – how did the democratic world get to this point? And how we can prevent it in the future? This is exactly the task of our report, which will be voted today, and I invite everyone to appreciate the great urgency of the moment.

Dear members of the House, the report identifies and maps the threat of foreign interference in all of its forms, including disinformation, manipulation of social media platforms and advertising systems, cyber—attacks, threats against and the harassment of journalists, covert political funding and elite capture and co-optation. In other words, this report both provides the diagnosis of the EU’s vulnerabilities and prescribes the medication for strengthening the EU’s resilience.

A few words about platforms and data markets. We have to shed light on the black box of social media platforms: we need truly binding EU rules for algorithms for accountability and transparency, particularly when it comes to the demonetisation of harmful content and data accountability.

Today, while the war is ongoing in Europe, online platforms and tech companies need to take a stand by proactively suspending accounts engaged in denying, glorifying and justifying aggression, war crimes and crimes against humanity. They have to reinforce content in Russian and Ukrainian languages to resist the pressure from Russian government’s disinformation. In short, any tech platform complying with Putin’s censorship request is an accomplice to Putin’s aggression.

I would also like to highlight the need for data market accountability and transparency, including binding EU rules to limit the amount of data platforms can harvest, store and sell. It is completely unacceptable that loosely, regulated commercial entities can sell data of Europeans, me, you, all of us to the same authoritarian regimes that are trying to tear us apart.

About resilience, we see that the Kremlin is attempting to insulate, wall off the Russian information space, by imposing new censorship rules. This shows that Putin is threatened by any independent media and narrative. This is a clear signal that we should double, triple and quadruple our support for quality and independent media, including in the EU’s neighbourhood.

The Kremlin is also operating with extensive cyber warfare tools. That’s why we need to step up cybersecurity assistance to Ukraine, deploying there cyber rapid response team experts and using the EU cyber sanctions regime against individuals, entities and bodies responsible or involved in the various cyber—attacks targeting Ukraine.

The resilience of our societies is absolutely key here. We must not allow any malicious actor to exploit our freedoms. Therefore, resilience, awareness and media literacy must be built up as our protective shields.

Another factor weakening our resilience is foreign covert funding, elite capture and co—optation. For decades, we have watched former high—ranking European officials and politicians take up prominent positions on Russian energy companies, while we were channelling hundreds of millions into Putin’s coffers and providing safe haven for his cronies and oligarchs. Look where that has gotten us.

We, with our euros, have effectively built and financed Putin’s war machine, which is now being used to slaughter innocent Ukrainians. If we don’t turn off the flow of gas and oil ‘golden river’ now, then we deserve the full consequences of our greed and sorry stupidity.

And to conclude, dear colleagues, I was harsh, but I am convinced that we across the political groups, together with the Member States and the Commission, can move forward towards implementation of the report’s recommendations with utmost urgency. And I would like warmly to thank all my shadows, chair of the Committee and Secretariat and our councillors.

  Josep Borrell Fontelles, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, on behalf of the Council. – Mr President, dear members of the committee, dear Members of the European Parliament attending this debate, we are witnessing how the Russian assault on Ukraine continues, and this assault painfully highlights why we need to pay more attention to foreign interference and, in particular, to foreign disinformation and information manipulation.

This poses a clear threat to our democracy, to our stability, to our security, and we need to address it. So I therefore much welcome your report and the work of the Special Committee on Foreign Interference.

Information manipulation and interference is something that Russia’s propaganda machine is actively using. Accompanying their military campaign in Ukraine, Russia is spreading false information among their own population about why this invasion has taken place and which is the situation in Ukraine.

Over weeks, much before the invasion started, the Kremlin outlets had been preparing the ground by reversing the cause and consequences of this aggression and portraying Russia and Russian people as a kind of a victim, saying ‘Ukraine is committing genocide’, ‘Zelenskyy is a criminal, is a puppet on the hands of the Western people’, and when they come to Kyiv, they will do a second Nuremberg in order to clean Ukraine of the Nazis who are committing genocide against the Russian people.

These are the kind of things that they are systematically spreading far and wide, undermining the legitimacy of the democratically elected Ukrainian Government, presenting them as a result of a coup d’état. It came to power, not through elections, but through a coup d’état. He’s a criminal, is a war criminal, is a Nazi, is a dictator and also distorting historical facts.

Well, history can be interpreted in very different ways. But to consider that Zelenskyy is a war criminal, a Nazi who is committing genocide against the Russian people, is not a matter of historical interpretation.

The Kremlin and its outlets are systematically lying about the situation, about the military situation and about the suffering of the Ukrainian population. They claim systematically that the Ukrainian authorities are bombing their own citizens or provoking nuclear incidents in order to blame Russia systematically. This kind of news is widespread.

Also, the alleged Russia-phobia that the state-affiliated media report is another thing that people in Russia listen to. Let me say once again, that measures are against the Russian leadership, not against the Russian people and the current situation is a result of President Putin’s actions. And, if he wants, he can solve it by just stopping the war.

The state media and the ecosystem around them are being used as an instrument to push this narrative, to manipulate and mislead, and they are an integral part of the aggression. It’s not just bombing the houses, the infrastructure, the bodies of the people. they are bombing their minds, they are bombing their spirits. And the Russian leadership is cracking down on independent media, on civil society, it has banned Twitter, it has banned Facebook and a number of foreign media from operating in Russia.

The Kremlin has introduced a law criminalising what they call ‘fake information’ about the war in Ukraine. It can cause you 15 years’ jail, targeting also international journalists, which are doing their vital work in Russia.

As a consequence it has deprived of Russian citizens of any access to independent media, independent information about what’s happening in Ukraine and how the Russian armed forces are behaving. So Russia is moving towards complete isolation of its citizens from information coming from the outside world. They are putting them in a bubble, isolating in order not to allow them to know what’s happening.

The international community has come together in response to President Putin’s senseless war in a coordinated and active manner, and I am very proud to see that the European Union has been able to show its capacity to deliver on this file also, and we have been able to do that because we are not coming from scratch, it comes to 2015 when leaders of the European Union recognised the threat, offering information and misinformation streaming from Russia.

2015 is seven years ago. And then they specifically tasked the High Representative to address this challenge. And we created in the External Action Service teams of people, capacities and expertise that have been developed in the last seven years, allowing us to take today’s decisive steps to tackle this issue.

We have built a strong StratCom team, which is doing, I think, an excellent work – you will judge it – has been praised in your report, thank you for that. We have been strengthening our proactive public communication to provide actual information, not least through our European Union versus disinformation website, which exposes the Kremlin narrative.

Go to this website, use our EU versus disinformation website and you will find there registered hundreds of misinformation cases in countries, European, in Germany, in the UK, in France, in Italy and Spain, targeting a variety of issues like elections, vaccines, about Brexit or about the secessionist movement in some European Member States.

We have increased our cooperation with partners like NATO and the G7 to understand how the Kremlin destabilises and manipulates information, weakening Ukraine and our Western resolve. We have a rapid-alert system that has proven its importance, allowing to swiftly share with European Union institutions, with my colleagues from the Commission – with whom we are working closely and positively, thank you – with our Member States and also partners, finding analysis and debunking material.

I insist, please, widespread existence of this web where hundreds of cases can be found. We have intensified our work to help our partners in the region to tackle the issue of interference and information manipulation, especially in the Western Balkans, which are currently being targeted systematically by these campaigns.

And most importantly, we have imposed costs on the perpetrators, including through banning Russia Today and Sputnik from broadcasting in the European Union because they are not independent media. They are assets. They are weapons in the Kremlin’s manipulation ecosystem.

And I want to stop here because there has been criticism saying that we are attempting against the freedom of information. Let’s consider what is information and what these outlets are. Let me take a moment to underline the essence of this issue.

We are not trying to decide what is true and what is false. I am not the minister of the truth. We don’t have ministers of the truth. What we have to focus on is foreign actors who intentionally, in a coordinated manner, try to manipulate that information environment, to advance their own purposes and to harm us.

Allow me to say that in Spanish because it will be more direct to your mind.

La democracia es un sistema que funciona con base en la información. La información es el combustible de la democracia. Los ciudadanos actúan como ciudadanos basándose en la información que reciben. Basándose en lo que saben, interpretan la realidad, juzgan a sus gobernantes y deciden su voto.

La democracia es un sistema cuyo combustible es la información. Si la información es mala, la democracia es mala. Si la información está sistemáticamente sesgada y contaminada por la mentira, los ciudadanos no pueden tener cabal conocimiento de la realidad y su juicio político está sesgado.

Por eso tenemos que defender que la información sea un bien protegido.

Cuando usted va a comprar carne en un supermercado, tiene garantías sobre la calidad de ese producto para evitar que consumirlo le produzca una enfermedad. Tiene que haber, también, alguna clase de garantía para que la información no sea un elemento que contamine las mentes.

La democracia funciona con la información y por eso Rusia ha creado Sputnik. Sputnik no es un inocente medio que tiene una determinada visión de la realidad.

Sputnik is not a media that understands things, in a way. Sputnik was created by a Russian presidential decree with the aim to report on the state policy of Russia abroad. And according to its editor-in-chief, Russia Today is capable of conducting an information war against the whole Western world, and both channels facilitate and engage in cyber-facilitated influence operations, including those that have been attributed to the Russian military intelligence – the famous GRU.

And to be able to respond equally with quick and decisive action in the future, I will propose a new mechanism that will allow us to sanction those malign disinformation actors. This will be part of a broader toolbox that we are currently working on to further enhance our capacity to act. This toolbox will be structured across four cross-cutting dimensions improving our situational awareness.

First, to build up our resilience and our partners by stepping up support to independent media and civil society in third countries, and bolstering the strategic communication capacities of our delegations. Being that a tool of foreign policy, I am always talking about third countries. It is my colleagues from the Commission who are working inside the European Union territories, but there is a lot of work to do in order to support our partners around the world.

Second, to ensure disruption of malign activities and regulatory responses to them. the code of practice and the Digital Services Act, on which Vice—President Jourová will say more, are crucial elements in this regard. I am not going to go deeper on this code of practice and digital services because Vice-President Jourová knows more than I about it.

And last but not least, a continuing diplomatic response and instruments within the common foreign and security policy. Within our foreign policy, we have to introduce the battle about information since the beginning of the pandemic. I coined the sentence ‘battle of narrative’, and this battle of narrative is every day more important. Look what’s happening in Africa, what do you think? People are influenced by what they have been told. And at the end, it goes up to the political scale, and finally it converts into votes on the international institutions.

This brings me to the report by the Special Committee for foreign interference in all democratic processes in the EU, including disinformation (INGE), which I welcome so much.

This report shows appreciation of the work that my service has been doing and constantly expanding since we received this mandate from the Council in 2015. And I want to assure you that we take your recommendations very much into account, including your proposal for new structures to make our work even more efficient and sustainable. I thank you a lot for your support.

You have been very much supporting our strategic communication teams devoted to the Balkans, devoted to the eastern border, and now, unhappily, they are so much in the news. Thank you for your support. We work together. This is a critical battle for democracy.

Once again, allow me to say democracy is a system that works on the basis of the information that citizens have, that’s why we have to protect the freedom of information and to fight against disinformation.

  Brigitte Klinkert, Présidente en exercice du Conseil. – Monsieur le Président, Mesdames, Messieurs les députés, merci à Mme la rapporteure et merci à M. le Haut représentant. L’attaque injustifiée de la Russie viole le droit international et met en jeu notre sécurité collective en Europe. Vous l’avez souligné avec justesse: nous devons nous protéger des attaques hybrides et augmenter la résilience de nos systèmes en matière «cyber». Il nous faut également combattre sans relâche la désinformation, ce que nous continuerons à faire dans les prochains mois.

Je tiens à vous remercier d’avoir invité la présidence du Conseil à participer à ce débat sur une question très importante qui touche à de nombreux aspects et qui est au cœur de nos priorités. Nous félicitons la commission spéciale INGE pour le travail substantiel qu’elle a accompli depuis sa création en 2020. Le Conseil a suivi de près les discussions et apprécie le large éventail d’experts invités aux réunions de cette commission, en prélude à l’élaboration de ce rapport. Je tiens à remercier M. le Haut représentant pour les initiatives mises en place et les informations qu’il vient de partager.

L’ingérence étrangère, sous toutes ses formes, et la manipulation de l’information menacent de plus en plus nos processus et nos institutions démocratiques et ont un impact direct sur nos sociétés. Il est essentiel de poursuivre nos efforts conjoints pour lutter contre ces phénomènes en temps utile et sans ambiguïté. Nous constatons tous que le paysage de la sécurité en Europe s’est considérablement modifié ces derniers jours. Dans le cadre de l’agression russe contre l’Ukraine, les campagnes de manipulation de l’information et les cyberattaques sont un élément important du conflit. Au sein de l’Union européenne, comme les travaux de votre commission le soulignent, plusieurs acteurs étatiques – dont, en premier lieu, la Russie – font un usage massif de ces outils avec l’objectif de déstabiliser nos sociétés et de discréditer nos processus démocratiques.

Face à ces phénomènes, il faut en premier lieu continuer à relever les barrières démocratiques de nos sociétés, renforcer le pluralisme et l’indépendance des médias, développer l’éducation de tous – jeunes et moins jeunes – au numérique et leur apprendre à rechercher des informations fiables sur Internet, et sensibiliser les populations aux risques de manipulation cognitive auxquels elles peuvent être exposées en ligne, y compris avec l’usage des nouvelles technologies.

Il faut également renforcer notre résilience face aux attaques sur nos systèmes informatiques. C’est pourquoi la présidence est attachée à une révision rapide et ambitieuse de la directive concernant des mesures destinées à assurer un niveau commun élevé de cybersécurité dans l’ensemble de l’Union. Il est crucial, dans le contexte actuel, que les institutions, agences et organes de l’Union européenne relèvent eux aussi leur niveau de protection contre les cyberattaques.

Il faut par ailleurs mieux réguler la manière dont les principaux acteurs numériques prennent en compte les risques que fait peser la désinformation dans les débats publics en ligne et agissent en conséquence. C’est ici l’un des enjeux clés de la proposition de loi sur les services numériques.

Il est enfin nécessaire d’aller plus loin pour lutter contre les ingérences dans les processus électoraux. Les propositions en cours d’examen pour la révision du règlement sur le statut et le financement des partis politiques européens ainsi que pour la réglementation des publicités politiques pourront y contribuer. Ces mesures sont nécessaires pour contrer de manière globale l’ingérence étrangère dans les processus démocratiques et il est temps d’agir.

Nous devons mettre en place de nouvelles règles le plus rapidement possible et nous devons aussi être capables d’utiliser au mieux le large éventail d’outils dont nous disposons déjà. Ce n’est qu’en travaillant ensemble que nous pourrons protéger correctement nos démocraties et c’est un défi que la présidence et le Conseil sont prêts à relever.

  Věra Jourová, Vice-President of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, first of all, I would like to thank Mrs Kalniete and the INTA Committee members for their important work throughout the last year and a half, as well as their comprehensive report.

Our hearts and minds are in Ukraine, watching the war unfold before our eyes. We know that this disinformation and foreign interference has been part of Russia’s military doctrine for decades. In fact, Russia was systematically preparing all of us for this to happen. Also, all the attacks through disinformation against Ukraine, which Josep described here, were preparing public opinion for this aggression.

We can also see that the playbook is not all new, and those of you who remember the times of the Soviet Union, like I do, know that the truth was the greatest enemy of this oppressive regime. Now we see the laws from 4 March – 15 years of prison for telling people the truth or for delivering objective facts. President Putin wants his nation to be blind and deaf. More than that, President Putin, I think, would like the Russian people to be apathetic. That’s why I am so glad that yesterday Netflix decided to withdraw from the country because President Putin wants the people to be entertained, not to pay attention to what’s happening. My response is that I welcome this decision by Netflix, because it would not be right to see Russians being entertained and, next door, Ukrainians being killed.

So we have to look at the situation in its complexity and be able to act. We have to act on several different fronts. We are working with Joseph Borrell on the issue of disinformation. He has increased the capacities of East StratCom and experts are now working day and night on detecting the disinformation coming from the Russian side. This is not new. We have seen this already for a long time. In fact, the intensity of the Russian disinformation increased rapidly after the annexation of Crimea.

As part of our response to the Russian invasion, we must be united on this front, on working together, all of us – governments, citizens and the private sector, including the big-tech companies, which are also covered in the report.

The only response to Putin’s aggression is unity. Yesterday, I visited the Council of Ministers of Culture and Media with Thierry Breton, and there is a very strong agreement to join forces to fight disinformation and to support independent media. We listened to a very strong speech by Oleksandr Tkachenko, who is the Minister of Culture of Ukraine, with a strong call to action and we received a to-do list on how to react, and we should follow this. We should react.

Also, last week, we spoke with the CEOs of YouTube and Google – I was with Thierry Breton – and I’m glad that the big-tech companies want to be on the right side of history. This is my feeling from my talks with them, but they have to do more.

Extreme times require dedicated answers. This is why we took temporary, restrictive measures to immediately restrict the access to Russian broadcasting services – Russia Today and Sputnik, in the European Union – and Josep was very clear, explaining why: these outlets are part of a concerted campaign of information manipulation and disinformation, being tools in bringing forward and supporting Russia’s aggression.

It is more important than ever to reach the Russian people and provide them with information. Every possible channel should be used. If you have a chance to use such a channel, if you have some people-to-people contact, let’s use them. It was very impressive when the Nobel Prize winner, Svetlana Alexievich, called at the weekend on all the people who speak Russian to try their channels, to speak, to address the Russian people and to get them out of this apathetic situation.

Our strategic approach outlined in the European Democracy Action Plan is designed to tackle these issues and to minimise the impact of disinformation and other negative factors on the strengths of our democracy and our system. For the first time at European level, we have created a comprehensive agenda to strengthen the resilience of our democracies, ensure fair and free elections, support the media sector and defend against disinformation in order to also make our societies more resilient and better prepared for the challenges of the future.

The Plan builds on tangible measures and structures, notably through the first Code of Practice on Disinformation, the Rapid Alert System and the European Digital Media Observatory, and we now move to another gear. This includes the upgraded Code of Practice against disinformation. We are finishing the work with the signatories. We have very high requests, or demanding requests, as to what should be in the Code. We have also adopted new legislation on the transparency of political advertising and measures to support media, including through the Media Freedom Act. As Josep has explained, there is also a toolbox for countering foreign interference, with instruments to impose costs on perpetrators, on which we are intensely working closely together.

Also, EU Member States have invested heavily in their own framework and structures to respond to this threat, working closely with European institutions. Here I have to say that the Baltic Sea countries are always at the forefront, trying to convince the rest of Europe that there is something serious happening because they feel first-hand that Russian disinformation can have the potential to destroy our society and our peaceful coexistence in our community. So let’s listen to those who have experience and who have good instincts. This is not the time to underestimate these things.

The Member States are on the case. I really see increased activity in all the Member States, not only in those of Central and Eastern Europe. Let me emphasise a point stressed in the report: independent media and journalists are a key pillar of a functioning democracy. Dmitry Muratov, the Nobel Peace Prize winner and the Editor-in-chief of Novaya Gazeta, said that journalists are the antidote against tyranny. We need strong and independent media in Europe, and we see that there is a negative trend. They are under economic pressure, so we need to introduce measures on how to protect media freedom and pluralism better in Europe. That’s why I am now working on the Anti-SLAPP legislation to be adopted by the Commission at the end of April and on the already—mentioned Media Freedom Act to be adopted by – probably – the end of June. We have a lot of work ahead of us because I hear voices from the Member States that the EU should not regulate on media. I am of the opposite opinion.

Also, I welcome that the report highlights the importance of having an effective oversight and control mechanism for online platforms, putting emphasis on the need to address raising issues related to disinformation on their services quickly and efficiently.

So, we see that the Digital Services Act is now at full speed in the legislative process, and also the Code of Practice. We will want to have a strong and robust framework for the Digital Services Act, as legally binding rules, and the Code of Practice as a complementary voluntary measure.

The Code of Practice is the voluntary measure, and self-regulatory instrument which is the first ever in the world to fight disinformation. It has proven to be a useful instrument, but the one we came up with in 2018 was not strong and sufficient enough, and that’s why we are upgrading it now. We are in regular contact with the signatories and I can assure you that intensive work is ongoing. I will personally want to be sure that the platforms support these objectives with commitments backed by the highest level of management. Just imagine what we want from the platforms. We want them to do a proper job: steps against disinformation in all Member States, understanding all Member States’ languages and all Member States’ historical context. This will require capacities and money, and this is what we want them to do.

Finally, another key initiative is the proposed regulation on transparency and targeting of political advertising. I count on your support and I believe that the European Parliament will engage quickly in the work on all these proposals, including this new one on political advertising.

Madam Kalniete, honourable Members, let me thank you once again for the comprehensive report. It will provide policymakers with important recommendations on how to strengthen the EU’s capability and capacities to tackle the threat of foreign information, manipulation and interference, as well as disinformation. I am convinced that our joint work and your dedication will make our response to disinformation much stronger and effective.

  Der Präsident. – Frau Vizepräsidentin, meine Damen und Herren! Der Bericht und diese Erklärungen zeigen eindrücklich, dass wir spüren, dass wir wissen, dass wir sehen, wie ernst, wie gefährlich und wie sensibel die Lage ist, und dass wir uns unserer Verantwortung bewusst sind.

  Javier Zarzalejos, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, hybrid war is war, and it is in the light of the war that Russia has declared that we have to read this report

As Russian tanks roll into Ukrainian territory, let’s not forget that the invasion has been paid by disinformation, interference and cyber-attacks. This report, which has been brilliantly produced by Sandra Kalniete, is a major and timely contribution to the protection of democratic institutions. It is based on conclusions and findings of experts and researchers but it is a political document demanding political action.

The invasion of Ukraine is a wake-up call, and we need to raise awareness of the challenge of a structural confrontation with Russia as the main threat to our security. We simply cannot tolerate the extension of Russian influence, and this report shows how to prevent it.

We have enemies. The European Union has been targeted. We know that Russia, whatever the concrete attribution might be, is always there ready to destabilise, be it in Brexit or in the secessionist move by Catalan nationalists or COVID-19.

So funding of populist and extremist parties did capture anti-European narratives. The state-owned media, which by no means deserve to be called journalism, are components of a reality that we have to face up to. And it is high time to act, stepping up the efforts and the shared commitment of Member States and European institutions.

  Andreas Schieder, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Frau Vizepräsidentin, Herr Vizepräsident und Hoher Vertreter! Lassen Sie mich zu Beginn auch einmal Danke sagen, nämlich unserer Berichterstatterin, den Schattenberichterstattern und -berichterstatterinnen und auch den Mitgliedern des Ausschusses, aber auch dem Vorsitzenden Raphaël Glucksmann, der gemeinsam mit uns allen zwei Jahre intensive Arbeit geleistet hat.

Bei der Einsetzung des Ausschusses war uns allen klar: Desinformation ist ein Problem. Aber als die Arbeit des Ausschusses begonnen hat, sind wir mit jeder Stunde der Arbeit mehr darauf gekommen, wie groß das Problem ist und dass es in Wahrheit viel, viel größer und schwerwiegender ist, als wir jemals zu glauben gewagt haben. Und der Zeitpunkt der Diskussion heute und der Berichterstattung zeigt ja noch einmal, wie extrem wichtig diese Frage und wie hoch ihre Dringlichkeit ist.

Der Russland-Ukraine-Konflikt – oder der Einmarsch Russlands in die Ukraine – ist ja nur der Endpunkt eines monate-, jahrelangen Informationskrieges Russlands gegen die Ukraine. Und wir haben ja auch in den letzten Wochen und Monaten vor dem Einmarsch gesehen, wie sehr auch die Desinformationsattacken im Internet massiv zugenommen haben.

Daher dürfen wir Desinformation und die Desinformationsattacken auf unsere Demokratie nicht auf die leichte Schulter nehmen. Diese Attacken gehen ja auch Hand in Hand mit der brutalen Einschränkung der Medienfreiheit, zum Beispiel in Russland. Allein die Gesetze, die letzte Woche beschlossen worden sind, zeigen das ja.

Aber der Ausschuss, die zwei Jahre intensive Arbeit, haben auch gezeigt: Es gibt Attacken aus dem Ausland. Da geht es nicht nur um Russland. Auch andere Akteure sind hier aktiv: China, die Türkei, auch andere Länder beteiligen sich an diesem Informationskrieg.

Es gibt die Unterstützung von innen, von innerhalb der Europäischen Union. Vor allem die rechtsextremen Parteien, Politikerinnen und Politiker sind hier stark involviert mit Aussagen, aber oft auch mit der Finanzierung ihrer politischen Kampagnen durch ausländische Kräfte. Wir haben uns auch mit der Rolle der Social-Media-Plattformen ganz kritisch auseinandergesetzt, denn der Kampf gegen Desinformation darf nicht den Social-Media-Plattformen selbst überlassen werden. Wer glaubt, dass die Selbstregulierung das Problem beseitigt, der irrt sich.

Die Algorithmen in Kombination mit gegnerischer Einflussnahme durch Desinformation und der Inkaufnahme der negativen Auswirkungen auf die Gesellschaft sowie die Tatsache, dass dadurch ja auch die Wertschöpfung, also der Profit der Social-Media-Plattformen, entsteht, zeigen ja auch schon, wie schwerwiegend das Problem ist. Und hier müssen wir weiter stärker auch auf Regulierung und strenge Maßnahmen setzen.

Wir müssen aber auch die Schlupflöcher schließen, die es zum Beispiel bei der Parteienfinanzierung ermöglichen, dass vom Ausland her Parteien in Europa finanziert werden, die dann auch die Desinformationsattacken und Interessen des Auslands in die Europäische Union tragen.

Und wir müssen unsere Infrastruktur auch in dieser Herausforderung stärker fähig machen. Vizepräsident Borrell hat schon viele Maßnahmen angekündigt. Wir müssen uns in allen Institutionen bewusst werden, wie schwerwiegend das Problem ist. Daher begrüße ich es auch, dass die Arbeit dieses Ausschusses in der nächsten Zeit fortgesetzt wird.

Wir sind mit diesem Bericht nicht am Endpunkt. Der Bericht macht vieles klar, und zwar sehr, sehr ausgesprochen: die Involvierung europäischer rechtsextremer Parteien, die Involvierung einzelner europäischer ehemaliger Politiker, die Löchrigkeit in unserer Parteienfinanzierung genauso wie die Social-Media-Plattformen.

Aber worum es in all dem wirklich geht, ist dies: Wir müssen unsere Demokratie, unser Lebensmodell einer offenen Gesellschaft, unser System der Meinungsfreiheit schützen – schützen gegen die Desinformation.

  Bart Groothuis, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Mr President, some people would rather see ransomware as a mere technical or criminal problem instead of the Russian state deliberately enabling criminals to weaken Europe.

Some would see former Prime Minister Gerhard Schröder working for Gazprom as a private matter, rather than a broader problem, with many top politicians working for authoritarian regimes, which is called ‘elite capture’. Some see Russian troll farms as an old phenomenon, merely finding its way into the digital age, instead of clear attempts to sow distrust, weaken and divide Europe on an unprecedented scale. Some see intellectual property theft and espionage by China as the second oldest profession in the world — what’s new? — instead of the slow drainage of our economic competitiveness. And some see payments from authoritarian states to political parties as a mere financial transaction, instead of direct foreign interference in our political processes.

Now, too often, too often we have looked the other way from incidents, while in fact they are part of a collective, orchestrated, broad way of foreign interference in our democratic processes.

Today, Parliament is not just voting on stopping turning a blind eye to these phenomenon. We are also calling for many ways to counter these orchestrated attempts to undermine Europe. Our freedom and democracies are at stake, like both Commissioners have told, so we need a structural and orchestrated response by the Council, the Commission, but also this Parliament. What started as a temporary commission is now going to be a structural European effort.

This is the reason why I got into politics. This is the reason why I’m here in Strasbourg, and Brussels, and I’m very glad that this is merely the beginning of a structural, core orchestrated European response to counter such threats.

  Viola Von Cramon-Taubadel, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, first of all, I would like to thank the rapporteur for her very cooperative approach during the course of writing this report.

Putin’s Russia is at war with Ukraine and, with that, Putin is challenging the entire democratic world. The current war is fought not only with guns, but also with disinformation. Eighteen months ago, we decided to combat disinformation. Today, Russia’s actions are the reason for this report’s existence.

Democracy should never be taken for granted and needs to be built, practised and defended. Those who wish to harm us compromise our democracy by interfering in our elections, co—opting our officials, and spreading disinformation. Actors such as Russia and China choose these methods only because they do not fear to be held accountable, because these methods have high profits and still very low cost.

A firm and resolved response is overdue. We need to establish a comprehensive sanctions regime that will deter any foreign interference. For the sanctions to work properly, we need to close the loopholes and take the following actions.

Firstly, coordination among the Member States is paramount: united we stand, divided we fall. We need to strive for unity in the EU, and this requires strengthening our crucial institution. EEAS StratCom must become more independent and a much stronger voice in the EU. Disinformation is best fought by information. We have to provide Russian and Chinese courses, and not the Confucius Institute or any kind of Russky Mir.

Independent, fact—based journalism is the cornerstone of democracy, and we need to protect our critical infrastructure. Digital platforms need to put the credibility of content before profit. The world where disinformation is not countered is dangerous and scary. A very sad example is Putin’s Russia, where propaganda has reached dystopian levels, and where Putin tries to intimidate its population into believing that a democratic Ukraine, led by a President with Jewish roots, is run by a genocidal Nazi regime.

Critical thinking is the best remedy against foreign interference on the continent of enlightenment. Critical thinking is already part of our EU’s DNA. This needs to be further strengthened, all this while safeguarding our fundamental values of freedom of expression, assembly and education. I hope we stay on the right side of history.

  Marco Dreosto, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sin dalla creazione della commissione INGE mi sono voluto mettere immediatamente al lavoro con i colleghi per collaborare e cercare di capire come l'Unione europea possa affrontare le ingerenze e la disinformazione provenienti da paesi terzi. Sono stato orgogliosamente, come Lega, uno dei membri della prima storica missione del Parlamento europeo a Taiwan, sfidando il regime comunista cinese. Sono stato orgogliosamente parte della missione a Washington, dove abbiamo interloquito anche con alti funzionari della Casa Bianca per rafforzare i rapporti transatlantici.

Sin dal primo incontro ho voluto sottolineare come per il contrasto alle ingerenze e alle minacce ibride sia necessaria una maggiore collaborazione con gli alleati d'oltreoceano, come sia necessario anche che la NATO ricopra un ruolo di coordinamento e come noi europei possiamo e dobbiamo fare di più, in particolare in questo momento.

I nemici delle nostre democrazie e delle nostre libertà, del nostro modo di vivere, stanno ora invadendo l'Ucraina. I nemici sono coloro i quali stanno bombardando Kiev e i civili ucraini e chi, come la Cina, sta sfidando l'Occidente con minacce a Taiwan e alle libertà civili a Hong Kong. Non dobbiamo mai dimenticarcelo.

In commissione INGE, e questo ve lo potranno confermare dal primo all'ultimo dei miei colleghi, ho voluto sempre cercare l'unità e la collaborazione, davanti a queste sfide non ci dovrebbero essere distinzioni politiche. Proprio a Washington l'altra settimana ci è arrivato un invito a depoliticizzare il dibattito e cercare di non fare propaganda elettorale su questi temi. Purtroppo, cari colleghi, non tutti lo hanno recepito.

Nella relazione c'è chi ha voluto fare illazioni, ormai smentite dai fatti e dalla storia, per mettere in dubbio la nostra appartenenza all'Asse atlantico, ma non possiamo accettare queste falsità, che purtroppo sono state inserite in una relazione per attaccare il nostro partito. Allora, ricordiamo, per il bene di tutti e a scanso di equivoci e di ulteriori strumentalizzazioni, che la Federazione russa, Putin, ha aggredito l'Ucraina, una democrazia nel cuore dell'Europa, un paese che fa parte della grande famiglia europea.

Noi della Lega ci schieriamo con l'Occidente, che condanna unito questa aggressione. Il nostro segretario Matteo Salvini si trova in queste ore al confine tra Polonia e Ucraina per portare solidarietà a quel popolo, i nostri sindaci - i sindaci della Lega - primi in Italia, hanno manifestato la loro solidarietà e l'accoglienza ai profughi e le regioni italiane guidate dal nostro governatore, dal governatore della mia regione Massimiliano Fedriga, sono in prima linea per dare accoglienza e fornire medicinali. Noi siamo orgogliosi delle nostre democrazie, noi siamo orgogliosi di appartenere all'Occidente e delle nostre istituzioni e lo ribadiamo qui con forza: siamo orgogliosi di appartenere alla NATO. Condanniamo fermamente l'ingerenza e l'interferenza russe, cinesi e iraniane nei processi democratici dell'Unione europea e riconosciamo come certe azioni provenienti da Mosca abbiano tristemente preparato la guerra che stiamo vivendo in questi giorni.

Mi sarebbe piaciuto che alcuni colleghi parlamentari avessero messo da parte la propaganda elettorale e non avessero speculato su queste vicende per un vile e mero attacco politico. Ci sarebbe stata certamente l'unità. Forse questo Parlamento, ancora una volta, ha perso una straordinaria occasione.

E permettetemi, in conclusione, Presidente, di ringraziare, in questa importante giornata, tutte le donne, tutte le donne che con grande dignità, spesso tra mille ostacoli, dimostrano di essere migliori di noi.

  Dace Melbārde, ECR grupas vārdā. – Labrīt, kolēģi! Kopš 24. februāra, kad Krievija iesāka brutālu karadarbību Ukrainā, īsā laikā mūsu ziņojumā par ārvalstu iejaukšanos Eiropas demokrātiskajos procesos daudzas teorētiski un akadēmiski aprakstītas varbūtības ir kļuvušas par skarbu realitāti. Mūsu acu priekšā Putina militārie spēki burtiski iznīcina brīvu un neatkarīgu valsti, sodot to par tās centieniem izvēlēties Rietumu demokrātijas kursu un vērtības.

Šodien mums ir sev atklāti jāpavaicā, vai pārāk ilgi neesam pievēruši acis uz dažādiem Kremļa iejaukšanās mēģinājumiem Eiropas Savienības dalībvalstu vēlēšanu norisēs, politisko partiju finansēšanā, ekonomikā, enerģētikā, banku sektorā, kultūrā un izglītībā un arī informācijas telpā, tostarp pieļaujot, ka Kremlis vārda brīvību izmanto kā aizsegu savām dezinformācijas un propagandas operācijām.

Pašreizējā situācija skarbi parāda, ka demokrātijām ir jāspēj sevi aizsargāt, un šobrīd mūsu neatliekamais uzdevums ir nodrošināt tūlītēju un atbilstošu atbalstu neatkarīgajiem medijiem, žurnālistiem un faktu pārbaudītājiem no Ukrainas, Baltkrievijas un Krievijas, tostarp redakcijām, kas ir spiestas pārtraukt savu darbību dzimtenē un strādāt — vai vēlas atsākt strādāt — Eiropas Savienībā.

Otrkārt, Eiropas Savienībā ir jāvēršas pret visu Kremļa propagandas mašinēriju. Borela kungs, Russia Today un Sputnik ir tikai maza daļa no Kremļa dezinformācijas armijas. Tādi Kremļa rupori kā Rossija RTR, Rossija 24, TV Center International, NTV, REN TV, Belarus 24 un citi joprojām ir plaši pieejami daudzās Eiropas Savienības valstīs. Tepat Strasbūrā viesnīcā ir brīvi pieejami trīs atklāti kara propagandas TV kanāli. Vienā no tiem krievu okupanti jeb “miera nesēji” (“miratvorci”), kā tos dēvē Kremļa rupori, ar tanka stobru zīmēja apsveikumu Donbasa sievietēm un uz šīs ciniskā mākslas darba fona ziņu lentē izplata melus, ka Ukraina kategoriski atsakās evakuēt savus iedzīvotājus un armija izmanto tos kā vairogus saviem tankiem.

Man ir jāvaicā, kolēģi, vai to mēs vēlamies saukt un aizstāvēt kā vārda brīvību tepat mūsu Eiropas Savienībā. Paldies kolēģei Sandrai Kalnietei par titānisko darbu.

  Clare Daly, on behalf of The Left Group. – Mr President, while enjoying working with colleagues on the report, we have made no secret that we are resolutely opposed to the majority position of the committee and, obviously, this report is no different. Our minority report, which is attached, I think, makes the reasons why very clear.

And it isn’t that we don’t think that foreign interference and disinformation are serious social harms deserving of special attention. We do, and they are. It isn’t that we don’t think that Russia and China do propaganda and disinformation. Of course they do. All powerful states do.

It is because throughout the work of this committee, the focus has been selective. The report is silent on the most consequential sources of disinformation and interference in European democracy: that of large concentrations of capital, foreign and European, exercising massive influence over law-making and policy formation in the EU and Member States through private media ownership, corporate lobbying and political funding.

The report makes no mention of the defence industry and how it has corrupted European policy, to drive up weapons-spending and escalation. An industry needs an enemy, and the report gives it one or two, and I think the section on elite capture shows this point very well.

The report is very strong on condemning those who go to work in the Russian industry companies, and fair point, but our motion on having the similar condemnation of those who go and join American finance companies is voted down.

So instead of tackling interference in democracy, the committee has actually had a one-track mind focusing on China and Russia to the exclusion of everything else. It poses a child’s version of political reality. The world is divided into democracies and authoritarian regimes: goodies and baddies. The baddies tell only lies, the goodies never utter an untrue word. And in the middle of all of this, the European Union is an innocent victim of all of this geopolitical aggression and propaganda, not a geopolitical actor itself with its own agenda.

So, instead of fighting propaganda, the committee has actually become a platform for it. We had a litany of NATO-funded think-tanks all coming from the same hymn sheet to inform us. Is it any wonder that we’re left with the report the way it is, it is in their interest to spread this hysteria? And the consequence of this is insidious, it means mainstream political parties don’t have to take account of their own actions. They can blame the foreigners, the foreign interference, for that.

So our concern all along has been that this poses a threat to fundamental freedoms and civil society in Europe. And it might point out that a number of the measures we’re voting for here are in direct contradiction with measures that we’ll be voting on later on to protect civil society in a LIBE Committee report, because it is calling for a ‘whole of society’ approach.

Criticism of European mainstream politics has to be seen as disinformation debunked by state-funded fact-checking organisations. The correct version of reality, including EU foreign policy, has to be promoted by strategically state-funded strategic communication centres – George Orwell’s 1984 springs to mind.

Social media companies have to be brought to heal and pressure to censor anybody who has a different view of the official version of the truth. Political parties and politicians sceptical to NATO and EU narratives have to be placed under suspicion of being proxies of foreign powers.

But you know what? Avoiding conflict and de-escalation tensions means listening to your opponent, listening to their concerns, taking them seriously, however fraught the disagreement, and looking for compromises. But the function of this committee has been the opposite. It should make them be disinformation and condemn them as such.

Strong democracies tolerate internal dissent but this actually is textbook McCarthyism designed to stigmatise dissent, incite the public against internal critics, eradicate common sense and make all opposition unacceptable. It is a deliberate impairment of our society’s ability to think of extra-critical importance in these times of horrendous war.

I and we absolutely reject it utterly.

  Márton Gyöngyösi (NI). – Mr President, we are discussing a very relevant report with important recommendations as to how foreign interference, especially fake news, should be detected and fended off by the EU and its Member States by supporting independent media.

Unfortunately, in some EU countries, it’s too late, as authoritarian governments have already conquered the entire media landscape, turned public broadcasting financed by EU taxpayers into a propaganda machine and – by controlling advertising revenues and resources –forced the commercial media to play by the rules of the regime. No, not in some distant Third World country, but within the EU! In a country like Viktor Orban’s Hungary.

Mr Borrell, I was very much touched by what you said about the link between the democratic ideal and access to information. This is why I would like to recommend the establishment of a European public broadcasting and news service independent from national governments and from market pressures as well, financed from the EU budget. All citizens should have access to it in every EU language. All national broadcasters should make it available, free of charge, on a must—carry basis. It’s time to create a single European narrative instead of 27 separate ones, to strengthen our European identity and to protect our citizens from malign propaganda.

  Rasa Juknevičienė (PPE). – Mr President, wars end sooner or later, but the truth never ends. This report is an attempt to face the truth, to understand how deeply we are tied up. Putin’s war against Europe has woken us up, and today some of the provisions of this report have already been implemented.

We have to understand, that the Kremlin’s machine of lies is not media. It is a weapon of mass brain and mind destruction. The most important work today is, first, together with the whole world, to remove the malign tumour – Putin. Second, to regain European sovereignty, which has been constrained by the ‘bloody’ gas flowing from the Kremlin.

Our dependence on Russian gas is the result of two decades of creeping occupation of Europe. With the Kremlin gas came corruption, and the war is being financed by the euros of European states.

Every day, today, all the European countries together pay over EUR 600 million to Russia for gas and oil. That is to say, they buy at least 200 tanks for the Kremlin war every day. Dear German Greens, Socialists and Liberals, you can help Ukraine defend itself and defend us too – embargo the bloody gas now!

I wish to thank the rapporteurs for their work.

  Pierfrancesco Majorino (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la nostra democrazia è un bene unico e prezioso, che non dobbiamo mai dare per scontato e che dobbiamo sempre impegnarci a difendere.

Un anno e mezzo fa questo Parlamento, decidendo di costituire un'apposita commissione speciale per analizzare e contrastare tutti i tentativi esterni di influenzare e condizionare i nostri processi democratici, ha dimostrato, proprio per questo, grande saggezza e lungimiranza. Sono stati infatti tanti, troppi, in questi anni i tentativi di interferenza da parte di attori stranieri, statali e non, che avevano, che hanno, come obiettivo di fondo quello di indebolire il progetto europeo e i valori su cui si fonda e di farlo utilizzando diversi mezzi, da forme più o meno dirette di finanziamento ai partiti ritenuti amici fino a campagne di disinformazione o persino ciberattacchi.

Nei nostri lavori sono emersi elementi importanti e inquietanti sulle strategie di attacco alla nostra democrazia, provenienti soprattutto dalla Russia di Putin, e sulle falle nelle nostre regole sui finanziamenti alla politica. Abbiamo indicato i complici delle interferenze; nel nostro rapporto indichiamo con chiarezza che ci sono stati tentativi continui di infiltrazione nella nostra democrazia, passati da rapporti stretti e ambigui tra soggetti direttamente legati a Putin e la destra sovranista in Europa. Penso all'FPÖ in Austria, al Rassemblement National in Francia, alla Lega, quella che fa riferimento a Salvini, in Italia.

È stato evidente come queste interferenze sono passate anche attraverso la proliferazione di messaggi d'odio che hanno avuto come bersaglio principale i migranti, le donne e la comunità LGBT. In questo quadro sono ancora insufficienti la responsabilizzazione delle piattaforme social e il loro impegno per contrastare campagne di disinformazione organizzate; servono il sostegno, l'alfabetizzazione mediatica digitale all'informazione libera come risposte forti per rendere più consapevoli le persone e per salvaguardare i principi democratici.

Da qui oggi, lo ribadiamo: serve una risposta organica dell'Unione europea in difesa della propria democrazia. Proprio la tragica attualità che stiamo vivendo, il dramma della folle guerra di Putin contro il popolo ucraino nel cuore dell'Europa, rende drammaticamente attuali i lavori di questa commissione e segna l'urgenza di risposte potenti, corali, permanenti contro attori senza scrupoli, che ovviamente nel mondo – purtroppo non si limitano alla sola Russia – stanno agendo.

È un lavoro quindi che non si ferma qui: il Parlamento europeo, la casa dei cittadini europei, deve essere un presidio forte e affidabile per la nostra democrazia. Servono trasparenza nelle origini e nella gestione dei finanziamenti ai partiti, azioni a difesa dei momenti elettorali, piattaforme social direttamente responsabilizzate. L'Europa deve portare fuori da sé questo principio: la democrazia va salvaguardata da ogni interferenza.

  Nathalie Loiseau (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, l’Ukraine nous l’a montré, la guerre hybride mène à la guerre tout court. Pendant des années, la Russie a déversé sur Kiev des torrents de désinformation. Elle a soudoyé des hommes politiques, harcelé le pays par d’innombrables cyberattaques. Et puis, elle a donné l’assaut.

C’est parce que l’Ukraine est une démocratie qu’elle est attaquée. Aujourd’hui, ce sont toutes les démocraties qui sont la cible d’ingérences étrangères et toutes doivent comprendre la menace qui pèse sur elles. Nous devons aussi bien mesurer que ce sont tous les États autoritaires qui recourent à ces opérations d’influence pour tenter de nous affaiblir, de nous diviser et de discréditer la démocratie. La Russie la première, certes, mais elle n’est pas la seule.

Le rapport que nous allons voter présente un immense mérite. Il nomme les choses. On ne pourra plus dire que nous ne savions pas. On ne pourra plus ignorer comment les anti-vaccins ont pu être manipulés. On aura compris que, du Brexit aux élections américaines en passant par la Catalogne, des scrutins ont été exploités depuis des capitales étrangères pour tenter de fracturer nos démocraties. On ne pourra plus fermer les yeux sur les idiots utiles qui récitent la propagande dictée par des dictatures, ni faire semblant de ne pas voir que cette Assemblée en compte quelques-uns.

Le rapport que nous allons voter formule également des recommandations. Elles s’adressent aux États, à l’Union européenne, aux plateformes numériques, aux médias, aux universités. La première exigence est celle de la transparence des algorithmes, des financements des partis politiques, des accointances de certains responsables ou anciens responsables. La deuxième exigence est celle de la mobilisation de tous. Le peuple ukrainien se bat aujourd’hui pour la liberté. N’attendons pas d’en arriver là pour...

(Le Président retire la parole à l’orateur)

  Markéta Gregorová (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, in many ways, Putin’s war has changed everything, but it has also reinforced what we found in our over a year—long investigation into malicious interference.

Dictators exploit our untransparent financing and lobbyism laws to buy themselves into our political system. Dictators buy our state—of—the—art intrusion software to spy on anyone who could expose their crimes and corruption anywhere in the world. Dictators spread their propaganda through purely profit—driven social networks and corporations that we Europeans fail to regulate.

Russia’s naked aggression has united us and created the necessary common threat to hopefully enforce many of the recommendations in the report to counter these vulnerabilities. For me, it is clear that only a common European approach that combines the strengths and resources of all Member States can be successful, especially in the realm of cybersecurity, protection of critical infrastructures, regulation of online platforms and expert control of high—tech goods. Our long—term strategy must be a whole-of-society response to educate and prepare our citizens for the digital age by dedicating more time and resources to those members of civil society who strengthen and protect our common freedoms.

I admit that I am worried about our large potential for overreaction. Nobody wants a European Patriot Act. Mass censorship, mandated backdoors and eradication of secure communication cannot be our answer to increasing geopolitical hostility because they threaten the foundations of our free societies. With this report, I believe we start to walk in a good direction. We might stumble, we might miss a step, but, finally, we walk.

  Gilles Lebreton (ID). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, le rapport Kalniete a le mérite de dénoncer l’ingérence étrangère dans les processus démocratiques de l’Union européenne, notamment par le biais de la désinformation. C’est, en soi, une bonne chose, car la désinformation étrangère, notamment russe et chinoise, est une réalité.

Le rapport a aussi le mérite de donner une définition acceptable de la désinformation, qu’il présente comme une information trompeuse, intentionnellement diffusée dans le but de déstabiliser la société. Il la distingue ainsi de la mésinformation, qu’il définit comme une fausse information divulguée de bonne foi, sans intention de nuire. Sagement, il constate, je cite son considérant (V), qu’il existe une frontière ténue entre la liberté d’expression et la désinformation et qu’il ne faut pas la franchir. C’est le meilleur moment de ce long rapport, triste comme un jour sans pain.

Le reste sombre dans la diffamation des adversaires des fédéralistes européens. À mots couverts, il attaque ainsi les partis au pouvoir en Pologne et en Hongrie en les accusant, dans son considérant (X), d’avoir reçu, je cite, des millions d’euros de financements étrangers pour promouvoir des valeurs traditionnelles ou conservatrices. De façon encore plus brutale, il accuse nommément, sans aucune preuve, le Rassemblement national et la Lega, je cite son considérant (BG), d’être disposés à accepter un financement politique de la part de la Russie.

Si on veut trouver des responsables politiques français ayant des liens d’argent avérés avec des États étrangers, ce n’est pourtant pas du côté des dirigeants du Rassemblement national qu’il faut se tourner. Regardons plutôt vers les anciens Premiers ministres Jean-Pierre Raffarin et François Fillon, respectivement embauchés par des sociétés chinoise et russe. Mais évidemment, le rapport préfère faire diversion, car le premier des deux est un soutien du Président Macron.

On peut finalement se demander si ce n’est pas le rapport Kalniete lui-même qui constitue le plus bel exemple d’ingérence étrangère, car il insiste de façon suspecte pour augmenter le financement européen, pourtant déjà énorme, des ONG, sous prétexte de leur permettre de combattre l’influence étrangère. Or, les ONG sont souvent financées par des capitaux extra-européens, à l’exemple de celle du milliardaire américain George Soros. Et elles déstabilisent tout autant que certains États étrangers nos sociétés européennes, notamment quand elles organisent notre submersion migratoire. Ce sont, dès lors, des organes d’ingérence étrangère que le rapport aurait dû dénoncer et que je dénonce à sa place, à cette tribune.

  Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Przedstawiciele Komisji! To bardzo ważne i potrzebne sprawozdanie, będące kontynuacją prac Parlamentu Europejskiego z poprzedniej kadencji. To sprawozdanie przekonuje, że praca naszej komisji jest niezbędna, bo tak naprawdę inne komisje w Parlamencie Europejskim jej nie zastąpią. Uważam, że to sprawozdanie jest sygnałem, że praca naszej komisji może być przedłużona na kolejny okres.

Uważam, że informacje, które się tam pojawiły na temat Rosji, dzisiaj nabierają innego znaczenia. Nawet ci, którzy byli sceptyczni, dzisiaj rozumieją, że Rosja prowadziła pewną, całą kampanię dezinformacyjną. Oczywiście to sprawozdanie nie mówi tylko o Rosji, ale dzisiaj, w kontekście tego, co się dzieje na Ukrainie, mówimy o Rosji głównie. Ta wojna trwa od dawna, w wymiarze militarnym trzynasty dzień, ale tak naprawdę dla Moskwy ta wojna toczy się długo.

Oczywiście są tam sformułowania, w tym sprawozdaniu, które budzą moje zastrzeżenia. Zupełnie niepotrzebnie znalazła się sprawa Pegasusa w kontekście mojego kraju. Taka metafora: czasem bardzo dobry uczeń dostaje ocenę niedostateczną. To sprawozdanie jest świetne. Ten passus jest zupełnie niepotrzebny.

Myślę, że sprawozdanie to powinno być sygnałem dla elit politycznych, że nie należy lekceważyć dezinformacji, kampanii fake newsów, zwłaszcza ze strony dużych państw, tych rządzonych w sposób dyktatorski, bo one wiedzą, po co to robią. Chcą zaszkodzić demokracji, chcą zaszkodzić Zachodowi jako takiemu. Musimy o tym pamiętać.

  Marisa Matias (The Left). – Senhor Presidente, é importante falar e agir sobre a ingerência estrangeira e as suas múltiplas facetas: desinformação, manipulação das redes sociais, ciberataques, ameaças a jornalistas e ativistas, financiamentos encobertos a partidos políticos, portas giratórias entre a política e os negócios, entre muitas outras. É a democracia que está em causa, assim como os nossos direitos e as nossas liberdades. Este relatório toca em problemas essenciais e oferece propostas importantes para os combater, mas peca pelo enviesamento e pela leitura reduzida da realidade.

Sim, há manobras de Putin com partidos europeus de extrema direita e há que combatê—los. Sim, há portas giratórias entre a política e os negócios da energia, chinesa ou russa, e há que combatê-las. Sim, há abuso dos dados pessoais, manobras de algoritmos e outros esquemas das redes sociais e há que combatê-los. Sim, há um ataque ao jornalismo e aos jornalistas, há esquemas de espionagem como o escândalo Pegasus e há que combatê-los.

Entendamos, contudo, que a desinformação e a manipulação da Rússia e da China são bem reais, mas não são as únicas. Estes esquemas só funcionam porque há atores disponíveis cá dentro para alimentar a ingerência interna e sabemos bem do papel dos partidos da extrema direita nesta corrida para o abismo. As portas giratórias entre a política e os negócios na Gazprom ou na CFC China Energy são bem reais, mas estão muito para além da energia e o setor financeiro continua intocado.

Além disso, a manutenção dos vistos Gold e dos paraísos fiscais tornam-nos cúmplices desta ameaça à democracia, ao Estado de direito e aos direitos dos cidadãos e das cidadãs. Se há portas giratórias é porque as salas são contíguas entre o poder político e os interesses financeiros. Não votaremos contra este relatório, mas lamentamos que o trabalho feito não tenha tido a ambição de ser irrepreensível do ponto de vista do que diz combater. Sobretudo não podemos permitir que o combate à desinformação seja usurpado como desculpa para acabar com a liberdade de expressão e de informação.

  Laura Ferrara (NI). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, le ingerenze straniere che mettono in pericolo il funzionamento delle democrazie europee e le nostre libertà sono un fenomeno sempre più complesso e in evoluzione.

Come Movimento 5 Stelle abbiamo evidenziato con nostri emendamenti la necessità di una legislazione armonizzata per contrastare i pericoli riguardanti metodi di finanziamento opachi e contributi in natura provenienti da paesi terzi non soltanto a partiti, ma destinati anche a persone che ricoprono cariche elettive o pubbliche.

Vorremmo evitare ogni situazione suscettibile di esporre l'Unione europea e i suoi Stati membri al rischio di interferenze e dovrebbero farlo anche quelle forze politiche che, compiendo un clamoroso errore, hanno preferito sottoscrivere accordi di cooperazione con il partito di Putin, come la Lega Nord, o chi svolge attività in qualità di parlamentare dietro compensi riconducibili a uno Stato terzo.

Nelle guerre, come osserviamo anche in questi giorni, non si usano soltanto armi convenzionali. Il ruolo della disinformazione e delle fake news sulle piattaforme social e la manipolazione di fatti e narrazioni vanno oltre la propaganda per diventare una minaccia globale alle società democratiche.

  Eugen Tomac (PPE). – Domnule Președinte, domnule vicepreședinte Borrell, doamnă comisar, felicit raportorul. Cred că experiența dumneavoastră este foarte importantă pentru a relata cu maximă acuratețe riscurile la care este supusă Uniunea Europeană astăzi. Știm foarte bine că la Kremlin avem un tiran care disprețuiește democrația și a încercat, și pare că până la această oră a reușit să elimine în Federația Rusă libertatea de exprimare și să reducă la tăcere societatea civilă.

Și asta vrea să exporte în Europa Putin, astăzi: dezinformare, diversiune. Și-a mutat lupta de pe front inclusiv în casele cetățenilor europeni prin instrumentele pe care le controlează. Cei mai expuși în clipa de față la aceste instrumente de dezinformare sunt cetățenii statelor care s-au desprins de U.R.S.S. și pe ei trebuie să-i sprijinim, domnule vicepreședinte Borrell.

Vizita dumneavoastră în Republica Moldova a fost importantă, însă acest efort de susținere a Ucrainei, a Republicii Moldova și a Georgiei trebuie să continue pentru că aceste state au vocație europeană, iar noi vom reuși pentru totdeauna să-i închidem ușa lui Putin și să-l oprim din această aventură atunci când îi vom aduce pe toți în Uniunea Europeană.

  Raphaël Glucksmann (S&D). – Madame la Vice-Présidente, Madame la Ministre, Monsieur le Haut-Représentant, permettez-moi d’abord de saluer et de remercier le travail de Mme la rapporteure Kalniete et de tous les membres de la commission que j’ai l’honneur de présider depuis 18 mois. Nous avons montré que la défense de la démocratie n’était pas une affaire de gauche ou de droite et que cela transcendait l’ensemble des clivages politiques.

Chers collègues, pendant 20 ans, biberonnées au mythe de la fin de l’Histoire, convaincues de ne plus avoir d’ennemis, les élites européennes ont fait preuve d’une naïveté confondante. Elles n’ont pas vu, elles n’ont pas voulu voir ce que Poutine faisait à nos portes, en Tchétchénie, en Géorgie, en Ukraine. Plus incroyable encore, ces mêmes élites intellectuelles, politiques, culturelles n’ont pas vu, n’ont pas voulu voir ces attaques au sein même de nos nations, au cœur de l’Union européenne. Il est des moments dans l’Histoire où l’indolence confine à la trahison.

Voilà pourquoi nous avons demandé, au premier jour de ce mandat, la création de cette commission spéciale sur les ingérences étrangères dans nos démocraties. La démocratie est notre trésor commun et ce trésor est aujourd’hui attaqué. Depuis 18 mois, d’audition en audition, d’étude en étude, nous avons analysé toutes les formes que revêtent ces attaques: financement de partis politiques hostiles à l’Union européenne et présents ici, cyberattaques, campagnes de désinformation, investissements dans les infrastructures stratégiques, capture des élites et espionnage... Ces attaques n’ont rien d’épisodique. Elles sont systématiques et nous plongent dans un entre-deux. Nous ne sommes pas en guerre, mais nous ne sommes plus en paix non plus. Elles brouillent toutes les frontières qui, jusqu’ici, structuraient notre pensée. Il n’y a plus de séparation désormais entre politique étrangère et politique intérieure, entre le dedans et le dehors. La conflictualité que nous voulions tant fuir se retrouve partout et nous n’avons d’autre choix que de l’assumer.

Notre responsabilité est immense et la révolution mentale qui s’impose, gigantesque. J’enjoins donc à la Commission de se saisir immédiatement des recommandations formulées dans ce rapport: harmonisons les lois électorales et interdisons les financements étrangers pour les partis et formations politiques, traquons les citoyens prête-noms et les sociétés-écrans, investissons massivement dans notre cybersécurité et sanctionnons bien plus durement les États qui coordonnent les attaques contre nos institutions, imposons des responsabilités aux plateformes numériques, construisons un système pérenne de protection de l’espace informationnel européen. Faisons-le vite. Et surtout, traquons cette corruption qui a miné nos cités. Comment a-t-on pu tolérer que nos ministres, nos chefs de gouvernement, aillent travailler pour les intérêts russes et chinois? Comment a-t-on pu tolérer, par exemple, que, de Gerhard Schroeder à Marion Scheller, ceux qui ont décidé de la politique énergétique allemande pendant des années deviennent des employés de Gazprom?

Il est temps de redonner à nos démocraties la force et la vertu sans lesquelles nous périrons.

  Morten Løkkegaard (Renew). – Hr. Formand! Minister! Høje repræsentant! Kommissær! Europa er i krig. Lige nu dør ukrainere som konsekvens af den forbryderiske angrebskrig, som Putin har indledt. Men, mine damer og herrer, vi har jo været i krig længe. Konstante cyberangreb har længe haglet ned over Europa, informationskrigen på sociale medier har kørt og i værste tilfælde ført til tragiske dødsfald, som vi så tilbage i stormløbet mod Kongressen i USA i 2016. Siden 2016 er desinformation og krigen i cyberspace kun blevet værre, og vi har været for naive. Vi har troet på det gode. Nu skal det være anderledes. Vi har været for længe om at indse, at det 21. århundredes krig er anderledes. Vores demokratier bløder med små snit af gangen. Vi har døbt det "death by a thousand cuts".

Med dette udvalgs arbejde tager vi endelig skridtet helt og fuldt ind i denne kamp. Jeg er glad for at høre, at Kommissionen tager mange af vores forslag i betænkningen til sig og arbejder med dem. Der er mange gode forslag, og jeg vil fremhæve et: At vi i Europa skal kunne sanktionere lande, der angriber os i cyberspace eller med desinformation, og at vi skal kunne gøre det med et flertal i stedet for i fuldstændig enighed, så enkelte lande ikke kan stille sig imod. Det er afgørende, at vi har et værktøj til at afskrække autokrater som Putin fra at bruge sine hackere og internethære imod os. Betænkningen har mange gode forslag, vi ikke kan nå at komme ind på her, men jeg er glad for, at Kommissionen arbejder med dem. Nu skal der følges op, og det skal ske med det samme. Vi skal stoppe blødningen. Vi skal tilbage i kampen, og det skal ske nu.

IN THE CHAIR: EVA KAILI
Vice-President

  Gwendoline Delbos-Corfield (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, we are becoming more and more concerned about foreign interference in our electoral process. We now fear the destructive capacity of fake news on security issues, health matters, our political leaders. But for years and years, there has been disinformation targeting one very specific topic, women’s rights. And it is a mistake that this has not been considered to be a serious problem, because gendered disinformation not only has the power to severely harm women’s lives, but it is also a clear and constant attack on the foundations of our societies.

Russia is today spreading lies about the Ukrainian people, the war, Europe’s involvement, but Russia has long taken an active role in promoting dangerous disinformation based on so-called ‘traditional’ narratives. This is meant to fuel hate against women, minorities, LGBTI people, both online and offline. These mobilisations against us, all across Europe. We see financing from anti-gender groups within the EU, from US Christian right—wing groups and Russian oligarchs, and do not be mistaken, this is part of a broader political strategy to undermine equal participation in our democracy, the European Union itself, the world we want to live in; a world of emancipation, gender equality, freedom and fundamental rights.

It is a strategy to put each and every one of us in a box where we are to stay for all our lives and accept an authoritarian, ultraconservative way of life. They first attack women, LGBTI people, Muslims, people of colour, all minorities. But in the end, once they have created threats that silence all of these people, they come for the others.

  Nicolaus Fest (ID). – Frau Präsidentin, Frau Kommissarin! Nun wollte ich gerade mal etwas Freundliches über Herrn Borrell sagen, und dann geht er. So ist es halt. Aber, Herr Borrell – ich sehe Sie da oben noch –, Sie haben Recht: Korrekte Informationen sind der Grundstoff der Demokratie.

Anders als viele im INGE-Ausschuss habe ich allerdings lange als Journalist gearbeitet und weiß deshalb: Ja, Falschinformationen gibt es, aus Versehen, aus Lügen, wenn man angelogen wird, aber auch, wenn versucht wird, einen zu instrumentalisieren. Und die Hauptquelle dieser Falschinformationen ist meistens entweder die Wirtschaft oder eben die Politik. Herr Glucksmann hat es ja gesagt: Die Hauptinformationsquelle für die Propaganda pro Putin war über Jahre Herr Schröder, aber dann auch Frau Merkel, die ja alle Verträge über Gaslieferungen mit Herrn Schröder auch mitgetragen und gefördert hat, übrigens auch immer unter Mitwirkung der heutigen EU-Kommissionspräsidentin Ursula von der Leyen, die dann auch noch gleichzeitig die deutschen Streitkräfte ruiniert hat.

Also: Falschinformationen und Propaganda gibt es immer. Wir haben das auch im Irakkrieg gesehen, bei der Flüchtlingskrise, und das Gegenmittel zu Falschinformationen und Propaganda ist guter Journalismus. Und genau da liegt das Problem. Wir haben heute – zumindest in Deutschland – Chefredakteure, die nicht mehr an der Wahrheit interessiert sind, sondern an der Haltung von Journalisten, also an ihrer ideologischen Einstellung. Die Medien als vierte Gewalt sind weitgehend ausgefallen, und deshalb fehlt auch die Kontrollinstanz, die klarmacht, was Propaganda und was Wahrheit ist. Wir haben das bei zahlreichen Medienskandalen in Deutschland erlebt, vor allem beim Spiegel unter Claas Relotius.

Das Problem ist eben auch, dass die Medien immer weniger Finanzmittel haben und sich deshalb guten Journalismus, der wirklich recherchiert, kaum noch leisten können. Ich weiß nicht, wie man dieses Problem löst, aber ganz sicherlich keine Lösung ist ein Wahrheitsministerium. Herr Borrell hatte gesagt, er will kein Wahrheitsministerium. Aber tatsächlich gehen die Empfehlungen, die hier vom INGE-Ausschuss gegeben werden, genau in diese Richtung. Man will dann Faktenchecker und so etwas einrichten. Aber auch Faktenchecker sind Leute, die meistens eine Agenda haben und von irgendjemandem bezahlt werden, hier im Zweifel dann von der EU. Und das heißt: Auch sie sind nicht unabhängig und neutral, sondern haben eine bestimmte Zielrichtung.

Es gibt keine Algorithmen, die die Wahrheit prüfen können. Deshalb kann man nur sagen: Wenn der Journalismus als Quelle der Wahrheit ausfällt und wir nicht mehr den freien Streit der Meinungen zulassen – auch Meinungen, die wir vielleicht nicht mögen, auch Meinungen, die vielleicht falsch sind, auch Meinungen, die vielleicht von ausländischen Mächten finanziert werden –, dann haben wir eine Gesellschaft, die von Zensur beherrscht wird, wir haben eine Gesellschaft, die tatsächlich Orwells 1984 gleicht.

Wir sehen das gerade in Russland. Russland hat ein Desinformationsgesetz erlassen. Das ist im Grunde genommen genau das Vorbild dessen, was hier droht. Viele Medien haben daraufhin ihre Arbeit eingestellt, weil die Arbeit in Russland im Augenblick für freie Journalisten zu gefährlich wird. Das ist auch genau das, was hier kommen wird, wenn wir Falschinformationen mit schweren Strafen belegen.

Insofern, Frau Jourová: Ich stimme Ihnen nicht zu. INGE ist nicht wichtig. INGE ist nicht nur überflüssig, sondern geradezu gefährlich, weil wir mit INGE in einen Zensurstaat laufen.

  Anna Zalewska (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani Komisarz! Od 13 dni w Europie jest wojna. Putin morduje niewinnych ludzi. Putin niszczy miasta i wsie, destabilizuje energetycznie całą Unię Europejską. Ale od wielu lat trwa inna wojna, wojna na dezinformację. Przestrzegaliśmy wielokrotnie, dlatego że dzisiaj pada od codziennych ataków nie tylko Ukraina, ale również Rosja. Rosjanie karmieni są propagandą Putina. Rosja mówi wprost, że sama stworzy swoje własne kanały komunikacyjne i tak będzie rozmawiać ze swoimi obywatelami.

Ale dla nas eurodeputowanych, Komisji to też przestroga, żebyśmy tej dezinformacji nie ulegali. Przypomnijcie sobie Państwo, jak jeszcze niedawno Polska musiała się tłumaczyć z tego, że nie jest rasistowska, że nie dzieli Ukraińców i że wszystkich z otwartym sercem i otwartymi mieszkaniami przyjmuje do Polski. Jeszcze niedawno prezydent Ukrainy był nazistą i my powtarzaliśmy te fake newsy, nie weryfikowaliśmy. To ważne przesłanie dla nas. Mówmy prawdę. Szukajmy prawdy. Potwierdzajmy w wielu źródłach.

  Jérôme Rivière (NI). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, une fois encore, l’hypocrisie de nos débats est navrante. Le rapport que vous présentez pourrait être un rempart contre la désinformation, mais il affiche le double refus de valeurs qui sont pourtant censées être les nôtres: la démocratie et la liberté d’expression.

Refus d’abord, et c’est le plus grave, de la démocratie. À vous lire, les élections dont les résultats ne sont pas conformes à l’idéologie mondialiste et immigrationniste sont forcément remportées sous l’influence d’une ingérence étrangère. Ainsi, le Brexit et l’élection de Trump, les victoires du Fidesz et du parti Droit et justice doivent être appréhendés sous ce prisme. La volonté souveraine des peuples britannique, américain, hongrois et polonais n’aurait rien à voir dans ces résultats électoraux.

Refus ensuite de la liberté d’expression, bafouée au nom de l’interdiction des discours de haine. Mais aucune condamnation sur vos bans des fermetures «par erreur» de multiples comptes Twitter, de soutiens à Éric Zemmour et au Rassemblement national, en pleine campagne présidentielle en France.

Dans son discours de réception à l’Académie française, François Sureau a rappelé que la liberté, c’est d’être révolté, blessé ou au moins surpris par les opinions contraires. Votre texte introduit de facto une parole officielle. Vous refusez les opinions contraires. Quel irrespect pour la souveraineté des peuples! Mais n’en doutez pas, ils choisissent librement. Voyez en Hongrie, en Pologne et, demain, en France.

  Salvatore De Meo (PPE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, per troppi anni in Europa abbiamo sottovalutato il problema delle interferenze straniere sulle nostre democrazie e non abbiamo considerato le disastrose conseguenze che avrebbero avuto e che purtroppo hanno avuto, le immagini di guerra di questi giorni ne sono la conferma.

I tentativi di ingerenze straniere stanno aumentando in tutto il mondo e sono sempre più sofisticati, anche grazie all'utilizzo dell'intelligenza artificiale. Non sempre è facile individuarli perché assumono forme diverse e spesso trovano anche alleati e complici all'interno dei sistemi da condizionare. Dobbiamo prendere consapevolezza di questo rischio e dobbiamo rendere le nostre comunità più resilienti e più pronte a respingere ogni forma di attacco.

Oggi il Parlamento con i lavori della commissione INGE vuole dare un forte segnale ai cittadini e alle istituzioni, ma anche a quei paesi che per anni hanno approfittato della nostra guardia abbassata per veicolare e amplificare messaggi di odio e di disinformazione per alimentare le paure e le fragilità, per delegittimare un sistema e indebolire un modello come quello europeo. In effetti, cari colleghi, l'Unione europea fa paura: la nostra democrazia, gli standard di libertà e difesa dei diritti umani, la prosperità economica sono tutti elementi che spaventano quei paesi che fanno della coercizione e della paura gli unici mezzi di controllo della popolazione.

Oggi decidiamo di alzare la guardia, di essere più vigili e di iniziare un percorso che permetta all'Unione europea e ai suoi Stati di sviluppare una strategia coordinata di lotta all'interferenza straniera per difendersi da chi manipola le informazioni a suo piacimento e diffonde menzogne. Dobbiamo difendere il nostro modello ed essere di riferimento anche per gli altri paesi democratici al di fuori dell'Unione europea, affinché possano essere in grado di proteggersi da attacchi e da minacce esterne.

  Christel Schaldemose (S&D). – Fru. Formand! Kampen mod desinformation og falske nyheder har aldrig nogensinde været vigtigere. Vi ser netop nu, hvordan Putins propagandamaskine er en aktiv part i krigen i Ukraine. Desinformation er en direkte trussel imod vores frie og demokratiske verden, og det er blevet de autoritære regimers foretrukne værktøj, når de vil undergrave valgresultater, borgernes beslutninger og tilliden i samfundet. Det må vi ikke vende det blinde øje til. Derfor er jeg glad for de rigtig mange gode forslag i INGE-betænkningen. Som ordfører på DSA'en er jeg særligt glad for betænkningens fokus på de sociale mediers rolle i spredningen af desinformation. Alt for længe har de sociale mediers algoritmer spredt had, splittelse og falske nyheder. I stedet for at fjerne eller nedtone problematisk indhold og de konti, der spreder det, så har de sociale medier skabt en algoritme-megafon, der får indholdet ud til endnu flere. Og samtidig har de tjent penge på denne her forretningsmodel med at sprede de skadelige algoritmer. Det skal stoppe nu.

Mange af de gode forslag i betænkningen kæmper jeg for at få med i den endelige DSA-lovgivning: algoritmerne skal gøres gennemsigtige, platformene skal være ansvarlige, vi skal have fjernet "dark patterns", og vi skal sætte tydelig mærkning på "deep fake" og onlinereklamer. Vi skal have forbudt målrettede reklamer til mindreårige, og så skal vi se på forretningsmodellerne for platformene, for det er dem, der er skyld i en del af det problem, vi har. Hellere i dag end i morgen.

  Sandro Gozi (Renew). – Madame la Présidente, je voudrais vous parler des NTIC. Ces quatre lettres étaient jusqu’à récemment la fierté de nos démocraties. Oui, les nouvelles technologies de l’information et de la communication permettaient au plus grand nombre de nos concitoyens de s’informer, d’échanger, de vivre.

Je dis bien «permettaient», car ces quatre lettres sont aujourd’hui tordues, abîmées par les démocratures comme la Chine, le Venezuela et, bien évidemment, la Russie. Ces pays manipulent, falsifient, truquent la vérité. Ces pays interfèrent dans nos processus démocratiques – on l’a vu avec le référendum sur le Brexit, le référendum italien en 2016, la présidentielle française en 2017. Ils en profiteraient même pour financer des forces politiques présentes ici, dans ce Parlement. Des enquêtes sont en cours. Après, si les événements récents poussent ces forces – comme on l’a entendu ce matin – à des conversions soudaines, tant mieux.

Les têtes du dragon des temps modernes s’appellent Xi Jinping, Nicolas Maduro ou encore Vladimir Poutine. Ils veulent la mort de nos démocraties. Pour nos élections, pour la publicité politique, nous devons imposer de nouvelles règles, Madame la Présidente, chère Eva, avec fermeté. Unissons nos forces pour vaincre ces dragons à plusieurs têtes.

  Heidi Hautala (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, the report is very timely, and it has a wealth of recommendations. Starting from our own institutions, we need to be much more aware that some MEPs have become channels of undue foreign influence. Those travelling to authoritarian countries to observe fake elections should be sanctioned much more severely than is now the case, and the so-called friendship groups should be made much more transparent and accountable.

The report also names and shames a number of members of political elites who have been captures in the service of authoritarian regimes, including two former Finnish Prime Ministers, Paavo Lipponen and Esko Aho, who have both long worked to advance Putin’s political and economic interests in Europe.

In hindsight, the warfare by Russia against Ukraine is a logical continuation of information warfare. We admire the courageous Ukrainian resistance but, at the same time, in Russia a distorted version of reality prevails. Seventeen Russian—speaking writers, among them Nobel laureate Svetlana Alexievich, have started an appeal to all Russian language speakers in the world to use all possible means of communication to contact directly their acquaintances and friends living in Russia, telling them the truth about the war and about the tragic shelling of civilians. Nobel laureate Dmitry Muratov stressed in a hearing last week in this Parliament that there is another Russia to the one represented by Putin and his cronies. We must inspire the whole of society to combat the lies and disinformation.

  Robert Roos (ECR). – Voorzitter, hoe heet een overheid die zich intensief bemoeit met wat gezegd mag worden en wat niet, wat waar is, en wat niet? Natuurlijk, de vrijheid van meningsuiting houdt op waar geweld prediken begint, maar het voortbestaan van de democratie vereist debat, vereist dat mensen tegen een stootje kunnen, vereist dat mensen kunnen zeggen wat ze denken.

De Europese Unie wil desinformatie bestrijden. Een gevaarlijk pad, een pad dat naar censuur leidt. Nederlandse “factcheckers” tikten mensen op de vingers toen zij zeiden dat de Europese Unie een QR-paspoort aan het ontwikkelen was. Even later werd dat “nepnieuws” de realiteit. De factcheckers hadden ongelijk gehad. De les: voorzichtigheid is op zijn plaats.

Natuurlijk zijn wij ook tegen Russische propaganda, maar juist wij moeten dan voor de vrije meningsuiting staan. De Europese Unie dreigt zélf te worden wat de Europese Unie juist wil bestrijden!

Een overheid die zich te veel bemoeit met wat burgers zeggen en of dat waar is, zo’n overheid noem ik communistisch. Ons mooie, democratische Europa verdient beter.

  Mislav Kolakušić (NI). – Poštovani kolege, poštovani građani, do prije dva tjedna bio sam uvjeren da je količinu licemjerja i laži kojom su mainstream mediji zasipali građane Europe i svijeta tijekom pandemije COVID-19 nemoguće nadmašiti. Međutim, jako sam se razočarao.

Od početka rata u Ukrajini količina laži i lažne podrške Ukrajini, je stravična. S jedne strane, govori se da se želi spriječiti financiranje Rusije za vođenje ovog rata. Uvode se sankcije sportašima, pjevačima se ne da pjevati, iz SWIFT-a se izbacuju nevažne ruske banke. A s druge strane, članice Europske unije su kupile 10 milijardi eura ruskog plina i nafte. Što mislite, što se radi s tim novcem?

Prestanimo biti licemjerni i zaustavimo ovaj rat odmah.

  Frances Fitzgerald (PPE). – Madam President, first of all, congratulations to Sandra Kalniete for her sterling work, and to our Chair and Committee for making this a very effective committee.

Without proper facts and information, our laws will have little value. Without proper facts, our citizens cannot be confident in our institutions. The viral spread of disinformation and fake news has wreaked havoc on our political systems, namely through interference in our democracies and our elections. Let’s face it, we have been asleep at the wheel. None of our institutions, or indeed our national governments, have put enough resources into dealing with this threat. We need to do far more to counter this serious threat to our elections, to our referendums, to our democracies.

Disinformation is a scourge on our democracy and needs to be fought all the way from policy-makers through to large tech firms. As I’ve said, campaigns have been impacted. Politicians are the losers. Our democracies are the losers. We need a well-regulated digital market. We need to increase funding for our cyber-security infrastructure, and we need to adequately regulate social media companies. As MEPs, we must of course state strongly that we stand for democracy.

For that reason, I think it’s hugely important that the mandate of the Special Committee on Foreign Interference in all Democratic Processes in the European Union, including Disinformation (INGE) is prolonged. Let’s ensure that, for the rest of this mandate, our political system places the highest value on truth and on facts.

If we do not do this, not only will our democracy suffer, each and every citizen will suffer, too.

  Nacho Sánchez Amor (S&D). – Señora presidenta, quiero agradecer la iniciativa y liderazgo de Raphaël Glucksmann y el trabajo de la señora Kalniete y de los ponentes alternativos, incluido mi camarada Andreas Schieder.

Yo quiero comentar un aspecto en el que he insistido durante mi trabajo en la comisión, que es la interferencia en los procesos electorales. Procesos electorales: no el día de las elecciones, ni siquiera solo la campaña, sino el largo periodo de un proceso electoral, porque, como he tenido ocasión de explicar en muchas ocasiones de observación electoral, democracia es lo que pasa entre elecciones y una elección correcta no salva un proceso electoral en el que no haya habido igualdad de condiciones. Es algo a lo que se apuntan mucho los regímenes iliberales, pretendiendo que la urna lo cura todo.

La interferencia en los procesos electorales, de la que tenemos sobrados ejemplos, es especialmente peligrosa por muchos motivos. Primero, porque el objetivo es tener efectos inmediatos en el voto de los ciudadanos, condicionarles. Pero el segundo objetivo es deslegitimar nuestros procesos electorales. No es necesario manipular un recuento electoral, pues introducir la duda sobre la limpieza de unas elecciones contribuye a ese mismo objetivo.

Es un mecanismo que se basa, además, en que no todos los ciudadanos siguen la política diariamente. Muchos ciudadanos se reenganchan a la política cuando llega un período electoral y en ese momento, en el que hay más apetito por la información política, existe una mayor vulnerabilidad.

Tenemos que adaptar nuestros mecanismos de observación electoral a este nuevo tipo de crecientes amenazas, más discretas que la desinformación publicada, porque es información basada en el profiling que acaba en el teléfono móvil de cada ciudadano y es más difícil de seguir.

Por tanto, usemos todo nuestro arsenal para luchar contra la interferencia maliciosa, también y especialmente durante los procesos electorales.

  Anna Júlia Donáth (Renew). – Elnök Asszony! Oroszország 12 nappal ezelőtt megszállta Ukrajnát. Ebben a 12 napban az orosz hadsereg ukrán városokat tett a földdel egyenlővé és menekültek százezrei kényszerültek elindulni nyugat felé. Ehhez képest mit látunk, ha bármelyikünk megnyitja bármelyik orosz hírportált? Akkor lebombázott lakónegyedek és megtámadott atomerőművek helyett békemisszióról, orosz békemisszióról és ukrán agresszióról szóló hazugságokkal találja magát szembe. Az orosz propaganda annyira hatékony már, hogy családokat képes szétszakítani. A dezinformációnak kitett rokonok jobban hisznek a putyini hazugságoknak, mint a kijevi bújóhelyeken szorongó rokonaiknak.

De Putyin módszerei nem állnak meg az Európai Unió határainál. Ukrajna közvetlen szomszédságában, Magyarországon is, putyini hazugságokat szajkóz a magyar állami köztévé és a magyar Facebook tele van orosz propagandát tovább adó oldalakkal. Helyes lépés volt, hogy az EU kitiltotta a területéről a Sputnik és a Russia Today felületeit, de további lépésekre van szükségünk, mert Vlagyimir Putyin nemcsak Ukrajnát, hanem az európai emberek tudatát is meg akarja szállni. Ezt pedig nem hagyhatjuk!

  Daniel Freund (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, Putin’s invasion of democratic Ukraine shows that democracy is under siege. The shelling with bombs and missiles was preceded and is now flanked by a bombardment of propaganda, fake news and dirty money.

There’s a widespread and coordinated attack by the world’s autocrats on democracy, on open societies, on our way of life. We all know this didn’t just start two weeks ago, but it’s been going on for years and is well documented by this committee. Autocrats in Russia and China, Azerbaijan and elsewhere are spending billions to determine the news we read, the social media posts we see, and they’re paying massive amounts to buy politicians, like the German former chancellor Gerhard Schröder, or entire political parties, some of which sit here in this House.

These actors do not seek to enrich our debates. They want to divide our societies. They want to destroy our democracies, because they fear nothing more than the truth and open societies that openly speak it out.

The EU has been too naive. We have ignored the threats for far too long. We’ve done too little to make the money flows transparent. We have not done enough to fight corruption and bribery. And most of all, we have been far too divided, because if we seek to combat this with 27 different national approaches, this is not going to work.

So we have to have a resolute democratic defence. We need to make the money flows transparent and we need to stand together as Europeans and have a joint approach to this threat from the outside.

  Jorge Buxadé Villalba (ECR). – Señora presidente, regímenes como la Rusia de Putin o la Venezuela de Maduro atacan nuestras naciones y se infiltran en nuestro sistema: desde la financiación de Podemos hasta los contactos del Kremlin con los separatistas en Cataluña. Pero también son injerencias extranjeras los lobbies que quieren cancelar nuestra cultura, nuestra religión y nuestro modo de vida, y los que nos han hecho rehenes del gas ruso o argelino con su demencial transición energética. Los españoles lo sabemos bien: tenemos al comunismo infiltrado en el Gobierno.

Si decimos que las mujeres y niños ucranianos que huyen de la guerra son verdaderos refugiados, pero no lo son los miles de hombres en edad militar que asaltan la frontera sur en colaboración con las ONG o las mafias, no necesitamos ningún verificador subvencionado, ni ninguna red social de megamillonario que imponga la censura. Si ustedes quieren convertir la Unión en un espacio de censura, no cuenten con nuestro voto. Si van al precipicio, vayan solos.

Tenemos que defender nuestra soberanía energética, alimentaria y militar, pero no solo del comunismo, también del islamismo, del falso climatismo, del inmigracionismo o de la demencial Agenda 2030.

Sé que algún día se unirán a nosotros. Lo sé, pero lo único que me genera dudas es si, cuando lo hagan, ya será demasiado tarde.

  Milan Uhrík (NI). – Pani predsedajúca, vojna na Ukrajine je desivá a musí sa čím skôr skončiť.

Čo ma však úprimne desí snáď ešte viac, je tá vlna agresívnej vojnovej politiky alebo rétoriky, ktorá ovládla celú Európu. A týka sa to nielen liberálnych médií, ale aj mnohých liberálnych politikov, z ktorých niektorí sedíte aj tu, ctení páni a vážené dámy, ktorí tak isto voláte po cenzúre, voláte po čistkách, voláte po zbraniach, voláte po umlčaní každého iného názoru, ktorý s vami čo len trošku nesúhlasí.

Takto sa nebuduje mier. Takto sa rozdúchavajú emócie, takto sa rozdúchava hnev, nenávisť a v konečnom dôsledku aj vojna.

Bojovať proti zahraničnému ovplyvňovaniu vo voľbách alebo v médiách je samozrejme správna vec a pri tejto príležitosti by sme sa mohli pozrieť nielen na ruskú propagandu, ale aj na propagandu z niektorých amerických mimovládnych organizácií.

Na druhej strane zneužívať teraz boj proti ruskej propagande na umlčiavanie akýchkoľvek opozičných médií alebo názorov je niečo nesprávne. Európa nesmie v tejto vojne stratiť svoju slobodu a demokraciu.

  Tomáš Zdechovský (PPE). – Madam President, happy International Women’s Day to everyone and especially to Ukrainian women. We are thinking of you and I think that we are praying every day for you.

Paní předsedající, vážení kolegové, to, co říkal tady kolega Uhrík, je prostě jeden velikánský nesmysl. Necháme tady nacisty, aby říkali svoje lži o tom, kdo jsou Židé? Necháme tady Rusy vypravovat lži o tom, jak jdou se samopaly, kulomety a jinými zbraněmi budovat mír na Ukrajině a zabíjet nevinné lidi? Necháme Rusy tady šířit dezinformace? Dezinformace jsou jako virus. Všichni jsme to viděli v době COVID-19. Virus se šíří, šíří se nekontrolovaně a zabíjí jednoho člověka po druhém. Já jsem několik měsíců pracoval na covidovém oddělení, četl jsem ty nesmysly o tom, jak COVID-19 je výmysl. Ano, těmito rukama jsem každý den zavíral minimálně čtyřem lidem jejich oči. Dezinformace jsou něco, proti čemu musíme bojovat. Nesmíme v tom ustat a nesmíme říkat, že je to omezení svobody projevu. Ano, svoboda projevu má své hranice, a pokud nebudeme za tyto hranice bojovat, pak se brzo stane, že tady žádnou svobodu mít nebudeme.

  Tonino Picula (S&D). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, gospođo povjerenice, trenutno internet povezuje oko polovice svjetskog stanovništva. Internet je odavno ključan za međunarodnu komunikaciju i trgovinu. Međutim, samo 58 % europskih građana ima osnovne digitalne vještine premda su one sve važnije za djelovanje u modernim društvima.

2017. fake news su proglašeni izrazom godine. Dvije godine kasnije materijalna šteta izazvana direktnim i indirektnim posljedicama dezinformacija iznosila je gotovo 80 milijardi dolara. Pored toga, otkriveno je i da 67 % lažnih vijesti plasira Rusija.

Ruska agresija na Ukrajinu je, dakle, i rat drugim sredstvima, pogotovo kampanjama dezinformiranja. Narativ Kremlja je toksičan kao i njegova vojna agresija, ali na društvenim mrežama pratimo i herojski otpor Ukrajinaca. Snažne poruke predsjednika Zelenskog i ukrajinskog vodstva izuzetno efikasno odgovaraju na ruske laži. Zato Kremlj zaustavlja iste društvene mreže koje je ranije koristio za svoju gebelsovsku propagandu.

Pored tragične situacije u Ukrajini upozoravam i na naše neposredno susjedstvo. Zapadni Balkan ne smije postati poligon za uplitanje geopolitičkih rivala koji žele poništiti temeljne vrijednosti naše Unije.

Postoji jasna politička agenda dezinformiranja i uplitanja, manipuliranja građanima, destabilizacije institucija i diskreditiranja nepoželjnih vlada. Pri tome se koriste dezinformacije, cyber napadi, potiču regionalne napetosti i podržavaju radikalne političke opcije. Ti alati potkopavaju naše partnerstvo sa susjednim zemljama, utječu na javno mnijenje i jačaju režime s autoritarnim tendencijama.

Naša reakcija mora biti kontinuirana i odlučna jer jedino tako možemo sačuvati budućnost naših demokratskih društava.

  Maite Pagazaurtundúa (Renew). – Señora presidenta, señora comisaria, señora Klinkert, señora Kalniete, señorías, las bombas que vemos hoy caer en Ucrania llevaban preparándose desde hacía tiempo. La excusa del control del Dombás viene precedida de años de guerra de desinformación, con el claro objetivo de desestabilizar las democracias occidentales y a quien quiera acercarse a ellas. La injerencia extranjera, notablemente rusa, junto con Venezuela e Irán —no lo olvidemos—, va más allá de la manipulación electoral o la difusión de falsedades: busca crear caos, infligir desconfianza en los gobiernos nacionales, las autoridades públicas y el orden democrático liberal.

En el futuro, nuestra Comisión Especial deberá llegar a definiciones más claras sobre lo que necesitamos hacer, buscar una metodología y normas estándares internacionales y preparar futuras regulaciones para blindarnos contra estos ataques.

Tenemos que ser conscientes de que la desinformación prospera en entornos débiles, fragmentados a nivel nacional o de la Unión Europea, donde nuestros sistemas democráticos son cuestionados y torpedeados. Pasa cuando movimientos secesionistas, como en Cataluña, o populistas de izquierdas y derechas se alían con quienes quieren desinformar y engañar para avanzar en su agenda, caiga quien caiga.

En todo caso, tenemos que ser conscientes de que este informe inicia nuevas defensas y, por cierto, cada voto cuenta. Cada cual tendrá que rendir cuentas de los votos que emite.

  Thomas Waitz (Verts/ALE). – Frau Präsidentin! Wir sprechen über Wahlbeeinflussung Russlands hier innerhalb der Europäischen Union. Und dann sollten wir darüber sprechen, dass wir gar nicht so weit in die Ferne blicken müssen. Wir haben unsere Kollegen und Kolleginnen hier im Haus sitzen. Was ist mit Salvinis Lega und dem 2014 gegründeten Verein Lombardei-Russland des Herrn Gianluca Savoini – übrigens gibt es mittlerweile Ermittlungen der Staatsanwaltschaft – und den Tonaufnahmen, die nahelegen, dass sie in einem Eni-Russland-Deal auch Gelder für ihre Wahlkampagnen abgezweigt haben?

Was ist mit der Wahlkampffinanzierung von Frau Le Pen 2014 von der First Czech- Russian Bank, ihren Krediten für die Wahl? Die Bank ist übrigens mittlerweile im Konkurs, und ihr Kredit wurde an Gläubiger übergeben, die eine Sammelorganisation für ehemalige KGB-Agenten sind. Oder gerade ihr neuerlicher Kredit 2022, dieses Jahr, bei Viktor Orbán und einer unbekannten ungarischen Bank – übrigens Viktor Orbán, der die Energieunabhängigkeit Ungarns gerade noch ein paar Tage vor Kriegsbeginn an Rosatom und damit an Putin verkaufen wollte. Hier geht es um Paks II.

Und wie ist es mit unseren eigenen österreichischen Kollegen und Kolleginnen? Mit Herrn Vilimsky, der erst 2016 in Russland einen Freundschaftsvertrag seiner Partei mit Putins Partei Einiges Russland unterschrieben hat? Das sind die wahren Probleme hier, und die sind eine unmittelbare Beeinflussung unserer europäischen Demokratie. Darauf sollten wir achten.

  Ladislav Ilčić (ECR). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, poštovani kolege, osuđujem svako vanjsko uplitanje trećih država, ali i uplitanje jedne države članice u demokratske procese neke druge države članice. No kako to često biva u ovom domu, pozitivna naslovna strana nekog izvješća je zasjenjena nekom sporednom agendom koja je loša i koja izvješće čini neprihvatljivim.

Tako ovo izvješće želi pod kontrolu i nadzor staviti i vjerske zajednice, a sva promišljanja koja nisu na tragu LGBT agende ovo izvješće izjednačava sa širenjem dezinformacija ili čak s govorom mržnje. Ta intencija udara na same temelje demokracije - na slobodu govora i izražavanja.

Vjerske zajednice nisu strani faktori. One su zajednice vjernika, građana, a kršćanski svjetonazor je legalan i trebao bi biti prihvatljiv u svakom društvu, a pogotovo u Europskoj uniji koja je nastala na temelju europskih, na temelju kršćanskih vrijednosti. Molim vas da to prihvatite i da nam ne uskraćujete osnovna prava i slobode.

  Miroslav Radačovský (NI). – Pani predsedajúca, v súčasnej dobe, keď sa globálne silní hráči bijú o ekonomické ovládnutie Európy a sveta, by si mala Európska únia zachovať rozvahu, pokoj a riešiť veci bez emócií, mysliac predovšetkým na budúcnosť.

Nie som presvedčený, že by správa o zahraničnom zasahovaní do všetkých demokratických procesov vrátane dezinformácií bola rozvážna, bez emócií.

Hoci v svojej podstate má zmysel, výber prostriedkov a opatrení na dosiahnutie cieľa nie je správny.

V tejto súvislosti ma zaujalo menšinové stanovisko skupiny The Left k danej správe, v ktorom sa konštatuje, že výsledná správa je nevyvážená, neobjektívna a sama osebe predstavuje dezinformáciu. Budúce generácie tento dokument oľutujú.

V histórii sa veľakrát preukázalo, že názor menšiny, ktorá nešla s davom, mal väčšiu silu myšlienky ako väčšina, a v budúcnosti sa to prejavilo. Dúfam, že poslanci zo skupiny Left nebudú označení ako dezinformátori, prípadne nebude úvaha dať ich na čiernu listinu pre ich názor.

  Isabel Wiseler-Lima (PPE). – Madame la Présidente, c’était une guerre avant la guerre. La désinformation soutenue ou initiée par des États étrangers dans nos pays démocratiques, c’est exactement cela: une guerre. Le terme associé, «hybride», ne diminue en rien la violence faite à nos sociétés occidentales. En effet, l’ingérence étrangère cherche à manipuler l’opinion publique par le mensonge afin de déstabiliser nos sociétés. Elle doit être combattue avec toute la véhémence possible.

L’influence russe dans les élections américaines qui ont vu Donald Trump arriver au pouvoir ou encore l’influence russe sur l’issue du référendum du Brexit qui a abouti à la sortie du Royaume-Uni de l’Union européenne sont des événements très graves. Ils mettent non seulement en danger les processus démocratiques, mais conduisent également à des réalités politiques de division entre les pays occidentaux. Divisés, nous sommes affaiblis: exactement le but recherché par les régimes autocratiques.

Nous devons être conscients que nos démocraties occidentales ont des faiblesses inhérentes au système. La liberté à laquelle nous tenons par dessus tout et qui détermine notre mode de vie, quand elle est utilisée à mauvais escient, est un danger pour elle-même. Trop souvent, elle permet aussi l’expression de ceux qui veulent la détruire. Il y a donc clairement de nouvelles limites à définir. Oui, Monsieur Rivière, oui, Madame Delli, ne vous en déplaise! Car la tolérance ne peut aboutir à donner de l’espace à l’intolérance et à l’autoritarisme. Nos sociétés démocratiques doivent se donner les moyens de combattre avec détermination ceux qui veulent détruire nos valeurs.

Je salue le travail de Sandra Kalniete et de notre commission INGE. Je salue les pistes présentées ainsi que notre unité et notre détermination, encore accrues face à la révolte ressentie, confrontés à la guerre menée en Ukraine par la Russie.

  Radka Maxová (S&D). – Paní předsedající, paní komisařko, dámy a pánové, chtěla bych nejprve poděkovat kolegyni Kalnietové za velmi dobrou zprávu, na které jsem měla možnost také pracovat a která bohužel v posledních dnech se stává velmi aktuální. Pozornost nás všech v tuto chvíli poutá Ukrajina. Nesmíme proto podcenit vliv hybridní války, kterou nyní prožíváme na vlastní kůži. Bohužel jsme příliš dlouho nechali online platformy, aby mohly pod záminkou svobody slova šířit úmyslné dezinformace, které podkopávají důvěru nejen ve stát a veřejné instituce, ale i důvěru Evropanů mezi sebou. To jsme ostatně mohli vidět na kampaních o COVID-19 a dnes to také vidíme na tom, že jsme to my, kdo může za zločinné napadení Ukrajiny.

Proto jsem velmi ráda, že zpráva vyzdvihuje jak roli osvěty a vzdělávání o dezinformacích, tak také důslednou regulaci online platforem. Snahy rozvrátit naši společnost jsou nejen přes dezinformace, ale také skrze rozdmýchávání nenávisti proti ohroženým skupinám, osobám se zdravotním postižením, etnickým, náboženským menšinám a LGBTIQ. Proti takovýmto projevům je nutné rázně zakročit a k tomu potřebujeme aktivní spolupráci online platforem, které musí převzít svůj díl zodpovědnosti. Není možné, aby platformy vydělávaly na polarizaci veřejnosti, a proto podporuji co největší transparentnost algoritmů, které využívají. Jde o velkou výzvu. Pokud ale chceme zajistit otevřenou, demokratickou, spravedlivou evropskou budoucnost, musíme ji společně překonat.

  Petras Auštrevičius (Renew). – Madam President, authoritarian regimes and dictatorships are based on lies and deceit. They have mastered these weapons and have now turned them against us. Expertly crafted misleading news undermines civic engagement and creates a parallel reality. For example, the Kremlin has launched a full—scale war against Ukraine and has succeeded in convincing the Russian public that this is just a ‘special operation’. China imprisoned and exploited more than a million Uyghurs in forced labour camps, but continues to cover up its crimes with vocational education and training centres.

We cannot allow our European society to be manipulated in this way any longer. Let us remove these sputniks from our information orbit. Let us prevent the propagandists of authoritarian regimes and dictatorships from being accredited. Let us protect and support the work of independent media. Only then will the minds and hearts of Europeans be protected. This is our common goal.

  Alexandra Geese (Verts/ALE). – Frau Präsidentin, verehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Im Zuge der Sanktionen wurden auch die russischen Sender RT und Sputnik verboten, weil sie Desinformation der russischen Regierung verbreiten. Eigentlich ist es doch überraschend, dass man in demokratischen Staaten die Meinungsfreiheit einschränken muss, um sich gegen russische Kriegspropaganda zu verteidigen. Wer schaut denn so was? In der analogen Welt fast niemand.

Aber im Internet, da ist besonders RT der Superstar. 2020 war RT auf YouTube der am meisten geschaute Sender. Und woran liegt das? Ganz einfach daran, dass die Algorithmen der sozialen Medien, allen voran Googles YouTube, die Beiträge von RT immer ganz nach oben spülen, proaktiv anbieten. Und warum? Weil diese Beiträge die Menschen mit falschen Informationen verunsichern und aufregen. Und dann bleiben sie länger im Internet, und dann kann man ihnen mehr Werbung zeigen. Denn mit Desinformation, mit russischer Kriegspropaganda, wird Geld verdient.

Deswegen brauchen wir klare Regeln für Transparenz, für algorithmische Systeme und ein Verbot der Datensammlungen, die es Plattformen erlauben, diese Inhalte ganz gezielt an dafür empfängliche Gruppen auszuspielen. Diese Datensammlung ermöglicht es auch ausländischen Staaten, Bevölkerungsgruppen bei uns gezielt zu manipulieren.

All dies wird gerade im Trilog zum Gesetz über digitale Dienste vom Parlament gefordert. Ich fordere die Mitgliedstaaten auf, endlich diesen Forderungen nachzukommen und das in den nächsten Wochen zu beschließen. Dann haben wir es in der freien Welt auch nicht mehr nötig, Medien zu verbieten.

  Dominik Tarczyński (ECR). – Madam President. We’ve got this very important discussion on this very important report, and what we could hear from Commissioner Jourová was that she’s very happy about the ban – Netflix’s ban in Russia. Are you serious? Are you really serious? We need a ban on Russian oil and gas before you have your satisfaction on a Netflix ban. So before the discussion turns into the grotesque, remember that Germany, the so-called European leaders, are against the ban on Russian oil and gas, and money from the gas and oil will go to the Russian Army and the Russian Army will kill Ukrainian children.

So before this discussion turns into the grotesque, remember that the ban on Netflix is a joke, because people are dying. We need a ban on Russian oil and gas now. Remember, it’s Germany who is against it and history will judge again. Remember that.

  Radosław Sikorski (PPE). – Madam President, congratulations on International Women’s Day and congratulations to the author of this report, who anticipated that giving a free range to all kinds of aggressive activities by authoritarians will lead to something even worse. And we now have war in Europe.

We have been arrogant and naive, or rather some of you in Western Europe have been arrogant and naive, because Putin has been at war with us for years. We, or you rather, have not been accepting it. But now that it is clear, because he’s bombing Ukrainian cities, we have to do something about it.

He has made a list of friendly and unfriendly countries, and we have to accept that there are some revisionist, aggressive autocracies that are at war with us, and we should therefore put together regulations that cause for money from those countries in politics to be the breaking of law. If you promote their propaganda, you’re breaking the law. If you give space to their media and social media outlets, you should be breaking the law. Above all, if you help them to hide their money, you should be breaking the law. Likewise, if you are helping them to acquire strategic or dual-use technology.

Lastly, and I know I’m beginning to sound like Cato on Carthage, but I beg you colleagues, what Putin is doing in Ukraine means that we need to get serious about European defence at last.

  Gabriele Bischoff (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin, Frau Kommissarin, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Seit vielen Jahren diskutieren wir, dass die Demokratie in Gefahr ist. Wir haben jede Menge Studien, die zeigen, dass wir heute mehr autokratische Länder in der Welt haben als Demokratien und dass wir heute wieder auf dem Stand von 1990 sind.

Und es ist ganz klar – und deshalb bin ich sehr froh über Raphaël Glucksmann, über die ganze Gruppe, die jetzt Vorschläge vorlegt –, wie wir die Resilienz in Europa stärken können, nämlich die demokratische Resilienz. Wir haben hier in der Debatte gesehen: Der Riss geht auch durch dieses Haus.

Deshalb möchte ich noch einmal darauf hinweisen: Es sind nicht nur ein paar Versprengte, die genau sagen: Wir müssen viel stärker auch unsere Demokratie schützen. Wir haben die Desinformation nicht nur von ausländischen Staaten, wir haben sie auch von Regierungen innerhalb der EU, und da dürfen wir auch nicht blind sein. Aber es sind die Bürgerinnen und Bürger, die in der Zukunftskonferenz, in der Arbeitsgruppe uns diesen Vorschlag gemacht haben und uns auffordern, dafür zu sorgen – in ihrem Vorschlag Nr. 28 –, dass wir wirklich erhebliche finanzielle und personelle Ressourcen aufwenden sollen, um wirklich die Desinformation zu stoppen, und dass wir tatsächlich auch die Zivilgesellschaft hier viel stärker unterstützen müssen, dass wir sicherstellen müssen, dass wir die Medienkompetenz stärken, und dass wir auch angemessene Sanktionen vorlegen gegen diese großen Plattformen zum Beispiel, die nicht ausreichend dagegen vorgehen. Deshalb: Packen wir es an!

  Dragoş Tudorache (Renew). – Madam President, war kills people – not a distant figure of speech but a cruel reality which Putin has brought to our doorstep. But there are many ways to kill. Autocrats with a skewed vision of the world have also learned to kill critical judgment, to poison people’s minds and souls for political gain. This kind of war can be as effective in annihilating enemies, in subduing societies and determining the future of nations.

I speak, of course, of disinformation, fake news, of deliberately using the amplified effect of new digital technologies to undermine democracy. Let’s call a spade a spade. We’ve allowed for years that regimes such as Putin’s insinuated into our digital societies and created segregation, hatred and conflict. We saw its effects in elections across Europe. We saw it in the US, we saw it in the Brexit campaign.

Protecting our democracy and prosperity is therefore not just politics, it is the foundation for peace. We have a duty to fiercely protect our democracy from foreign interference and to decide to live in a healthy society where technology is used according to our values.

I welcome this report and the work of the INGE Committee that provides the tools to fight for our democracy. Let’s use them.

  Joachim Stanisław Brudziński (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Cieszę się, że padły tutaj ważne słowa dotyczące ograniczenia wpływu putinowskiej propagandy w krajach Unii Europejskiej. Cieszy, że podjęto działania ograniczające działalność stacji radiowych i telewizyjnych takich jak Sputnik czy Russia Today. Ale nie sposób nie zauważyć, iż przez ostatnie lata Putin bezkarnie i z pełną premedytacją manipulował opinią publiczną w Unii Europejskiej. Przymykano oczy na destabilizowanie i wywoływanie niepokojów społecznych w krajach członkowskich przy okazji pandemii koronawirusa.

Dzisiaj obserwujemy, jak te same antyszczepionkowe portale czy profile wspierają agresję Putina na Ukrainie. Rok temu niemiecki tygodnik „Der Spiegel” opublikował analizę dotyczącą manipulacji dokonywanych przez stację Russia Today w Niemczech. To było rok temu, a dzisiaj pomimo tej tragedii, wojny na Ukrainie, kanclerz Niemiec mówi, że Niemcy nie zrezygnują z rosyjskiego gazu czy rosyjskiego węgla. Prezydent Francji z kolei twierdzi, że Rosji należy się szacunek. Tak, Rosji jako państwu – tak, ale nie Putinowi i jego zbrodniczym siepaczom na Ukrainie.

Krok po kroku Putin próbował przygotowywać opinię publiczną w Unii Europejskiej i w Rosji do agresji na Ukrainę. Przykładem jest próba destabilizacji sytuacji na granicy polsko-białoruskiej. Ile fake newsów, powielanych również tutaj, w tej Izbie, było wymierzonych w mój kraj, w polską straż graniczną, w polskie wojsko, w polską policję! Dzisiaj musimy uczynić wszystko, aby cywilizowany świat powiedział Putinowi „Nie!”.

  Liudas Mažylis (PPE). – Ponia pirmininke. Rusijai užpuolus Ukrainą geriau negu iki šiol suvokiame dezinformacijos kampanijų galią ir žalą: tą, kuri jau padaryta ir tebedaroma toliau. O šis pranešimas siūlo konkrečius veiksmus, kaip užkirsti tam kelią. Pirmiausiai kova su dezinformacija turi būti tinkamai reglamentuota. Reikia nustatyti taisykles, užtikrinančias didesnį politinių kompanijų reklamų skaidrumą, sugriežtinti partijų finansavimo reglamentavimą. Pritariu, kad reikalinga suderinta Europos Sąjungos kovos su užsienio subjektų kišimosi strategija. Būtina griežčiau vykdyti bendrąjį duomenų apsaugos reglamentą. Taip pat reikia nustatyti privalomas Europos Sąjungos taisykles, pagal kurias interneto platformos būtų išbandomos jas vertinant ir mažinant manipuliavimą informacija. Pritariu tam, kad platformoms būtų nustatyta archyvavimo pareiga, kad būtų galima išaiškinti reklamos tikslinę grupę ir sumokėjusį subjektą. Dar pabrėžčiau, kad siekiant atsverti įtaką, daroma per rusakalbius kanalus, reikia ryžtingiau šalinti juos iš Europos Sąjungos žiniasklaidos erdvėje. Geri pavyzdžiai – Sputnik ir Russia Today. Lygiai tas pats pasakytina ir apie kitų užsienio šalių bandymus manipuliuoti diskursu.

  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señora presidenta, vicepresidenta Jourová, la Comisión Especial de este Parlamento Europeo sobre injerencias, desinformación y manipulación ha trabajado duramente durante un año y medio y se ha detenido, por poderosas razones, en los ataques a la integridad territorial de los Estados miembros por plataformas en línea que apoyan la desestabilización por parte de movimientos secesionistas para debilitar la integración supranacional y en la amenaza del odio a colectivos vulnerables —migrantes, LGTBI— en pos de un supremacismo incompatible con los valores de la Unión Europea.

Intoxicación, targeted hacking, amenazas híbridas forman parte de una estrategia de regímenes autoritarios contra los valores fundantes de las sociedades abiertas que integran la Unión Europea.

Y las lecciones están claras. Hace falta una estrategia europea coordinada contra las injerencias y las plataformas en línea que se injieren en procesos electorales y democráticos, y reforzar la ciberseguridad de las infraestructuras críticas.

Pero las soluciones también están claras: legislación vinculante contra la falta de transparencia de los algoritmos, alfabetización y educación digital como autodefensa de la ciudadanía y sanciones implacables contra los responsables de la desinformación.

La brutal mezcla de desinformación y represión pura y dura que campea en la Rusia de Putin, en su agresión contra Ucrania, pone de manifiesto que la tarea no ha terminado. Hay que extraer las lecciones para que haya una opinión pública libre como un pilar esencial de la idea europea de democracia.

  Abir Al-Sahlani (Renew). – Fru talman! Kära kolleger, kommissionär! Om vi någonsin tvekat inför varningarna om att vår liberala demokrati är under attack, liksom våra institutioner, vårt politiska system, vårt europeiska sätt att leva, så har Putins krig mot Ukraina med full kraft visat sitt rätta ansikte. Putins krig pågår emellertid inte bara mot Ukraina, utan det pågår också mot den liberala demokratiska världsordningen. Det handlar om hybridkrig och cyberattacker mot våra institutioner och medveten spridning av falsk information och manipulation av budskap för att skapa splittring och misstro.

Dessa regimer, de auktoritära regimerna, har dock inte stannat där. De har också knutit nära kontakter med partier som finns i detta hus. Italienska Lega Nord, franska Nationell samling, österrikiska FPÖ har alla slutit samarbetsavtal med Putins parti. Tyska AfD och ungerska Fidesz användes som valobservatörer i valet i det ryskkontrollerade Donetsk och Luhansk. I Sverige kunde inte Sverigedemokraternas partiledare Jimmie Åkesson välja mellan Joe Biden eller Vladimir Putin. EU har visat sig rörande enigt mot kriget. Nu är det också dags att visa att vi står enade mot kriget mot Europa. Det är inte bara freden vi ska försvara utan också vår fundamentala frihet.

  Anna—Michelle Asimakopoulou (PPE). – Madam President, we’re all acutely aware of the pressures our democratic models face from the rise of populism and disinformation, and there’s certainly no shortage of actors on the world stage that stand ready to exploit and probe these pressure points.

In this important report, we see the same states mentioned again and again, notably Russia, China and Turkey. In the case of Turkey, we’ve highlighted, first, attempts of the Turkish Government to influence its diaspora in order to relay Ankara’s position and to divide European societies; second, the targeting of journalists, such as Erk Acarer in Berlin; and, third, foreign interference and disinformation campaigns against EU accession countries in the Western Balkans.

Turkey is a member of NATO and it’s still an EU candidate country, so it should be aligning its foreign policy with the EU’s. Yet, in the case of Ukraine, although Turkey did vote in favour of the United Nations General Assembly resolution, it’s unwilling to join the EU in imposing sanctions against Russia, it keeps its airspace open to Russia, and it could potentially become a backdoor to circumvent EU sanctions on trade. We must insist that Turkey not only ceases its interference in our democratic processes, but that it takes a clear stance in proactively defending Ukraine’s democracy.

  Petra Kammerevert (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin! Der vorliegende Bericht könnte kaum aktueller sein. Während er die Desinformation in der EU auch durch ausländische Regimes aufdeckt und klar benennt, zeigt er aber gleichzeitig auch auf, wie wir jenseits von – aus meiner Sicht – unüberlegten Schnellschüssen wie Verboten und Sperren wirksam gegensteuern können.

Wir haben dringenden Nachholbedarf bei der digitalen und medialen Bildung, und der Bericht hebt zu Recht die Bedeutung pluralistischer, vielfältiger und unabhängiger Medien hervor. Wollen wir unsere Demokratie schützen, so müssen wir mehr tun für Medienkompetenz und zur Stärkung von unabhängigem Journalismus in Presse, Rundfunk, Fernsehen und online. Nur so können wir eine liberale Medienordnung verteidigen.

Eine solche wird sich ohne weiteres staatliches Eingreifen als wehrhaft erweisen. Einer starken und liberalen Medienlandschaft gelingt es ganz von selbst, Stumpfsinn und Schwachsinn aufzudecken und zutreffend einzuordnen. Zum Schutz unserer Demokratie die Medienfreiheit zu opfern, wäre ein schwerer Fehler, denn das eine ist nicht ohne das andere zu haben.

Herzlichen Glückwunsch zum Bericht, aber bitte lassen Sie uns gemeinsam daran arbeiten, die Erkenntnisse jetzt auch in Taten umzusetzen.

  Ivars Ijabs (Renew). – Madam President, Madam Commissioner, what we are seeing right now in Ukraine makes some things crystal clear. We in Europe have always protected freedom of speech, freedom of information as our fundamental values, and at the same time we have allowed aggressive, authoritarian dictatorships to use information as a weapon against us.

It is now urgent to change this approach. Europe has to engage much more in the distribution of its positive message. We should not hesitate to emphasise our values, our position and our approach to reach the public in authoritarian countries like Russia. I’m talking here about supporting the quality journalism and analysis about access to objective expertise and independent channels of information.

I mean, these first two weeks of the ongoing Russian aggression have been catastrophic for the informational sphere in Russia. Prominent media outlets like Echo Moskvy or Dozhd have been forcibly closed, journalists expelled and arrested. Without our help, the last remnants of a free public debate will be gone in a matter of days.

This is not just about helping the Russian people, this is about also ourselves getting informed about what’s happening in those countries. Thank you very much for the report.

  Sunčana Glavak (PPE). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, povjerenice, kolegice i kolege, zahvaljujem izvjestiteljici Kalniete na izradi izvješća koje je pravovremeno u novim okolnostima širokih pokušaja destabilizacije europskog susjedstva i narušavanja dinamike demokratskih procesa u samoj Europskoj uniji.

Kolegice i kolege, rad tipkovnicama i mobilnim uređajima traje više od desetljeća. Vjerujem da smo svi svjesni toga, a sada svjedočimo neviđenoj razini kršenja prava građana, ruskih građana na informacije, koje se u Rusiji manifestira kroz blokiranje pristupa velikim platformama kao što su Facebook, Twitter i Youtube te ograničavanje pristupa zapadnim i neovisnim ruskim medijima.

Kolegice i kolege, tamo se zbog istine ide u zatvor i to je odgovor svima onima koji pitaju zašto je Europa donijela odluku da se zabrane proruski mediji koji šire laži i dezinformacije.

Znate što je pranje novca, a ovdje je na djelu pranje informacija. Stoga pozdravljam naše izviješće koje ističe i razinu važnosti medijske pismenosti koje ostaje ključan način kako ojačavati sposobnost naših građana za prepoznavanje dezinformacija u vremenu zapaljive i manipulativne retorike na društvenim mrežama i u javnom prostoru.

Svojim amandmanom pozvala sam i Europsku komisiju da se zaduži za izradu liste softvera nezakonitog nadzora kao i osposobljavanje osoblja u institucijama.

Kolegice i kolege, transparentnost nikada nije imala bitniju ulogu, kao i odgovarajuće označavanje dezinformirajućeg sadržaja. Suradnjom europskih institucija i medijskih kuća naše strateško opredjeljenje mora biti prepoznavanje narativa manipulacije u borbi za istinu.

  Isabel Santos (S&D). – Senhora Presidente, ao longo dos anos temos assistido a piratagem de bases de dados e a campanhas de desinformação e manipulação que ameaçam a competitividade dos nossos processos eleitorais e a legitimidade das nossas instituições. Assistimos também ao financiamento de movimentos políticos radicais, alguns deles com assento nesta câmara, através dos esquemas de corrupção, de branqueamento de capitais, da criptomoeda e dos ativos digitais usados ao serviço de Putin e Xi Jinping e outros ditadores e autocratas. É tempo de dizer basta!

Uma UE resiliente implica 27 democracias fortes e uma política externa ativa no fortalecimento da democracia no mundo. É imperioso que a Comissão elabore uma lista com diretrizes com vista a pôr cobro aos resquícios de opacidade no financiamento dos partidos políticos e que em diálogo com a OSCE, com o Conselho da Europa e outras organizações relevantes neste âmbito nos centremos no fortalecimento e na adaptação da observação eleitoral face aos novos desafios. As últimas semanas têm-nos mostrado que a defesa da democracia é um combate que não admite ingenuidade, alheamentos ou adiamentos.

  Karin Karlsbro (Renew). – Fru talman! Fru kommissionär, kolleger! Information är ett dödligt vapen. Att säga sanningen i dagens Ryssland är straffbart. Ingen kan blunda för att Ryssland gör och har gjort lögnen till sanning, för att nå sina syften och för att undergräva och destabilisera Europas och grannländernas demokrati, göra den egna befolkningen avogt inställd till det öppna liberala samhället och få dem att på falska grunder sluta upp bakom Putin och inte dras ner i västs frihetliga dekadens.

Sanningen är att utan lögner hade Putin aldrig kunnat invadera Ukraina. Varför ljuger då Ryssland? Jo, för att det har fungerat – för att alltför många, alltför länge, har varit alldeles för naiva. Vi måste sluta spela med i Putins teater, sätta stopp för lögnerna, avslöja desinformationen, värna vår demokrati och integritet.

  Gheorghe Falcă (PPE). – Doamnă președinte, doamnă comisar, dragi colegi, provin din România unde, la mijlocul anilor ’40, interferența străină a URSS asupra procesului democratic ne-a costat jumătate de secol de comunism. Doamnelor și domnilor, prin experiența noastră să nu mai treacă nimeni.

Zilele acestea, o refugiată ucraineană ajunsă în București descria dezinformarea rusă. Citez: „Când le-am trimis prietenilor mei din Rusia filmări cu oamenii morți din apropierea casei mele din Harkov, au încetat să îmi mai scrie”, închei citatul. Tot femeia spunea că a fost sunată de un văr din Crimeea și a invitat-o să stea la el până când armata rusă va elibera Harkovul de armata nazistă ucraineană, iar în final, când femeia și-a sunat mătușa din Belarus să-i spună că a ajuns cu bine în România cu fetița ei, aceasta a întrebat-o ce caută la atacatorii NATO.

Doamnelor și domnilor, așa lucrează dezinformarea rusă, iar noi trebuie să avem curajul și determinarea să destructurăm rețeaua de dezinformare Putin din Europa, rețea care finanțează partide, oameni politici, jurnaliști și analiști. Lucrul acesta trebuie să îl facem pentru că ingerințele externe constituie o încălcare gravă a valorilor și a principiilor pe care se întemeiază Uniunea noastră, cum ar fi de demnitatea umană, libertatea, solidaritatea, democrația și statul de drept. Mulțumesc și la mulți ani, doamnelor!

(Aplauze)

  Engin Eroglu (Renew). – Frau Präsidentin, Frau Kommissarin, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Kollegen hier im Raum! Desinformation ist die Saat des Bösen mit dem Ziel, sich in die Herzen der Menschen zu fressen. Desinformation ist nichts Neues – ein ganz altes Instrument, das schon älter ist als 2000 Jahre. Etwas Neues sind die digitalen Plattformen – nicht älter als 20 Jahre, das ist etwas Neues. Und wohin uns diese digitalen Plattformen geführt haben, sehen wir jetzt.

Wir sehen, dass es dazu geführt hat, dass sich in der Europäischen Union flächendeckend radikale Parteien breitgemacht haben, die miteinander kommunizieren, die gleiche Saat verbreiten. Wir sehen, dass bei einer gigantischen Katastrophe wie COVID unsere Gesellschaft nicht geschlossen ist, sondern entzweit in verschiedene Radikale. Wir sehen, es kommt zum Brexit, und wir sehen, es kommt zu einem brutalen Angriffskrieg Putins mitten in Europa auf die Ukraine.

Wir müssen dieses Krebsgeschwür bekämpfen und dazu die digitalen Plattformen mit in die Verantwortung nehmen. Sie verdienen hervorragende Summen mit ihrer Arbeit und können diese Summen auch darin investieren, diese Spaltung der Gesellschaft aufzuhalten.

  Miriam Lexmann (PPE). – Madam President, for the first time in decades, Europe is facing a wide—scale war. This is also highlighting the failure to remain consistent with our values. For too long, we were naive, falsely believing that by engaging with authoritarian and totalitarian regimes, we can change them. Today, we see the consequences of this naivety.

Instead, these regimes have been seeking to corrupt our democratic processes, degrade our economic strength, divide our society, undermine our alliances and rewrite international norms to suit their malign interests. Even worse, they seek to subvert the very notion of truth.

How we respond will determine the world in which we will live. We must remain united and, above all, to seek and defend the truth and the very values on which our Union has been founded, because truth and our values make us stronger and are the best weapon we have to fight back against those wishing to subvert our freedom.

  Charles Goerens (Renew). – Madame la Présidente, pour un dirigeant autoritaire, rien n’est plus dangereux que des citoyens qui pensent et qui s’articulent librement. La place de ces personnes est devant une justice partiale, dans des camps de travail, voire dans des salles de torture.

Aussi, le dirigeant autoritaire voit-il souvent, à raison, son système menacé de l’extérieur. Avec ses cinquièmes colonnes présentes un peu partout dans les États membres de l’Union européenne, et même dans ce Parlement, il essaye de faire imposer ses vues, de faire basculer des majorités qui ne lui sont pas acquises. Les nouvelles technologies lui servent d’amplificateurs puissants dans des opérations de manipulation. Avouons-le, nous avons peu de moyens à y opposer. À vrai dire, nous n’en avons qu’un seul, et c’est le bon: la formation de l’esprit critique, dès le plus jeune âge, capable de discerner entre vérité, approximation, contre-vérité, mensonge, mésinterprétation.

J’aimerais conclure avec une citation de Frans Timmermans: «Poutine n’a pas peur de l’élargissement de l’OTAN, Poutine a peur de l’élargissement de la démocratie». Une société libre – et ça, c’est ma citation – est une société éclairée. Une société éclairée n’a pas peur.

  Eva Maydell (PPE). – Madam President, Putin’s invasion of Ukraine is part of a wider campaign to undermine our democracies. Disinformation and foreign interference isn’t a new phenomenon, but Russia has digitised it, and it has combined it with other hybrid tactics. It’s a playbook that has been borrowed and has been used before – be it by China, by Venezuela or by Trump.

Sometimes it feels that people may want to accept convenient lies. But we have to make sure that we can lead them to the sometimes uncomfortable truth. This is why, more than ever, we need to increase our media literacy and critical thinking. Also, platforms can and should do more. I wonder why there are some Russian state accounts that are still active on several platforms. This, for me, is hard to justify.

Tackling disinformation without suppressing free speech is a major task for Europe. This is why we need a special disinformation war room, for which I have already called – and if we ever wanted to try this, now is the time to do it.

  Seán Kelly (PPE). – A Uachtaráin, elections are, first and foremost, an expression of the will of the people. Yet efforts by foreign entities to influence domestic elections have shaken democracies around the world.

With unbridled access via social media to virtually everywhere, propaganda and misinformation have been weaponised to an extent not seen before.

In Europe, we have seen the horrors of propaganda and the devastation it can cause. Putin has tried to lock away his people from the world, closed their eyes to his inhumane attacks on the innocent, and seeks to rewrite history in real time – all the hallmarks of a tyrant.

Suffocated disinformation campaigns deeply sullied the US presidential election in 2016, as well as the Brexit vote.

We must ensure we have the tools in place to respond to this new reality. Free and fair democracies are worth defending, and no country or people should think they are immune from interference.

  Paulo Rangel (PPE). – Senhora Presidente, Senhora Comissária, Presidência, antes de mais queria, naturalmente, saudar neste Dia Internacional da Mulher todas as mulheres e ter, em especial, uma palavra para as mulheres ucranianas que, ou na Ucrânia ou agora fora dela, tanta coragem têm demonstrado.

Nestes últimos trezes dias a invasão e agressão criminosa e ilegal injustificada da Ucrânia pela Rússia também é produto da nossa tolerância para com a desinformação, para com as fake news que tivemos ao longo destes 10, 12, 13, 14, 15 anos. Efetivamente, Putin e a Rússia estiveram sempre a usar os meios de comunicação social e as plataformas digitais e a pagar a partidos extremistas, à esquerda e à direita, para criarem um ambiente de comunicação e de informação que lançou as sementes desta guerra. É por este motivo, que este relatório, o relatório Kalniete, é tão importante. Porque mesmo antes da guerra ele já demonstra como a manipulação da informação, a manipulação do discurso político e a interferência em eleições são o pasto e a semente para uma guerra de agressão como aquela que estamos a viver. Por isso, teremos de seguir todas as indicações para montar uma estratégia ou um mecanismo de segurança, de ciberdefesa e de resiliência para evitar as falhas do passado.

  Arba Kokalari (PPE). – Fru talman! Desinformation, cyberattacker, hacking, hot mot journalister, finansiering av extremistpartier, spionage – ja, listan kan göras lång i detta lågintensiva krig som har förts mot Europa i åratal, inte bara nu. Men det räcker nu. Vi får inte låta Ryssland föra informationskrig så att Putin kan motivera sina attacker mot oskyldiga civila och barn i Ukraina. Vi får inte låta Ryssland köpa europeiska politiker med styrelseplatser så att Europa blir beroende av den ryska gasen. Vi får inte låta dessa diktaturer påverka demokratiska val i västvärlden, så som man gjorde med brexit och i USA. Vi får inte låta Kina köpa upp europeiska hamnar och annan viktig infrastruktur för att använda det emot oss.

Vi måste stoppa den ryska gasen, isolera den ryska ekonomin och ha hårda sanktioner. Men vi kan också göra mycket mer för att skydda hela Europas motståndskraft, både militärt och med andra medel.

Kampen för frihet, demokrati och en ljus framtid för Europas folk är viktigare än någonsin. Det är den viktigaste kampen vi kommer ta i vår generation. Vi får inte längre låta Ryssland och Kina och andra diktaturer utnyttja våra öppna samhällen. Det är en kamp vi måste föra hårt varje minut – och vi måste göra det nu.

  Věra Jourová, Vice-President of the Commission. – Madam President, thank you very much for this important discussion. Once again, this is a very important contribution to better understanding maybe where we are and what we need to do. And thank you for establishing the INGE Committee because already some time ago, many of us felt that too much, maybe everything, is at stake and that we need to pay more attention to the phenomena of disinformation and trying to decrease the trust of people in our democracy.

A lot has been said here about freedom of speech. Let me assure you that freedom of speech remains the golden grail for us. It does not change. It is in our European DNA that we protect freedom of speech. But, freedom of speech is not absolute because by protecting absolute freedom of speech, we will resign on truth. And the society which resigns on truth, which forgets to value truth, is a weak society and is lost. And this is what must not happen to us.

Paní předsedající, dovolte mi nyní reagovat na pana Uhríka. Udělám to ve svém rodném jazyce, kterému pan Uhrík dobře rozumí. Pan Uhrík přirovnal Evropskou unii k Orwellovi. Jinými slovy řekl, že tím, že zakazujeme nebo že omezujeme možnost některých médií vysílat v Evropě, zavádíme cenzuru. A já chci říct, že bychom si měli uvědomit, o čem tady mluvíme, mluvíme-li o válečné propagandě a dezinformacích, které se pojí k válce na Ukrajině.

Dnes ráno jsem četla zprávu, že v nové nabídce dezinformací je zpráva, že válka na Ukrajině je fake, že je vymyšlená a že to, co vidíme, jsou najatí herci. Pane Uhríku, opravdu věříte tomu, že šestiletá umírající holčička je najatá herečka? To, co jsme viděli před několika dny. Opravdu věříte tomu, že včera zabitý osmnáctiměsíční chlapeček v Mariupolu, v době, kdy mělo být zastaveno ostřelování, je najatý herec a jeho zoufalí rodiče jsou najatí herci?

Myslím si, že bychom si měli všichni uvědomit, o čem se tady bavíme a o jaké míře sprostoty a neúcty k lidskému životu mluvíme, pokud se bavíme o dezinformacích, které se váží k ukrajinské válce. Já si myslím, že je to verbální barbarismus, který se pojí s barbarismem, který vidíme v reálné válce na Ukrajině.

I will come back to English because speaking about Orwell, I think that what we see is Orwell in Russia. There we see that absolute power, which is not limited by checks and balances, leads to absolute evil. And the action of the EU against Russia today and Sputnik, I agree it’s a radical reaction in an extreme situation. It’s radical, it’s unprecedented and it’s necessary.

I want to say one thing to conclude. What we see in the days following the start of Russia’s invasion in Ukraine, after 24 February, is that the investments of Putin’s Russia in creating sufficient power for disinformation in Europe went in vain because it didn’t disappear, but it is weakened now.

And we see that in spite of the years of massaging public opinion in the EU, especially in central and eastern Europe, the people show that they did not believe it or they do not believe it now. And there is an extremely big and important wave of solidarity. I want to thank the people in Poland, in Hungary, in Slovakia, in Romania, in my country, for such a strong action helping the people who are fleeing the war.

And this is now, this is today, but disinformation will gain again its power. I just imagine this is like the second wave of a tsunami. It will come and they are already starting and they will be harvesting the fear of people, they will be fuelling the fear of people, because there will be increased crises and there are already increased crises of energy. There will probably be increased crisis prices of food.

There will be a big portion of discomfort which the European people are not used to, and we have to be ready for that. We have to strengthen all our actions against disinformation, everything we spoke about today, our action through the code of practice and many other things. But also we have to tell the people the truth ourselves because the best way of combating disinformation is the truth. And I think that we will need a mature society, well informed people, the people who will trust us and trust cannot come without the truth.

  Brigitte Klinkert, Présidente en exercice du Conseil. – Madame la Présidente, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, je vous remercie pour la qualité du débat que nous avons eu aujourd’hui. Le Parlement européen, il y a 18 mois, en créant la commission INGE, a eu raison. L’analyse minutieuse et documentée que vous avez réalisée démontre l’étendue et la diversité des mesures auxquelles nos démocraties font face.

Pour justifier et soutenir son agression militaire contre l’Ukraine, la Fédération de Russie a lancé des actions continues et concertées de désinformation et de manipulation de l’information à destination des membres de la société civile dans l’Union européenne et les pays voisins, en faussant et en manipulant gravement les faits. Le 2 mars, le Conseil a adopté des mesures restrictives de suspension en urgence des activités de diffusion de Sputnik et de Russia Today, dans l’Union européenne ou en direction de l’Union européenne. Ces mesures seront en vigueur jusqu’à ce que l’agression contre l’Ukraine prenne fin et jusqu’à ce que la Fédération de Russie et ses médias associés cessent de mener des actions de désinformation et de manipulation de l’information contre l’Union européenne et ses États membres.

La présidence soutient par ailleurs les efforts du Service européen pour l’action extérieure et de la Commission visant à démasquer les manipulations de l’information par des médias ou des sites Internet proches du Kremlin destinées à donner une image biaisée du conflit en cours ainsi que du rôle de l’Union européenne et des Européens. Il est également important que les grandes plateformes en ligne jouent leur rôle pour prévenir et réduire les manipulations de l’information dans le cadre de ce conflit.

De manière générale, le Conseil joue un rôle actif dans ce domaine en examinant les initiatives de la Commission en la matière – telles que le plan d’action pour la démocratie européenne, la législation sur les services numériques et la directive SRI 2, entre autres – et en élaborant des réponses plus complètes et plus ambitieuses en vue de renforcer la résilience de notre société et de lutter contre les attaques de désinformation et les menaces hybrides.

Des travaux sont actuellement en cours au sein du Conseil afin de mettre au point un dispositif de l’Union européenne pour répondre de manière coordonnée aux campagnes hybrides de manipulation de l’information visant l’Union européenne et ses États membres.

Permettez-moi à nouveau de vous féliciter pour le travail considérable que vous avez accompli au cours de l’année et demie écoulée. Et permettez-moi de vous assurer une fois de plus que la présidence et le Conseil dans son ensemble attachent une importance cruciale à la protection de nos processus démocratiques, institutions et sociétés contre toute ingérence étrangère, y compris la désinformation. Le Conseil continuera à soutenir des efforts communs pour aller de l’avant en élaborant conjointement des réponses européennes ambitieuses et déterminées aux questions débattues.

Le Sommet européen, qui se tiendra à la fin de la semaine à Versailles, se penchera notamment sur cette question. Nos chefs d’État et de gouvernement, dans le contexte que nous connaissons, prennent ce sujet très au sérieux. La protection de nos processus démocratiques, à laquelle nous sommes tous attachés – le débat d’aujourd’hui l’a d’ailleurs encore bien montré –, mérite que nous concentrions tous nos efforts de façon structurée et commune.

  President. – The debate is closed.

The vote on the amendments will take place today, Tuesday, 8 March 2022, and the final vote on Wednesday, 9 March 2022.

Written statements (Rule 171)

  Urmas Paet (Renew), kirjalikult. – Välissekkumine, teabega manipuleerimine ja desinformatsioon on ELi põhiväärtuste tõsine rikkumine, mis õõnestab demokraatlikku protsessi. Raportis märgitakse, et ELis on vajadus välissekkumise vastase kooskõlastatud strateegia järele. Veel on vaja pöörata tähelepanu vastupanuvõime suurendamisele olukorrateadlikkuse, meedia- ja infopädevuse, meedia mitmekesisuse, sõltumatu ajakirjanduse ja hariduse kaudu. EL peab investeerima rohkem elutähtsa taristu arendamisse, eriti sellistes strateegilistes sektorites nagu kaubandus ja julgeolek. Küberturvalisus ja vastupidavus küberrünnete vastu on üha olulisemad, arvestades, et vaenulike riikide, nagu Venemaa ja Hiina poolt esile kutsutud küberintsidendid on kasvav trend.

  Ivan Štefanec (PPE), písomne. – Zahraničné zasahovanie predstavuje vážne porušenie univerzálnych hodnôt, ako sú ľudská dôstojnosť, sloboda, rovnosť, dodržiavanie ľudských práv, demokracia a právny štát, na ktorých je EÚ založená,. Z dôkazov vyplýva, že predovšetkým autoritárske zahraničné štátne a neštátne subjekty sa uchyľujú k manipuláciám s informáciami a využívajú rôzne taktiky na zasahovanie do demokratických procesov v EÚ. Výskyt kybernetických útokov sa v posledných rokoch zvyšuje. Niekoľko z nich bolo vysledovaných štátom podporovanými hackerskými skupinami napojenými na ruské a čínske vlády. Boli medzi nimi akcie, ako napríklad globálny spear-phishingový e-mail kampane zameranej na strategické úložiská vakcín alebo útoky proti Európskej liekovej agentúre (EMA) a nórskemu parlamentu. Takéto útoky zavádzajú a klamú občanov a ovplyvňujú ich volebné správanie, rozdeľujú, polarizujú a využívajú zraniteľné stránky spoločností, podporujú nenávistné prejavy, zhoršujú situáciu zraniteľných skupín, ktoré sa častejšie stávajú obeťami dezinformácií a majú za cieľ destabilizovať európsku demokraciu. Je preto dôležité systematicky pracovať na ochrane EÚ v tejto sfére.

  Mihai Tudose (S&D), în scris. – Susțin raportul elaborat de Comisia europarlamentară privind ingerințele externe în procesele democratice din cadrul Uniunii Europene, inclusiv dezinformarea, pentru că documentul sintetizează munca din ultimii doi ani de anchetă, analiză și formulare de soluții, în cadrul acestei comisii speciale din care fac parte și la ale cărei audieri am invitat experți români în combaterea fake news. Raportul este foarte vast, acoperind de la relațiile unor partide din UE cu state terțe, inclusiv finanțarea lor obscură din afara Uniunii și problema racolării elitelor europene, până la vulnerabilitățile mass-mediei și rolul platformelor de comunicare socială.

Atrag atenția asupra cererii adresate Comisiei Europene să propună o strategie coordonată și transsectorială, dotată cu resurse financiare adecvate, bazată pe politici de reziliență și concretizată în instrumente de descurajare a atacurilor hibride la adresa UE, precum și într-un regim de sancțiuni comune. Avem nevoie, totodată, de campanii intense și eficiente de informare, care să sensibilizeze cetățenii cu privire la riscuri, dar și de un suport semnificativ pentru rezistența presei europene de calitate în noul cadru digital.

  Roberts Zīle (ECR), rakstiski. – Šodien ir uzskatāmi redzams dezinformācijas apmērs. Tā vairs nav viedokļu atšķirība par specifiskiem jautājumiem, bet gan nepatiess notikumu atspoguļojums, kas tiek publiski izplatīts. Otrajā kara nedēļā Ukrainas ziņu kanālos un tiešsaistes platformās ir bijuši vairāki mēģinājumi — gan veiksmīgi, gan neveiksmīgi — maldināt cilvēkus, izmantojot dezinformācijas kampaņas. Šajā ziņojumā ir precīzi norādītas Eiropas vājās vietas: kas ir galvenie mērķi, kādi ir motīvi, kā arī kādi ir ieteikumi, lai stiprinātu mūsu aizsardzību. Eiropas vērtību aizsardzība ietver arī demokrātisko procesu drošību bez ārvalstu struktūru iejaukšanās. Es aicinu visus kolēģus ar vislielāko nopietnību izturēties pret šiem jautājumiem un atbalstīt turpmākos ieteikumus.

(The sitting was suspended for a few moments)

PRESIDENZA: ROBERTA METSOLA
President

4. Återupptagande av sammanträdet

(The sitting resumed at 12.12)

5. Internationella kvinnodagen – Tal av Oksana Zaboujko

  President. – Good afternoon colleagues, I am very pleased to welcome Oksana Zabuzhko to this year’s celebration of International Women’s Day. On this day, the word ‘celebration’ is not, I think, a word we could use because the shelling of Ukraine continues unabated. We have all seen, heard, and felt some of the misery of the victims of the aggression, the first of which are always women and girls.

Yet, in these dark days, we witness strength and we witness courage. In Ukraine women are resisting, they are standing up, pushing back and taking up arms against their aggressor. So it is therefore even more important and a privilege to have with us today a Ukrainian woman and writer, Oksana Zabuzhko, whose literature and strong voice exhibits the very strength of Ukrainian women in the face of oppression.

Oksana, you left Ukraine two weeks ago with nothing but your hand luggage and you have not had the possibility to return since.

In Russia and in Belarus, women are protesting on the streets in an act of defiance against their governments. They do this in spite of the serious repercussions they face.

To these women, we say: Europe stands united, with you. We stand united with you.

(Applause)

Because there are no winners in war, there is only death. Only the pain that someone bears when they are forced to leave their country, when they learn that their loved ones are not coming home, when they have to bury their children.

Colleagues, the brave and resilient women of Ukraine serve as an inspiration to us all. Because yes, there is extraordinary power behind a Ukrainian woman asking a fully-armed Russian soldier to put sunflower seeds in his pocket, so that if he dies on her homeland, flowers may bloom from his lifeless body. 

These are the acts of heroines, defending the same European values that we hold. On International Women’s Day, this European Parliament will serve as a platform for the strength of these brave women to be shown to the world.

Oksana, you have the floor.

  Oksana Zabuzhko. – Dear President, dear Members, dear friends, I cannot be more appreciative for this invitation and for this unique opportunity to speak here on Women’s Rights Day at probably the darkest hour in Europe since 1939.

For most of my literary career, I’ve been speaking for women and in the name of women. In my writings I have aimed to give voice to the experiences of women subjected to violence, to those living and dead whose feelings, ideas or accomplishments were ignored, devalued or simply forgotten. I’ve spoken for women’s rights to be free from discrimination and gender inequality, for their right to live in accordance with their own wishes and preferences. This, however, is the first time that I have to stand up for a woman’s right to life itself.

Ukrainians are a strong nation. This appears to have surprised many in the West. Yet were it not so we would not have survived Stalin’s genocide, the horrific man-made famine of 1933, notably still unrecognised by most of the countries represented here.

And we are a nation of strong women too. Along with the rest of the world, I cannot but admire, with tears in my eyes, my fellow countrywomen now fighting right alongside our men. They have joined the army and the civil territorial defence forces. They manage the distribution of supplies across our besieged cities, some of which, like Mariupol, stand on the verge of a humanitarian catastrophe now.

They give birth in bomb shelters supported and supervised by doctors online. Ukrainian doctors meanwhile have created Facebook pages offering instructions on how women over 37 weeks pregnant might safely deliver children in bomb shelters. An image that strikes me as almost biblical, as thousands of Marys hide with their newborns, evading Kind Herod in basements, subway stations and other stables.

Yes, we are strong and grateful for your support and your admiration. The problem is that Putin’s bombs will not be stopped by the strength of our spirit. And babies born in bomb shelters die of sepsis caused by the dust raining down on them during attacks, Mary’s stable was much more hygienic.

Since 24 February, when Russia launched its invasion, conceived as a blitzkrieg, only to be foiled by the ferocious determination of our military and mobilised civilians, one of history’s unshakable rules has been reconfirmed: in any ‘hot’ war women make the most vulnerable targets, if only because it’s women who remain to take care of those in need, of children and the elderly.

And it is precisely this living shield which Vladimir Putin now uses to break Ukraine’s heroic resistance. Having failed to take Kyiv, Putin began shelling residential areas, including elementary schools, nurseries and hospitals.

Let me take the liberty of stressing this: every moment of hesitation on the side of western policymakers and the NATO decision-makers about whether to provide Ukraine with anti-aircraft weapons, not to speak of the no-fly zone, every coffee break you are taking during your discussions about how to interfere without provoking Putin to go further, costs someone’s life. Most likely a civilian’s – a woman’s or a child’s.

After all, Putin said it quite openly back on 17 April 2014, in the first act of the current tragedy, which he called special military operation ‘Russian Spring’, and which then resulted in the annexation of Crimea and in creating two Russian-controlled military zones in Donbas, but was initially meant to accomplish much more.

That day eight years ago he openly announced that Russian troops in Donbas would be standing against the Ukrainian army, behind Ukrainian women and children. I quote literally, not in front of them, but behind, daring the Ukrainian army to shoot a living shield. A typical terrorist tactic. He was then so confident of his superiority, so sure that no one would dare stop him, that he did not even bother to lie out of contempt for his audience. Isn’t it amazing, ladies and gentlemen, that no one, outside of Ukraine maybe, took then his words seriously.

In May 2014, after Russian soldiers in Donbas had already begun slicing open people’s bellies and shooting at teenagers for carrying yellow and blue flags, I was speaking in Berlin at the European Writers Forum. And when in my speech I compared Putin to Hitler and Stalin, the moderator was so shocked that my microphone was turned off, and in the publication the comparison was censored.

Eight years passed. So many human lives could have been saved if only the EU and the US would have woken up eight years ago to the fact that they knew Hitler was ready to pick up where the previous one had left off. If the current package of sanctions had been applied to Russia back then, right after the annexation of Crimea, and evil called by its proper name and resisted, instead of being ignored and appeased, we would not be where we are now.

I know my ‘ifs’ sound similar to the litanies that writers and intellectuals who survived World War Two were proposing after the war ended. Yet for me it is also a sign that we – and by ‘we’ I mean all Western civilization, to which Ukraine, with its millennium long history, also belongs – that we have not learned too much from history.

Putin deliberately imitates Hitler. He even uses Hitler’s very language, referring to the ‘final solution of the Ukrainian question’ and barely disguising quotations from Hitler’s speech at the Reichstag on 1 September 1939: ‘I will not war against women and children. I have ordered my Air Force to restrict itself to attacks on military objectives.’ That’s from 1939, not from 2022.

Yes, ladies and gentlemen, it is the announcement of war. Vladimir Putin has done it in his tricky, perverted KGB language. But I am here to tell you, as a writer who does know something about language and how easily its power can be misused, that it is already a world war, not a ‘conflict in Ukraine’ as it is still described in many Western media. And that you better trust Mr Putin when he pronounces his ambitions.

He has already claimed back the former Soviet bloc, which is what he really means by demanding that NATO pull back from eastern Europe, and he won’t stop unless he is stopped by an international front of all those nations which still believe that freedom and human solidarity are worth more than gas and oil.

Ladies and gentlemen, you have all seen videos of how Ukrainian civilians, men and women, stop Russian tanks with bare hands and loud curses. Here lies the secret of our heroism. We are not afraid of Russia. Of all the nations in Europe, we know that what Putin has for decades been selling to the West as the true story, his nuclear blackmailing included, is nothing but a pack of lies, illusion and bluff.

We know this because we do have our share in the past three hundred years of Russian imperial greatness, and by no means a minor one. That is why of all the nations, it is Ukraine that has found herself at the forefront of this war. Without us, there can be no Russian empire, no evil empire, ladies and gentlemen – that used to be a good term, after all.

First, there was Austria, then Czechoslovakia, then Poland, then Europe. First it was Georgia, then Belarus, then Ukraine, afterwards Europe.

While I was writing this, my niece and her two children, one eight years old, the other eight months old, were driving from Kyiv to western Ukraine at a speed of 200 kilometres in 10 hours. The women of Ukraine are fleeing en masse from the Russian bombs threatening their homes, while Ukrainian men stay to fight as long as it’s needed, to free Europe from the spectre of the new totalitarianism.

They all know their job, both men and women. Please, don’t be afraid to protect the sky above them.

  President. – Thank you so much, dear Oksana, for those heartfelt words. We will now hear from the representatives of the political groups.

  Frances Fitzgerald, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, I thank Oksana for that powerful speech, and thank you, Roberta, for ensuring that we had Oksana here with us today. It was truly chilling to hear her words of women giving birth in underground stations with doctors online and babies getting sepsis and all of your other images too.

We have spent much of the past 13 days talking about European values because, as you have said, Oksana, as Ukrainians take to the front line to defend their country, they are not just defending themselves and their own beliefs, but the core of our very Union here. Human rights, democracy, the rule of law, these are our European values, and right at the very heart is gender equality, not an add-on, not an extra, but in fact essential and quintessentially European from the start of our project.

Yet the tragedy of this International Women’s Day is that thousands of women, as you have said, Oksana, are running under a hail of bullets, avoiding missiles and their houses falling down around them, running away from the violence, protecting their children and equally running into the fire to protect our European values.

Just two short weeks ago, these were the women contributing to Ukraine in business, in communities and in building up the country’s democratic spirit and democracy. Now they run under sniper fire.

Yet Ukrainian women have others who know what it is like, even in the past year. Ask the women of Afghanistan – denied their voice, their education, their lives once again. And the women in Ethiopia raped and brutalised, that isn’t just another weapon of war. The women of Yemen, the women of Belarus.

This is just one year for women in some of the worst places to be a woman, now imagine all the rest. Even in the best of places to be a woman we have unfinished democracies, unfinished gender equality agendas.

In each of these places, and with each of these experiences, the task of finding peaceful solutions must be at the top of our agenda. The UN, the US, G7, NATO, if we are to have a sustainable and meaningful peace, we cannot only have the women working from the ground up. We must have women in the senior decision-making fora of our world. Human rights, democracy, the rule of law, our European values are worth fighting for and gender equality is right at the heart.

  Iratxe García Pérez, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señora presidenta, muchas gracias, Oksana Zabuzhko, por ser hoy la voz de millones de mujeres que están siendo atacadas en sus principios fundamentales; mujeres refugiadas que huyen de Ucrania con sus hijos, con sus hijas; mujeres ucranianas que se quedan en Ucrania teniendo que atender a los más vulnerables, porque siempre somos nosotras, las mujeres, las más vulnerables en estas situaciones.

Y por eso, escuchar hoy la voz de Oksana en la casa de la democracia europea es tan importante. Este 8 de marzo es importante; este 8 de marzo es diferente.

Pero me vais a permitir también que hoy haga una referencia al movimiento feminista en Europa y en el mundo. El feminismo no entiende de fronteras. Las mujeres tenemos una lucha común por nuestros derechos, por nuestras libertades y, por eso, hoy quiero también destacar el valor de las mujeres en Ucrania, el valor de las mujeres en Afganistán, el valor de las mujeres en tantos y tantos lugares del mundo donde alzar la voz significa poner en riesgo sus vidas.

Hoy estamos con todas las mujeres que sufren, con todas las mujeres que están alzando la voz por un mundo más justo, más igualitario, donde tengamos los mismos derechos.

Este 8 de marzo es importante y las mujeres europeas no nos podemos resignar ni cruzar de brazos. Somos muchas las que tenemos que ser capaces de avanzar en este mundo, en esta sociedad más igualitaria. ¡Viva la lucha feminista! ¡Viva el 8 de marzo!

  Stéphane Séjourné, au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, Madame Zaboujko, cette Journée internationale des droits des femmes, vous l’avez dit, se déroule dans un contexte particulièrement sombre. Les images d’Ukraine nous rappellent deux réalités sur le combat des droits des femmes.

La première est que les femmes subissent des violences spécifiques et structurelles. Les premières accusations de viol comme crime de guerre ont été enregistrées il y a quelques jours. La deuxième réalité est la place absolument fondamentale des femmes en première ligne lors de cette crise, dans les hôpitaux, les maternités, les écoles, sous les bombes. Tant de femmes sont à leur poste, y compris, aujourd’hui, au combat – vous l’avez rappelé.

Ces réalités illustrent tragiquement l’absolue nécessité morale d’un combat pour l’égalité entre les femmes et les hommes. C’est pour cela que mon groupe politique soutient sans réserve les initiatives de la Commission en la matière. Mais nous devons et nous pouvons aller plus loin, peut-être. L’égalité entre les femmes et les hommes doit devenir une partie constitutive de l’identité politique de l’Union européenne, comme la paix. Quand on dira: «je suis pro-européen», cela doit pouvoir vouloir dire que l’on est féministe, que l’on y croit et que c’est l’ADN de l’Union européenne.

Le pacte Simone Veil poursuit cet objectif en demandant continuellement aux États membres de mettre en place les dispositions législatives les plus avantageuses dans cinq domaines: le droit à l’avortement et à la contraception, la vie familiale, le combat contre les violences faites aux femmes, l’égalité professionnelle et la participation politique. Nous devons maintenir la pression politique pour que, dès 2022, les États appliquent les nouvelles législations plus protectrices.

Ainsi, Madame Zaboujko, j’espère que nous pourrons accueillir vos compatriotes ukrainiennes dans une Union européenne encore plus protectrice, encore plus féministe que celle pour laquelle elles se battent encore aujourd’hui.

  Ska Keller, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, we have made advances for gender equality, but the pure fact that I stand here today, as a female politician and the President of my Group, and the fact that we have a female President of the Parliament, is unfortunately nothing to be taken for granted. It is the result of the incredible work of the many women before us who fought for equal rights and for gender equality. With that in mind, today becomes more than a celebration of women’s rights. It becomes a reminder of the hard work that we need to put in for women’s rights, a reminder of how much equality we’re still missing.

In times of war, women are one of the most vulnerable groups, threatened by gender—based violence, fleeing conflict zones under horrible conditions and at high risk of human trafficking, while often being excluded from the formal negotiations to end the conflicts that they are suffering from. The idea of feminism is about creating a fair world, a world in which we can live freely, equally and in peace.

In the last two weeks, we have seen these ideals demonstrated by the brave women of Ukraine doing everything in their power to keep their families and their communities safe. I also want to stress that we see all the efforts of women in Russia and in Belarus protesting to show they disagree with this horrific war of Putin’s, who is waging it against Ukraine, all the while not forgetting the efforts and the suffering of women in Syria, Afghanistan, Yemen and so many other conflicts in the world.

These women show us what courage and resilience look like, and this is the courage that we lose when women are not involved in the decision—making processes. Experience shows that, when women are part of the decision—making and peace-making efforts, the resulting peace is longer lasting and more broadly carried by society because diverse perspectives and additional knowledge are included.

It is our joint responsibility to make sure that women around the world receive equal opportunities to get their feet in the door and take their rightful place at the table. Feminism is the key to a more equal and more peaceful world, not just for women, but for all of us and for the generations to come.

  Simona Baldassarre, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, innanzitutto il pensiero va alle donne in Ucraina che soffrono per la guerra, donne profughe, costrette a scappare sotto i bombardamenti con i figli, costrette a subire abusi, stupri e sevizie, come denunciato anche dall'UNICEF. Madri che si fanno coraggio, nella speranza di un futuro migliore. Donne forti che lottano per la pace. Penso a Maria, tra le tante donne ucraine che hanno visto la loro città distrutta e l'uccisione di civili, bambini e anziani, a Kira Rudik, parlamentare ucraina che imbraccia le armi per difendere il proprio paese, o a Mia, prima bimba nata sotto le bombe russe a Kiev in una stazione metropolitana grazie al coraggio di sua madre.

Oriana Fallaci, prima donna italiana ad andare al fronte come inviata speciale, scriveva: "Quasi niente quanto la guerra, e niente quanto una guerra ingiusta, frantuma la dignità dell'uomo".

Colleghi, non scordiamoci mai di queste donne, come anche di quelle che ancora soffrono sotto il giogo talebano in Afghanistan. Anche in Europa la situazione preoccupa, l'ultima indagine dell'Eurobarometro sulle donne restituisce un'immagine dura da accettare: tre donne su quattro nell'UE e otto su dieci in Italia riscontrano un aumento delle violenze negli ultimi due anni, maggiore difficoltà a conciliare famiglia e professione, troppo spesso a dover rinunciare a una per dedicarsi all'altra. Donne più preoccupate ma che non smettono di dimostrare coraggio e tenacia, altruiste, che nell'indagine chiedono a questo emiciclo di occuparsi in primis della lotta alla tratta e allo sfruttamento sessuale. E qui ricordo il dramma dell'utero in affitto, che ancora miete troppe vittime nel mondo.

Mai come oggi è indispensabile ringraziare le donne e ridare loro speranza nei fatti e non solo con le parole. Come diceva Giovanni Paolo II: "Grazie a te, donna, per il fatto stesso che sei donna! Con la percezione che è propria della tua femminilità, tu arricchisci la comprensione del mondo e contribuisci alla piena verità dei rapporti umani".

  Assita Kanko, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, has anyone recently looked into their mother’s eyes? When I look into my mother’s eyes, I see the scars and our failure to protect women. When I look in my daughter’s eyes, I see the promise we must keep for the future, as lawmakers. As lawmakers, we do have the power to change things, to build a world where all women are free.

I’m honoured to be standing here today on International Women’s Day, but I wish this day was no longer necessary. As I stand here, I think of the women we know and those we do not know. I think of us and the power we have to drive change. We must consolidate the rights that we have acquired and build more, because equality is unfinished business, because freedom is in danger. The Ukrainian women who hastily had to kiss their husbands goodbye and walk away, alone and torn apart, know this. This war is a shame and a failure for the West. They have so much courage.

When I listened to you today, Ms Zabuzhko, I didn’t know what to say anymore. To be honest, I could have walked over here and just given you a hug because sometimes words are not enough. But this would not be appropriate and would also not help you for anything today. So what I want to say is, know that we see and hear you. Thank you for coming and speaking to us. Your courage and your authenticity remind us of what we are fighting for. We must fight for people like you, but we must also fight for all other women, women of today and women of tomorrow, destroyed by war against their country or by war against their person.

This year, several women were killed also in Europe. Everywhere women have to fight to survive. In February, Madeleine, 44 years old, was trying to escape her ex-partner in Belgium, who was strangling her. Eventually, he killed her son, who was trying to protect her. This is not a single story. But together we are stronger.

  Manon Aubry, au nom du groupe The Left. – Madame la Présidente, «N’oubliez jamais qu’il suffira d’une crise politique, économique ou religieuse pour que les droits des femmes soient remis en question. Ces droits ne sont jamais acquis. Vous devrez rester vigilantes votre vie durant». Par ces mots, Simone de Beauvoir nous alertait déjà. La marche vers l’égalité femmes-hommes est sans cesse entravée et les droits des femmes sont un combat de chaque instant. C’est particulièrement le cas en temps de guerre et en Ukraine, évidemment.

Je voulais d’abord saluer le courage de toutes celles qui s’engagent dans la résistance, patrouillent la nuit, se retrouvent à accoucher dans le métro, leur seul abri de fortune. De toutes celles, aussi, qui font tenir la société à l’arrière. Sans oublier les femmes victimes de violences innommables et de l’utilisation du viol comme arme de guerre.

Madame Zaboujko, sachez que toutes les femmes de l’Union européenne se tiennent à vos côtés et sont prêtes à mener la bataille. La bataille pour la paix, la bataille aussi pour le droit à disposer de notre corps, tout simplement. Cette guerre menée par un homme, Vladimir Poutine, symbolise un pouvoir qui s’impose par la peur et la brutalité.

Les droits des femmes sont toujours remis en cause en temps de crise et n’ont cessé d’être mis à rude épreuve ces dernières années dans nos pays. Au plus fort de la pandémie, ce sont les femmes – infirmières, aides-soignantes, caissières, agents d’entretien – qui ont été mobilisées comme premières de corvée, malgré leurs salaires au rabais. Ce sont les femmes, bloquées à domicile pendant les confinements, qui ont été victimes d’une explosion des violences conjugales. Ce sont les femmes qui ont vu leur droit à l’avortement sacrifié, avec un accroissement terrible des difficultés de prise en charge, quand ce droit n’est pas simplement rendu illégal dans certains pays européens.

Simone de Beauvoir avait raison. Ces droits ne sont jamais acquis et tous les prétextes sont bons pour mettre le droit des femmes au second plan, voire les faire reculer.

Alors que le fascisme renaît de ses cendres, les discours de haine des femmes sont de retour en Hongrie, en Pologne et même dans mon pays, la France. L’extrême droite n’a pas changé et fera toujours du saccage des droits des femmes une de ses priorités une fois arrivée au pouvoir. Mais partout en Europe, des femmes et des hommes se lèvent de plus en plus nombreux pour exiger que les femmes puissent vivre en paix et que leur dignité soit respectée. En paix dans leur pays, en paix à la maison, en paix au travail, en paix dans la rue.

Je voulais finir avec ces paroles de l’hymne des femmes: «Le temps de la colère, les femmes, notre temps est arrivé. Connaissons notre force, les femmes, découvrons-nous des milliers!» Et j’ajouterais même, des millions.

  Laura Ferrara (NI). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, grazie a Oksana Zabuzhko per le sue parole, per la sua testimonianza. Oggi il mio pensiero non può che essere rivolto alle donne di tutte le età che vivono conflitti armati, che sono costrette a sfollamento e a migrazioni, a vivere fragilità e ogni situazione che può aggravare disparità e discriminazioni.

Le turbolenze di ogni sorta che attraversano il nostro pianeta minacciano continuamente le conquiste sociali ed economiche tutte le volte che comprimono lo spazio democratico, civile ed etico in cui si manifesta il nostro essere donne. Abbiamo già sperimentato come l'impatto della pandemia abbia avuto delle ripercussioni sproporzionate sulla condizione femminile, incidendo sulla partecipazione al mercato del lavoro, facendo crescere precarietà, disoccupazione, aggravando il divario salariale e determinando penalizzazioni a causa delle maggiori responsabilità familiari e assistenziali.

Anche la violenza di genere in tutte le forme, che siano online e offline, continua a rimanere un dramma, che incide notevolmente sull'esercizio dei diritti, sulla salute fisica e su quella mentale. La sua prevenzione, la perseguibilità, la protezione e i meccanismi di sostegno per le vittime richiedono sempre continui e costanti sforzi e risorse.

Non può che allarmare il regresso riguardante anche la legislazione sull'aborto e il diritto a decidere responsabilmente in merito alla propria sessualità, inclusa la salute sessuale e riproduttiva, senza subire coercizione e abusi.

Il tema dell'integrazione della dimensione di genere nella legislazione dell'Unione europea e nelle attività parlamentari è un altro tassello verso quella parità di diritti che deve permettere nella propria diversità di essere liberi nel vivere la propria vita e realizzarla godendo pari opportunità.

La riflessione che ogni anno accompagna questa celebrazione trova il suo senso più profondo nel rinnovare l'impegno di tutti per la lotta alla rimozione degli ostacoli strutturali e culturali che limitano la partecipazione ai processi decisionali e generano disuguaglianze nel percorso di emancipazione delle donne. La promozione di una parità che non è solo un valore fondamentale dell'Unione, è un diritto umano, ma rimane la condizione per costruire una società che possa garantire uguaglianza, benessere, pace e sicurezza.

  President. – That concludes this special session.

Thank you once again to Oksana and to all the colleagues who engaged in this very important debate.

6. Omröstning

  President. – We now come to today’s voting session.

We will vote on the files as indicated on the agenda and the voting session will be open from 12.30 until 13.45.

The results of the voting session will be announced at 19.00.

(The sitting was suspended at 12.52)

VORSITZ: EVELYN REGNER
Vizepräsidentin

7. Återupptagande av sammanträdet

   Erklärungen der Präsidentin

Die Präsidentin. – Die Sitzung ist wieder aufgenommen. Einen ausgezeichneten Nachmittag wünsche ich an diesem Internationalen Frauentag: Ein starkes und robustes Europäisches Parlament braucht eine starke und robuste Führung, und dazu gehören Frauen wie Männer.

(Die Sitzung wird um 15.00 Uhr wieder aufgenommen.)

  Die Präsidentin. – Die Sitzung ist wieder aufgenommen. Einen ausgezeichneten Nachmittag wünsche ich an diesem Internationalen Frauentag: Ein starkes und robustes Europäisches Parlament braucht eine starke und robuste Führung, und dazu gehören Frauen wie Männer.

8. Utskottens och delegationernas sammansättning

  Die Präsidentin. – Die PPE-Fraktion hat der Präsidentin Beschlüsse über die Änderungen von Ernennungen in Ausschüssen und Delegationen übermittelt. Diese Beschlüsse werden im Protokoll der heutigen Sitzung veröffentlicht und treten am Tag dieser Ankündigung in Kraft.

9. Den förvärrade flyktingsituationen till följd av Rysslands aggression mot Ukraina (debatt)

  Die Präsidentin. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärungen des Rates und der Kommission zu der sich verschlechternden Flüchtlingssituation infolge von Russlands Aggression gegen die Ukraine (2022/2575(RSP)).

  Brigitte Klinkert, Présidente en exercice du Conseil. – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, c’est avec stupéfaction que nous avons assisté à l’agression russe contre l’Ukraine et la crise humanitaire qui s’en est suivie depuis le 24 février dernier. Des millions d’Ukrainiens ont quitté leur foyer pour fuir la violence de la guerre. Des centaines de milliers d’Ukrainiens cherchent un refuge sûr dans l’Union européenne. À un moment donné, le temps d’attente à la frontière du côté ukrainien dépassait les 90 heures.

La réponse des États membres frontaliers témoigne de professionnalisme et de solidarité. En très peu de temps, des plans d’urgence ont été activés, la capacité aux frontières a été augmentée et les procédures adaptées afin d’accueillir un maximum de réfugiés tout en assurant la sécurité. Les autres États membres ont également fait preuve de solidarité en offrant un soutien à l’Ukraine, à la Moldavie et aux États membres en première ligne, et en mettant à disposition des capacités d’hébergement.

Dans ces circonstances tragiques, il faut évidemment agir de manière concertée et rapide. C’est pourquoi la présidence a convoqué, le dimanche 27 février, un Conseil extraordinaire des ministres de l’intérieur. Il a été décidé de déclencher le dispositif intégré de l’Union européenne, pour une réaction au niveau politique dans les situations de crise, d’inviter la Commission à activer la procédure de protection temporaire et de se prémunir au mieux contre les attaques hybrides.

Nous, Européens, avons tous le devoir d’accueillir les centaines de milliers d’Ukrainiens, essentiellement des femmes, des enfants et des personnes âgées, qui se trouvent principalement en Pologne, en Hongrie, en Roumanie, en Slovaquie et en Moldavie, mais qui se dirigent aussi vers d’autres États membres. Une grande partie d’entre eux disposent d’un passeport biométrique et sont donc libres de voyager sur la base du régime d’exemption de visa pour une période de 90 jours. Lors de la réunion du Conseil de jeudi dernier, les ministres de l’intérieur se sont mis d’accord pour déclencher la protection temporaire, qui s’applique à partir du 4 mars aux personnes qui ont fui la guerre en Ukraine.

La décision concernant la protection temporaire marque un moment historique pour l’Union européenne. Elle constitue un signal fort de notre unité, de notre solidarité envers ceux qui sont touchés par l’atroce agression de la Russie contre l’Ukraine. Nous avons montré que nous sommes aux côtés de l’Ukraine et que nous sommes capables de travailler de manière extrêmement rapide et efficace afin de fournir une protection à ceux qui en ont le plus besoin. Il est important de souligner que personne ne sera renvoyé de la frontière extérieure de l’Union européenne. Tous ceux qui fuient la guerre en Ukraine seront admis dans l’Union. L’objectif de cet octroi collectif de protection temporaire sur la base des normes uniformes est d’éviter de longues procédures d’asile à ces personnes.

La plupart des personnes fuyant la guerre en Ukraine, arrivées aux frontières au cours des derniers jours de la crise, n’ont pas exprimé la volonté de demander l’asile. Elles ne sont restés qu’un temps très limité dans les centres d’accueil et ont ensuite poursuivi leur chemin pour rejoindre la famille ou des amis qui peuvent les héberger. Plusieurs États membres ont rendu les transports publics gratuits pour eux.

Dans les prochains jours, nous aurons une idée plus claire du nombre d’Ukrainiens qui ont besoin d’aide pour trouver un logement. Tous les États membres ont des logements disponibles. Afin de coordonner l’aide humanitaire dans les États membres et afin de rationaliser les transferts de personnes entre les États membres ainsi que d’utiliser de manière optimale toute la capacité d’accueil disponible, une plateforme de solidarité a été mise en place sous la coordination de la Commission. Dans les prochains jours, les modifications législatives nécessaires seront apportées afin d’utiliser au mieux les fonds disponibles.

La présidence est aussi en contact direct avec les partenaires humanitaires présents sur le terrain afin de partager les informations et de mieux connaître les besoins sur le terrain.

Concernant l’aide humanitaire à l’intérieur de l’Ukraine, pas moins de 26 États membres et pays participant au mécanisme européen de protection civile ont répondu aux demandes de l’Ukraine. Une quantité incroyable de matériel médical, de médicaments, mais aussi de tentes, de draps, de couvertures et bien plus encore, ont été offerts à l’Ukraine. Grâce au centre de distribution qui a été mis en place en Pologne, le transport vers l’Ukraine se déroule de manière efficace. D’autres centres de distribution vont être ouverts en Roumanie et en Slovaquie.

L’appel des Nations unies qui a été lancé le 1er mars a reçu une réponse généreuse de la part de la Commission et des États membres individuellement. L’Union européenne a annoncé une enveloppe de 500 millions d’euros et, sur la base des chiffres actuellement disponibles, les États membres ont déjà débloqué plus de 345 millions d’euros pour l’aide humanitaire. Les partenaires humanitaires sur le terrain font le maximum, mais du fait des attaques brutales et ardues, ils ont dû cesser leurs activités dans un certain nombre de régions. Il est évidemment tout à fait inacceptable que les travailleurs humanitaires ne soient pas en mesure de sauver des vies.

Nous pensons aussi à la Moldavie, un État ami qui a besoin du soutien de l’Union européenne. Huit États membres ont déjà répondu à la demande de la Moldavie dans le cadre du mécanisme de protection civile de l’Union européenne et ont déjà fourni des tentes, des lits de camp, des matelas, des couvertures, mais aussi des cuisines de campagne.

J’aimerais conclure en disant que dès les premiers jours de la crise, les États membres de première ligne ont fait tout leur possible pour accueillir les personnes qui ont fui la guerre. Entre-temps, les mécanismes nécessaires ont été activés afin d’optimiser l’aide humanitaire et d’impliquer tous les États membres dans ces efforts. Nous pouvons tous être fiers de la solidarité dont ont fait preuve l’Union européenne et les États membres vis-à-vis de l’Ukraine et de la population ukrainienne.

  Ylva Johansson, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, today is 8 March, International Women’s Day, so today I think of the young woman who, as Putin’s rockets tried to kill her, gave birth to a new life in Kyiv metro. Little baby Mia was born there. And I think of the 80 000 women in Ukraine who are going to give birth in the coming three months. I think of Julia, a young teacher. She first held a gun in her hands a few days ago. She cries, she’s scared, but still she goes to fight. She says, ‘I just want to live in our country’.

I think of the young woman in Poland at the Medyka border crossing, where 23 000 people cross every day, pushing a pram with one hand, holding a toddler in the other, and a single backpack, all she has left. Like her, about two million people have come to the EU, fleeing Putin’s war of aggression. Today, the Commission adopted a communication detailing the gravity of the situation, the action we are taking as a Union, the long and difficult road ahead, and calling for unity and continued support for refugees and Member States in need.

Last week, I went to the EU border between Romania and Ukraine. I visited Slovakia and the border between Poland and Ukraine. I witnessed the most impressive solidarity I have ever seen. In Siret at the Romanian border, I spoke to many women and the first thing they say is not how sad or scared they are, but how grateful they are to be welcomed with a bed and a meal. Women, children, the old and fragile, often moving onwards to stay with friends and families, or with kind strangers taking them in. It’s heartbreaking, but the welcome is heartwarming. At train stations in Poland, people stand with signs in their hands: ‘I can take in two people’, ‘I can take in a family with children’.

Last week, I spoke with presidents, prime ministers, ministers, mayors, border guards and civil society activists in these Member States. I asked one volunteer in Romania, ‘Why are you here?’, and he just looked at me and said, ‘Because we’re all human beings’. And, like him, volunteers, local communities, local authorities are rising to the challenge, opening their hearts and their homes, showing European values in action: unity, solidarity, humanity. It makes me proud of our European values, proud of being European.

I see – and I saw – our Member States handling this situation well, despite the very challenging circumstances. In Poland alone, arrivals numbered more than 140 000 only in one day, yesterday. Member States in the EU are helping the Ukrainian authorities to reduce congestion on their side of the border. Member States have increased staff at the border and set up the first emergency responses, like temporary shelters. Last week, the Commission issued guidelines to Member States to ensure security checks and simplify and speed up border controls with Ukraine.

As a Union, we are providing aid in the face of a humanitarian catastrophe without an end in sight: casualties mounting by the day, housing destroyed, water and electricity cut off, ambulances and aid workers caught in the crossfire. We directed more than EUR 500 million, as was just mentioned by Ms Klinkert, from the EU budget for humanitarian support, in and outside Ukraine. We provided EUR 120 million in budget support for Ukraine, EUR 1.2 billion in emergency loans, EUR 85 million in humanitarian aid to cover food, water, medicine and basic needs, EUR 5 million to cover refugees’ basic needs in Moldova, as Moldova needs increasing support.

Through the Union’s civil protection mechanism, 26 Member States and Norway are assisting Ukraine with supplies with a value well above EUR 100 million. Slovakia and Poland have also asked for assistance through the mechanism. We are working with the United Nations, the Red Cross to make sure aid gets into Ukraine. And today we call for the opening of humanitarian corridors so people fleeing war can leave and humanitarian aid can safely arrive.

Last week, I also witnessed one of the most impressive moments of European unity when we united to condemn Putin’s aggression and support Ukraine, and when the Council unanimously adopted the proposal to activate the Temporary Protection Directive. As you are well aware in this House, this Directive is more than 20 years old. It has never been used before. Never! But now you have called on us to activate it and now we have done it. It’s a unique and historic moment, and I think we should be proud in this moment. And the decision was a unanimous decision. All Member States agreed to activate the Temporary Protection Directive.

But we need to recognise the graveness of the hour and the magnitude of the challenge, and decide as one to do what is needed, to do what is right, to provide protection, to provide it fast, to provide it now. From day one, thanks to the Directive, people fleeing the war in Ukraine will be able to get a job, send their children to school, get housing, social welfare and medical assistance. At one stroke of the pen, we scrapped a mountain of paperwork, supporting Ukrainians fleeing war and relieving Member States’ asylum systems.

The protection in the Directive applies to Ukrainian nationals and their family members, and to refugees that are living in Ukraine, like the Afghan refugees who are experiencing again the nightmare of a sudden exodus, or Belarusians who fled the Lukashenka regime, but also permanent residents of Ukraine. The Temporary Protection Directive does not apply to students and tourists from other countries or others on short—term permits.

We will soon present guidance to show how to practically implement the Directive. A solidarity platform will share information on reception capacity and need for support, and the Commission will coordinate operational response.

It is clear that everyone – everyone – fleeing the war has to be let into the European Union. This is obvious and this is what is happening. The Fundamental Rights Agency is reporting what we have seen, I have seen it with my own eyes. Everybody is allowed to cross the border and are welcomed into the European Union. Member States are doing their best to help third-country nationals to get safely home. The reality is that around 130 000 third-Country nationals have already entered the European Union from Ukraine, including thousands of Indians, Nigerians and Turkish nationals. Don’t believe Putin’s lies. If you are running away from Putin’s war, you are welcome here in the European Union.

About two million refugees have now entered the EU, as I said. Just to make a comparison, in 12 days we have received two million refugees, the same number as the European Union received during 2015 and 2016 together. In 12 days. Over one million in Poland, almost half a million in Romania, 170 000 in Hungary and 130 000 in Slovakia. Member States have done, and are doing, a remarkable job setting up, and now implementing, contingency plans, opening new border crossing points and simplifying procedures. Local authorities are ensuring reception and medical assistance, working hand in hand with volunteers and NGOs. Many people quickly move on to friends and family, to Member States with a large Ukrainian diaspora.

Last week, around 8 000 Ukrainians applied for asylum, a fraction of the arrivals, actually. But this situation might change rapidly as more people flee the country. The applications so far have been mostly in Sweden and Romania. Romania has asked for operational support from the European Agency for Asylum, which can help with asylum procedures and with the reception and implementation of the Temporary Protection Directive.

Other EU agencies are also supporting Member States. A total of 2 600 Frontex officers could be deployed if needed. One hundred and sixty-five Frontex officers are now deployed at the border, including with Moldova. A further 162 Frontex officers will be deployed to Romania. Apart from Estonia, no other Member States have yet requested Frontex support. Consultations are ongoing about possible Frontex support to Moldova.

Europol is also monitoring the situation and will send two officers to Slovakia to help with security checks. Preparations are ongoing for possible similar deployments to Hungary and Romania. Europol support to Moldova is also being assessed. Besides solidarity and unity, we need money – money not only for reception right now, but also to help with education, jobs and housing for integration in our societies.

Today we propose, in another unprecedented decision, to give more flexibility to Member States to use EUR 420 million from our Home Affairs Funds, unspent money from the previous MFF, allowing Member States one more year to spend allocated funds and flexibility to switch priorities so Member States can commit more money to integration and to support people fleeing the war in Ukraine.

In the same way, we will free up money in the cohesion funds, the European Regional Development Fund and the European Social Fund. We will also propose today to make changes to our funding rules for the Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund for the current MFF, allowing Member States, foundations and donor countries to provide extra funding to asylum and migration management. I count on you in this Parliament to adopt these proposals without delay. Time is short and the need is high.

Friends, before I conclude, let me also raise one of my big concerns, and that is about the children. We don’t know exactly how many children have arrived in the European Union, but from what I could see with my own eyes when I visited the borders, I should guess almost half of those two million could be children. These children need to go to school. These children need to have some kind of normality. It is urgent to support the children that have now come and are fleeing from the war, but also to make sure that we can provide support for the most vulnerable children, the unaccompanied ones.

You have seen the pictures. Small children crossing the border alone with a small bag without any parent. And unfortunately, in these situations, we also know that unaccompanied minors are at a very high risk of falling victim to criminals that would like to use them for a different purpose, for trafficking, for example. We also have some reports of criminals taking orphans from orphanages in Ukraine, crossing the border, pretending that they are relatives of the child and then using them for trafficking purposes.

And, you know, trafficking in human beings is the most profitable crime ever. If you traffic drugs, firearms or smugglers, you can sell them once. If you traffic children, you can sell them again and again and again and again. We are obliged to protect these children, and I must say that we have to do much more than we have done so far. Member States most affected are doing their utmost – their utmost – but we need to support them. We need to support the children better than we have been able to do so far. They need our support.

Because this will not be over soon. Putin is fighting his war without restraint or remorse or mercy. More is to come. Worse is to come. Millions more will flee and we must welcome them. We are facing a great test and we can meet this test if we show the same unity, solidarity and action as we have seen in the past week. That truly makes me say I am proud to be a European. Let’s meet this test together, in solidarity with Ukraine, in solidarity with the refugees and in solidarity with each other in the European Union.

  Jeroen Lenaers, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, this is a debate I never imagined having in my lifetime. A horrific war is ongoing on our continent, and thanks to the courageous work of many journalists we can see what is happening and the images are heart-breaking.

We see death, destruction, families ripped apart, children running away from missiles and tanks instead of running behind a football, grandparents fleeing, in some cases again with whatever belongings they could take. Unimaginable suffering and already over two million refugees have crossed into neighbouring countries, and more will follow.

This is more than the total population of some of our Member States. Two million individual stories of separation, loss and pain. And when talking about refugees, we often speak about reception and protection in the region. Well, this is our region. This is our continent and it’s our duty to step up.

And Europe is stepping up, and it’s heart-warming to see the warm welcome provided all over Europe. The outpouring of solidarity in support of refugees, so many volunteers becoming active, so many donations being made, so many accommodation offers, and particularly in countries bordering Ukraine, like Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania, Moldova, it is really impressive to see all the efforts by citizens and communities to take care of refugees, and we must help them not only in the short term, but structurally. We need to be prepared for any scenario.

We called on the activation of the Temporary Protection Directive, and it’s a strong signal that the Commission and the Council acted so quickly. It’s a strong signal that Europe is united and that we stand with all Ukrainians, because it’s an extraordinary moment and it calls for extraordinary measures, and our agencies should be deployed in the border to help in any way they can. And indeed, we should find the flexibility in our funding to help these Member States take care of so many refugees. And you can count on the EPP to do whatever is necessary.

In the face of Putin’s brutality, Europe must continue to show humanity.

  Marek Belka, w imieniu grupy S&D. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani Komisarz! Pani Minister! Brutalna napaść Rosji na Ukrainę wymaga najwyższego potępienia ze strony społeczności międzynarodowej, a sprawcy tego zła powinni żałować szalonych decyzji i wynikających z nich tragicznych skutków. Naloty i bombardowania osiedli mieszkaniowych czy blokowanie korytarzy humanitarnych, których dokonuje rosyjska armia, należy nazwać zbrodnią i powstrzymać za wszelką cenę. Polska i inne kraje Unii przyjęły już około dwóch milionów uchodźców z Ukrainy i spodziewamy się, że będzie ich jeszcze więcej. Należy pochwalić instytucje unijne i kraje członkowskie za szerokie otwarcie granic oraz pierwszy pakiet pomocy humanitarnej dla Ukrainy.

Musimy jednak pamiętać o zapewnieniu Ukraińcom nadziei na względnie normalne życie w Unii również w dłuższej perspektywie. Obecną pomoc świadczoną głównie przez zwykłych obywateli wiedzionych odruchem serca musi docelowo zastąpić konkretne wsparcie finansowe i organizacyjne instytucji unijnych i krajowych. Programy pomocowe muszą być kierowane przede wszystkim do samorządów, które ponoszą już dziś największe koszty bezpośredniej pomocy. Sprawna legalizacja pobytu, miejsca pracy, opieka medyczna i dostęp do edukacji dla dzieci muszą zostać zorganizowane, aby zapewnić ukraińskim rodzinom spokój i namiastkę normalności po okrucieństwach wojny. W Polsce mówimy, że prawdziwych przyjaciół poznaje się w biedzie. Dziś przechodzimy największy test przyjaźni, wspólnoty z Europejską Ukrainą.

  Petras Auštrevičius, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Madam President, Putin’s war against Ukraine is first and foremost a war against civilians, against women, against children, against all the Ukrainian people.

The barbaric actions of the Russian military, which qualify as war crimes, are destroying Ukrainian towns and villages, killing and injuring Ukrainians. There is no safe place in Ukraine today and no guarantee of security for the future to anyone.

Ukrainian refugee flows are already exceeding 100 000 people a day. This number will continue to grow and will cover wider and wider areas of Ukraine. By the end of this week, the refugee influx will exceed the 2015-2016 scale, at least by twice.

Just a few days ago, together with my colleagues, Members of the European Parliament, I visited the Polish, Ukrainian border crossings and the refugee reception centres. I commend the Polish side for the well—organised reception of refugees and the provision of assistance.

However, I would like the Ukrainian refugees to feel EU solidarity, support, assistance and protection as well. We need to ensure the EU presence in every single border crossing and refugee reception centre. Our solidarity must be translated into real aid action in real time. Slava Ukraini!

  Tineke Strik, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, at our borders, Putin is putting the lives of millions of people at risk. His brutal invasion targets the citizens of Ukraine violating international humanitarian law, and people are desperately seeking protection. It is unprecedented how quickly the number of refugees keeps growing, and the EU’s response is unprecedented as well, with the activation of the Temporary Protection Directive.

We applaud the Commission and Council for the swift and united response to give their full support to the refugees and their families. It will only work, however, if every Member State is ready to host a substantial number of refugees. So let the weakest part of the Directive, namely the voluntariness, not become the obstacle for an effective and humanitarian response. Coordination, funding and guidance by the Commission will be much needed.

It is encouraging that the Council includes refugees who lived in Ukraine, but all people fleeing Ukraine must be safe. Referring third—country nationals, even if they lived permanently in Ukraine, to their region of origin, creates huge insecurities and risks, and in our view, this is unjustified, so please do not make any distinction. And this also goes for the border. We hear and see discrimination on skin colour, ethnic background, gender and sexual identity. We need agencies and international organisations to ensure equal treatment and to take care for the vulnerable people.

The heartening hospitality of citizens will not be sufficient with the rising numbers and vulnerabilities, and the Commissioner already also referred to the risk of trafficking for minors. Member States should therefore organise a safe route to hosting locations.

And Zelenskyy was right when he called the transport of refugees to Belarus and Russia immoral, because who wants to find refuge in a country of your own invader? So we must help them, but also the Russian citizens under pressure to find protection in our countries.

Refugees from Ukraine deserve our unconditional support, no matter how long, no matter how many. But let me be very clear. Being forced to flee means the same misery, despair and fear wherever you are in the world. Let this war at our doorstep not distract us from the needs and rights of refugees from other countries. Do not believe politicians who make us believe that protection for the one means less protection for the other.

If we equally share our global responsibility, we can offer every refugee the protection that she or he needs and deserves.

  Annalisa Tardino, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, stampa, media e tv sono pieni di immagini che nessuno di noi avrebbe voluto vedere, come quella di un'intera famiglia stesa esanime e coperta da stracci su un marciapiede poco fuori Kiev, stazioni prese d'assalto, bambini e mamme in fuga, famiglie separate. Un triste e inaccettabile ritorno al passato.

Aiutare è un dovere e l'Europa tutta sta facendo la propria parte. L'attivazione del meccanismo della protezione temporanea, per quanto giuridicamente non condivisibile nella sua interezza, ci sta consentendo di accogliere e aiutare i rifugiati veri: donne e bambini che scappano dalla guerra, mentre padri, figli e mariti rimangono con coraggio a difendere il proprio paese. Sono loro, lo ripetiamo da anni, a cui dobbiamo spalancare le porte, dando delle norme chiare, determinate ed efficaci, anche a chi, per tante altre ragioni diverse dalla guerra, vuole arrivare in Europa, ma sbarrandole fermamente ai trafficanti e ai delinquenti.

Oggi più che mai è necessario dimostrare fermezza ai trafficanti di esseri umani per poter destinare le risorse a chi è davvero in situazione di bisogno e a quegli Stati in prima linea, come l'Italia da decenni e come oggi la Polonia e l'Ungheria. Polonia e Ungheria, impegnate in una grande missione di solidarietà, strumentalmente insultate in quest'Aula, devono avere sbloccati i rispettivi piani di ripresa e resilienza. Dall'Europa ci si aspetta supporto anche per poter accogliere, e non certo ricatti ideologici.

Credo che i fatti di questi giorni dimostrino ancora una volta quanto poco si sia fatto a Bruxelles e come la stessa riforma del pacchetto asilo e immigrazione, che avete presentato in pompa magna, non sia attuale né efficace, tanto da dover ricorrere a uno strumento, la protezione temporanea, che paradossalmente la riforma stessa cancella. Bene, assumiate finalmente decisioni coraggiose.

Concludo plaudendo a tutti coloro che si stanno spendendo per aiutare chi è in difficoltà, chi si spende per la pace, chi si spende contro la guerra con la diplomazia e non con le armi.

  Witold Jan Waszczykowski, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, Ukraine is fighting for its freedom, is fighting for the security of Europe also – a security which we built for the last 30 years. In this sense it is also our role to protect our security.

Some European Union countries are more responsible for Putin’s aggressive military posture. In this sense, they are more responsible for this role and we expect more contribution from them. The are a lot of instruments and sanctions to stop Russian aggression: penalties, weapons for Ukraine and for the security of our eastern front. Sometimes it is not possible to immediately implement this instrument, but the hot issue right now is humanitarian assistance. Delivering it to Ukraine is extremely difficult, but we have to spare no effort to deliver.

However, there are millions of refugees in our countries. In Poland alone, as Ms Johansson rightly mentioned, there are 1.2 million refugees added to one million migrants who have emigrated to Poland. We need, for such a large number of people, comprehensive plans and money, not only visits and bureaucrats on board, but money for the state. It is the states which create jobs, education and health programmes for these people.

We have to avoid the creation of camps, ghettos and the Palestinianisation of this refugee wave. We have to study the experience of Turkey and Lebanon. But let’s remember that we have provided Turkey with more than 6 EUR billion. Are we prepared to provide the same assistance, the same plan, the same money to other countries which are coping with many more waves of refugees in the last few days than Turkey?

  Cornelia Ernst, im Namen der Fraktion The Left. – Frau Präsidentin! Als die kleine ukrainische Familie in ihrer Notunterkunft in meinem Büro vor mir stand, erschöpft von drei Tagen langer Flucht, war mein erster Gedanke: Hoffentlich schaffen es all die anderen auch.

Ich wende mich deshalb an die Menschen in Russland: Legen Sie die Waffen nieder, machen Sie diesen Krieg nicht länger mit! Es muss Schluss damit sein!

Und ja, alle Solidarität gilt den Menschen in der Ukraine, die in den Mitgliedstaaten große Unterstützung erfahren und sofort die Chance haben, sich integrieren zu können. Dazu müssen im Übrigen auch Studierende und Arbeitende aus Drittstaaten gehören.

Der Umgang mit Geflüchteten aus der Ukraine zeigt aber eines deutlich: dass es geht, dass EU und Mitgliedstaaten Menschen aufnehmen können, wenn sie es nur wollen. Ein solcher Geist muss die gesamte Migrationspolitik prägen gegenüber allen Geflüchteten, die aufgrund von Krieg und Diskriminierung fliehen. Es darf keine Geflüchteten erster und zweiter Klasse geben. Denn Solidarität ist nicht teilbar.

  Andrea Bocskor (NI). – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony! 2014 óta vagyok tagja ennek a Parlamentnek, és sokan tudják, hogy Ukrajnában született kárpátaljai magyarként, közvetlenül érint a háború miatti humanitárius konfliktus. Fontos, hogy minél kevesebb civil essen áldozatul, ezért a háború mielőbbi befejezésére van szükség. Addig azonban fontos, hogy azoknak is humanitárius segítséget nyújtsunk, akik Ukrajnában vannak. Például a kárpátaljai régióba rengeteg ember érkezett, menekült a belső ukrajnai területekről, róluk ott gondoskodnak, és azokat is segíteni kell, akik a szomszédos országokban keresnek menedéket. Február 24. óta kétmillió ember hagyta el Ukrajnát, Magyarországra 190 ezer ember érkezett, akiknek a magyar kormány és a magyar emberek minden segítséget megadnak. Magyarország a krízishelyzetre reagálva, az egyik legnagyobb humanitárius segítségnyújtási akcióját kezdte, és támogatja a közös uniós programokat is, ennek ellenére sok jogtalan vád érte emiatt.

Hétvégén a magyar–ukrán határok melletti segélypontokra látogattam, ahol elképesztő összefogást láttam. A magyar kormány, az önkormányzatok, a civil szervezetek, az önkéntesek erőn felül próbálják segíteni a bajba jutott embereket, azokat a nőket, gyerekeket és időseket, akik Magyarországra érkeztek egy szál bőrönddel. Tegyünk meg mindent a mielőbbi béke érdekében, és a háború elől menekülőket pedig segítsük minden erőnkkel!

  Andrius Kubilius (PPE). – Madam President, unlike with the previous refugee crisis, we now have war on the European continent and Europeans from Ukraine are moving into other European countries for shelter. We have a simple European moral obligation to take care of all of them, our fellow Europeans.

I would like to praise the Commission, the national governments, NGOs and individual citizens, especially in Central Europe, who are doing a lot to help those who are running away from Putin’s brutal war.

But our obligation to the citizens of Ukraine and also to those who are looking for safe shelter in our countries is a bigger one. Our obligation is to stop the war. We cannot speak about solidarity with Ukrainians or refugees if we are not implementing a full embargo on the import of energy resources from Russia. Each day, we’re paying EUR 600 million into Putin’s pocket. It covers the purchase of four hundred new Russian tanks per day. During all the days of war so far Ukrainians have managed to destroy fewer Russian tanks than we are buying for Putin in one day.

We need to declare that our sanctions on the Russian economy will stay in place until the last Russian soldier leaves Ukrainian territory, not only Kherson or Chernobyl, but also Donetsk, Luhansk and Crimea. Putin and those surrounding him in the Kremlin need to understand that they will lose this war and there will be much less suffering, not only in Ukraine, but also in Russia itself, if Putin stops his criminal war immediately and then we shall rebuild Ukraine. The refugees need to have hope and we need to deliver it, all of us are Ukrainians now and Europeans, Slava Ukraini!

  Gabriele Bischoff (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin! Wir führen diese Debatte heute hier am 8. März. Das ist der Internationale Frauentag, und eine Kernforderung seit über 100 Jahren ist: Brot und Rosen für die Frauen.

Wir sehen jetzt, dass wir über zwei Millionen – überwiegend Frauen und Kinder – haben, die bei uns Sicherheit suchen, die bei uns Schutz suchen, und wir sehen in Europa wirklich eine Welle der Solidarität. Aber was wir eben auch feststellen können – und ich konnte mich in Berlin davon überzeugen, ich war letzte Woche in Budapest: Die Stärke Europas in so einer Situation ist die aktive Zivilgesellschaft in Europa, die nicht lange diskutiert, die die Ärmel hochgekrempelt hat und überall an den Bahnhöfen steht und den Menschen hilft. Regierungen alleine, Kommunen alleine hätten das nicht geschafft. Ich finde, diese aktive Zivilgesellschaft verdient großes Lob, großen Applaus und große Unterstützung.

Vom Brot zu den Rosen. Wir haben den Flüchtlingen Brot gegeben, ein Dach über dem Kopf. Aber der nächste Schritt muss sein – und da brauchen die Kommunen Unterstützung –, dass wir Schulplätze und Kindergartenplätze für diese geflüchteten Kinder finden, dass wir sie hier integrieren. Da brauchen diese Regionen Unterstützung, denn man sieht, insbesondere wenn man in die Grenzregionen zur Ukraine geht, dass das auch die ärmsten Regionen in diesen Ländern sind. Deshalb müssen wir hier viel stärker Solidarität zeigen. Wir müssen alle Ressourcen mobilisieren, damit wir auch am Ende sagen können: Wir haben das geschafft, nicht nur am Anfang, sondern über den ganzen Zeitraum.

  Sophia in 't Veld (Renew). – Madam President, Madam Commissioner, Madam Minister, I would like to start by echoing the praise for the frontline states, Poland, Romania, Hungary and Slovakia, but of course also the non-EU countries like Moldova, because in their countries citizens, civil society and local authorities are doing really an incredible job and I take a deep bow to their humanity and commitment.

So we welcome the EU support provided to those countries, and I would like to join the urgent call of the Commissioner for Frontex and EASO to be closely involved in the operation. We also strongly salute the activation of the TPD, but now we also have to take the next step. Europe has to move on from ad hoc solutions to a coherent, structural and common migration and asylum policy.

Just as Europe will be stronger by achieving energy independence, we will be stronger with a common asylum and migration policy, and I therefore invite the Council to agree a roadmap with the European Parliament, a timetable for the swift adoption of the entire asylum and migration package.

The warm welcome to the Ukrainian refugees is Europe at its best. Colleagues, it is the cradle of human rights, a community of values and Europe should also be a safe haven for those Russians fleeing the brutal Putin regime and the soldiers who refuse to fight his dirty war.

But let us also not forget the other migrants. Those who are still left dying on the borders of Europe pushed back and beaten, because Europe will offer safety to all people equally, because that’s who we are.

  Diana Riba i Giner (Verts/ALE). – Señora presidenta, señora comisaria, señora ministra, desde el inicio de la invasión rusa en Ucrania, un millón y medio de personas han huido a países vecinos y el ACNUR estima que esta cifra podría aumentar hasta cuatro millones.

Ante este gran reto humanitario, la Unión Europea, por fin, está a la altura del momento, al activar por primera vez la Directiva de protección temporal. Una activación que, permítanme recordar, el Grupo Verts/ALE ya había reclamado sin éxito en crisis como la de Siria o Afganistán. Millones de personas están dejando atrás sus vidas bajo las bombas de Putin. Y ante esta crueldad, Europa no tiene elección: debemos ser refugio.

Dicho esto, creo que es el momento de hacernos algunas preguntas que quizás tengan respuestas incómodas. Preguntémonos por qué ahora sí apostamos por una respuesta humanitaria y por qué no lo hicimos en conflictos pasados. Preguntémonos por qué, tal como reconoce el ACNUR, se están detectando casos de discriminación racial en la frontera de Ucrania con la Unión. Preguntémonos por qué, mientras recibimos con un abrazo a los hermanos ucranianos, este mismo fin de semana recibíamos con porras en la frontera de Melilla a los hermanos subsaharianos.

La respuesta es tan dura como clara. Y está en el color de la piel. La discriminación por motivos de raza, religión o estatus migratorio es inadmisible. La solidaridad es un valor fundamental que no tiene excepciones. Todas tenemos derecho a escapar del horror de la guerra y de la pobreza.

El conflicto con Ucrania está derribando varios tabús. Aprovechemos este momento para avanzar hacia una política de asilo duradera, que priorice la solidaridad y los derechos humanos. Una política comunitaria que haga del refugio una de las grandes fortalezas de Europa.

  Jean-Lin Lacapelle (ID). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, certains prétendaient que, grâce à l’Union européenne, la guerre n’existerait plus, destinée à être classée dans les livres d’histoire, que l’Union européenne formerait le rempart diplomatique suffisamment crédible pour permettre une dissuasion ou pour sauvegarder la paix chez elle et ses voisins. Ceux-là doivent avoir la gueule de bois.

La guerre a fait irruption à nos portes, les portes de l’Europe. Si nous condamnons fermement et sans ambiguïté l’invasion de l’Ukraine par les Russes, j’appelle cependant Mme von der Leyen à plus de modération et à plus d’humilité dans ses déclarations. La situation est suffisamment grave pour que nous n’agitions pas le chiffon rouge. L’Union européenne n’est pas en guerre; elle doit en revanche incarner la raison, encourager l’apaisement et contribuer à la recherche d’une solution diplomatique. Stop à la surenchère!

C’est notamment sur le terrain humanitaire que nos efforts doivent se concentrer, et la tâche s’annonce immense. Le Haut-Commissariat aux réfugiés prévoit le mouvement de plus de 5 millions de réfugiés ukrainiens. Si le Rassemblement national, auquel j’appartiens, combat de toutes ses forces depuis plus de 40 ans la folle politique migratoire que nous subissons, à l’image d’ailleurs du pacte migratoire que la Commission européenne nous impose, il est des situations où, là encore, le pragmatisme doit primer sur l’idéologie.

La situation humanitaire en Ukraine en est l’exemple, car ces réfugiés n’ont rien de commun avec les migrants économiques qui assiègent Lampedusa ou Melilla, dont la plupart sont des hommes et dont on sait qu’ils ne fuient pas la guerre, mais qu’ils viennent bien souvent l’importer chez nous. Non, en Ukraine, ce sont des femmes, ce sont des enfants, ce sont des vieillards qui ne cherchent pas à s’installer, mais juste à se protéger tandis que leurs maris, leurs fils, leurs pères, courageusement, ont pris les armes pour défendre leur pays, leurs maisons, leurs familles.

Oui, l’Europe doit contribuer à l’accueil de ces réfugiés de guerre, de même que nous pensons que c’est à l’Afrique, au Proche-Orient, à l’Asie, de gérer et d’assumer les déplacements de populations originaires de ces régions. Oui, nous avons le devoir d’accueillir ces Européens qui partagent avec nous un territoire, une civilisation commune ou une culture chrétienne. Oui, chers collègues, nous avons le devoir d’accueillir ces réfugiés, car ils sont de vrais réfugiés de guerre.

  Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani Komisarz! Przed 500 laty angielski poeta John Donne, potem cytowany przez Hemingwaya, pisał: „Nie pytaj, komu bije dzwon. Bije on tobie”. Po pięciu wiekach możemy to samo powiedzieć w kontekście Ukrainy, ludzi – bo to są ludzie – ludzi z Ukrainy, którzy szukają pomocy, naszej pomocy, pomocy w krajach Unii Europejskiej.

Jestem dumny, jako Polak, że moje państwo, mój naród, społeczeństwo, którego jestem częścią, tej pomocy udzielają. Tak samo dziękuję innym krajom, które to robią. I też dziękuję tym posłom do Parlamentu Europejskiego, z którymi się czasem różnimy na tej sali, a którzy dzisiaj tę pomoc polską, wielką pomoc zauważyli. Bardzo za to dziękuję.

Chciałem powiedzieć, że miał rację pan poseł Waszczykowski, pokazując to, co stało się sześć lat temu: układ Unia–Turcja, 6 miliardów euro w dwóch ratach, gdzie – uwaga! – Turcja przyjęła przecież 1,7 mln uchodźców. Sama Polska do dzisiaj przyjęła 1,2 mln uchodźców. Myślę, że warto pomyśleć o podobnej pomocy, ale tak samo dedykowanej bardzo konkretnie. Myśmy dawali pieniądze państwu tureckiemu za to, że dzieci mogły korzystać ze szkół. Myślę, że podobne instrumenty pomocy muszą być wobec krajów, które tę pomoc oferują dzisiaj i dla tych właśnie uchodźców.

Chciałem powiedzieć, że dzisiaj mamy otwarte serca. Co będzie za dwa miesiące, co będzie za pół roku, kiedy liczba uchodźców może wynosić ponad 5 milionów? Obyśmy byli wtedy za pół roku tak samo otwarci, z sercami na dłoni, jak jesteśmy dzisiaj.

  Nikolaj Villumsen (The Left). – Fru Formand! Millioner af ukrainere er flygtet fra Putins brutale krigsforbrydelser. Nogle er internt fordrevne, nogle er flygtet over grænsen til EU. Vi må sikre, at de alle hjælpes. Fra mad til medicin, fra skolegang til tag over hovedet. Den opgave kan vi ikke lade nabolandene stå alene med. Lad os løfte i flok gennem en solidarisk fordeling af flygtningene i EU. Ikke kun ukrainerne lider under Putins regime. De modige russiske mænd og kvinder, der går på gaden for fred, de militærnægtere og desertører, der nægter at føre Putins brutale krig, de har brug for vores hjælp, og de skal kunne finde sikkerhed i EU. Mennesker på flugt fra krig og undertrykkelse fortjener beskyttelse, uanset om de er fra Ukraine, Rusland, Afghanistan eller Syrien.

  Antoni Comín i Oliveres (NI). – Madame la Présidente, il n’y a pas d’adjectif pour décrire la catastrophe humaine que provoque l’agression militaire de la Russie contre l’Ukraine. Il n’y a aucune raison qui puisse justifier cette invasion avec toute la mort et l’horreur qu’elle laisse dans son sillage. Entre autres excuses, Poutine affirme de façon particulièrement cynique qu’il mène cette invasion pour protéger les minorités russes et russophones d’Ukraine, alors que la population civile des villes à majorité russe, telles que Kharkiv et Marioupol, est celle qui souffre le plus de l’invasion dans l’est et le sud de l’Ukraine.

Il est intolérable que Poutine manipule le droit à l’autodétermination des peuples pour justifier les ambitions territoriales de son nationalisme autoritaire. Le droit à l’autodétermination ne peut pas faire l’objet de répression de la part des États autoritaires, mais il ne peut pas non plus être manipulé pour légitimer une agression armée contre des nations libres.

L’Union doit prendre position et œuvrer pour mettre fin à l’agression russe, à la guerre et à ses conséquences humanitaires. La première de ses obligations est de soutenir les réfugiés ukrainiens entrant dans l’Union et c’est donc une bonne nouvelle que le Conseil ait approuvé, jeudi dernier, une protection temporaire pour les citoyens ukrainiens. Bien entendu, tous les États membres doivent participer conjointement à l’effort d’accueil de ces réfugiés.

  Tomas Tobé (PPE). – Madam President, in these dark times in Europe the only light that we see is the bravery from our Ukrainian friends but, I would like to say also, the resolute European response, the unity, the responsibility and also the solidarity. Still, we know that this will not be enough.

Firstly, Ukraine needs more support to protect itself. We need, for example, to stop funding Russian gas and oil, to stop funding Putin’s war. Secondly, Ukrainians need more solidarity from all European countries to welcome and integrate refugees. There I would like to echo the message from other colleagues in the European Parliament. I would like also to invite the Council to take this opportunity to have a swift adoption of the migration pact.

Thirdly, Ukraine needs more humanitarian assistance. Yes, we have mobilised a lot, but it is far from enough and we need to establish safe humanitarian corridors that actually lead to Europe and not to Russia or Belarus. Slava Ukraini!

  Simona Bonafè (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, di fronte all'arrivo ai nostri confini di centinaia di migliaia di profughi ucraini, per lo più donne e bambini, a cui non è stata concessa nemmeno la possibilità di fuggire con corridoi umanitari dalla loro terra martoriata dall'artiglieria russa, l'Europa non si è voltata dall'altra parte, come ha fatto fin troppe volte, ma l'Europa ha mostrato il suo vero volto, il volto solidale, ha messo in pratica quei valori che i trattati hanno messo alla base del nostro stare insieme. In una parola, possiamo dire che finalmente la risposta nella gestione dei profughi ucraini è stata europea, come da tempo chiedevamo e come non è successo di fronte ad altre crisi migratorie del nostro tempo, penso in particolare a quella del Mediterraneo, da dove non arrivano rifugiati di serie B solo perché hanno un colore della pelle diverso dal nostro.

L'attivazione per la prima volta della direttiva sulla protezione temporanea dei profughi e tutte le azioni che la Commissione sta mettendo in campo garantiscono solidarietà e aiuto umanitario verso la popolazione ucraina e solidarietà tra gli Stati dell'Unione che hanno bisogno di assistenza e aiuto. Solidarietà e unità: la miglior risposta che potevamo dare anche a Putin, convinto di poter usare la crisi migratoria come una minaccia per la tenuta della coesione europea; invece così non è andata, anzi, a brutalità stiamo rispondendo con umanità.

Adesso dobbiamo sommare l'impegno coerente delle istituzioni per coordinare e facilitare l'ingresso alle frontiere europee del flusso continuo di rifugiati e per l'accoglienza in tutta Europa di donne e di bambini. Tutto questo mentre dobbiamo continuare a condannare questa aggressione ai danni di un popolo sovrano e libero e chiedere un immediato cessate il fuoco, perché cessi questo massacro a danno di civili indifesi in Europa. Un'Europa che vuole continuare a essere luogo di pace.

  Bernard Guetta (Renew). – Madame la Présidente, mes chers collègues, il y a au moins trois catégories de réfugiés dans ce drame.

La première, c’est évidemment les réfugiés ukrainiens, et nous leur devons d’organiser enfin – ce devrait déjà être fait – la répartition entre nos 27 pays, car la Pologne, la Roumanie demain, ne peuvent pas supporter seules ce fardeau.

Le deuxième groupe de réfugiés, ce sont des réfugiés russes qui fuient leur pays, la répression ou le danger de la conscription. Nous leur devons tout autant assistance, car ils sont extrêmement courageux. Et souvenons-nous que le blocage des cartes de crédit vient de faire d’eux des mendiants dans leur pays de refuge. Ils n’ont plus un sou; ils n’ont plus un sou, nous devons nous en préoccuper.

Puis il y a une troisième catégorie de réfugiés, ce sont ceux qui sont perdus dans leur propre pays. À ceux-là, nous devons livrer par la voie des airs de la nourriture et des médicaments. L’ONU se propose de le faire. Le ciel de l’Ukraine est sous contrôle du gouvernement légitime de l’Ukraine. Nous devons soutenir l’action de l’ONU à la demande du gouvernement ukrainien pour aller larguer des vivres et des médicaments au dessus de l’Ukraine. C’est une urgence et un principe.

  Sergey Lagodinsky (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, when I volunteered in a large registration facility in Berlin-Reinickendorf last Sunday, I saw the scars of war. Those were people, but they looked like scars. I saw the eyes of young women and old babushka holding their grandchildren, looking lost in the cold and grateful for a cup of warm soup and shelter in the container. Just two weeks ago, they had been happy. There were families, workers, teachers, lawyers. They had a life, a different life.

It is instrumental that we help them to fight their way back to a life that is a little bit normal. I heard so many of them who are grateful that they could benefit from the Temporary Protection Directive that will allow them to stay, live and work in safety. But there are issues that go beyond the obvious. We must make sure that Russian and Belarusian citizens fleeing from Ukraine have also a chance of safety here. They had escaped from Lukashenko and Putin, and now Putin and Lukashenko are getting to them. They must also be safe in Europe.

We must also remember the new wave of Russian immigrants after the TV Dozhd and Echo Moscow radio stations were banned and it has become impossible and penalised to talk the truth about the war in Russia. Those waves of refugees are fleeing a country sliding to despotism.

When I volunteered and I looked at those refugees, I felt sad and horrified, but I also felt proud, proud that this time the European Union seems to be on the right, on the humane side of history. Let’s continue helping, and let’s do it right.

  Tom Vandendriessche (ID). – Voorzitter, collega’s, de Russische agressie kunnen we slechts in de meest ferme bewoordingen veroordelen, maar aan woorden hebben de Oekraïners op dit ogenblik maar weinig. Er moeten daden volgen!

De leuze van mijn partij is: eerst ónze mensen. Dat betekent niet: alléén ónze mensen. We hebben steeds het asielrecht voor echte oorlogsvluchtelingen verdedigd en het asielmisbruik als kanaal voor ongewenste massamigratie bestreden. Wij kunnen natuurlijk niet de problemen van de hele wereld oplossen. Daarom pleiten wij voor opvang in eigen regio.

Wel, Oekraïne ís onze eigen regio. Hier moeten wij onze humanitaire opdracht maximaal vervullen. Miljoenen échte oorlogsvluchtelingen, vrouwen, kinderen en kwetsbaren zijn op de vlucht. Hongarije vangt op dit ogenblik al 200 000 mensen op, Polen zelfs al één miljoen. Net zoals beide landen ons recent beschermden tegen de illegale invasie van alleenstaande jonge mannen uit voornamelijk Afrikaanse en Arabische landen, openen zij nu hun hart en hun grenzen en bieden zij onderdak aan échte oorlogsvluchtelingen.

We weten niet hoeveel miljoenen mensen we moeten opvangen en we weten niet hoe lang we ze zullen moeten opvangen. We weten wel dat de buurlanden dit niet alleen kunnen. Alle Europese landen hebben een fundamentele humanitaire opdracht in deze tragedie. Daarnaast moeten we alle diplomatieke energie inschakelen om het zinloos bloedvergieten in Oekraïne zo snel mogelijk te stoppen. Elke dode is er een te veel. Altijd iemands vader, altijd iemands kind.

Hoe langer deze oorlog duurt, hoe meer verliezers er zullen zijn, want deze oorlog kan op termijn ook een wereldwijde voedselcrisis, collectieve verarming en oncontroleerbare hyperinflatie veroorzaken, nog los van de mogelijk onbeheersbare gevolgen van verdere militaire escalatie.

Dit is geen tijd voor partijpolitieke spelletjes. Ik hoop dat iedereen zijn historische verantwoordelijkheid om dit conflict te neutraliseren niet lichtzinnig opneemt.

  Hermann Tertsch (ECR). – Señora presidenta, Europa ahora sí que está ante una crisis total, ante una crisis en la cual va a decidir su destino.

Esta no es una crisis inventada, como las alarmas y las catástrofes que se ha inventado la Unión Europea para alimentar sus cuestiones ideológicas a lo largo de las últimas décadas e inventarse prioridades que iban de espaldas a la población europea.

Estamos ante una tragedia infinita, ante una agresión; y el heroísmo de los ucranianos nos ha llevado a ver realmente lo que son, lo que es la realidad y lo que es el cambio de prioridades necesario que debe realizar Europa.

Desde aquí, mando un fuerte abrazo solidario tanto a los heroicos ucranianos, que defienden su patria, como a los rusos que están reprimidos bajo la tiranía de Putin, a los bielorrusos y a todos los países, y, en especial, a Polonia que, tan vejada como ha sido en los últimos años por la Unión Europea, está demostrando una generosidad infinita y a la cual habrá que ayudar en relación con esos millones de refugiados que están huyendo de esa bárbara ofensiva del presidente Putin.

  Sira Rego (The Left). – Señora presidenta, señora comisaria, sin duda este cambio de rumbo de la política de asilo de la UE es una buena noticia.

Por primera vez, desde que se aprobó hace veinte años, se activa la Directiva de protección temporal, que hoy nos permite acoger a las personas que huyen de la guerra en Ucrania. Esto demuestra que, cuando hay voluntad política, Europa puede abrir vías legales y seguras y articular mecanismos de acogida digna para quienes lo necesitan. Y eso que en apenas dos semanas hemos recibido más de dos millones de refugiadas, más del doble que en 2015. Y demuestra también que hay otro enfoque posible y necesario para el Pacto Europeo sobre Migración y Asilo: uno basado en el respeto a los derechos humanos.

No obstante, lamentamos profundamente que el Consejo haya decidido no incluir en la protección directa a los residentes de larga duración y a otros residentes, como los estudiantes africanos y de Oriente Medio. Recordemos que es imprescindible que la protección y el derecho a asilo no estén limitados por el color de la piel o por el origen.

  Laura Ferrara (NI). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, non sono mai esistite guerre giuste o sbagliate, ognuna porta il suo carico di morte e di dolore, e anche in Ucraina si sta consumando una tragedia umanitaria sempre più grave.

I dati dell'UNHCR, destinati a salire, non lasciano spazio a interpretazioni. Dal 24 febbraio più di due milioni di ucraini hanno lasciato il paese e solo in Polonia ne sono arrivati 1 200 000. Non possiamo dunque che plaudire all'attivazione della direttiva sulla protezione temporanea, perché ciò permetterà di agevolare l'assistenza alle persone in fuga, offrendo diritti immediati in materia di soggiorno, accesso ad alloggi, ai servizi sanitari, sociali e a mezzi di sussistenza. È importante che non ci siano poi discriminazioni nei confronti di chi, pur non essendo cittadino ucraino, fugge da quel paese e non può tornare nel proprio paese di origine. Poi è importante che particolare attenzione venga rivolta ai soggetti vulnerabili e ai minori, soprattutto quelli non accompagnati, per assicurare tutela legale e accesso all'istruzione.

La sfida che ancora una volta dovrà affrontare la macchina della solidarietà sarà vinta se ogni Stato membro farà la sua parte.

  Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). – Paní předsedající, kolegyně a kolegové, čelíme situaci, kterou si nikdo z nás neumí představit a která probíhá v přímém přenosu před našima očima. Do Evropy přichází další uprchlíci. Ukrajina podepsala vstup do Evropské unie svou vlastní krví a platí za to lidskými životy. Já se neobávám o uprchlíky, kteří už jsou na území Evropské unie. Ten mechanismus dočasné ochrany je, myslím, velmi funkční. Ukazuje se, že pomáhá k rychlému ubytování, integraci, a chci tady zmínit to, co zde ještě nezaznělo, že mezi těmi zeměmi, které opravdu velmi pomáhají, je také Česká republika. Na našem území už je 100 000 uprchlíků, které vítáme jako naše spoluobčany, protože zde mají příbuzné. Dokonce se mi ozývají rodiny, které by chtěly přijmout děti bez doprovodu i do pěstounské péče. Zkrátka Česká republika je maximálně připravena pomoci.

Ale my jsme také dnes slyšeli projev prezidenta Zelenského, který žádá o další pomoc, protože zde máme uprchlíky, kteří jsou vnitřně uvězněni ve městech, potřebují humanitární pomoc, potřebují humanitární koridory, aby se mohli zachránit, mrznou, nemají jídlo a děti dokonce umírají dehydratací. Je to situace, kterou Evropská unie nemůže pozorovat dál jen tak, musíme pomoci vytvořit tyto humanitární koridory. Musíme pomoci dalšími sankcemi, bude-li třeba i další vojenskou pomocí. Evropská unie stojí po boku Ukrajiny, jejich svoboda je naše svoboda.

  Birgit Sippel (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin! Unsere Antwort auf Putins Krieg sind Einigkeit und weitreichende Sanktionen. Zugleich müssen wir den Menschen, die vor der russischen Aggression aus der Ukraine fliehen, helfen.

Flüchtlinge brauchen Sicherheit und Stabilität. Jetzt ist der gemeinsame Beschluss zum temporären Schutz die richtige Grundlage. Dabei muss die große Solidarität, die Hilfsbereitschaft, die wir überall von Zivilgesellschaft, Städten und Gemeinden sehen, Leitbild sein bei der nationalen Umsetzung des Ratsbeschlusses.

Was bedeutet das? Den Beschluss großzügig auslegen, um vielen Menschen zu helfen, allen Vertriebenen die Einreise aus humanitären Gründen ermöglichen, sicherstellen, dass es an den Außengrenzen nicht zu rassistischer Diskriminierung kommt, Hilfe auch für intern Vertriebene organisieren und Zivilgesellschaft und Kommunen unterstützen.

Dieser Beschluss ist ein erster Schritt, dieser Herausforderung gemeinsam zu begegnen. Weitere müssen jetzt folgen.

  Fabienne Keller (Renew). – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Ministre, chère Brigitte Klinkert, Madame la Commissaire, chère Ylva Johansson, en ce jour du 8 mars, je voudrais m’adresser aux femmes et aux jeunes filles ukrainiennes qui font preuve d’une bravoure remarquable, qu’elles soient réfugiées ou en soutien de leur peuple dans les pays européens. Mes pensées vont bien sûr aussi au peuple ukrainien dans son ensemble.

Le nombre de réfugiés qui arrivent dans l’Union européenne est sans précédent depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale. L’activation de la protection temporaire est une avancée forte et je la salue, Madame la Commissaire. Mais nous pouvons faire plus pour l’accueil d’urgence et éviter les longues files d’attente aux points d’entrée dans l’Union – des femmes, des enfants, des personnes âgées, des personnes vulnérables attendent deux ou trois jours dans certaines zones aux postes-frontières, c’est inacceptable.

J’appelle, Madame la Commissaire, au déploiement immédiat des agences de l’Union. Elles disposent de ressources humaines et matérielles pour soutenir les autorités nationales dans ces procédures. En particulier, je propose de déployer pour la première fois la réserve de 500 experts nationaux en matière d’asile – peut-être 200 ou 300, mais en tout cas un certain nombre – de la nouvelle Agence de l’Union européenne pour l’asile.

Soyons, citoyens européens, au rendez-vous de ce défi. Soyons solidaires et exemplaires.

  Damien Carême (Verts/ALE). – Madame la Présidente, jeudi dernier, comme aujourd’hui, Madame la Commissaire, vous déclariez que c’était vraiment le moment d’être fier d’être Européen. Évidemment, je me réjouis et vous félicite que l’Union européenne ait trouvé un accord pour déclencher la directive protection temporaire de 2001 et accueillir dignement celles et ceux qui fuient cette terrible guerre en Ukraine. Beaucoup soutenaient ici, il y a encore peu de temps, que cette directive ne servait à rien et qu’il fallait la supprimer. Son activation nous prouve que lorsque la volonté politique est là, tout est possible.

Mais nulle fierté à avoir, pourtant, lorsque l’Union européenne fait simplement preuve d’humanité et se conforme strictement au droit international. Ce n’est que le strict respect de ses engagements, des droits humains et de nos valeurs. Un malaise même, plutôt, à voir que déclencher cette directive peut être si simple et si rapide, quand on nous disait que c’était trop compliqué pour les exilés syriens ou afghans. Un malaise profond, même, à entendre nos dirigeants prôner l’accueil de cette immigration de grande qualité, européenne de culture, quand en août dernier, il nous fallait nous protéger contre les flux migratoires irréguliers importants en provenance d’Afghanistan ou encore face aux témoignages de discrimination subies par les étudiants africains et les exilés aux frontières européennes.

Un malaise, mais pas de fierté. Nous pourrons être fiers d’être Européens lorsque, au-delà de la directive, nous aurons redéfini notre politique européenne en matière d’asile et d’immigration à la hauteur de nos valeurs pour protéger et accueillir dignement tous les exilés. Nos responsabilités en termes d’accueil et de protection ne s’arrêtent pas au conflit ukrainien. Là, et seulement là, la fierté l’emportera sur le malaise.

  Nicolaus Fest (ID). – Frau Präsidentin, Frau Johansson, Frau Klinkert! Sie hatten gesagt, die EU hätte schnell und effektiv gehandelt. Na ja, sozusagen eine Richtlinie in Kraft zu setzen, ist nicht gerade, was man unter schnellem und effektivem Handeln versteht. Schnell und effektiv gehandelt haben die Polen, die Rumänen, die Slowakei und auch Ungarn, und zwar ohne die EU im Einzelnen zu fragen.

Vor allem die Polen und die Ungarn waren bis gestern allerdings noch für die EU die kalten Rassisten, die angeblich kein Herz für Flüchtlinge hätten. Nun hat allein Polen 1,2 Millionen Flüchtlinge aufgenommen. Würden die USA so etwas Ähnliches tun, wären sie jetzt ungefähr bei acht Millionen. Wann – und das wäre eine entscheidende Frage – entschuldigt sich die EU-Kommission eigentlich für diese dauerhafte Verleumdung der Polen und der Ungarn? Irgendwann wird es ja jetzt mal Zeit.

Richtig ist: Die Polen, Ungarn, Slowaken und Rumänen nehmen vor allem Frauen und Kinder auf. Die ukrainischen Männer verteidigen nämlich ihr Land. Und die ukrainischen Frauen und Kinder wollen auch gar kein langes Asyl. Meistens suchen sie nach Verwandten oder Freunden, bei denen sie unterkriechen können. Sie wollen also auch keine staatlichen Leistungen. Und das, sehr verehrte Frau Johansson, ist ein fundamentaler Unterschied zu den sonstigen, vor allem afrikanischen Migranten. Die sind meistens keine Flüchtlinge – wer durch 30 friedliche Länder zieht, ist kein Flüchtling mehr –, sondern es sind Sozialmigranten, die in die Sozialsysteme einwandern wollen. Die wollen Länder wie Polen und Ungarn nicht und auch nicht die meisten anderen Länder. Die Einzigen, die die wollen, sind, glaube ich, Sie und die EU-Kommission.

Diese Migranten blockieren jetzt leider in vielen Ländern die Aufnahmekapazitäten, besonders auch in Deutschland, auch in meiner Heimatstadt Berlin. Berlin muss jetzt neue Räumlichkeiten schaffen, findet sie aber nicht. Und warum ist das der Fall? Wegen Ihrer, Frau Johansson, verfehlten, irren, realitätsblinden Migrationspolitik.

Daher mein Appell: Hören Sie erstens mal auf mit der Verleumdung von Polen und Ungarn. Hören Sie zweitens auf mit Ihrer unseligen Migrationspolitik. Und drittens, Frau Johansson, hören Sie am besten auch selber auf. Das wäre hier für das Haus das Allerbeste.

  Joachim Stanisław Brudziński (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! W obecnej sytuacji zagrożenia naturalnym jest, że schronienia w Polsce szukają nie tylko obywatele Ukrainy, ale także liczni legalnie przebywający w Ukrainie obywatele praktycznie wszystkich państw świata, w tym studenci z Afryki, Bliskiego Wschodu, Azji, ale również Białorusi czy Rosji. Warto pamiętać, że jednym z najważniejszych narzędzi wykorzystywanych przez Rosję w trakcie agresji na Ukrainę jest manipulacja informacją. Polska jest otwarta na pomoc uchodźcom wszystkich narodowości, podkreślam – wszystkich narodowości. A doniesienia o dyskryminacyjnym traktowaniu przez polskie służby obywateli niektórych państw były weryfikowane na miejscu przez dyplomatów tych krajów i okazywały się fake newsami.

Przedstawiciele licznych krajów afrykańskich, w tym szefowie placówek dyplomatycznych wspomagających swoich obywateli na granicy, wskazują na doskonałą pracę, profesjonalizm, poświęcenie polskich służb i Polaków zaangażowanych w niesienie pomocy uchodźcom. Przykładem mogą być podziękowania otrzymywane od przedstawicieli Angoli, Azerbejdżanu, Belgii, Egiptu, Iranu, Izraela, Kenii, Maroka, RPA, Sierra Leone, Jamajki, Syrii, Tanzanii czy Zambii. Dlatego mam gorącą prośbę do tych wszystkich z Państwa, którzy z tego miejsca powielają rosyjskie kłamstwa: don’t be Putin’s usuful idiots.

  Pernando Barrena Arza (The Left). – Señora presidenta, señorías, los más de dos millones de refugiados que han huido de Ucrania hasta la fecha necesitan nuestra ayuda y, por eso, damos la bienvenida a la Directiva de protección temporal, que da acceso a la residencia, a la educación y al mercado laboral de la Unión, tal y como llevábamos pidiendo desde 2015.

Esto refleja que, cuando hay voluntad política, la Unión Europea es un lugar abierto a la gente que huye de la guerra y la persecución. En estos trece días hemos acogido a más refugiados que en la crisis migratoria de 2015. Hay una forma, por lo tanto, más humana de proceder que la del Pacto sobre Inmigración y Asilo de la Comisión Europea, que se limita a organizar devoluciones y reducir los derechos de quien finalmente llega a la Unión.

Todos los solicitantes de asilo y sus derechos fundamentales deben ser respetados de igual manera —¡de igual manera!—, independientemente de su nacionalidad y país de origen: vengan de Ucrania o de Siria o de Afganistán, sean vecinos o no, sean cristianos o no, sean blancos o no, son personas que huyen de la guerra y del horror.

Yo soy vasco de la nación que sufrió el bombardeo de Guernica y somos un país de acogida y en contra de la guerra, volcado siempre en la acogida de las personas refugiadas. ¡Siempre! Y, por eso, denunciamos la hipocresía de Polonia, que hace dos meses cerró su frontera con Bielorrusia a refugiados afganos e iraquíes y los dejó morir de frío, mientras, ahora sí —con buen criterio, hay que subrayar—, acoge a los refugiados ucranianos. Es una actuación hipócrita y racista, impropia de un Estado europeo.

  Die Präsidentin. – Ein Dankeschön gilt vor allem den Dolmetschern, die diese sehr schnell gesprochenen Worte so bravourös übersetzt haben.

  Márton Gyöngyösi (NI). – Madam President, colleagues, shortly after the Russian aggression against Ukraine, it became clear that Putin miscalculated himself. His nightmare has come true in at least three areas. A multi-ethnic, young and fragile Ukraine united in defiance against the Russian aggression and emerged as a strong nation state. A fatuous EU that was long ridiculed for not being able to speak a single voice on any foreign policy related issue united in defiance against the Russian aggressor. An EU that just weeks ago seemed desperately dependent on Russian energy, cut itself loose from Russian energy and united in record time to impose sanctions on the Russian aggressor.

Colleagues we must move forward in our support for Ukraine, impose harsher sanctions against Russia if necessary, step up diplomatic efforts to achieve a cease fire and peace and learn from our mistakes. Discard for good unanimity in the Council on foreign policy-related issues and finally create a common European army.

  Siegfried Mureşan (PPE). – Madam President, I would like to thank the Commissioner very much for all the initiatives which she undertook in recent weeks, including the visit to my home country, to Romania, to the border, and all of the support that she and the European Commission are providing to Ukrainian people in need, but also to local authorities, to volunteers, to NGOs, to governments who are trying to help Ukrainian people in need.

Dear colleagues, now we need to make the European Union visible. People in our home countries, people in host communities need to see that the European Union stands by their side and helps. I am particularly grateful that we are having this debate today, especially on the situation of refugees, because, yes, the war in Ukraine has many implications, but people come first. We need to talk about refugees. We need to find solutions for them.

It is women and children who are waiting for hours in the cold, in bad weather conditions, to enter the European Union, to exit Ukraine safely. We need to provide all we can in terms of support immediately. We need to understand that this is the beginning, it is not the end. We need to put in place good infrastructure, good structures which can care for the people for months if needed.

Then, very important, we need to start preparing schooling for children. We know from the previous migration and refugee crisis that it takes months to organise teachers, books and proper conditions for children to learn in schools. This is essential. Only an educated child has a chance to find a job and to reduce the risk of radicalisation in the end.

Likewise, we have to address the food implications in Ukraine, but also in neighbouring countries, and we also have to make sure that wounded Ukrainian citizens receive proper protection, including in EU Member States if needed. Treatment in EU Member States for wounded Ukrainian citizens is humanitarian aid. We should provide that.

  Tonino Picula (S&D). – Madam President, each new day of the Russian invasion brings more suffering to Ukrainians. The humanitarian situation is deteriorating. Almost two million people, mostly women and children, have left the country, but expectations are even more grim. I would like, from the Croatian war experience, to point out that internally displaced people within Ukraine, who are not included in these statistics, also need protection and assistance. In less than two weeks, numerous attacks on civilian infrastructure, schools and hospitals took place, jeopardising the most vulnerable groups. Moreover, attempts to organise humanitarian corridors, where civilians seek a way out of the hell of war, have failed due to Russian shelling and blockades.

But the suffering of Ukraine has caused a tsunami of solidarity in the EU. The activation of the Temporary Protection Directive hopefully can turn the tide. It may eventually create momentum to be used for the long—awaited adoption of the Pact on Migration and Asylum.

SĒDI VADA: ROBERTS ZĪLE
Priekšsēdētājas vietnieks

  Róża Thun und Hohenstein (Renew). – Mr President, when I was leaving for Strasbourg, I left at home, with my mother and with my husband, 11 Ukrainian refugees, mothers and children. They speak Russian. They are from eastern Ukraine and they are bombarded by Russians. They are traumatised. They are tired. They believe that they can return home, or to what was their home, in a few weeks – and yet there are more and more and more refugees coming.

They asked me to thank you all, and via you the citizens of Europe, for your support, solidarity and involvement. I believe, and I do hope that more and more people will understand that there are no better or worse wars, better or worse refugees. I am thinking here about those who are dying in the cold forests at the Belarussian—Polish border. We must not forget them now, as we think about the crimes that Putin commits in Ukraine.

We have shown our unity and potential in these last days. I trust that we can do more and that we shall do more to save lives and guarantee peace.

  Terry Reintke (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, yesterday I arrived at the main station in Berlin and, when I walked up the stairs, just like in so many other places in Europe right now, I could already see the stalls, the info desks and the many, many volunteers in their neon vests who were welcoming refugees there. And I could see the people, many of them loaded with bags, a lot of children indeed, who had arrived with tired faces, exhausted from a long journey, anxious and worried. And I thought to myself, is it not that in these tired and exhausted faces, we can actually see the meaning of this Union? In these faces – and I want to say it very clearly – no matter whether their skin is white, brown or black, no matter whether their gender actually matches the markers in their documents, in these faces, the promises of this Union are reflected because this Union was built to create peace. This Union was built to defend humanity, freedom and democracy, and this Union was built to defend the rule of law against the law of the ruler. Let us live up to these promises. We have failed so many people before. Let us not fail again. Not now and not in the future.

  Silvia Sardone (ID). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la fuga di milioni di donne, bambini e anziani dall'Ucraina è un dramma che merita il massimo impegno da parte dell'Europa. Dobbiamo essere concentrati nell'accoglienza e nel sostegno dei profughi ucraini.

Secondo l'UNICEF un milione di bambini è già scappato in queste settimane. Penso alle immagini commoventi di solidarietà e accoglienza in Polonia e Ungheria; sono nazioni che la sinistra qui ha insultato per mesi e che sono state definite fasciste e razziste perché i loro governi si oppongono all'immigrazione clandestina. Ora accolgono più di un milione di persone in fuga dalla guerra. Ci danno una dimensione esatta delle differenze che ci sono tra i veri profughi e i tanti immigrati clandestini che l'Europa, e in particolare l'Italia, hanno accolto e ancora accolgono.

Abbiamo negli occhi le scene di donne e bambini che salutano i padri che rimangono lì a difendere la patria e la libertà, immagini molto diverse rispetto ai selfie sui barconi dei tantissimi migranti economici che non scappano da alcuna guerra e che la sinistra vuole in Europa per alimentare il business dell'accoglienza.

Questa caciara di sottofondo dà esattamente la cifra di quanto sia vero quello che sto affermando. Ora è finito il tempo della propaganda e del buonismo, è l'ora della concretezza, è l'ora di aiutare davvero chi scappa dalla guerra. Questa è l'unica vera accoglienza e su questa noi ci siamo e saremo sempre in prima linea.

  Charlie Weimers (ECR). – Mr President, the Kremlin’s useful idiots are historically found on the left. It saddens me that some on the right have become infatuated with Putin’s pretend conservatism. All conservatives should know that Putin is not a traditionalist bulwark standing up against the weak woke West.

Putin has built a morally bankrupt system. Systematic bribes, corruption, killings, stealing, lies and now sending Russia’s youth to die while killing their Slavic brethren. Is Putin defending Christendom by using fanatical Chechen Islamists and Syrian mercenaries in Ukraine, forcing one and a half million people away from their motherland and tearing families apart? Is that in line with family values and respect for the love of one’s home? What about ‘love thy neighbour’?

Is cluster bombing residential areas compatible with the commandment ‘thou shalt not kill’?

Wake up! Imperialism is the antithesis to free nations.

  Clare Daly (The Left). – Mr President, I wholeheartedly welcome the EU’s unprecedented provision of immediate protection for Ukrainian refugees fleeing this devastating war. This rightfully respects our mandate to protect the fundamental rights of those entering our territories and it’s heartening to see the outpouring of support and solidarity from every point of the EU.

But how do we explain that solidarity with, for example, in Poland, less than three months ago, the fact that 19 people perished from cold on our borders, met with barbed wire and water cannon? How do we explain that solidarity with the fact that there are Afghan refugees in Greek jails charged with people smuggling, or there are people beaten back from the borders of Croatia in appalling circumstances, sodomised and robbed?

How can this be the same European Union? It’s because our society, our media and our politicians portray some refugees as more human than others, based on their origin and their race. We have to ensure a consistent, non-discriminatory application of international asylum law. Everybody has the right to the highest international standards. I hope this is a turning point.

  Jörg Meuthen (NI). – Herr Präsident, werte Kollegen! Ich denke, wir sind alle noch immer zutiefst schockiert von der russischen Invasion in der Ukraine. Wir alle haben einen solchen Angriffskrieg mitten in Europa nicht mehr für möglich gehalten. Umso wichtiger ist es, dass wir jetzt in diesem Schock nicht verharren, sondern entschlossen den Notleidenden dieses Krieges helfen.

All jenen, die in den vergangenen Jahren Wirtschaftsmigranten fälschlicherweise als Flüchtlinge bezeichnet haben – auch hier in diesem Hause –, sage ich: Schauen Sie genau hin! Schauen Sie auf die Frauen und Kinder, die jetzt zu uns kommen, die vor den Raketen und Granaten um ihr Leben fliehen. Das sind Flüchtlinge. Ihnen gilt es, unverzüglich und unbürokratisch Asyl zu gewähren.

Polen, Ungarn, die Slowakei und andere leisten gerade Großartiges in dieser humanitären Krise. Als Deutscher sage ich: Ihnen gilt unser aufrichtiger Dank und – mehr noch – unsere volle Solidarität. Es ist selbstverständlich, dass wir unsere Partner nicht im Stich lassen und bei der Aufnahme und Versorgung der Geflüchteten aus der Ukraine mit allen Mitteln helfen. Dies ist die Stunde der Humanität und des Zusammenhalts in Europa.

  Radosław Sikorski (PPE). – Panie Marszałku! Wysoka Izbo! Międzynarodowy Dzień Kobiet. Chciałbym pozdrowić wszystkie nasze Panie, te na tej sali i te nas słuchające, ale szczególnie kobiety na Ukrainie, te pod bombardowaniami, te na froncie i te, które, biorąc swoje dzieci ze sobą, wyjechały z Ukrainy, po to żeby ich mężowie mogli walczyć o wolność swojego kraju.

Popieram też apel pierwszej damy Polski, która zaapelowała do kobiet rosyjskich, aby to one spróbowały przerwać tę wojnę. Wiemy, jakie drakońskie są kary w Rosji za nawet słowo „wojna”. Ale rosyjskie matki mogą się upomnieć, zapytać o los swoich rosyjskich synów, żołnierzy. To jeszcze wolno.

Dumny jestem z tego, jak Polacy zaopiekowali się milionem Ukraińców w naszym kraju. Polacy, samorządy, także polski rząd. Mam apel do Unii Europejskiej, aby pieniędzy, które są potrzebne na integrację tych uchodźców, nie wiązać z praworządnością, bo czas jest najważniejszy w tej chwili.

Ale mam też apel do polskiej partii rządzącej. Wojna, którą Putin rozpętał na Ukrainie, nie powinna być pretekstem do szukania bezkarności za wasze złodziejstwa w czasie pandemii. Wojna to też czas, aby odstąpić od represjonowania polskich sędziów. To nie jest priorytetem. Priorytetem jest uzyskanie 700 mld złotych na modernizację Polski, także modernizację polskiej energetyki. Skończcie wojenkę z Unią Europejską. Zajmijmy się wojną z Putinem.

  Maria Arena (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, face à l’horreur de la guerre menée par Poutine en Ukraine et aux millions de réfugiés ukrainiens, on ne peut que se féliciter de la décision d’activer la protection temporaire.

Mais je ne peux m’empêcher de penser à ces familles syriennes, afghanes, libyennes, fuyant elles aussi l’horreur de la guerre et pour lesquelles la protection temporaire n’a pas été activée. Pourquoi? Je ne peux m’empêcher de penser à ces pays d’entrée qui, depuis 2015, demandent la solidarité de l’Union européenne et qui se sont vu refuser cette solidarité. Pourquoi? Je ne peux m’empêcher de penser à tous ceux qui ont perdu la vie dans la Méditerranée face à cette absence de solidarité. Pourquoi?

Je fais le vœu ici que cet élan de solidarité face à la crise ukrainienne change notre politique d’accueil et de migration, que celle-ci soit dictée par la dignité, la solidarité, mais avant tout par le droit à la protection, sans discrimination.

  Jan-Christoph Oetjen (Renew). – Herr Präsident, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Angesichts des Angriffskriegs von Putin gegen die Ukraine reagiert die Europäische Union mit Solidarität. Es ist richtig, dass wir jetzt die Richtlinie über die Gewährung vorübergehenden Schutzes aktivieren. Als Europäer öffnen wir unser Haus Europa und unsere Herzen und heißen die Flüchtlinge, die aus der Ukraine fliehen müssen, bei uns willkommen.

Es ist jetzt richtig, dass wir sofortige Hilfe leisten. Es braucht allerdings Unterstützung für die Staaten, die die Erstaufnahme organisieren. Ich bin der festen Überzeugung, dass wir vom EASO und anderen Agenturen die Unterstützung nach Polen, nach Ungarn, nach Rumänien und in die anderen Länder senden müssen und dass wir am Ende wahrscheinlich auch einen Mechanismus brauchen für die Verteilung der Flüchtlinge, zumindest wenn der Strom nicht abreißt.

Es ist ja so, dass die Richtlinie über die Gewährung vorübergehenden Schutzes auch sagt, dass eine Arbeitsaufnahme möglich ist, und ich möchte die Mitgliedstaaten darum bitten, dafür zu sorgen, dass dies auch tatsächlich geschieht, dass Kinder beschult werden, dass Studenten ihr Studium fortsetzen können.

Meine Damen und Herren, wir alle wissen nicht, wie lange dieser Krieg dauert. Wir hoffen, dass er bald zu Ende ist, aber wir wissen nicht, wie lange er dauert. Deswegen müssen wir heute alles dafür tun, dass die Menschen, die zu uns fliehen, bei uns ein Zuhause finden.

  Alice Kuhnke (Verts/ALE). – Herr talman! Människor springer för sina liv, familjer splittras, barn dödas, i direktsändning, bara några timmar härifrån. Verkligheten har visat att EU:s haltande asyl- och migrationspolitik, med fokus på stängda gränser, återvändande och samarbete med stater som inte respekterar demokratiska spelregler, inte är tillräcklig. Den politiken har spelat ut sin roll. Den är inte vad människor som flyr för sina liv behöver.

Det tillfälliga skyddsdirektivet är därför mycket välkommet. Men mer behövs. EU är världens mest fria och mest välbärgade region. Vi har en skyldighet och ett ansvar att praktisera solidaritet med Ukrainas befolkning. Vi måste också ge skydd till dem som flyr krig och terror, oavsett nationalitet, oavsett bakgrund. Vi får aldrig normalisera och aldrig acceptera rasismen.

  Patryk Jaki (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Otóż Putin nie jest w stanie prowadzić żadnej wojny bez pieniędzy. Polska ostrzegała was, że jeżeli Unia uzależni się od Rosji, ona wykorzysta te pieniądze w złym celu. I zamiast wstrzymać „deale” z Putinem, wy co robiliście? Mściliście się na Polsce. Policzyłem: 41 debat i rezolucji uderzających w Polskę w tej kadencji. Między innymi za co? Za nieprzyjmowanie uchodźców. I co dzisiaj powiecie? Pokazujemy wam, czym różnią się migranci od prawdziwych uchodźców, których wy trzymacie zresztą w jakiś upokarzających obozach, a my prosto z granicy przewozimy do naszych domów, prawie milion takich osób. A wy zamiast pomóc Polsce, dalej płacicie w tym czasie 600 milionów euro dziennie Putinowi i za te pieniądze on morduje codziennie ludzi, 600 milionów dziennie.

Jakaś refleksja? No pewnie, zobaczmy: co mamy jutro w planie? Proszę bardzo, tradycyjnie rezolucja z sankcjami. Na kogo? Na Rosję? Nie, na Polskę. Unia potrzebuje zmian, ale potrzebuje też komisji śledczej, która wyjaśni, kto doprowadził do tego, że Europa finansuje Putinowi wojnę. Za niemiecką butę i arogancję Europa już dwa razy płaciła wojnami. Nie możemy na to pozwolić trzeci raz. Aha, jeszcze powiem wam jedną rzecz. Wielu z was pewnie myślało, że Ukraina upadnie po dwóch dniach, a ona jak na złość walczy, więc i wasze hełmy po 12 dniach wreszcie dotarły na Ukrainę. Gratuluję.

  Κωνσταντίνος Αρβανίτης (The Left). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αυτό το «αληθινοί πρόσφυγες» και «πραγματικοί πρόσφυγες, ενώ οι άλλοι δεν είναι» το έχει πει και ο Έλληνας υπουργός Μετανάστευσης. Να το προσέξουμε αυτό το δηλητήριο! Οι πρόσφυγες είναι πρόσφυγες. Ο πόνος είναι πόνος και αν δεν ενεργοποιήθηκε αυτή η οδηγία το 2015 –είμαι από την Ελλάδα και ένα εκατομμύριο άνθρωποι ήταν τότε στα δικά μας νερά, στα σύνορα μας, και ζητούσαμε αλληλεγγύη– καταλαβαίνουμε το γιατί. Γιατί διαφωνούσατε και δεν θέλατε να στηρίξετε την κυβέρνηση της Αριστεράς και μας πιέζατε, μία με το προσφυγικό και μία με τα μνημόνια, αλλά τώρα κάνατε το σωστό. Πολύ ορθά ενεργοποιείται η οδηγία για την προσωρινή προστασία στους Ουκρανούς πρόσφυγες και είναι σαφές ότι το λαθεμένο αφήγημα της Ευρώπης-φρουρίου έχει ήδη καταρρεύσει από τα δραματικά γεγονότα. Στο ένα λεπτό που έχω στη διάθεσή μου έχω να πω μόνο τούτο: ότι η αρχιτεκτονική του νέου σχεδίου μετανάστευσης έχει προσπεραστεί από τα ίδια τα γεγονότα. Με βάση τις αρχές μας πρέπει να συμφωνήσουμε σε ένα νέο σχέδιο, ανθρώπινο, δίκαιο, δημοκρατικό, ευρωπαϊκό.

  Κώστας Παπαδάκης (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η απαράδεκτη ρώσικη εισβολή στην Ουκρανία, στη βάση του ιμπεριαλιστικού ανταγωνισμού της με Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες, ΝΑΤΟ και Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση οδηγούν μεταξύ άλλων σήμερα στην προσφυγιά εκατομμύρια ανθρώπους με τραγικές συνέπειες. Προηγούμενα, πάνω από 10 εκατομμύρια Ουκρανοί μετανάστες είχαν αναγκαστεί να εγκαταλείψουν τη χώρα τους μετά τη διάλυση της Σοβιετικής Ένωσης, αφού διαπίστωσαν από πρώτο χέρι ότι η ανεργία και η φτώχεια είναι συνώνυμο του καπιταλισμού και όχι του σοσιαλισμού, όπως ισχυρίζονταν η ουκρανική αστική τάξη, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, οι ΗΠΑ και το ΝΑΤΟ. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και οι αστικές τάξεις των κρατών μελών είναι εκτεθειμένες πολλαπλά στο προσφυγικό και γιατί στους πρόσφυγες, για παράδειγμα από τη Συρία, το Αφγανιστάν, το Ιράκ, επιφυλάσσουν καταστολή, απελάσεις, επαναπροωθήσεις, υπερδομές-φυλακές, ενώ στην περίπτωση των Ουκρανών προσφύγων επικρατεί το κριτήριο του ευκολότερα ενσωματώσιμου φτηνού ευέλικτου δυναμικού για τα επιχειρηματικά κέρδη, μεταξύ άλλων και στην ελληνική τουριστική βιομηχανία. Η άλλη όψη της ίδιας καπιταλιστικής βαρβαρότητας. Αλληλεγγύη λοιπόν σε όλους τους Ουκρανούς πρόσφυγες, συμπεριλαμβανομένων των ρωσόφωνων, για ουσιαστική στήριξη υποδοχής σε ανθρώπινες συνθήκες με διασφάλιση των δικαιωμάτων τους σε άσυλο, υγεία, παιδεία και εργασία.

  Dolors Montserrat (PPE). – Señor presidente, señor comisario, Putin ataca salvajemente a Ucrania y amenaza a Europa y al mundo. Es un peligro internacional y la Unión Europea está respondiendo unida con firmeza y solidaridad.

Hoy quiero pedirles que pensemos en los refugiados y, sobre todo, en los niños, el tesoro más preciado para una familia. Soy española y mi país es uno de los que más niños de Chernóbil acoge desde hace años para ayudarles a mejorar su salud en vista de los efectos del accidente nuclear de 1986. Y no podemos abandonarlos. Soy madre de un niño de once años y no me puedo imaginar el dolor que sufren los padres al ver en los ojos de sus hijos el miedo por culpa del terror de un tirano. Hay muchos niños con cáncer en Ucrania que, por culpa de la guerra, ven peligrar aún más su vida al no poder recibir medicamentos ni tratamientos.

Pido a la Comisión y al Consejo que apuesten por la iniciativa que estamos coordinando los miembros de la Comisión BECA de este Parlamento para enviar medicamentos a Ucrania, trasladar a los niños con cáncer a hospitales europeos y garantizar la financiación de estos tratamientos. Pedimos corredores seguros hacia la Unión Europea, hacia la libertad, y no madrigueras diseñadas por Putin.

Me acuerdo de todos los padres y, especialmente hoy, de las madres en el Día Internacional de la Mujer. De esas mujeres ucranianas que se han quedado para defender el mejor país para sus hijos y de las que decidieron irse para protegerlos de los ataques. Todas valientes.

Aquí estamos para proteger vidas, defender la libertad y construir la mejor Unión Europea.

  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señor presidente, en poco más de diez días de brutal agresión de Putin contra Ucrania, la mayoría de este Parlamento Europeo ha expresado con claridad una conciencia de cambio de época —breaking point, time-changer—, de acelerador de la Unión Europea y de respuestas europeas, entre ellas nada menos que la activación, por fin, después de más de veinte años desde su entrada en vigor, de la Directiva de protección temporal. ¡Cuántas veces lo hemos requerido desde la Comisión LIBE! Lo requerimos en la crisis de los refugiados sirios de 2015, en la reciente crisis afgana...

Más de dos millones de personas, huyendo de la guerra, han entrado en Polonia, en Hungría, en Eslovaquia, en Rumanía... Y, por supuesto que merecen solidaridad y programas de realojamiento vinculantes, coordinados por la Comisión. Pero también afirmamos que esa misma solidaridad debe expresarse con todas y todos los refugiados, particularmente mujeres y niños, sin discriminación, cualquiera que sea su raza, su origen, su sexo o su religión. Solo entonces Europa se estará dando cuenta, efectivamente, de que estamos ante un wake-up call, ante un verdadero cambio de época.

  Malik Azmani (Renew). – Mr President, barbaric scenes are unfolding as Putin’s illegal invasion is escalating. Terrible violence against innocent Ukrainians is on full display at our own borders. People are fleeing from burning cities. It is without question that we need to give them a safe place.

And Europe is taking responsibility. We see countless initiatives of EU citizens to show solidarity. It is our duty to organise this well. That means full financial and operational support to Member States at the borders of Ukraine, also by participation of EU agencies like EASO and Frontex.

Members States need to show solidarity too, by reallocation of refugees. We have to set an example in organising a safe place for refugees in our own region. The EU is united and together we will manage this for the safety of the people of Ukraine.

  Sylwia Spurek (Verts/ALE). – Dziękuję Eli, która przyjęła do swojego mieszkania rodzinę z Ukrainy. Dziękuję Kasi, która codziennie jest na Dworcu Wschodnim z kanapkami dla uchodźców i uchodźczyń. Dziękuję Annie, która zawiozła potrzebne rzeczy na granicę, a z granicy przewiozła matkę z dzieckiem. Dziękuję Zuzannie, która na granicę przywozi jedzenie i lekarstwa dla zwierząt.

Przez ostatnie 12 dni tysiące Polek i Polaków pokazało, czym jest solidarność. Teraz czas na decyzje i działania polityków i polityczek. Czas na odejście od przewlekłych procedur, jeśli chodzi o status Ukrainy jako państwa kandydującego, bo chodzi o życie ludzi. Czas na przyspieszenie zielonej transformacji, na Fit for 65, nie – 55, bo katastrofa klimatyczna przyspiesza, ale także dlatego, że szybka transformacja to gwarancja naszego bezpieczeństwa i niezależności. I czas na unijną politykę migracyjną opartą na godności człowieka i zasadzie niedyskryminacji, bo all refugees are welcome.

  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Г-н Председател, моля Ви да следите за реда в залата и когато има хора, които го нарушават, да взимате отношение. Това се случи, когато говореше колегата Яки – в залата имаше нарушение на реда, а Вие не взехте отношение. Моля да го правите.

А сега по темата. Що се отнася до бежанците от Украйна, ние – българското общество, хората в Румъния, хората в Молдова вече правим всичко, което трябва да се прави, а тук само се говори за него. Десетки, стотици хиляди семейства са настанени в къщи за гости, във ваканционни имоти, навсякъде, където има някой нещо помага без да говори велики празни приказки, без да чете декларации и без да се опитва да трупа някаква политическа слава от тази работа. Така че тук трябва да се работи повече и по-малко да се приказва.

Но истината, уважаеми колеги е, че в тази зала отново има лицемерие и това лицемерие засяга истинската помощ за Украйна. Украйна много ясно ви каза какво иска още на 6 март 2022 г. с писмо на външния си министър Кулеба. 20 точки има там: забрана за продажбата на нефт и газ, no fly zone, доставка на оръжие и материали. От това наистина има нужда Украйна, за да се защитава. Няма нужда от декларации, от приказки, ... от Евровизия. Надали някой диктатор много ще се разтревожи от тази работа, уважаеми. Затова, ако искате наистина да бъдете полезни, не повтаряйте само „слава на Украйна“, което по принцип би трябвало да го правите с чест и достойнство, а не като извинение. И вземете истинските мерки, защото не може да си поръчвате хем да купувате евтин нефт и газ и хем да сте против. Това не може и няма как да се случи. Трябват истински решения, истински мерки и истинска защита. Да живее България, да живее Украйна!

  Malin Björk (The Left). – Herr talman! Jag är verkligen glad över att medlemsländerna äntligen och för första gången har beslutat att aktivera det tillfälliga skyddsdirektivet, som funnits sedan 2001 men aldrig tidigare aktiverats. Det är trygghet och skydd för alla dem som måste lämna allt, för alla dem som nu tvingats fly Ukraina på grund av Putins attacker. Jag är lättad för varje ukrainsk flykting som får skydd. Jag är också glad för att detta visar att det går att ta emot flyktingar i EU – tillsammans – och dela på ansvaret för ett värdigt mottagande. Det har vi i vänstern sagt länge nu.

Det är detta vi måste ta med oss, och utvidga, så att rätten till skydd och det delade ansvaret gäller alla dem som flyr krig och förtryck, vare sig de kommer från Ukraina, Syrien, Afghanistan, Eritrea eller något annat land. Vi ska inte ha, som den svenska och europeiska högern krävt, flyktingstopp, flyktingfängelser och rättsosäkra gränsprocedurer. Vi ska ha ett system där vi delar på ansvaret för ett värdigt mottagande. Det är vårt Europa.

  Balázs Hidvéghi (NI). – Mr President, for years, we have been listening in this House to the false accusations that Hungary was not helping those in need. The tragic consequences of the current war in Ukraine clearly prove those accusations wrong. They were nothing but malicious lies.

Hungary does help refugees who are now fleeing our neighbouring Ukraine from this terrible war. The whole country has moved as one to provide care, accommodation, all kinds of assistance. And I salute all those who take part in this effort. We can witness exemplary unity and helpfulness, just like Commissioner Schinas also saluted and thanked the people when he visited the border just a few days ago and I thank the Commissioner for that.

However, instead of focusing on how best to support the frontline states, the left in this House and the EPP want to pass a resolution just tomorrow that would demand the freezing of European funds to Poland and to Hungary. Even at a time of a crisis of this magnitude, they cannot stop their usual ideological witch—hunt.

Well, how petty and short—sighted, I must say. If you keep attacking those countries who are now helping the Ukrainians, you can only prove your own incompetence and cynicism.

  Isabel Wiseler-Lima (PPE). – Monsieur le Président, les images des corps allongés sans vie sont insoutenables. Femmes, hommes et enfants qui pensaient pouvoir fuir l’horreur dans laquelle ils sont enfermés depuis des jours se voient pris au piège des balles russes. Nous devons être prêts à accueillir tous ceux qui réussiront à fuir cette horreur. Ils ne sont pas non plus heureux, ceux qui réussissent à fuir. Le plus souvent femmes et enfants, seuls, leur père, leur mari étant resté en arrière, combattant pour une Ukraine libre, aujourd’hui dévastée.

Plus de deux millions de personnes, la moitié des enfants, cherchent refuge dans l’Union européenne, et les estimations parlent de six à huit millions de réfugiés ukrainiens dans un avenir proche. Ils nous arrivent exténués, sans rien, sans avenir, sans savoir où loger, ni comment se nourrir. Ils se demandent où, voire si leurs enfants iront à l’école.

L’Union européenne, et plus particulièrement les pays limitrophes, ont réagi de manière extraordinaire. «EU at its best». Ça n’avait pas été le cas pour la guerre en Syrie. Les frontières, du point de vue institutionnel, n’ont pas été un obstacle et l’aide apportée spontanément par les citoyens a été déterminante. L’Union européenne a aussi, depuis, instauré la directive de protection temporaire et montré ainsi une solidarité sans tergiversations.

Mais nous ne sommes absolument pas au bout de nos peines. Nous devons veiller à donner plus qu’un abri à ces Ukrainiens qui nous arrivent. Il faudra, au-delà du logement, surtout faire en sorte que les enfants soient scolarisés. Nous n’avons aucune idée du temps que durera cette situation humanitaire dramatique. Ces gens ne demandent rien d’autre que de retourner dans leur pays pour y vivre librement, en famille. Mais la réalité est tout autre.

L’Union européenne, à tous les niveaux d’instance et jusqu’au plus petit village, a une tâche titanesque à accomplir. Accomplissons-la, et montrons-nous à la hauteur des courageux Ukrainiens qui combattent pour la liberté et la démocratie. Slava Ukraini

  Juozas Olekas (S&D). – Mr President, today Europe is experiencing the worst refugee crisis it has seen since the Second World War.

The atrocities committed by Russian and Belarusian soldiers are already widely documented. Murdered fleeing civilians in vehicles, women levelled by soldiers in front of their children and refugees deliberately shot in the legs. In the light of the blanket violation by Russia of the previous promise to provide safe passage to the civilian population from Mariupol, and having reports from the International Red Cross that Russian troops deliberately mined possible humanitarian corridors, Europe could and should do more on the sanctions list, including the banning of any import of gas or oil from Russia.

EU countries, in collaboration with the United Nations, should step up their efforts to establish safe humanitarian evacuation corridors for the civilian population.

Lastly, all European countries should show solidarity and share the burden in helping Ukrainian refugees. We should ensure that everybody fleeing this war receives decent living conditions, necessary medical care and possibilities of employment, and that their kids are able to continue their education in the host countries.

Slava Ukraini!

  Ilhan Kyuchyuk (Renew). – Mr President, we speak to them, to the refugees, in numbers. But behind the numbers, there are thousands of families split apart. Difficult goodbyes between fathers and their children. Bitter tears. Shattered dreams and peaceful lives left behind.

I am pleased to see that this time around, Europe is responding in accordance with the values of humanity and compassion. That people escaping war have been widely welcomed by governments, local communities and a wave of citizens’ engagement to help.

I am also happy to see that this time the Council reacted with a swift and unified response, triggering the first time the Temporary Protection Directive. But even in these difficult times, we should have lessons learned. We cannot have Europe à la carte any more. We need a European Union that has a common asylum and migration policy.

These are truly testing times for us. To the people that left their wives behind, to our empathy and to our readiness to react effectively as a Union in the future, regardless of where people in need of protection come from.

  Ernest Urtasun (Verts/ALE). – Señor presidente, la guerra de Putin ha provocado ya dos millones de personas desplazadas y esta vez no podemos fallar a los refugiados como fallamos en 2015 a los refugiados que venían de Siria.

Se ha activado la Directiva de protección temporal. Es una buena noticia, pero eso no significa que esté todo resuelto.

Primero, porque la reubicación sigue siendo voluntaria y necesitaremos que los Estados miembros den plazas y acepten que haya refugiados reubicados.

Y, segundo, porque en la aplicación, a mi parecer, se da una discriminación, desde mi punto de vista, inaceptable, porque, en algunos casos, los Estados miembros podrán aplicar una protección inferior a aquellos refugiados que no tengan nacionalidad ucraniana, lo que, francamente, cuando estamos hablando de personas que huyen de la guerra, no es de ninguna manera tolerable.

Así que yo creo que lo que hay que pedir a los Estados miembros es, primero, que ofrezcan plazas —movilícense— y, segundo, que de ninguna manera apliquen protecciones distintas a personas que huyen de la guerra en función de su nacionalidad.

Y, por último, como decía Maria Arena, no olvidemos que hay miles y miles de refugiados en todo el mundo a quienes, al contrario que a los ucranianos, no estamos dando la posibilidad de esa protección. Creo que la decisión que tomemos con los ucranianos también debe ser aplicada a personas que huyen de la guerra en otras partes del mundo.

  Vincenzo Sofo (ECR). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, alle porte d'Europa milioni di donne e bambini in fuga dalla guerra ci chiedono riparo in attesa di riabbracciare i propri uomini rimasti al fronte, un dramma che ci mostra chi sia davvero un rifugiato, concetto troppo spesso strumentalizzato per favorire il business dell'immigrazione clandestina.

A queste persone abbiamo il dovere di dare aiuto, ma abbiamo un sistema di accoglienza al collasso a causa dell'esorbitante immigrazione illegale, che solo nel 2021 ha portato in Europa 200 000 clandestini, metà dei quali arrivati in Italia. Urge fermare subito questi flussi indiscriminati, proteggere le nostre frontiere e rimpatriare chi è arrivato illegalmente per concentrare così il nostro sistema di accoglienza su vere crisi umanitarie come quelle in corso.

Urge strutturare questa accoglienza secondo una logica di prossimità, per consentire agli ucraini in fuga di essere il più vicino possibile ai propri cari rimasti a combattere e di non farsi sradicare dalla terra che amano.

Urge soprattutto impegnarci diplomaticamente allo stremo affinché questa guerra cessi al più presto, altrimenti non avremo fatto altro che trasformare il popolo ucraino in una nuova massa di disperati da sommare ai milioni di poveri senza speranza, immigrati e non, già accatastati nelle periferie d'Europa.

  Idoia Villanueva Ruiz (The Left). – Señor presidente, hoy volvemos a expresar nuestra más profunda solidaridad con el pueblo ucraniano y la condena a la invasión de Putin en Ucrania.

Y para ayudar al pueblo ucraniano, al pueblo ruso, también, que no está de acuerdo con esta invasión, y a la ciudadanía europea, que también sufre sus consecuencias, tenemos que poner todos nuestros esfuerzos en la construcción de la paz lo antes posible. Y eso no se hace con la escalada ni enviando armas; se hace impulsando mediación internacional que sea capaz de cuidar y construir el difícil camino que es la negociación y la paz duradera.

Hoy necesitamos poner en marcha un programa de acogida ambicioso, establecer corredores humanitarios seguros y continuar enviando asistencia humanitaria y profundizando en las medidas de refugio para que todas las personas que huyen de Ucrania, así como las represaliadas rusas, puedan ser protegidas.

Hoy vemos que, cuando hay voluntad, Europa protege. La puesta en marcha de la Directiva de protección temporal en Ucrania debe ser la norma en los conflictos, pero necesitamos más: reformar el Sistema Europeo Común de Asilo y crear un sistema y una agencia común de refugio basada en derechos humanos.

No queremos más violaciones de derechos en Ucrania, como tampoco queremos más violaciones de Frontex ni más Morias ni más centros sin recursos en la frontera sur, como en Canarias. Todas las vidas importan.

  Sunčana Glavak (PPE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, povjerenice, kolegice i kolege, više od dva milijuna civila protjerano je iz Ukrajine zbog ruske invazije. Zamislite sliku: dva milijuna ljudi, znači, jedan Pariz - ovog trenutka, Pariz je prazan. To su slike tih ljudi koji traže svoj novi dom. Procjene su Europske unije kako bi moglo više od četiri milijuna ljudi nastojati skloniti se od ruskih razaranja u Ukrajini. Neki kažu i više.

Zahvaljujem svim našim prijateljima u Poljskoj, Mađarskoj, Moldovi, Slovačkoj i Rumunjskoj koji podnose najveći teret prihvata izbjeglica. Zahvaljujem i svojim Hrvatima na tome.

Europska unija mora žurno aktivirati sve svoje mehanizme kako bi se tim državama osigurala materijalna i logistička pomoć u ovoj izvanrednoj situaciji. Moramo već sada razmišljati na koji način odgovoriti i osigurati da se izbjeglice iz Ukrajine integriraju u tržište rada, da je nastavak svih razina obrazovanja nužan za one najranjivije, djecu i mlade.

Do danas smo u Hrvatskoj primili više od 2600 ukrajinskih izbjeglica i spremni smo organizirati ne samo smještaj nego pomoć i školovanje na njihovom jeziku.

Tijekom Domovinskog rata u Republici Hrvatskoj i rata u Bosni i Hercegovini moja je zemlja primila oko milijun prognanika i izbjeglica s ratom pogođenih područja. Mi znamo što znači patnja, strah i neizvjesnost. Svjesni smo bezumnog iskaza mržnje i neprijateljstva prema jednoj suverenoj državi i suvremenom narodu čemu smo i sami bili izloženi prije više od trideset godina.

Kolegice i kolege, sućut i empatija - da, no svatko od dvije milijarde ljudi ima i ime i prezime i njihove su oči uprte u nas i naše postupke. Stoga je vrijeme da Europska unija pokaže svoju solidarnost i odgovori na ovaj izazov u duhu europskih vrijednosti.

  Pietro Bartolo (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, non eravamo pronti a un nuovo conflitto alle porte di casa nostra, non eravamo preparati ad affrontare le conseguenze di un'aggressione brutale, gli attacchi indiscriminati nei confronti di civili, inclusi bambini, tanti bambini. Non eravamo preparati nemmeno ad accogliere milioni di persone in fuga. Ma questa volta, almeno, l'Unione sta dando prova di unità e solidarietà.

Paesi tradizionalmente contrari all'accoglienza oggi hanno aperto le proprie porte. Quello che vorrei è che non ci fossero discriminazioni e che quelle porte rimanessero aperte per chiunque chieda protezione. Questo è il momento di una svolta, partiamo da questa unità che siamo riusciti a creare per riformare finalmente il nostro sistema di asilo, per creare un sistema in grado di resistere anche alle crisi presenti e future.

Oggi proprio quei paesi che fino a ieri non volevano accogliere chiedono solidarietà ed è giusto che la ricevano, perché le responsabilità devono essere condivise. E riprendo le parole della commissaria Johansson, che ribadisco: siamo tutti, e dico tutti, bianchi, neri gialli, cristiani e musulmani, siamo tutti esseri umani, da qualsiasi parte del mondo essi provengono.

  Valérie Hayer (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Ministre, Madame la Commissaire, chers collègues, nous pensions l’Europe débarrassée de la barbarie à jamais. Nous étions sortis de deux guerres mondiales avec confiance. Plus jamais ça. Plus jamais les bruits de bottes à nos frontières. Plus jamais les chars envahissant un pays européen. Plus jamais les familles déplacées à cause des bombardements.

La paix n’est jamais acquise, même sur notre continent, pourtant meurtri par les pires atrocités. À l’heure où je vous parle, le respect des droits humains est de nouveau piétiné sans honte par des militaires qui bloquent les couloirs humanitaires.

Chers collègues, nous assistons à une guerre sale, une guerre que les Ukrainiens paient de leur vie. Par l’envoi de missiles, par la propagande, par les cyberattaques, Vladimir Poutine s’attaque à un peuple pacifique, mais aussi à nos valeurs et à nos démocraties européennes. C’est pourquoi, tant que la Russie ne sera pas défaite, nous devrons accueillir tous ceux qui sont victimes des crimes de Vladimir Poutine. Chers amis d’Ukraine, nos portes vous sont ouvertes. N’en doutez jamais.

  Damian Boeselager (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, every morning when we wake to the live documentary of this terrifying war on social media, I feel helpless when I see the images of bombed streets, burning nuclear plants and lines of people fleeing. I feel helpless. But while our options within Ukraine are limited, our options for helping those who are fleeing the war are not. That’s why I wanted to thank you very much, Commissioner, for your swift action and for bringing all the countries together to grant legal protection so fast. And that’s why I want to thank everyone who’s opening their doors currently in Poland, Hungary, Slovakia and Romania, but also all across the continent.

But much more needs to be done and we have to adapt to the situation and every moment. So, I would ask you, Commissioner, to also ensure that everyone who’s fleeing is protected, no matter their skin colour or nationality – also the Russians and Belarussians fleeing their crazy tyrants.

Even if we decide that some can’t stay, please make sure that they’re all covered by health protection so that they can go to the hospitals to tend to their mental and physical wounds after fleeing. And please ensure that we have a new approach to the European asylum system, so that we can learn from this humane reaction to the fleeing refugees, in our new asylum system.

  Beata Kempa (ECR). – Pani Komisarz! Ponad dwa miliony uchodźców przekroczyły już granicę z sąsiadującymi krajami. W samej Polsce przyjęliśmy ponad milion osób. Tylko wczoraj w jednym dniu granicę przekroczyło 100 tysięcy kolejnych osób. Dzisiaj przywieźliśmy dzieci oficerów ukraińskich, którzy walczą na froncie. Przywozimy dzieci chore, dzieci chore na raka, dzieci niepełnosprawne, również osoby dorosłe. I w tej sytuacji Polacy mają wielkie serce. Z własnych funduszy dzisiaj finansują pobyty tych osób w Polsce. A tymczasem 660 mln euro tygodniowo wysyłane są zbrodniarzowi z Kremla za ropę i gaz. Dzięki tym pieniądzom prowadzi dzisiaj swój krwawy najazd na Ukrainę.

Potrzeba sankcji, ale potrzeba też już, jak najszybciej środków, Pani Komisarz, dla Polski, do której w tej chwili napływa najwięcej uchodźców, po to abyśmy mogli nieść tę pomoc wspólnie razem. Kreml, Putin atakuje nawet korytarze humanitarne. To są po prostu zbrodnie, to jest ludobójstwo. Musimy się temu przeciwstawić.

Pani Komisarz, Szanowni Państwo, dzisiaj jest Międzynarodowy Dzień Kobiet. Ja otrzymałam różę od naszych panów tutaj w Parlamencie Europejskim. Ja chcę tę różę dedykować ukraińskim kobietom. Dacie radę! Ja chcę tę różę dedykować dziewczynkom, które zostały już zgwałcone przez reżim. Dacie radę! I tę różę chcę dedykował polskim kobietom, które dzisiaj pomagają, polskim kobietom w Polsce i w innych krajach.

  Miriam Lexmann (PPE). – Pán predsedajúci, to, ako dnes zareagujeme na Putinovu agresiu proti Ukrajine a jej ľudu, bude definovať, v akom svete budeme žiť. Ukrajina dnes bojuje za naše spoločné zdieľané hodnoty, slobodu a demokraciu a my musíme urobiť všetko pre ukončenie tejto agresie a srdcervúcej ľudskej tragédie.

Státisíce hlavne žien a detí utekajú pred hrozbami vojny. Státisíce žien a detí, ktorých budúcnosť sa premenila zo dňa na deň na jeden veľký otáznik. Sama som sa v prvých hodinách a dňoch zapojila do koordinácie a osobne som sa stretla s dobrovoľníkmi a organizáciami, ktoré od prvého dňa týmto ľuďom pomáhajú. Ďakujem za všetky tieto prejavy ľudskosti a solidarity. Som rada, že sa ľudia dokážu zjednotiť, aby pomohli tým, ktorí to potrebujú. Táto jednota a solidarita naprieč Európou, naprieč mojou krajinou Slovenskom nám dáva šancu sa v svojej podstate vrátiť k primárnym hodnotám, na ktorých bola po druhej svetovej vojne postavená slobodná, demokratická, prosperujúca a mierová Európa.

Ako povedal pápež František pred takmer dvoma rokmi, keď sme čelili začiatku pandémie: „Sme na jednej lodi, všetci krehkí a dezorientovaní, no zároveň dôležití a potrební, všetci povolaní veslovať spolu“.

Pretože len zjednotení v pravde a princípoch dokážeme vyriešiť výzvy, ktorým čelíme. Len zjednotení môžeme zastaviť tragédiu odohrávajúcu sa pred našimi očami. A len zjednotení obránime slobodu a demokraciu.

  Dan Nica (S&D). – Milioane de femei din Ucraina nu și-au imaginat că vor petrece și vor sărbători cum ar fi trebuit, de altfel, să sărbătorească Ziua Femeii în 2022, în asemenea condiții tragice.

Spunea doamna comisar Johansson că a fost în România să vadă punctul de trecere a frontierei de la Siret. Și vă spunea ce a văzut acolo.

Dar vă spun un lucru pe care l-am văzut eu: tristețea din ochii femeilor, a multor zeci de mii de femei ucrainene, cele care sunt alături de copiii lor, îi țin de mână, îi poartă în brațe, încearcă să-i salveze trecând, după zile și zile de stat în frig, frontiera cu România, pentru că acea tristețe este pentru copiii lor. Acele femei nu știu care va fi viitorul acestor copii. Mulți și-au pierdut tații uciși de bombe sau pur și simplu pentru că și-au dat viața pentru apărarea Ucrainei. Casele lor au fost dărâmate. Care este viitorul acestor copii? Și spunea doamna Johansson de această preocupare majoră.

Eu vreau să vă mai dau un exemplu foarte dur: o femeie a murit pentru că după trei zile de stat în frig în Ucraina - și, apropo, de mâine s-au anunțat -20 de grade în Ucraina pentru următoarele zile - a trebuit să mai stea la frontieră între România și Ungaria încă aproape o zi. A murit de epuizare. Iată o nedreptate care se datorează faptului că România nu este în Schengen, iar cineva ar trebui să poarte această responsabilitate, fie ea și morală.

  Nicola Danti (Renew). – Signor Presidente, signor Ministro, signora Commissaria, onorevoli colleghi, la catastrofe umanitaria che la guerra russa contro l'Ucraina sta scatenando una grande sfida per l'Europa: le donne e i bambini che fuggono dalla guerra oggi e che rischiano di essere le vedove e gli orfani di domani hanno bisogno di essere accolti subito.

Abbiamo potuto constatare la generosità degli europei, a partire dai cittadini dei paesi confinanti, polacchi, slovacchi, ungheresi, rumeni, così come la reazione immediata delle istituzioni europee nel garantire protezione giuridica umanitaria ai profughi ucraini. Abbiamo visto il volto bello dell'Europa, un volto che è mancato troppo spesso in questi anni, quando a fuggire dalla guerra erano altri popoli. Avremo da accogliere molti milioni di ucraini e lo sforzo dovrà essere comune, dall'Estonia al Portogallo, dalla Finlandia a Cipro. C'è una sola Europa.

Ma questa deve essere anche l'occasione di approvare meccanismi e norme che si applichino indipendentemente dai confini europei di entrata; riformiamo subito il trattato di Dublino e rendiamo la solidarietà e l'umanità una regola europea.

  Saskia Bricmont (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, près de deux semaines depuis l’invasion russe en Ukraine et déjà deux millions de personnes sur les routes de l’exil qui fuient une attaque chaque jour plus meurtrière et inique. Deux millions, et davantage à venir. Autant de vies et d’enfances brisées, de séparations dues à la guerre, de résistance sans faille.

Face à ce drame, l’Europe active la protection temporaire des réfugiés ukrainiens. Une décision somme toute normale et bienvenue après tant d’années d’une solidarité à l’égard des exilés reposant uniquement sur les épaules des citoyens solidaires et des associations, sans réel soutien des pouvoirs publics. Cette protection doit désormais s’appliquer à toute personne fuyant l’Ukraine. Elle doit aussi être accompagnée de moyens humains et financiers pour assurer un accueil digne et une protection de ces personnes dans les États membres.

Le réveil des consciences touche au cœur de notre humanité. L’élan de solidarité et de générosité qui nous envahit doit nous faire prendre conscience que toute personne qui fuit son pays doit trouver refuge en Europe, en tout temps, sans distinction, sans discrimination. La forteresse Europe doit tomber. Vive l’Europe accueillante!

  Alexandr Vondra (ECR). – Pane předsedající, dámy a pánové, začnu čísly, tak 2 miliony za 10 dní, ne 1 milion za rok. Z těch 2 milionů za 10 dní 1 200 000 do Polska, 191 000 do Maďarska, 140 000 na Slovensko, 87 000 do Rumunska a 105 000 do České republiky, která s Ukrajinou ani nesousedí. Pamatujete si, jak jste nás tady před 5 až 6 lety moralizovali, státy střední a východní Evropy, když jsme se ptali, kdo v té vlně toho milionu za rok jde? Jestli to jsou ti, kteří utíkají před válkou, anebo ti, kteří jdou za lepším, mladí lidé s kameny. Teď se ti mladí lidé, Ukrajinci, vracejí z našeho pracovního trhu, desítky tisíc, zpátky, aby šli bojovat za svobodu. A z těch 2 milionů 55 % jsou malé děti, z toho zbytku dospělých jsou 80 % ženy a zbytek jsou senioři. Tak my děláme, co můžeme. Děláme to s láskou a úctou. Nemoralizujeme. Samozřejmě uvítáme jakoukoliv pomoc logistickou, finanční i jinou, ale žádné kvóty nežádáme.

  Othmar Karas (PPE). – Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren! Im Umgang mit den Flüchtlingen aus der Ukraine scheint uns etwas zu gelingen, wobei wir in den letzten Jahren leider versagt haben, nämlich eine gemeinsame Haltung und ein solidarisches Vorgehen gegenüber Flüchtlingen zu vereinbaren und in die Tat umzusetzen.

Erstmals in der Geschichte der Europäischen Union haben wir die Massenzustrom-Richtlinie aktiviert, um Flüchtlingen unbürokratisch und zielgerichtet zu helfen, von der Versorgung bis hin zur Arbeitserlaubnis. Die wirkliche Bewährungsprobe steht uns aber noch bevor. Aber all das zeigt uns, was möglich ist, wenn es den politischen Willen gibt, gemeinsam solidarisch, rasch, entschlossen zu handeln.

Es gibt aber noch sehr viel zu tun. Flucht und Migration bleiben ganz oben auf unserer Agenda. Nicht nur wegen des Krieges – wegen zunehmender Gewalt, wegen der erhöhten Konfliktbereitschaft, wegen des Klimawandels, wegen Corona, wegen des Arbeitskräftemangels, nicht nur im Pflegebereich.

Daher müssen wir diesen politischen Willen aufrechterhalten – für einen neuen Anlauf zu einer gemeinsamen Asyl- und Migrationspolitik samt einem fairen Verteilungsschlüssel, für eine unabhängige Energieunion und eine Sozialunion, für eine gemeinsame Außen-, Sicherheits-, Verteidigungs- und Entwicklungspolitik.

Aber lassen Sie mich zum Schluss schon sagen: Es gibt in Wahrheit keine Alternative zur Beendigung des Krieges, zu einem Leben in Frieden und Freiheit.

  Javier Moreno Sánchez (S&D). – Señor presidente, señora comisaria, señora ministra, señorías, estamos ante la guerra de Putin, no tiene otro nombre. Su agresión brutal a Ucrania es una barbarie que ha despertado a la Europa política. Frente a la dictadura, la democracia europea vencerá. La Unión está actuando de forma rápida, unitaria y solidaria, rompiendo dogmas y tabúes.

Hoy nuestro pensamiento y nuestro corazón están con el pueblo ucraniano y, en este Día Internacional de la Mujer, especialmente con las mujeres y niñas que sufren, huyen e, incluso, mueren.

Por ello, debemos seguir apoyando con ayuda humanitaria y militar a las ciudadanas y los ciudadanos que han decidido luchar heroicamente en Ucrania. Pero, sobre todo, señorías, la Unión debe ser una tierra de acogida sin fronteras. La activación de la Directiva de protección temporal debe garantizar un reparto solidario de los refugiados, aliviando a los países que están en primera línea.

Y, por último, señora comisaria, usted lo ha dicho. Hago un llamamiento para que apliquemos medidas de protección especial para que las mujeres y las niñas no caigan en redes de traficantes de seres humanos.

  Dragoş Pîslaru (Renew). – Domnule președinte, doamnă comisar Johansson, doamnă ministru, la mulți ani de 8 martie tuturor femeilor, dar mai ales celor care fug acum de bombele și gloanțele rusești cu copii mici de mână sau rămân și luptă pentru țara lor, Ucraina.

Dragi colegi, curând avem două milioane de refugiați în Europa. Răspunsul României, Poloniei, Slovaciei, al Ungariei, al cetățenilor europeni este o dovadă vie a solidarității europene în fața căreia mă înclin. Urmează însă o criză de lungă durată, iar noi avem nevoie urgentă de coordonare la nivel european, de resurse și protecție adecvată pentru cei afectați.

Am lansat un apel către Comisia Europeană pentru a crea un portal unic european, accesibil pentru refugiații din Ucraina. Am cerut ca societatea civilă și autoritățile locale care sunt în prima linie acum, să fie susținute urgent prin finanțare și resurse adecvate.

Doamnă comisar, Comisia și statele membre trebuie să asigure protecția temporară activată la nivelul Uniunii Europene. Refugiații trebuie să aibă acces neîntârziat la consiliere, educație, sănătate, locuințe, servicii sociale și locuri de muncă. De noi toți depinde să arătăm că în aceste vremuri întunecate umanitatea va izbândi.

Slavă Ucrainei!

  Grace O’Sullivan (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, Putin’s war threatens an entire nation’s people; with nuclear weapons in the hands of a reckless despot, it threatens us all. In any war zone, it is the ordinary people, the children, women and men who bear the heaviest burden.

The number of refugees escaping the Ukraine war zone has hit the staggering figure of over two million people – people fleeing their homes in terror, as I speak. For those with disabilities or with other vulnerabilities, the situation is particularly dire and so we must show solidarity in welcoming the people of Ukraine into our homes, our communities and into our nations.

Let this war be a wake—up call for EU refugee policy in general, which has only hardened in recent years, punishing migrants and humanitarians alike. The potential for war is close to us all now. Will this be the catalyst for change?

  Jadwiga Wiśniewska (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Z uwagą słuchałam wypowiedzi Pani Komisarz, bo wiem, że Pani była w Polsce. Była Pani na polskiej granicy i doskonale Pani wie, że w ciągu zaledwie kilku dni to Polska przyjęła 1,2 mln uchodźców wojennych. To Polska zapewniła im schronienie i to przede wszystkim do Polski ci uchodźcy wojenni uciekają. I zaangażowanie polskich służb rządowych, samorządowych, polskich obywateli jest ogromne. Jestem dumna, że jestem Polką. Szkoda, że nie miała Pani odwagi, żeby to mocno i wyraźnie podkreślić.

Ale popatrzmy, jakie jest zaangażowanie Komisji Europejskiej w pomoc właśnie dla państw, które pomagają i przyjmują uchodźców. Otóż, proszę Państwa, to jest pomoc, która naprawdę jest iluzoryczna, niewielka, można by powiedzieć, że w obliczu katastrofy wojennej wręcz minimalna, żeby nie powiedzieć – żadna.

Potrzebna jest konkretna pomoc. Natychmiast należy odblokować należne Polsce środki z krajowego funduszu odbudowy, które są nieprawnie przez Komisję Europejską blokowane. W obliczu wojny i tej tragedii, która się rozgrywa na naszych oczach, czas zacząć zachowywać się solidarnie. I to wezwanie kieruję do Komisji Europejskiej i do Parlamentu, który jutro chce głosować rezolucję w sprawie blokowania środków dla Polski. Wasza hipokryzja jest niestety ogromna.

  Λουκάς Φουρλάς (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, κυρία Υπουργέ, κάναμε το καθήκον μας και η Ευρώπη ενωμένη απάντησε άμεσα στην εισβολή της Ρωσίας με κυρώσεις άνευ προηγουμένου. Όταν καταπατάται το διεθνές δίκαιο και τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα, αυτή πρέπει να είναι αντίδρασή μας. Ξεκάθαρη και χωρίς να δίνουμε δεύτερες ευκαιρίες. Γνωρίζω ως Κύπριος τι σημαίνει πόλεμος, προσφυγιά, ξεριζωμός. Γνωρίζω τι σημαίνει με μια βαλίτσα στο χέρι να εγκαταλείπεις το σπίτι σου. Γνωρίζω τι σημαίνει να χάνεις αγαπημένα σου πρόσωπα. Ο δικός μου πατέρας είναι τραυματίας πολέμου, ενός πολέμου που διέπραξε η Τουρκία κατά της Κύπρου και ουδέποτε καταδικάστηκε, ουδέποτε τιμωρήθηκε. Καταφέραμε –και καλά κάναμε– μέσα σε 48 ώρες να επιβάλουμε ισχυρές κυρώσεις στη Ρωσία, κάτι που δεν πράξαμε εδώ και σχεδόν 48 χρόνια που η Τουρκία κατέχει με τη βία τη μισή μου πατρίδα· η Τουρκία που το παίζει ανενόχλητη σε δύο ταμπλό στην ουκρανική κρίση. Δεν συμμετέχει σε κυρώσεις και δεν κλείνει τους αιθέρες στα ρωσικά αεροπλάνα. Αν θυμάμαι καλά η Τουρκία είναι ακόμα υπό ένταξη κράτος στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση.

Σας καλώ να ενεργείτε με τον ίδιο τρόπο για την προάσπιση του δικαίου σε όλες τις περιπτώσεις, αποφεύγοντας την εφαρμογή της πολιτικής των δύο μέτρων και δύο σταθμών. Μόνο έτσι θα διατηρήσουμε την ευρωπαϊκή μας αξιοπιστία. Μόνο έτσι θα καταφέρουμε να πείσουμε για τις προθέσεις μας. Οι πρόσφυγες είναι πρόσφυγες από όπου κι αν προέρχονται, όσα χρόνια και να περάσουν.

  Isabel Santos (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, de repente os refugiados passaram a ser os nossos vizinhos ucranianos, e somos levados a uma ação rápida face à brutalidade da agressão russa que, em poucos dias, obrigou perto de dois milhões de pessoas a fugir. Uma população em movimento constituída esmagadoramente por mulheres e crianças, pessoas em particular vulnerabilidade, e que nos convoca face às particulares necessidades de proteção e a não permitir que se instalem redes de tráfico.

Ao contrário de outros momentos, estamos a ser capazes de reagir, rápido, unidos. Muito bem, somos capazes, prova-se que somos capazes. Então aproveitemos o momento e as lições aprendidas para instituir um mecanismo obrigatório de partilha solidária da responsabilidade em matéria de proteção internacional.

Não nos esqueçamos daqueles que, fugindo do Médio Oriente, da África e de outras partes do mundo, são, neste momento, em solo europeu, vítimas de violações dos seus direitos fundamentais.

Hoje por eles, amanhã por nós. Acabemos com os infernos para migrantes e refugiados dentro da União Europeia.

  Lucia Ďuriš Nicholsonová (Renew). – Mr President, the best way to help Ukrainian refugees is to stop the war in their own country and to deal with this criminal Putin once and for all. Putin is a war criminal, and I think decent countries should not be trading with war criminals. With every penny for Russian oil and Russian gas we pay, we buy Russians the weapons to kill civilians. Ukraine is buying us time and pays for it with the lives of its own citizens, and we cannot spend this precious time trading with Russia.

Russia must bleed economically, and it looks like the only way it will bleed is when we stop the oil and gas supplies to Europe and to the US. Then it is up to the Russian people to decide whether they will be able to continue with a senseless war or they will deal with the criminal Putin once and for all. Slava Ukraini!

  Mikuláš Peksa (Verts/ALE). – Pane předsedající, vážené kolegyně, vážení kolegové, musíme si promluvit o uprchlících. V první řadě bych tedy chtěl poděkovat všem, kteří aktivně pomáhají, všem, kteří vozí lidi, zajišťují jídlo, pomáhají uprchlíkům s orientací v novém prostředí, případně dávají svoje byty k dispozici dle svých možností. A tady vidím obrovské vzepětí občanské společnosti a mezilidské solidarity. Ale stojím tady jako člověk ze země, která při poslední uprchlické vlně selhala, protože tehdy Česko odmítlo pomoci, bálo se lidí vyhnaných válkou ze svých domovů a naše společnost se dusila nenávistí. Teď je situace jiná a obětavost obyčejných Čechů je obrovská a já věřím, že to zvládneme, ale nezvládneme to sami. Já bych vás chtěl poprosit a teď se obracím na kolegy z Parlamentu i z Rady i z Komise. Prosím, zvažme co nejširší podporu pro ty státy, které se snaží poskytnout pomoc a zázemí těm, kdo ve válce prchají ze svých domovů. Děláme to především pro ně. Děkuji vám všem moc a sláva Ukrajině.

  Kosma Złotowski (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Jest takie powiedzenie „z kim graniczy Rosja? Odpowiedź: Rosja graniczy, z kim chce”. Od dwóch tygodni Rosja pokazuje całemu światu, jak bardzo nie chce graniczyć z Ukrainą. Od dwóch tygodni przez Ukrainę przetacza się rosyjski walec, niszcząc infrastrukturę wojskową, cywilną, przemysłową i rolniczą, niszcząc domy w miastach, niszcząc domy na wsiach, zabijając ludzi. Teraz jest pora, Szanowni Państwo, żebyśmy my sobie zadali pytanie: czy my z taką Rosją chcemy graniczyć? Z dzisiejszej debaty wynika jasno: nie, z taką Rosją graniczyć nie chcemy. Szanowni Państwo, musimy być w takim razie konsekwentni. Musimy być bardzo konsekwentni i ta wojna musi skończyć się naszym zwycięstwem.

  Seán Kelly (PPE). – Mr President, the images of Putin’s callous and inhumane invasion of Ukraine continue to be seen across the world. This unrelenting attack has forced more than two million people to flee for safety as Europe embraces for the largest group of refugees since World War II.

The EU has acted, and will continue to act, in solidarity in dealing with the influx of refugees. In particular, the speed with which EU interior ministers were able to reach consensus on how to help those arriving from Ukraine, after years of discord over EU immigration policy, is to be commended. For the moment, the pressure is on neighbouring countries such as Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Hungary, who are responding heroically by welcoming Ukrainians. However, the burden of this influx is too great for any one country, and the burden must be shared.

The devastation and tragedy in Ukraine has been staggering, and the stories of tragedy heartbreaking. However, we also cannot forget that we are still in the midst of other crises, in particular Afghanistan, where women, girls and LGBTI community continue to suffer under the oppressive Taliban regime since its takeover in August 2021. For better or worse, this is a defining moment for the EU, and this may finally be the time that we can agree on a consolidated common asylum framework.

  Sylvie Guillaume (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, l’horreur de la situation en Ukraine nous frappe tous. La plupart d’entre nous pensaient ne plus jamais assister à de telles scènes de guerre sur le territoire européen. La réalité nous donne tort.

La réactivité des pays frontaliers de l’Ukraine pour l’accueil des réfugiés est remarquable et leur élan de solidarité à saluer et soutenir. Dans le même sens, le Conseil a enfin décidé de mettre en œuvre la directive sur la protection temporaire. Il était temps. Je ne peux pas m’empêcher de penser aux Syriens qui auraient pu en bénéficier, il y a quelques années, plutôt que d’être pris dans un chaos européen.

Je note toutefois qu’une très grande marge de manœuvre a été laissée aux États membres. Comment éviter alors que soit appliqué le strict minimum en termes de protection à certains ressortissants non ukrainiens? Comment éviter un morcellement supplémentaire en matière de garanties et de statut? Ces sujets devront être surveillés pour ne pas créer de précédent. Enfin, cette situation exceptionnelle et la mobilisation des Européens ne doit pas faire oublier les obligations de chacun sur d’autres volets, notamment l’accueil de réfugiés d’autres régions du monde ainsi que le respect de l’état de droit.

  Elsi Katainen (Renew). – Arvoisa puhemies, hyvä komissaari, Putinin anteeksiantamaton hyökkäys Ukrainaa vastaan on järkyttänyt meitä kaikkia. Sodan nyt eskaloituessa on erityisen tärkeää varmistaa kaikkien siviilien turvallinen poispääsy konfliktialueilta. Venäläiset joukot eivät ole kunnioittaneet sovittuja tulitaukoja, mikä on ehdottoman tuomittavaa.

EU-maihin on saapunut jo noin kaksi miljoonaa pakolaista sodan jaloista ja määrä tulee moninkertaistumaan. Meidän on unionina autettava hädässä olevia ihmisiä kaikin mahdollisin tavoin. On tuettava Ukrainan naapurivaltioita ja tehtävä voitavamme, jotta jonot rajoilla saadaan purettua.

On hyvä, että EU:ssa otettiin nopeasti käyttöön tilapäisen suojelun direktiivi. EU:n yhtenäistä koordinointia on edelleen jatkettava ja on oltava valmiutta ottaa käyttöön myös uusia mekanismeja. Myös EU:n pakolaispolitiikkaa kokonaisuutena on viimeistään nyt alettava uudistamaan myös pidemmällä tähtäimellä, sillä Euroopan ja koko maailman turvallisuustilanne on muuttunut eikä paluuta entiseen ole.

  Janina Ochojska (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Polska i jej rząd są obecnie postrzegane jako kraj przyjazny uchodźcom i wspierający Ukrainę, ale tak nie zawsze było. Polskę zalewa obecnie fala pomocy i solidarności. Chcę Państwu uświadomić fakt, że to nie rząd, tylko Polacy przyjmują gości – bo tak mówimy o uchodźcach ukraińskich – do swoich rodzin, to NGO i samorządy organizują tę ogromną pomoc i wolontariusze obecni wszędzie tam, gdzie ktoś jest w potrzebie. W ten sposób Polacy przywrócili wizerunek Polski gościnnej i otwartej na uchodźców, niweczony ostatnimi laty przez rządzących.

Apeluję do instytucji Unii Europejskiej o przekazywanie środków na pomoc humanitarną dla Ukrainy oraz pomoc dla uchodźców znajdujących się w Polsce we współpracy z organizacjami pozarządowymi. Apeluję również o stworzenie drożnych korytarzy humanitarnych, które pozwalają na dostarczanie pomocy humanitarnej oraz opuszczenie obszaru wojny przez cywilów.

Jednak obecnie pomoc, wsparcie, ciepło i dawanie nadziei są zarezerwowane tylko dla niektórych uchodźców, tych bliższych kulturowo, mówiących podobnym językiem. Pomaganie innym migrantom proszącym o ochronę międzynarodową na granicy białoruskiej jest kryminalizowane, a osoby udzielające takiego wsparcia są prześladowane. Obecnie rząd nie dopuszcza organizacji pozarządowych do granicy polsko-białoruskiej.

Nie róbmy różnic między uchodźcami: skąd kto pochodzi, jakiego koloru ma skórę i kto bardziej zasługuje na pomoc. Konwencja genewska obowiązuje na każdej granicy w stosunku do każdego.

  Łukasz Kohut (S&D). – Pani Hania z Rybnika wraz z radą kobiet zbierają dary, organizują z samorządem i panem Mariuszem noclegi dla uchodźców. Pani Agnieszka z Wodzisławia wzięła na siebie kwestię posiłków. O posiłki na samej granicy zadbał pan Mikołaj z wolontariuszami Fundacji Wolne Miejsce z Katowic. Codziennie gotują zupę dla tysiąca osób. Transport darów z Niemiec koordynuje pani Estera z Jastrzębia. W Dąbrowie pan Tomasz z rodziną udostępnili dom dla ośmiu osób z Ukrainy. To tylko kilka przykładów pięknej solidarności tylko z jednego województwa śląskiego. Skala tej pomocy jest gigantyczna, niestety podobnie jak potrzeby.

Dlatego z tego miejsca apeluję o pilne, bezpośrednie wsparcie finansowe dla społeczeństwa, nie dla rządów, które łamią prawo, ale dla tych, którzy pomagają, żebyśmy mogli zapewnić uchodźcom godne warunki. Tam na pierwszej linii pomocy są obywatele i są samorządy. Skierujmy tam bezpośrednio unijną pomoc, aby została dobrze zagospodarowana. Apeluję także do polskiego i węgierskiego rządu: wróg jest na Kremlu, a nie w Brukseli. Zrozumieliście to już? Na koniec zdjęcie z Charkowa z wczoraj, które mówi więcej niż tysiąc słów.

  Dita Charanzová (Renew). – Mr President, Kyrill, 18 months – old killed from shelling. Sofia, six years old – shot to death with her baby brother, mother and grandparents trying to escape by car. Arseniy, 14 – bled to death from a fragment of projectile. Child cancer patients treated in basements of hospitals. Mothers with children targeted by gunfire while fleeing war.

These are just some examples of how Putin fights in Ukraine – attacking women, children and civilians from the very beginning, and bombing schools, orphanages, apartment buildings, shooting unarmed civilians in the streets. As Ukrainians cross the border to safety, Europe has been united in showing immense solidarity. For instance, my country, Czech Republic, has collected the highest amount of money ever in our history, all going to humanitarian aid for Ukraine.

Colleagues, we are witnessing war crimes by Putin, and he must be held accountable.

  Frances Fitzgerald (PPE). – Mr President, (missing audio) … the majority of whom are women and children. There is a dark cloud on this International Women’s Day, as Ukrainian women and children are traumatised and exhausted. Their lives have been destroyed and many have left loved ones behind: husbands, fathers, brothers and sons. More than two million people have now fled Ukraine to seek refuge in the European Union since the onset of the Russian invasion. The fastest exodus of people from a country since World War II. I commend our eastern Member States for welcoming Ukrainians with open arms, but we must mobilise the resources of all of Europe to help them.

I welcome last week’s decision by Justice and Home Affairs Ministers to activate the temporary protection directive for Ukrainians. The shocking murder of civilians, as they flee through what are supposedly humanitarian corridors, is a war crime. We must isolate Russia comprehensively, not in a piecemeal way. We must have measures that are economic, social, cultural and business must be comprehensive. This is a ‘whatever it takes’ moment for European democracy. There is a moral imperative on all of us to save as many lives as possible as Putin and his barbaric regime murder our Ukrainian friends and partners. We must work together. We must respond comprehensively.

  Evin Incir (S&D). – Herr talman! Kolleger! Helt plötsligt blir Olof Palmes ord ”dessa satans mördare” återigen högaktuella i Europa, när Putins fascism förkroppsligas genom invasionen av Ukraina. Putins plats är varken i Kreml eller på Rysslands gator. Han hör hemma i internationella krigstribunalen. Kvinnor och flickor utsätts som i många andra konflikter, även i Ukraina, för sexuellt våld, av ryska soldater. Kvinnliga flyktingar och barnflyktingar befinner sig just nu i klorna på hallikar och människohandlare. Putins barbari ser inga gränser.

Miljoner människor från Ukraina är just nu på flykt. Vi måste agera gemensamt för att stödja dem. Humanitära korridorer måste omedelbart upprättas. Situationen är alarmerande, men jag är stolt över det gemensamma ansvarstagande som alla våra medlemsländer visat för ukrainska kvinnor, barn och andra som är i akut behov av hjälp, genom omedelbar aktivering av massflyktsdirektivet.

EU och alla medlemsstater måste även fortsätta att öka det humanitära stödet. Var du än kommer ifrån, bor eller är ska du veta att vår solidaritet inte känner några gränser. Slava Ukraini.

  Abir Al-Sahlani (Renew). – Herr talman! Ärade kommissionär, ärade kolleger! Jag överlevde ett krig när jag var tio år gammal som förändrade mitt liv för alltid. Jag minns hur min ensamstående mamma tog tag i mig och sprang. Jag minns hur hon försökte skydda min kropp med sin lilla kropp i tron att hon kunde få mig att leva ifall bomberna skulle träffa oss. Jag minns också den lilla syriska pojken Alan, vars kropp sköljdes upp på de grekiska stränderna. Han flydde från kriget i Syrien men klarade aldrig att komma till säkerheten. Jag minns även den lilla, livlösa, 18 månader gamla pojken Kirill från Mariupol, hans livlösa kropp och hans föräldrars och läkarnas desperata försök att rädda hans liv. Det gick inte att rädda.

Det vi ser i dag är en stor tragedi, men vi får inte låta den här tragedin leda till att vi blir handlingslösa. Vi måste göra allt för att ge det ukrainska folket vårt stöd, och det kan vi göra på två sätt: Det ena är att omedelbart upprätta humanitära korridorer för att skydda de civila ukrainska flyktingarna, och EU måste ge allt stöd vi kan för att skydda dem. Det andra är att vi måste sätta hårt mot hårt mot Putin. Den ryska oljan luktar ukrainskt blod. När vi fortsatt köper den ryska oljan, fortsätter vi också att ge pengar till detta krig. Detta är troligtvis unionens största prövning på många decennier. Låt oss fortsätta stå enade för Ukrainas folk. Slava Ukraini.

  Lukas Mandl (PPE). – Herr Präsident! Der bestialische Angriff auf die Ukraine, befehligt aus dem Kreml, führt zu einer Fluchtbewegung unglaublichen Ausmaßes.

Wir führen diese Debatte im Europäischen Parlament über diese Fluchtbewegung genau am Internationalen Frauentag. Es ist daher besonders angebracht, darauf hinzuweisen, dass wieder einmal die Flüchtenden hauptsächlich Frauen und Kinder sind, auch darauf hinzuweisen, dass es wieder einmal in der Weltgeschichte Frauen sind, die riesengroße Verantwortung übernehmen, um mit Kindern durch diese Zeiten zu kommen.

Und es ist auch ein Anlass, dass wir heute einmal aussprechen – weil es stimmt –, dass es weniger Gewalt, weniger rohe Gewalt und kriegerische Auseinandersetzungen geben würde, hätten Frauen mehr zu reden. Ich bin fest davon überzeugt, dass es Männer und Frauen braucht, dass wir einander ergänzen. Aber hätten im Kreml Frauen etwas mitzureden, wäre möglicherweise dieser bestialische Angriff, wären diese Kriegsverbrechen nicht zustande gekommen.

Ich möchte auch darauf hinweisen, dass dieser Moment der Solidarität in Europa, diese historische Einigkeit nicht nur isoliert jetzt da sein darf, als Eintagsfliege gewissermaßen, sondern nachhaltig sein muss. Europa muss auf eine neue Stufe der Zivilisation kommen.

Und ich möchte darauf hinweisen, worauf Boris Johnson gestern hingewiesen hat: Das Vereinigte Königreich ist ja nach wie vor ein Partner für uns.

Vielleicht werden wir durch die gegenwärtige Situation auch daran erinnert, dass es nicht zu einer Hexenjagd auf russische Menschen kommen darf, wenn wir Sanktionen setzen, die wirksam sein sollen, weil sie dazu beitragen sollen, Frieden zu bauen. Aber alle Menschen sind gleich viel wert.

  Петър Витанов (S&D). – Г-н Председател, г-жо Комисар, страхотен подвиг направиха европейските граждани на Полша, на Словакия, на Унгария, на Румъния и не само на тези, които имат обща граница с Украйна, но и на моята страна България, която също приюти 40 хиляди души. Два милиона души за 12 дни подслонени, нахранени, облечени. И това е пример за чудесна, за страхотна солидарност. Макар че най-добрата помощ за бежанците е да спрем войната, защото грижата за бежанците е реакция, а на нас ни трябва истинска акция.

Обаче един въпрос ме измъчва и мисля, че е насочен към всички нас. Защо някои бежанци са по-добри от други, защо за едни сме склонни да дадем ключовете от собствените си домове, а други държим затворени в лагери извън границата на Европейския съюз. Солидарността ни с бягащите от война не може и не бива да зависи нито от цвета на кожата, нито от религията ни.

  Michal Šimečka (Renew). – Pani komisárka, ľudskosť nepozná hranice. To je kľúčové svedectvo zo slovensko-ukrajinskej hranice, východnej hranice Európskej únie, za ktorou zúri Putinova krvavá vojna.

A chcem sa preto aj z tohto miesta poďakovať všetkým, ktorí aktívne pomáhajú na hraničných priechodoch. Za ich ohromnú ľudskosť a profesionálne nasadenie. Často a mnohí to robia na úkor vlastného zdravia, spánku, či pohodlia, uvedomujúc si pritom, že to je iba malý zlomok toho, čo zažívajú Ukrajinci.

Slovensko, ale aj susedné krajiny dnes ukazujú tú najlepšiu tvár Európy, a preto je dôležité nenechať ich v tom samých. Obraciam sa preto aj na Vás, pani komisárka, na nás všetkých, že je potrebné naozaj aktivovať všetky zdroje, všetky nástroje na pomoc hraničným štátom a ľuďom utekajúcim pred vojnou. A tá pomoc bude potrebná nielen dnes, nielen zajtra, ale aj na mesiace a možno roky dopredu.

Kolegovia, Vladimír Putin sa spolieha na to, že utečenecká kríza nás ako Európsku úniu rozloží zvnútra, a my musíme ukázať, že aj v tomto sa mýlil.

  Ivan Štefanec (PPE). – Pán predsedajúci, počet utečencov pred stupňujúcou sa ruskou agresiou voči civilnému obyvateľstvu neustále narastá. Podľa dnešných údajov už z Ukrajiny odišlo viac ako dva milióny ľudí. Najviac do Poľska 1,2 milióny, do Maďarska viac než 190 tisíc, a na Slovensko viac než 140 tisíc ľudí. Medzi týmito číslami nie sú zarátaní utečenci migrujúci vo vnútri vlastnej krajiny, a ľudia, ktorí by chceli opustiť svoje domovy, no nemôžu tak urobiť z obavy o svoju bezpečnosť. Práve nerešpektovanie prímeria pri vytváraní humanitárnych koridorov je tým najväčším akútnym a fatálnym problémom ukrajinských utečencov.

Práve tu je priestor pre nás všetkých vyvíjať všetok diplomatický a ekonomický tlak na agresora, aby garantoval bezpečnosť humanitárnych koridorov. Reálna pomoc utečencom sa však odohráva predovšetkým na úrovni členských štátov. V rámci Únie chcem špeciálne oceniť aktiváciu európskej smernice o dočasnej ochrane utečencov z Ukrajiny. Dnes potrebujeme aj presmerovať eurofondy na pomoc utečencom a mobilizovať aj ďalšie finančné prostriedky na tento cieľ. Dlhujeme im to, pretože práve Ukrajinci bojujú a umierajú v prvej línii za naše hodnoty demokracie a slobody. Popri investovaní do základnej humanitárnej pomoci ľudským bytostiam a ich najbližšej budúcnosti potrebujeme posilniť aj infraštruktúru samospráv a regiónov a členských štátov.

Dovoľte mi aj z tohto miesta, dámy a páni, poďakovať všetkým ľuďom dobrej vôle, ktorí zo všetkých síl ukazujú veľké srdce a pomáhajú statočným Ukrajincom. Z celého srdca vám ďakujem za vašu pomoc a obetavosť.

  Bettina Vollath (S&D). – Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin, Frau Ministerin! Polnische Frauen stellen ihre Kinderwägen an die Grenze für erschöpfte ukrainische Mütter. In ganz Europa: Freiwilligen-Initiativen, die aus den Kriegsgebieten Fliehenden zeigen, dass sie nicht alleine sind. Endlich Solidarität mit Flüchtenden – danke! Europa zeigt, dass es für sie da ist, und wir zeigen endlich, dass wir solidarisch handeln können, gesellschaftlich und politisch.

Die Richtlinie über vorübergehenden Schutz war ein wichtiger erster Schritt. Darauf dürfen wir uns jetzt aber nicht ausruhen, sondern wir müssen den zugesagten Zugang zu Arbeit und Bildung und zu medizinischer Versorgung auch tatsächlich umsetzen. Kein Mensch darf zurückgelassen werden. Diesen viel strapazierten Satz müssen wir jetzt mit Taten füllen!

Alle Menschen, die vor dem Krieg in der Ukraine fliehen, müssen Schutz bekommen, unabhängig von ihrem Pass, ihrer Hautfarbe. Und vergessen wir unter dem Eindruck dieser Krise nicht endgültig jene Menschen, die schon so lange unter verheerenden Bedingungen in Elendslagern oder völlig ungeschützt an anderen europäischen Grenzen ausharren. Endlich Solidarität mit Flüchtenden. Bitte!

  Urmas Paet (Renew). – Mr President, dear colleagues, dear Ukrainians, Europe’s greatest humanitarian catastrophe of this century is unfolding before our eyes. Because of the Russian massacres, around two million people – mainly mothers with children, have left Ukraine.

I was on the Polish-Ukrainian border a few days ago and saw a never-ending flow of refugees from Ukraine to Poland. On a freezing night, yet another train carrying 1500 women and children arrived at the Przemyśl station. This is the reality in Europe in the year 2022.

I am grateful to the Polish people and to others on the border of Ukraine who are helping the incoming refugees as best they can. The whole of Europe must give its full support to Poland and the countries that receive the refugees first. But the massacres of Putin’s regime in Ukraine continue, meaning that the flow of refugees will continue. Hundreds of thousands of people are trapped in Mariupol and other cities. These people need safe humanitarian corridors, and they need them now.

The only possibility for the flow of refugees from Ukraine to stop and for the people of Ukraine to be able to return to their homeland is when Putin’s regime will be defeated and pushed back and Ukraine is free and safe again. For this the strength and determination of the whole free world is desperately needed.

  Karlo Ressler (PPE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, prije nešto više od 30 godina uz jezivu propagandu i pod izlikom navodne ugroženosti srpski agresorski režim obrušio se svojom ogromnom vojnom silom na mladu hrvatsku državu. Tragedija kolona izbjeglica i prognanika iz Vukovara, ali i ostalih hrvatskih gradova i sela ponavlja se sada još jednom na europskom kontinentu. Preko dva milijuna ukrajinskih žena, djece, starijih i nemoćnih bilo je prisiljeno u prva dva tjedna ruske agresije spakirati svoje živote u nekoliko vrećica i pod granatama pobjeći od ratnih razaranja. Ovoga puta Europa je ujedinjenija nego ikada i takvo jedinstvo moramo održati pod svaku cijenu.

Uz vojnu pomoć i sankcije, ujedinjeno pomažemo i humanitarno. Od Rumunjske do Varšave, od Slovačke do Osijeka. Pokazujemo ono najbolje u nama, ono najbolje u Europi.

Danas, na Međunarodni dan žena, želim i odati najsnažnije priznanje svim ukrajinskim majkama i ženama koje su najranjivija meta u svakome ratu, a koje pokazuju hrabrost i odlučnost u teškim trenucima bolnih razdvajanja, uz obećanje da u Hrvatskoj i u Europi imaju sigurno utočište od zla i agresije protiv koje se njihovi muževi, sinovi i cijeli ukrajinski narod bori i protiv kojih će prije ili kasnije pobijediti.

  Tanja Fajon (S&D). – Spoštovani! Vsaka pomoč, vsaka donacija lahko reši življenje! Ljudje v Ukrajini in ljudje na begu iz vojne potrebujejo našo pomoč, zatočišča, zdravila.

Brutalna ruska agresija Putina nad Ukrajino v beg sili milijone ljudi. Spremljamo trpljenje mater, otrok, starejših. Prizori lomijo srca. Nesprejemljivo je, da humanitarni delavci ne morejo reševati življenj. Begunski val je danes največji po drugi svetovni vojni. A sprejem je topel. Vsak, ki beži pred vojno, mora biti v Evropski uniji dobrodošel. Ljudi moramo sprejeti, jim omogočiti zatočišča, šolanje, zdravnika, delo.

Danes govorimo Ukrajincem. Hočemo mir. Evropa se je prebudila v drugačen svet. Vojna in humanitarna katastrofa sta velik test za nas.

Ponosni smo lahko, da so lahko države, ki so tradicionalno zapirale vrata, danes ta odprla. Tudi Slovenija. Vsi begunci so ljudje, ne glede na spol, barvo, raso, veroizpoved.

Na mednarodni dan žensk so naše misli z ukrajinskimi ženami, materami, deklicami. V našem in njihovem imenu zahtevamo mir.

VORSITZ: OTHMAR KARAS
Vizepräsident

  José Ramón Bauzá Díaz (Renew). – Señor presidente, la infamia de la que es capaz Vladimir Putin no conoce límites. El ejército ruso ha puesto en el punto de mira a la población civil ucraniana y su artillería dispara indiscriminadamente contra los corredores humanitarios. Hasta tal punto llega la crueldad, que la Cruz Roja descubrió, ayer mismo, que las rutas de evacuación desde la ciudad de Mariupol estaban plagadas de minas.

Atacar a la población civil es simplemente una cuestión de crimen de guerra y la Unión Europea debe garantizar que quienes cometen estos actos atroces se sienten un día ante un tribunal precisamente para ser juzgados. Pero, hasta que ese día llegue, debemos ayudar a los civiles ucranianos a defenderse.

Por eso mismo, resulta absolutamente indignante que, a día de hoy, siga aquí habiendo diputados, en esta Cámara, que se opongan a ayudar con armas a Ucrania. Señorías, no seamos cobardes con las palabras, sino valientes con los hechos y demos a los ucranianos las armas que necesitan para defenderse. ¡Slava Ukraini!

  Elżbieta Katarzyna Łukacijewska (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Dzisiejszy dzień jest świętem dla ukraińskich kobiet, albowiem niektóre z nich na równi z mężczyznami walczą o wolność swojej ojczyzny, inne uciekają, opuszczają swoje domy, aby ratować życie swoje i swoich bliskich. Jeszcze inne opłakują śmierć swoich dzieci. I nie mogę zrozumieć, dlaczego świat wspiera zbrodniarzy, ludzi, którzy ze strachu, nienawiści, żądzy władzy i bogactwa są w stanie zgotować innym piekło na ziemi.

Heroizm i odwaga prezydenta Zełenskiego i narodu ukraińskiego powinny być wskazówką, jak się godnie zachować. A godnie nie zachowują się rządy i politycy, którzy karmią Putina, którzy nie chcą zastosować sankcji. Natomiast godnie zachowują się tysiące Polaków i tysiące Europejczyków, ci, którzy otwierają swoje serca i swoje domy.

I z tego miejsca chciałabym podziękować mieszkańcom mojego Podkarpacia, które graniczy z Ukrainą, za Wasze serce, wsparcie i pomoc. Samorządowcom, wolontariuszom, NGO, a także tym, którzy wspierają Polaków właśnie w tej pomocy udzielanej Ukraińcom.

Dzisiaj jest ponad milion kobiet i dzieci w Polsce. One potrzebują domu, bezpieczeństwa, szkoły, pracy, wsparcia psychologów. One też potrzebują informacji, kiedy ich życie wróci do normalności, a okazuje się i chyba wszystko wskazuje na to, że szybko nie wróci.

Dlatego dzisiaj apeluję do Unii Europejskiej, do polityków, aby ruszyli z pomocą, z prawdziwą pomocą. Wesprzyjcie finansowo samorządy, organizacje, wolontariuszy i zwykłych ludzi. Bez pieniędzy i politycznych decyzji będzie tylko więcej bólu i tragedii. Dziękuję bardzo! Sława Ukrainie!

  Victor Negrescu (S&D). – Doamna comisar, dragi colegi, am fost la mai multe puncte de frontieră cu Ucraina. De aceea, încep prin a felicita personalul care se ocupă de protecția frontierei, în mod special frontiera din România, pentru profesionalismul de care dă dovadă.

România asigură protecția frontierelor la fel de bine ca orice țară din spațiul Schengen.

Le mulțumesc sutelor de voluntari care s-au implicat pentru a-i ajuta pe refugiați, inclusiv colegii mei din PES Activists România pentru ce fac pentru copiii din Ucraina.

Situația, însă, este dificilă și riscă să se înrăutățească. Avem peste un milion și jumătate de refugiați dar cifra totală estimată depășește 5 milioane. Este nevoie de un răspuns european integrat care să asigure suportul extins al Frontex inclusiv în Republica Moldova, suplimentarea fondurilor și o mai bună coordonare, implementarea unor măsuri specifice pentru copii, crearea unor arii de securitate în zona frontierelor în coordonare cu autoritățile locale și societatea civilă, un statut mai flexibil pentru refugiați, un plan pe termen mediu și lung pentru migranții din Ucraina și, nu în ultimul rând, implementarea unitară a măsurilor de către toate statele membre.

  Dacian Cioloş (Renew). – Astăzi, de 8 martie, în primul rând un gând de respect pentru toate femeile din lume, dar mai ales pentru cele ucrainene pentru curajul lor dovedit fie pe front, fie pe calea pribegiei pentru a-și proteja copiii.

Doamnă comisar, aș vrea să fac câteva propuneri foarte concrete și solicitări Comisiei Europene.

În primul rând, foarte mulți dintre cei care au părăsit Ucraina și se află pe teritoriul Uniunii Europene au nevoie de servicii de sănătate și de educație. Sunt competențe ale statelor membre, dar Comisia Europeană, dincolo de finanțarea pe care o acordă sprijinul statelor membre, ar trebui să asigure și coordonarea acestor acțiuni în așa fel încât toți refugiații să aibă acces la aceste servicii, indiferent de diferențele dintre statele membre în politica de educație și de sănătate.

Al doilea lucru: foarte mulți refugiați, după ce pleacă din țară, se află pe teritoriul Uniunii Europene. Au nevoie de informații. Ar fi foarte util să avem un număr unic de telefon valabil pe tot teritoriul Uniunii Europene la care să aibă acces și, tot în acest context, roaming pentru câteva luni de zile, temporar, gratuit pentru ucraineni pe teritoriul Uniunii Europene. I-ar ajuta foarte mult să comunice cu cei rămași acasă.

  Peter van Dalen (PPE). – Voorzitter, levens tellen niet voor dictator Poetin. Hij zaait dood en verderf. Hij laat steden in Oekraïne willekeurig met raketten en artillerie beschieten. Miljoenen slaan op de vlucht, vooral naar het Westen. Een vraag die hierbij dan komt kijken is: waarom veroordeelt de Russisch-orthodoxe kerk het geweld van Poetin niet? Het is de heilige plicht van de kerk om dit geweld van Poetin te veroordelen.

Het kleine Moldavië moet met een bevolking van ongeveer drie miljoen mensen ruim honderdduizend vluchtelingen opvangen. Dat kan dit armste land van Europa niet aan. Bovendien vraagt iedereen in Moldavië zich af: zijn wij nu de volgende die aan de beurt is? En die vraag klemt des te meer omdat er natuurlijk al veel troepen van Rusland in Transnistrië zijn. Dus we moeten vooral Moldavië helpen.

De rol van Servië is dubieus. Het land stemde weliswaar voor de resolutie van de Verenigde Naties waarin de Russische inval werd veroordeeld, maar je ziet aan de andere kant grote demonstraties in Servië vóór Rusland. En je ziet ook dat waar alle landen de vluchten naar Moskou hebben stopgezet, Air Serbia het aantal vluchten heeft verdubbeld. Het is hoog tijd dat we het kandidaat-lidmaatschap van Servië voor de EU heroverwegen. Voordat je het weet, halen we met Servië het paard van Troje binnen!

  Antonio Tajani (PPE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, discutere oggi di come accogliere i milioni di rifugiati non deve essere solo un fatto simbolico; sono in gioco la nostra credibilità, i nostri valori, la nostra economia.

Io, intanto, voglio ringraziare i tanti volontari e le associazioni, i medici, gli infermieri, gli amministratori locali, i governi nazionali che stanno facendo di tutto per accogliere le vittime di questo conflitto. Beneficenza e aiuti umanitari sono fondamentali ma non bastano per affrontare questo passaggio epocale, serve un'Europa politica forte. Abbiamo il dovere di accogliere e integrare i rifugiati in un sistema economico che oggi vive grandi difficoltà e che deve essere rafforzato.

Rappresentano certamente un primo passo in avanti le proposte approvate dalla Commissione europea per favorire la nostra autonomia energetica, ma servono tetti europei, tetti europei non nazionali, per i prezzi energetici, ma serve anche un piano per l'autonomia alimentare.

E per affrontare questa nuova crisi chiediamo un nuovo fondo permanente per la costruzione della casa comune europea finanziato con l'emissione comune di titoli di debito. Per fare cosa? Fondi di sostegno alle imprese per i maggiori oneri derivanti dalle sanzioni, politiche migratorie comuni, politica industriale energetica comune, difesa comune, infrastrutture per la transizione ecologica e per lo stoccaggio di materie prime.

  Nicolae Ştefănuță (Renew). – Astăzi, de ziua lor, femeile din Ucraina nu primesc flori. Primesc sânge, suferință și lacrimi. Astăzi, primesc și despărțirea de bărbații lor, de soți, de fii, de copii. Aceasta este cea mai mare tragedie umană de la al doilea război mondial încoace, un exod al femeilor și al copiilor.

Ce putem face pentru ei? Ei au nevoie să meargă la spital, au nevoie să aibă acte, au nevoie să meargă la școală și au nevoie chiar de un loc de muncă aici, în Europa. Noi, Europa, trebuie să-i tratăm ca pe ai noștri pentru că sunt ai noștri, sunt frații noștri europeni.

Din sărăcia lor, domnule comisar, românii au dat totul, nu s-au sfiit să-și deschidă casa, să pună pe masă mămăliga, sarmalele, să aștearnă o jumătate de pat. Au dat tot și din ce nu aveau. Dar ajutorul oamenilor, al acestor îngeri, nu este suficient atunci când vorbim de 5 milioane, de 7 milioane de oameni.

Uniune, ascultă: să dăm cum nu am mai dat nicicând, pentru că suferința de acum nu se compară cu nimic. Ce distruge Putin cu o mână, să dăm noi cu două.

  Ylva Johansson, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, I would like to thank the honourable members of the Parliament. More than one hundred took part in this debate this afternoon. I have listened carefully and I would like to thank you all for your commitments, for your strong solidarity, also for your good advice for the steps forward.

I would like to respond to some of the issues being raised. All who are fleeing from the war in Ukraine are being welcomed in the European Union, no matter their origin. The Commission has set up the Solidarity Platform that is part of the Temporary Protection Directive. That is where we, together with Member States, see where are our reception capacities, where different Member States can step in and give support so that it is not only the Member States on the first entry that are doing most. But, having said that, we have to thank Poland, Romania, Hungary and Slovakia for what they are doing. We have to thank the citizens, the volunteers, the NGOs, the border guards, the police and that the national, local, and regional authorities, and the governments; also the companies that are stepping up to give jobs to these refugees who are now coming.

It is necessary that we can step up when it comes to funding, better protection of children, and there are different kinds of additional things that we need to do. Many of you have raised the need to make progress now on the Pact. It is really necessary for us to have a common European asylum and migration system and we have a new momentum under this French Council Presidency. Let us use this new unprecedented situation with this unprecedented unity in the Council to act in solidarity, to also make progress on the pact on migration and asylum.

Unfortunately, things are going to get worse. Putin will continue to kill people, bomb people, destroy people, destroy the cities. More people will flee. We are facing a great test. I count on you in Parliament to be able to face that. We are going to have to take unprecedented actions, make unprecedented funding, work at unprecedented speed and show unprecedented solidarity. It is going to be needed. I count on your support on that. Thank you all for your contributions to this debate.

  Brigitte Klinkert, Présidente en exercice du Conseil. – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, je tiens à remercier tous ceux qui ont fait de leur mieux pour soutenir les personnes qui ont fui la guerre pendant les premiers jours de la crise. Nous nous engageons tous à continuer ce travail. Nous exprimons aussi notre totale solidarité avec le gouvernement et avec le peuple ukrainiens.

Nous n’oublions pas que nous devons faire preuve de solidarité à l’égard des États de première entrée: la Pologne, la Hongrie, la Roumanie, la Slovaquie, mais aussi la Moldavie, savent qu’elles peuvent compter sur l’Union européenne.

Nous avons bien pris en compte la demande de la commission LIBE du Parlement en faveur d’une feuille de route commune en matière d’asile. La présidence a proposé, sur le pacte asile et immigration, une approche graduelle consistant à avancer au Conseil sur les sujets les plus consensuels pour créer les conditions d’avancées permettant d’allier responsabilité et solidarité en matière d’asile et de migration.

Nous espérons, avec le Parlement européen, avancer durant les prochaines semaines. Nous continuerons, vous pouvez en être sûr, à progresser sur cette question au sein du Conseil.

  Der Präsident. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 171 GO)

  Clara Aguilera (S&D), por escrito. – La agresión de Rusia es una barbarie que ha despertado a la Europa política y ha logrado que la Unión esté actuando de forma rápida, unitaria y solidaria, rompiendo dogmas y tabúes. Porque, frente a la dictadura, la democracia europea vencerá.

Para los socialistas españoles, la UE debe ser una tierra de acogida sin fronteras que acoge desde la solidaridad a todas y todos los refugiados, sin discriminación, cualquiera que sea su sexo, raza o religión. La activación de la Directiva de protección temporal es un enorme paso para proteger a la población ucraniana y en particular a las mujeres y los niños. Pero debemos garantizar un reparto solidario de los refugiados aliviando a los países que están en primera línea, así como programas de realojamiento vinculantes coordinados por la Comisión Europea.

Por último, los socialistas defendemos que se implanten medidas de protección especial para que las mujeres y niñas no caigan en redes de traficantes de seres humanos.

  Bartosz Arłukowicz (PPE), na piśmie. – Jako lekarzowi pediatrze z wyksztalcenia, szczególnie bliska jest mi sytuacja dzieci, którą śledzę każdego dnia. Wiem, że w początkowej fazie wojny udało się zrobić wiele w kwestii relokacji do Polski (i innych państw sąsiadujących z Ukrainą) dzieci cierpiących na choroby onkologiczne. Musimy jednak mieć świadomość, że liczba dostępnych miejsc w szpitalach jest ograniczona i stale się zmniejsza. Mając na uwadze, że każdy dzień przerwanej terapii onkologicznej zwiększa drastycznie ryzyko niepowodzenia leczenia i ostatecznie zgonu, wzywam państwa członkowskie i Komisję Europejską do uruchomienia nadzwyczajnych procedur i objęcia pacjentów z chorobami onkologicznymi szczególną ochroną. Wzywam również do zapewnienia wszystkim uchodźcom dostępu do bezpłatnej służby zdrowia i bezpłatnych leków. Uwrażliwiam jednocześnie na sytuację pacjentów na Ukrainie, których transport do państw UE nie jest możliwy ze względu na stan zdrowia. Wiem, że tamtejsze szpitale borykają się z brakiem leków, w tym onkologicznych. Należy zatem uruchomić unijne mechanizmy pomocy, które pozwolą te braki zniwelować. W obu tych kwestiach musimy działać natychmiastowo.

  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. – Gerbiama Pirmininke, Komisijos pirmininke, kolegos, Kremliaus režimas po ilgus dešimtmečius saugotos puoselėtos taikos sugrąžinto karą į Europą. Karą, kuriuo siekiama sunaikinti Ukrainos valstybę ir jos žmonių teisę rinktis savo šalies ir savo žmonių ateitį. Karą, kuris kasdien pareikalauja nekaltų žmonių aukų. Per pastarąsias keturias savaites išgyvename nuo antrojo pasaulinio karo laikų nematytus nuo karo bėgančių žmonių srautus. Jau dabar į Europą pabėgo apie tris milijonus ukrainiečių, ir jei šis beprasmis karas nebus sustabdytas, pabėgėlių skaičius bus neprognozuojamas. Todėl privalome rimtai ruoštis, kad galėtume suteikti ukrainiečiams visą būtiną pagalbą. Turime suprasti, jog nepaprasta situacija reikalauja solidaraus ir skubaus atsako, kad suteiktume žmonėms, priverstiems palikti savo šalį, saugius namus bei galimybę išgyventi šį košmarišką laikotarpį. Galima tik pasidžiugti, jog ES susivienijo bei pirmą kartą aktyvavo laikinosios apsaugos direktyvą, tačiau turime ir toliau ruoštis priimti dar didesnius karo pabėgėlių srautus ir tam sutelkti ES finansavimo priemones.

  Milan Brglez (S&D), pisno. – Zagotavljanje zaščite otrok v vojni je dolžnost vojskujočih se strani in mednarodne skupnosti. Ta je opredeljena v četrti Ženevski konvenciji in relevantnih protokolih, implementacijo teh obveznosti pa določa tudi Konvencija o otrokovih pravicah.

S kolegicami in kolegi v Evropskem parlamentu, ki smo aktivni v medskupini za otrokove pravice, se še predobro zavedamo položaja otrok v vojni, ki so zaradi doživljanja oboroženih spopadov in bega pred vojnimi grozotami še toliko bolj podvrženi duševnim stiskam.

Od začetka invazije v Ukrajini je iz države pobegnilo že skoraj dva milijona ljudi, predvsem žensk in otrok. Ker menimo, da mora biti zaščita otrok v oboroženih spopadih prednostna naloga Unije, smo člani medskupine za otrokove pravice na ministre, pristojne za pravosodje in notranje zadeve, pred ministrsko konferenco 3. in 4. marca naslovili zahtevo po čimprejšnjem ukrepanju.

Konkretno smo v pismu ministrom naslovili potrebo po prednostnih obravnavah postopkov in javnih storitev za zaščito otrok, med drugim za azil, pravne storitve, šolanje, zdravstvo in psihosocialno pomoč. Prav tako potrebujemo zagotovitev vzpostavitve humanitarnih koridorjev.

Ker veliko otrok pride brez spremstva staršev, smo na ministre naslovili tudi potrebo po posebnem mehanizmu za premestitev otrok brez spremstva. V luči razvoja dogodkov pa pozdravljam tudi aktivacijo uredbe o dodelitvi začasne zaščite, ki lahko konkretno naslovi zgoraj omenjene pozive.

  Caterina Chinnici (S&D), per iscritto. – Oltre 2 milioni di persone hanno lasciato l'Ucraina dall'inizio della guerra, un numero destinato a crescere rapidamente. Quasi la metà sono minori, molti non accompagnati: bambini e ragazzi costretti a lasciare le proprie case, spesso soli, esposti anche al rischio di subire abusi e di divenire vittime di tratta e sfruttamento. E sono quasi 100 000 i bambini che vivono in istituti in Ucraina perché orfani o abbandonati.

A tutti questi minori deve essere assicurata massima protezione. L'attuazione – per la prima volta – della direttiva sulla protezione temporanea, che contiene molte disposizioni specifiche per i minori, in particolare per quelli non accompagnati, rappresenta un primo, importante passo. Occorre ora assicurare a tutti i minori provenienti dall'Ucraina accesso prioritario a protezione, assistenza e tutela legale; garantire loro accoglienza in strutture adeguate ai loro bisogni, assistenza sanitaria, supporto psicologico e accesso ai servizi educativi; attivare corridoi per consentire loro di lasciare rapidamente e in sicurezza le zone di conflitto; assicurare, in ogni momento, il rispetto del principio del superiore interesse del minore.

L'UE e gli Stati membri stanno – finalmente – dimostrando compattezza e celerità nella solidarietà: è soprattutto per i più vulnerabili che questo impegno deve proseguire.

  Estrella Durá Ferrandis (S&D), por escrito. – La agresión de Rusia es una barbarie que ha despertado a la Europa política y ha logrado que la Unión esté actuando de forma rápida, unitaria y solidaria, rompiendo dogmas y tabúes. Porque, frente a la dictadura, la democracia europea vencerá.

Para los socialistas españoles, la UE debe ser una tierra de acogida sin fronteras que acoge desde la solidaridad a todas y todos los refugiados, sin discriminación, cualquiera que sea su sexo, raza o religión. La activación de la Directiva de protección temporal es un enorme paso para proteger a la población ucraniana y en particular a las mujeres y los niños. Pero debemos garantizar un reparto solidario de los refugiados aliviando a los países que están en primera línea, así como programas de realojamiento vinculantes coordinados por la Comisión Europea.

Por último, los socialistas defendemos que se implanten medidas de protección especial para que las mujeres y niñas no caigan en redes de traficantes de seres humanos.

  Ibán García Del Blanco (S&D), por escrito. – La agresión de Rusia es una barbarie que ha despertado a la Europa política y ha logrado que la Unión esté actuando de forma rápida, unitaria y solidaria, rompiendo dogmas y tabúes. Porque, frente a la dictadura, la democracia europea vencerá.

Para los socialistas españoles, la UE debe ser una tierra de acogida sin fronteras que acoge desde la solidaridad a todas y todos los refugiados, sin discriminación, cualquiera que sea su sexo, raza o religión. La activación de la Directiva de protección temporal es un enorme paso para proteger a la población ucraniana y en particular a las mujeres y los niños. Pero debemos garantizar un reparto solidario de los refugiados aliviando a los países que están en primera línea, así como programas de realojamiento vinculantes coordinados por la Comisión Europea.

Por último, los socialistas defendemos que se implanten medidas de protección especial para que las mujeres y niñas no caigan en redes de traficantes de seres humanos.

  Krzysztof Hetman (PPE), na piśmie. – Bestialska i nieuzasadniona napaść Rosji na Ukrainę zmusiła ogromną liczbę obywateli Ukrainy do natychmiastowego opuszczenia swoich domów w celu ratowania życia. Od tego czasu regularnie jestem na przejściach granicznych i za każdym razem widzę ten sam, przerażający obraz tysięcy głównie kobiet i dzieci, niosących często jedynie małą walizkę z tym, co w momencie opuszczania domu wydawało się najważniejsze lub też po prostu było akurat pod ręką. Jestem dumny z naszych obywateli, kiedy widzę, jak otwierają dla nich swoje domy i serca i jak starają się ułatwić im ten okrutny czas. Wsparcie powinno jednak przede wszystkim iść z góry, dlatego potrzebna jest systemowa, kompleksowa i natychmiastowa pomoc ze strony UE. Musimy zapewnić uchodźcom wsparcie w postaci schronienia i opieki medycznej oraz psychologicznej. W dalszej kolejności należy zapewnić, by osoby te mogły ponownie rozpocząć normalne życie i do czasu, gdy ich powrót do domów będzie możliwy, były w stanie podjąć legalną pracę, zaś dzieci wrócić do szkół. Cieszę się, że Komisja ogłosiła program CARE mający na celu pomoc ludziom uciekającym przed wojną na Ukrainie oraz wsparcie przyjmujących ich państw i regionów granicznych. Nie ulega jednak wątpliwości, że tej pomocy potrzeba będzie więcej, dlatego apeluję o maksymalny wysiłek i solidarność w tym bezprecedensowym kryzysie humanitarnym.

  György Hölvényi (PPE), írásban. – Európa a második világháború óta nem tapasztalt menekültválsággal néz ma szembe az orosz-ukrán háború következtében. Az ENSZ legfrissebb adatai szerint mára átlépte az 1 millió főt a menekülésére kényszerülő ukrán állampolgárok száma. Lengyelország után a második legtöbb embert befogadó ország Magyarország. Országomba eddig 190 ezer menekült érkezett. A kétségbeesett és nincstelen nők és gyermekek tömegeinek ellátása példátlan kihívást jelent, amelyet a határmenti települések polgárai és vezetői, a humanitárius szervezetek, az egyházak, valamint a Kormány szoros és hatékony összefogása révén sikerült szervezetten és eredményesen kezelni.

Ismét hangsúlyozom, hogy Magyarország kormánya minden idők egyik legnagyobb humanitárius csomagját fogadta el, és felállította a segítségnyújtásért felelős humanitárius tanácsot. Az állam szorosan együttműködik az egyházi szervezetekkel, valamint a Magyar Vöröskereszttel is. Híd Kárpátaljáért mottóval különleges segélyakciót indított el a kormány azok számára, akik Ukrajnában, a kárpátaljai régióban kellett, hogy maradjanak. Magyarország természetesen megszavazta azon történelmi jelentőségű uniós javaslatot, miszerint az Ukrajna felől menekülők azonnali, automatikus védelmet kapjanak. A harmadik országok összesen 4900 érintett állampolgára számára Magyarország segített hazajutni mentesítő repülőjáratokkal. Örülök, hogy a helyszínen az Európai Bizottság alelnöke, Margaritis Schinas is meggyőződött a menekültekért kifejtett munkánkról és magas szinten elismerte azt. Magyarország azt teszi, ami ilyenkor minden ország kötelessége. Befogadja a menekülteket.

  Elżbieta Kruk (ECR), na piśmie. – Ukraina walczy. Walczy nie tylko o swoją wolność, ale i o bezpieczeństwo Europy, choć inwazja to konsekwencja kunktatorskiej polityki Zachodu. „Budowa Nord Stream 2 od lat stanowi centralny element przygotowań Moskwy do wojny przeciwko Ukrainie. Gazociąg Merkel-Putin uplasował Europę w strefie bezpieczeństwa trzeciej klasyˮ – to nie słowa polityków polskich czy z krajów bałtyckich, którzy protestowali już przy budowie Nord Stream 1 ˗ tak dziś piszą niemieckie media. Ukraina dawno została sprzedana. Gdzie się podziały gwarancje wielkich mocarstw o nienaruszalności granic, gdy Ukraina nieopatrznie oddała broń atomową? Co się stało po aneksji Krymu i rozpoczęciu wojny w Donbasie? Realizowano Nord Stream 2, geopolityczny projekt, którego celem było przede wszystkim ominięcie Ukrainy. W obliczu wojny czas na solidarność. A co widzimy? Do dziś Berlin blokuje embargo na ropę i gaz z Rosji. Unia finansuje Rosję, płacąc jej 600 milionów euro dziennie. Parlament Europejski natomiast organizuje seanse nienawiści wobec Polski, kiedy Polska, na skalę niewyobrażalną w Unii, przyjęła ponad milion uchodźców w 10 dni ˗ bo takie są polskie wartości. A jakie są wasze? Kasa. No cóż ˗ mieliście do wyboru hańbę albo embargo na surowce z Rosji i kryzys. Wybraliście hańbę, a kryzys i tak będziecie mieli, a może i wojnę.

  Cristina Maestre Martín De Almagro (S&D), por escrito. – La agresión de Rusia es una barbarie que ha despertado a la Europa política y ha logrado que la Unión esté actuando de forma rápida, unitaria y solidaria, rompiendo dogmas y tabúes. Porque, frente a la dictadura, la democracia europea vencerá.

Para los socialistas españoles, la UE debe ser una tierra de acogida sin fronteras que acoge desde la solidaridad a todas y todos los refugiados, sin discriminación, cualquiera que sea su sexo, raza o religión. La activación de la Directiva de protección temporal es un enorme paso para proteger a la población ucraniana y en particular a las mujeres y los niños. Pero debemos garantizar un reparto solidario de los refugiados aliviando a los países que están en primera línea, así como programas de realojamiento vinculantes coordinados por la Comisión Europea.

Por último, los socialistas defendemos que se implanten medidas de protección especial para que las mujeres y niñas no caigan en redes de traficantes de seres humanos.

  Adriana Maldonado López (S&D), por escrito. – La agresión de Rusia es una barbarie que ha despertado a la Europa política y ha logrado que la Unión esté actuando de forma rápida, unitaria y solidaria, rompiendo dogmas y tabúes. Porque, frente a la dictadura, la democracia europea vencerá.

Para los socialistas españoles, la UE debe ser una tierra de acogida sin fronteras que acoge desde la solidaridad a todas y todos los refugiados, sin discriminación, cualquiera que sea su sexo, raza o religión. La activación de la Directiva de protección temporal es un enorme paso para proteger a la población ucraniana y en particular a las mujeres y los niños. Pero debemos garantizar un reparto solidario de los refugiados aliviando a los países que están en primera línea, así como programas de realojamiento vinculantes coordinados por la Comisión Europea.

Por último, los socialistas defendemos que se implanten medidas de protección especial para que las mujeres y niñas no caigan en redes de traficantes de seres humanos.

  Pedro Marques (S&D), por escrito. – Senhora Presidente, Senhoras e Senhores Deputados, mais de 2 milhões de refugiados. Previsivelmente, chegaremos aos 3 até ao fim da semana, e, se esta guerra não parar, não tardará muito até este número duplicar. São, na sua esmagadora maioria, mulheres e crianças. São pessoas absolutamente inocentes que, sem qualquer explicação e sem qualquer razão, viram a sua vida desmoronar-se aos olhos de todo o mundo.

Quero, apesar de tudo, deixar palavras de gratidão. Países, governos, populações, estão mobilizadas num movimento de solidariedade que nos deve deixar orgulhosos e com esperança num mundo melhor. Se em outras ocasiões, provavelmente por más razões, falhámos na solidariedade que era devida a pessoas que de nós precisam, desta vez a Europa e os europeus estão a responder.

Apenas solidariedade não vai chegar para fazer face ao maior movimento de refugiados na Europa desde a Segunda Grande Guerra. Vamos precisar de meios, de dinheiro, de casas, de escolas, de prestar cuidados de saúde a estas pessoas. Começamos pela solidariedade e fizemos bem. Façamos agora o resto porque estas pessoas não têm tempo para perder ainda mais das suas vidas.

  Beata Mazurek (ECR), na piśmie. – W momencie zagrożenia, z jakim mierzymy się w związku z atakiem Rosji na Ukrainę, zwracam szczególną uwagę na sytuację nie tylko mieszkańców Ukrainy, ale także szukających w Polsce schronienia licznie tam przebywających obywateli wszystkich państw świata, w tym studentów np. z Afryki, Bliskiego Wschodu czy Azji. Polska jest otwarta na niesienie pomocy wszystkim, którzy uciekają przed wojną. Jesteśmy do tego przygotowani. Obserwując wysokie ryzyko wystąpienia konfliktu zbrojnego, od dłuższego czasu prowadziliśmy przygotowania na wypadek zaistnienia obecnej sytuacji. W opinii placówek dyplomatycznych, będących w stałym kontakcie ze swoimi obywatelami przebywającymi na terenie granicy polsko- ukraińskiej, Polska jest świetnie zorganizowana, służby prawidłowo pełnią swoje funkcje, a Polacy wykazali się olbrzymimi sercami i wielką chęcią niesienia pomocy. Potwierdzają to podziękowania otrzymane przez Polskę od przedstawicieli: Angoli, Azerbejdżanu, Belgii, Egiptu, Iranu, Izraela, Kenii, Maroka, RPA, Sierra Leone, Jamajki, Syrii, Tanzanii czy Zambii. W tym miejscu pragnę stanowczo zdementować doniesienia o rzekomej dyskryminacji polskich służb względem obywateli niektórych państw. Zgłoszenia były weryfikowane na miejscu przez dyplomatów tych krajów i okazywały się fake newsami. Polskie instytucje działają w taki sposób, aby zabezpieczyć dobro uchodźców wszystkich narodowości, uwzględniając specyficzne potrzeby osób przybywających w tym kobiet, dzieci, osób chorych i starszych.

  Marcos Ros Sempere (S&D), por escrito. – La agresión de Rusia es una barbarie que ha despertado a la Europa política y ha logrado que la Unión esté actuando de forma rápida, unitaria y solidaria, rompiendo dogmas y tabúes. Porque, frente a la dictadura, la democracia europea vencerá.

Para los socialistas españoles, la UE debe ser una tierra de acogida sin fronteras que acoge desde la solidaridad a todas y todos los refugiados, sin discriminación, cualquiera que sea su sexo, raza o religión. La activación de la Directiva de protección temporal es un enorme paso para proteger a la población ucraniana y en particular a las mujeres y los niños. Pero debemos garantizar un reparto solidario de los refugiados aliviando a los países que están en primera línea, así como programas de realojamiento vinculantes coordinados por la Comisión Europea.

Por último, los socialistas defendemos que se implanten medidas de protección especial para que las mujeres y niñas no caigan en redes de traficantes de seres humanos.

  Nacho Sánchez Amor (S&D), por escrito. – La agresión de Rusia es una barbarie que ha despertado a la Europa política y ha logrado que la Unión esté actuando de forma rápida, unitaria y solidaria, rompiendo dogmas y tabúes. Porque, frente a la dictadura, la democracia europea vencerá.

Para los socialistas españoles, la UE debe ser una tierra de acogida sin fronteras que acoge desde la solidaridad a todas y todos los refugiados, sin discriminación, cualquiera que sea su sexo, raza o religión. La activación de la Directiva de protección temporal es un enorme paso para proteger a la población ucraniana y en particular a las mujeres y los niños. Pero debemos garantizar un reparto solidario de los refugiados aliviando a los países que están en primera línea, así como programas de realojamiento vinculantes coordinados por la Comisión Europea.

Por último, los socialistas defendemos que se implanten medidas de protección especial para que las mujeres y niñas no caigan en redes de traficantes de seres humanos.

10. Situationen i Bosnien och Hercegovina (debatt)

  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärung der Kommission zur Lage in Bosnien und Herzegowina (2022/2576(RSP)).

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, dear Members of Parliament, 30 years after the bloody break—up of Yugoslavia, with the Russian invasion in Ukraine, war is back on European soil.

Once again, we are witnessing extreme human suffering, with many lives lost and millions fleeing Ukraine. The last weeks and the changing geopolitical constellations have brought the need for peace back on to the top of our agenda. This also means that the stability and security of the Western Balkans has never been so important as it is today.

The debate on the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina is very timely. I met Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political leadership for the first time in 2020. We discussed what needed to be done for the candidate status for that country. The agreement on the election in Mostar, after 12 years of blockage, was a breakthrough and gave us fresh impetus after years of standstill.

Unfortunately, 2021 was a lost year for Bosnia and Herzegovina. Although it was not an election year, we have seen no real progress on the EU path and on the implementation of the 14 key priorities. Indeed, we have seen growing political divisions throughout the country at different levels. These divisions were aggravated even further with the non-recognition of the new High Representative and with the boycotting of state institutions. All of this is negatively affecting not just Bosnia and Herzegovina on its EU path, but also the everyday life of the people and businesses.

We need constructive dialogue and political will from all sides to move forward on the EU path. This is all the more important in the changed international context following Russia’s war on Ukraine. These events have in fact confirmed Bosnia and Herzegovina’s European commitment. The country has aligned with the EU statements and decisions on Ukraine, which we very much welcome.

A lot of hope and efforts have been put in the ongoing talks on the electoral and constitutional reform. But the solution is not there yet. It should be found urgently and without any further delay. Fair, free and inclusive elections must take place in October, as scheduled. The Minister of Finance needs swiftly to put the required budget at the disposal of the Central Electoral Commission to organise the electoral procedures. The continued boycott of decision-making at different levels – Presidency and Council of Ministers – could jeopardise significant investments, including investments coming from the Economic and Investment Plan.

As I have stressed several times to the representatives of Republika Srpska, there is a need for urgent steps to de-escalate tensions, to avoid further rhetoric and to ensure the swift return to state institutions and ensure their full functioning. The impact is already visible.

Two weeks ago, we have launched a EUR 3.2 billion investment package to support 21 transport, digital, climate and energy connectivity projects in the Western Balkans. The package includes the investment projects submitted by Bosnia and Herzegovina, of which two – of road and rail connections along Corridor Vc – are on the territory of the Republika Srpska.

The Commission intends to sign the respective contribution agreements for these two investments – worth EUR 600 million, only after the return to the full functioning of state institutions.

Bosnia and Herzegovina is key for the future of the Western Balkans. The region’s future is in the European Union. Instead of in-fighting, the country should focus on the positive and constructive European agenda. This is the agenda with real gains and real benefits for everyone. It is the agenda that brings prosperity, stability and peace long term, and this is the agenda on which we need to work together.

  Paulo Rangel, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, in the shadow of the new major conflict in Europe, the aggression of Russia, we have repeatedly heard that this is the most dramatic situation in Europe since the Second World War. We cannot, and we should not, compare the tragic suffering caused by different conflicts. But neither should we forget the much more recent drama of the Balkan wars of the 90s.

In 1995, a difficult agreement was reached in Dayton, which returned peace to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Today, that agreement is under threat, a victim of secessionist rhetoric and movements intransigent political blockades and foreign and hostile interference. Peace, stability and the very integrity of the country are at stake, and we cannot allow the present conflict between Russia and Ukraine to interfere in this region.

A range of measures is therefore required, starting with the application of sanctions to the perpetrators of these manifestly unconstitutional activities. The Council has the mechanisms and the example of the United States, all that is needed is the political will. In addition to individual sanctions, the Commission must also restrict access to Union funds until the blockage of central institutions and unconstitutional movements has ceased.

  Dietmar Köster, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serb presidential member Milorad Dodik and his supporting forces are boycotting the State institutions. They are working specifically on the unconstitutional transfer of powers and institutions to the Republika Srpska entity. This will lead to the destruction of the State as a whole.

Dodik rejects the condemnation of the Russian war of aggression made by Bosnian state institutions. He argued for a supposedly neutral position, which means nothing other than agreeing to Putin’s war. Dodik is using the war in Ukraine to further push his pro—Russian policies and threats to break up Bosnia and Herzegovina. He is obviously collaborating with Moscow, in whose interests it is to destabilise Bosnia and Herzegovina.

In the negotiations surrounding the electoral law, the nationalist HDZ party is making demands based on an alleged lack of the so—called legitimate representation. This would lead to a further ethnic cementing of the undemocratic electoral law. It is high time for the EU to sanction politically and financially Dodik and his forces to defend the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this regard, the EU must support civil society much more than it has done so far.

  Klemen Grošelj, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Mr President, what Bosnia needs today is understanding and, above all, a message of hope in a better, more prosperous European future. European security depends on peace and stability in our neighbourhood. As you can see in Ukraine, there is a thin line between peace and war.

Bosnia and Herzegovina is in our close neighbourhood and it needs our attention. It needs our support. It is threatened by the blockade of the state institutions, and if that is not enough, it is facing a threat of secessionism inspired by a never truly and fully cleared historical burden, which reflects itself in genocide denial.

All in Bosnia need to come to terms with the past, as painful as it might be, but without an understanding of the past, there is no hope of the future, no hope of overcoming the nightmares of the past.

To overcome all this, we need to send a very clear and united EU message. There will be no return to the past for those who still nurture nationalistic fantasies of the past, like Mr Dodik and other political leaders. We need to impose a set of sanctions to deter them from further destabilisation of the country. Sanctions need to be targeted so they will not affect the ordinary people of Republika Srpska or Bosnia in general, but only those who wish for their narrow-minded, political, frequently corrupt-linked aims to tear apart the country and cause new bloodshed.

Sending additional troops from EUFOR is part of the effort, but we need to do more. We need to seriously reconsider giving Bosnia membership candidate country status, which needs to be followed by a strong commitment by the EU to help Bosnia to do its homework. It needs to make a set of deep and demanding reforms, starting with the change of the electoral law in line with the judgment of the European Court of Human Rights, followed by credible implementation of the reforms listed in the Commission’s 14—point plan and all other necessary and needed reforms which will enable the country to firmly set its European path.

Bosnia needs a sign of hope which will empower all those political forces which believe in a modern, democratic, civic and – above all – European Bosnia.

  Tineke Strik, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, Europe’s response to the Russian aggression was almost united – almost. While the rest of Europe was discussing sanctions, Bosnian Serb leader Dodik talked with the Russian ambassador and with Minister Lavrov. This continuous flirting with Putin reconfirms his disinterest in democracy, international order and European security.

Yet the brutal invasion in Ukraine shows the need to more strongly combat Russian interference in the Balkans, as it directly threatens European security. The long—overdue sanctions for Dodik’s secessionist aggression must be imposed right away, including financial ones. So thanks, Commissioner, for your clear position on that; it’s a first step.

Bosnian citizens have become truly scared, reliving their traumas from the 1990s. Russian influence and interference also moves them further away from the EU perspective, which is devastating for their right to live in a stable and fully—fledged democracy. Yet strong support for Bosnian civil society and the EU integration process right now would really increase their trust in the EU and in a democratic and prosperous future.

Let us strongly engage with the citizens, with civil society and, as a first step, ensure free and fair elections in October. That would be the best and most promising medicine against Russian interference.

  Julie Lechanteux, au nom du groupe ID. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, la crise que vit aujourd’hui la Bosnie-Herzégovine est à imputer à la violation des accords de Dayton pour le maintien de la paix, signés à Paris le 14 décembre 1995. La République serbe de Bosnie a toujours respecté la structure juridique, les droits et les obligations énoncées par les accords de Dayton. Il faut que l’autonomie des deux entités du pays et les droits des peuples constitutifs garantis par la Constitution soient impérativement respectés.

Malheureusement, les mesures prises par le haut-représentant des Nations unies sur place et la pression politique exercée par le plus grand parti bosniaque, le Parti d’action démocratique, sur les institutions de l’État, sont en train de mettre à mal le cadre institutionnel du pays.

Un exemple frappant de l’entorse qui est faite au cadre institutionnel qui régit l’État depuis 1995 est la partialité manifeste de la Cour constitutionnelle, composée de neuf membres, dont quatre choisis par la Fédération de Bosnie-Herzégovine (deux Croates et deux Bosniaques), deux désignés par la Republika Srpska et trois étrangers nommés par le président de la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme. Bien trop souvent, ces juges internationaux, en violation du principe d’impartialité, se sont alignés sur les juges bosniaques et ont mis en minorité les Serbes et les Croates. De cette manière, des décisions ont été prises sur la base de critères plus politiques que juridiques, surtout au détriment de la Republika Srpska et de son autonomie.

Devant le manque de droiture des juges internationaux, j’avais proposé, il y a deux ans déjà, de réformer la Cour constitutionnelle en procédant au remplacement de ces juges par des juges nationaux. Les hypocrites, bien trop nombreux dans l’Hémicycle, qui s’émeuvent des ingérences étrangères sont les mêmes qui, en même temps, se taisent devant ces violations de l’état de droit.

L’époque des protectorats est censée être révolue depuis bien longtemps. Rappelons-nous que, en 1914, l’Europe s’est embrasée à partir de Sarajevo, et si nous ne voulons pas accentuer les épisodes tragiques actuels en Europe, nous devons exiger le respect total des accords de Dayton.

  Anna Fotyga, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, the only way to ensure stability and full sovereignty of countries like Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as other partners like Georgia and Moldova, is the final surrender of Putin’s Russian Federation in bloody war waged against Ukraine, withdrawal from all internationally recognised territories of Ukraine and from meddling in the whole region and elsewhere in the world. I think that in between we have to keep utmost engagement in our relationship with Bosnia and Herzegovina.

  Emmanuel Maurel, au nom du groupe The Left. – Monsieur le Président, la situation politique en Bosnie-Herzégovine se détériore singulièrement dans ce pays pauvre, enclavé et divisé, qui n’a pas vraiment surmonté les traumatismes de la guerre civile et dont les institutions fonctionnent mal.

Les tensions sont de plus en plus vives entre la Fédération de Bosnie, dite croato-musulmane, et la République serbe de Bosnie. Cette dernière, cela a été dit, ne dissimule plus sa volonté de faire sécession. Milorad Dodik, le chef politique des Serbes de Bosnie, ne reconnaît plus la légitimité de Sarajevo et demande de pouvoir disposer de sa propre armée, de son propre système judiciaire et sa propre fiscalité.

Dans ce contexte périlleux, évidemment, la guerre de Vladimir Poutine jette une lumière crue, aveuglante, sur les projets de M. Dodik, qui ne fait pas mystère de son allégeance à la Russie et compte sur son appui pour parvenir à ses fins. Et puis, il y a aussi les États-Unis, promoteurs des accords de Dayton, qui sont très intéressés par la région et qui ont adopté des sanctions contre M. Dodik.

Nous sommes donc en phase d’une internationalisation du conflit dans la poudrière des Balkans. Et tout porte à croire que s’il n’y a pas une action rapide, déterminée de l’Union européenne, Monsieur le Commissaire, il pourrait y avoir une seconde catastrophe aux frontières de l’Europe. Parce qu’évidemment, la catastrophe ukrainienne nous émeut tous, mais il y a là un problème de sécurité, de crédibilité. Nous devons donc clarifier notre propre position, et cela ne peut être que l’intégrité territoriale de la Bosnie. Nous devons ensuite nous assurer des intentions de la Serbie – j’ai vu que le président serbe avait encouragé la Republika Srpska à participer aux institutions collégiales bosniennes. Enfin, il faut trouver une sortie par le haut parce que l’Europe ne peut pas traîner. Elle ne peut pas tergiverser. Il en va de notre sécurité.

  Ivan Vilibor Sinčić (NI). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, želim ovdje s vama podijeliti jednu pozitivnu priču iz Bosne i Hercegovine što se tiče zaštite ljudskih i ustavnih prava građana. Osim što je prije više od godinu dana Ustavni sud BiH proglasio obavezu nošenja maski i ograničenje kretanja neustavnim, imamo i nove odluke.

23. veljače ove godine Ustavni sud BiH donio je prema apelaciji advokata Ajanovića odluku kojom neustavnim proglašava COVID potvrde i neustavnim proglašava obvezno cijepljenje koje su uveli uski segmenti izvršne vlasti. O ovome je sudilo Veliko vijeće Ustavnog suda i tri međunarodna suca. Sud je čak kritizirao parlament kako je to mogao dozvoliti izvršnoj vlasti da dozvoli kršenje vladavine prava i demokracije u zemlji.

Prema odluci suda one koji se ogluše na ovu odluku treba goniti po krivičnom zakonu kaznom od pola godine do pet godina. Kao argument, također su prihvaćeni i norveški kodeks i Rezolucija Vijeća Europe 2361. Ustavni sud je naredio da javne vlasti moraju odmah postupiti po odluci i uskladiti svoje djelovanje s ustavnom i Europskom konvencijom o zaštiti ljudskih prava. Pobjeda je ovo protiv segregacije i diskriminacije i dokaz što narod može napraviti kad se ujedini.

Čestitam odavde Bosni i Hercegovini na ovom primjeru zaštite ljudskih i ustavnih prava od koje može učiti cijela Europa.

  Michael Gahler (PPE). – Mr President, I welcome the positioning of Bosnia Herzegovina with regard to the Russian military aggression against Ukraine, and I do that also as a standing rapporteur on Ukraine. I think it is no surprise, however, that Milorad Dodik takes an opposite position. But we all know that Russia cannot deliver anything positive abroad, neither to Ukraine nor to Bosnia Herzegovina, or elsewhere. So I strongly urge everyone not to believe that a tactical siding with Dodik would profit the country as a whole or any particular grouping in the country.

I think that, and that was the clear message from the Commission for which I am grateful, that the Republika Srpska and Dodik have to return to the institutions and make them work. Therefore, I welcome the conditionality that has been set up by the Commission to implement the foreseen projects in the Republika Srpska, which is EUR 600 million, only if this actually takes place.

Moreover, with regard to the elections in October, I also welcome your position to insist that the elections take place in an appropriate set-up and also that the financial means that are required are put in the budget and used for that, in order that something can take place where the people have the right to vote, and it is not about the political parties and their infighting that has contributed to the stalemate.

  Tonino Picula (S&D). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, sve neizvjesnija politička situacija u Bosni i Hercegovini još se više zakomplicirala ruskom agresijom na Ukrajinu. U državi u kojoj ne postoji suglasje o temeljnim socijalnim, ekonomskim i političkim pitanjima, u čijim se dijelovima službeno negiraju i genocid i Putinova agresija, ostaje previše prostora za politikantstvo i korištenje disfunkcionalnog uređenja za osobne i grupne interese.

Kronične blokade najbolji su pokazatelj da napretka u Bosni i Hercegovini ne može biti bez konsenzusa, međutim, konsenzus se gradi povjerenjem, a ne lošim kalkulacijama. Pogotovo ne vezivanjem za politike koje osuđuje pa i sve više sankcionira civilizirani svijet.

S druge strane, preglasavanje volje jednog od konstitutivnih naroda je direktna zlouporaba sistema koji očito ne pruža zaštitu ustavnih prava svima. Nije, dakle, održivo pozivati Bosnu i Hercegovinu da poštuje presude europskih sudova poput presude Sejdić-Finci bez da se istodobno traži poštovanje i presuda BiH sudova. A upravo se Ustavni sud Bosne i Hercegovine izjasnio da postojeće izborne prakse odstupaju od Ustava. Takva selektivnost služi kao argument onima koji u pitanje dovode državnost i teritorijalnu cjelovitost zemlje.

Stajališta građana o budućnosti oslikavaju se u demografskim statistikama. Samo protekle godine Bosnu i Hercegovinu je napustilo 170 000 građana, a od 2013. gotovo pola milijuna. Riječ je uglavnom o ljudima u najproduktivnijim životnim razdobljima.

Traženi ubrzani kandidacijski status zahtijeva i ubrzani angažman Bosne i Hercegovine na ispunjavanju 14 jasno definiranih prioriteta.

Bosni i Hercegovini je svakako mjesto u Europskoj uniji. Svaki njen pomak na tom putu treba podržati, ali i reagirati na opasne stranputice.

  Ilhan Kyuchyuk (Renew). – Mr President, thank you so much for your clear message on putting a conditionality under these difficult circumstances.

I think we should act. We should act now. It’s time for the EU to send a very clear signal. First, we must strongly condemn the divisive ethno-nationalistic rhetoric. Secondly, we must strongly condemn moves to undermine State institutions. And thirdly, we must be prepared to issue sanctions and immediate restrictive measures should be taken on board if the situation further escalates.

The EU must step up and increase its focus on events in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and we must clearly demonstrate our collective commitment towards the country’s European and Euro-Atlantic aspirations.

This is our opportunity to demonstrate the importance of our European values and democracy. We must ensure that the October elections are held, that the transparency of the vote is ensured and their results are implemented.

I firmly believe the country’s future is within the European Union, so we must make sure that the hard-earned progress is not lost and we should give the country a clear and visible path towards European Union and grant them candidate status. This will be decisive for the political future of Bosnia Herzegovina, and not only for them, but for the region. EU and Bosnia-Herzegovina; zaedno i tochka - They go together.

(Die Aussprache wird unterbrochen.)

11. Tillkännagivande av omröstningsresultat: se protokollet

  Der Präsident. – Ich komme nun zu der Bekanntgabe der Ergebnisse der Abstimmungsrunde.

(Der Präsident verliest die Ergebnisse der Abstimmungsrunde.)

12. Situationen i Bosnien och Hercegovina (fortsättning på debatten)

  Der Präsident. – Wir setzen nun unsere Aussprache über die Erklärung der Kommission (2022/2576(RSP)) fort.

  Romeo Franz (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar! Bosnien und Herzegowinas leidvolle Geschichte liegt nicht lange zurück, und die dramatischen Entwicklungen in der Ukraine wecken schlimme Erinnerungen. Putins Angriffskrieg auf die Ukraine ist ein Angriff auf ganz Europa und auf unser Wertesystem, auf unsere Friedensordnung.

Auch im Westbalkan will Putin den europäischen Einfluss zurückdrängen. Sein stärkster Verbündeter in Bosnien und Herzegowina ist Milorad Dodik, den er politisch, wirtschaftlich und selbst militärisch unterstützt. Wir fordern schon lange Sanktionen gegen diesen Ethno-Nationalisten. Einige Länder haben das bisher blockiert und stattdessen den Serbenführer mit Geld ausgestattet. Das ist infam! Auch die erfolglose Appeasement-Politik der Europäischen Kommission, denn, Herr Várhelyi, am Ende bewirkt diese Politik genau das Gegenteil: Sie stärkt nur Dodiks und Putins, die selbst mit demokratischen Werten nichts zu tun haben wollen. Sie interessiert nur Macht und Geld. Sie sind korrupt und getrieben von einem aggressiven Nationalismus.

Anstatt mit Dodik zu reden, muss er endlich abgesetzt werden. Die Menschen in Bosnien und Herzegowina wollen Frieden und Sicherheit und eine Zukunft für sich und ihre Kinder. Und sie wollen Demokratie, wollen Frieden und Sicherheit und eine Zukunft für sich. Herr Putin und seinesgleichen fürchten am meisten die Demokratie. Und zu Recht! Lassen Sie uns die demokratischen Kräfte und die Rechtsstaatlichkeit stärken – in Bosnien und Herzegowina und auf dem gesamten Westbalkan!

  Roman Haider (ID). – Herr Präsident! In Bezug auf die Situation in Bosnien und Herzegowina sind mir zwei Aspekte wichtig.

Einerseits ist Bosnien und Herzegowina trotz der schon über zwei Jahrzehnte andauernden Bemühungen weiterhin ein extrem fragiler Staat, der vor allem durch äußeren Druck zusammengehalten wird. Manche sprechen sogar von einem failed State, und es wäre geradezu verantwortungslos, jetzt – in der aktuellen Situation – diesen mühsam errungenen Kompromiss aufkündigen zu wollen, einen Kompromiss, der bei Weitem nicht perfekt ist, aber der immerhin das Blutvergießen gestoppt hat. Einen solch fragilen Staat jetzt aber auf Biegen und Brechen in die EU aufnehmen zu wollen, wäre völlig unverantwortlich. Damit wird kein Problem gelöst, aber viele neue werden geschaffen.

Andererseits ist Bosnien und Herzegowina aber leider auch ein Paradebeispiel für den wachsenden chinesischen Einfluss am Balkan. Eine deutsche Tageszeitung hat das ganz prägnant auf den Punkt gebracht. Sie sagt: Der Balkan ist der zentrale Hebel für den Angriff Chinas auf Europa. Die Investitionen Chinas in Bosnien und Herzegowina sind Teil dieses Angriffs, und das muss inzwischen jedem in diesem Haus klar sein. Vor allem der Ausbau der kritischen Infrastruktur – wie Kraftwerke oder Verkehrswege – ist daher ganz besonders problematisch zu sehen. Der Anteil chinesischer Kredite an der bosnisch-herzegowinischen Auslandsverschuldung beträgt immerhin schon mehr als zehn Prozent. Die Abhängigkeit wird immer größer, und daher ist es wichtig, dieser Entwicklung entgegenzutreten.

Direkte Ansätze sind da gefragt. Anstatt dauernd mit dem moralischen Zeigefinger zu drohen, sind pragmatische und effektive Hilfestellungen nötig, aber nicht ein EU-Beitritt, der mehr Probleme als Lösungen schaffen würde.

  Bogdan Rzońca (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Wielokrotnie bywałem w Sarajewie, jako przedstawiciel polskiego parlamentu w ramach inicjatywy środkowoeuropejskiej, i tam rozmawialiśmy o przyszłości Bośni i Hercegowiny, która szła dobrą i prostą drogą do Unii Europejskiej. Teraz sytuacja się skomplikowała. Mamy najgorszy moment od zakończenia wojny w Jugosławii. Porozumienie z Dayton jest podważane przez Republikę Serbską, która przyjęła szereg uchwał mających na celu oderwanie się Republiki Serbskiej od wielu etnicznych instytucji Bośni i Hercegowiny. To może zakończyć się po prostu rozpadem tego państwa i problemem na Bałkanach.

Problem jest zresztą nie tylko w Republice Serbskiej, ale również w samym Belgradzie, gdzie są osoby, które chcą zapewnić swój wpływ w krajach byłej Jugosławii. Nie ma nic w tym dziwnego, że 9 stycznia Republika Serbska obchodziła swoje święto narodowe. W paradzie wojskowej uczestniczyli przedstawiciele Serbii, Rosji, Chin, którzy są silnymi zwolennikami dążenia Republiki Serbskiej do secesji i dołączenia do Serbii. Unia Europejska musi zająć twarde stanowisko wobec Serbii i Republiki Serbskiej, jeżeli Serbia chce nadal w bliskiej przyszłości dołączyć do Unii Europejskiej. Te reguły muszą być twarde. Jeśli skorzysta na tym Serbia, wtedy skorzysta także Unia Europejska.

  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (NI). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, a un mese dal trentesimo anniversario della sua indipendenza la Bosnia-Erzegovina sta attraversando la sua peggior crisi politica dalla fine della guerra dei Balcani. Vecchie e dolorose ferite tornano a sanguinare. Addirittura viene affissa una placca celebrativa a Vračar di Ratko Mladić, criminale di guerra e genocida.

L'Unione europea ha espresso tutto il suo oltraggio per la situazione, ma non basta minacciare dure sanzioni e inviare 500 soldati per scongiurare la spirale di tensione interetnica, per scongiurare ancora il rischio che Dodik cavalchi il malcontento economico e sociale trasformandolo in sentimenti nazionalisti, mentre già partono tanti volontari filorussi dalla regione verso l'Ucraina.

Serve un nostro coinvolgimento diretto sempre più forte, con maggiori investimenti, per contrastare una crisi che oltre ad aspetti etnici ha anche connotazioni economiche molto chiare. Per proteggere l'importantissima prospettiva di integrazione europea va rivalutata profondamente, insieme ai diretti interessati, l'architettura stessa dello Stato bosniaco, superando i limiti emersi da trent'anni di crisi perenne e instabilità, altrimenti sarà sin troppo facile per Mosca continuare con la sua opera di destabilizzazione del paese, alimentando l'ennesimo scontro per procura e aprendo un secondo fronte nel cuore dell'Europa.

  Željana Zovko (PPE). – Mr President, today once again we are discussing the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This time it is the security context. For me, this discussion should be a public appeal to the politicians responsible to negotiate a solution to the real problem that the country is facing on the eve of its elections.

The people, and not the international community, should be able to sanction politicians with their votes. In order to allow the people to make politicians responsible for their policies of the last four years, including war rhetoric, separatist rhetoric and unitarist rhetoric, we should give them the only possible tool invented by democratic society: a functioning electoral law reformed in accordance with constitutional and international court decisions.

For 12 years, the citizens of emblematic Mostar did not have the privilege to elect their officials due to the hesitance from the international community’s side to push for a solution. Now, Mostar is a success case. Let us make Bosnia and Herzegovina and its electoral law a success and give the people a chance to use their power – that they deserve – to decide, as every vote counts.

  Delara Burkhardt (S&D). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wenn ich sage „In Vielfalt geeint“, denken die meisten an die Europäische Union. Ich denke aber auch an die größte Stärke, die in Bosnien und Herzegowina steckt.

Aber genau diese Gleichheit und Vielfalt wird seit 26 Jahren von Ethno-Nationalisten blockiert – nicht für die Menschen, sondern aus politischem Kalkül. Doch die Kräfte verschieben sich nicht zuletzt durch den Angriff Putins zu ihrem Nachteil.

Die Kommission und auch Sie, Herr Kommissar, müssen endlich heraus aus der Schockstarre – nicht mit Hetzern wie Milorad Dodik paktieren, sondern diese sanktionieren, den mutigen Menschen der Zivilgesellschaft die Hand reichen, das Amt des Hohen Vertreters stärken und Reformen unterstützen.

Nach 30 Jahren Unabhängigkeit wünsche ich diesem wunderschönen Land, Stärke aus seiner bunten und mutigen Gesellschaft ziehen zu können, mit uns als verlässlicher Partnerin an ihrer Seite.

  Irena Joveva (Renew). – Predsedujoči. V enaindvajsetem stoletju smo. Vem, da veste, ampak žal veste tudi, da avtokrati in uničevalci demokracije, ki ogrožajo mir in človekove svoboščine, še vedno obstajajo. V enaindvajsetem stoletju, tudi pri nas na evropskih tleh.

Trideset let po vojni v Bosni in Hercegovini Milorad Dodik uničuje državo in institucije. Zanika genocid. Kot da to, kar so ljudje tam že preživeli, ne bi bilo dovolj.

Trideset let po vojni v Bosni in Hercegovini se začne vojna v Ukrajini. Vladimirja Putina se označi za zločinca, in prav je tako. Ker točno to tudi je.

Ampak, kaj je pa Dodik. Kako lahko kdorkoli ne obsodi njegovih dejanj. Ker so nekatere stranke povezane z njim, je zato kaj manj hudoben človek?

Tudi državljani Bosne in Hercegovine si zaslužijo boljše življenje, veste, in voditelje, ki jim je mar. Mi pa jih moramo podpreti, državljane namreč, na njihovi poti v Evropsko unijo. Medtem ko se moramo upreti, enako glasno, vsem avtokratom in kriminalcem, ker je bilo hinavščine Evropske unije v tem okviru že zdavnaj preveč. Tudi v lastnih vrstah. Metode so zelo podobne, žal.

  Thomas Waitz (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, Commissioner Várhelyi, first of all, I want to thank you for taking this step on putting a conditionality on further funding within Republika Srpska. Many of us have asked for that for quite a while, but as it is better late than never, it’s important to take that step now that it has become clear that we cannot expect any constructive moves at the moment and where there is clear evidence that there is direct Russian influence in Republika Srpska decision-making.

And yes, sure, we have to talk about the Dayton Agreement. I mean, this was a peace agreement, and unfortunately, it is enshrining ethnical segregation into this new now kind of constitutional level. We need to talk about a reform there. We need to talk about an electoral reform following the European Court decisions.

But what we need to do foremost is guarantee the citizens of Bosnia an election that is fair, free of fraud and this is not filibustered by stopping the budget. If there’s no budget from Bosnia and Herzegovina, it’s us that need to put the budget on the floor and to send observers to grant the citizens a legal and fair vote. I think this should be the first priority.

  Lukas Mandl (PPE). – Herr Präsident! Zu den Lehren, die aus dem bestialischen Überfall seitens des Kreml und der russischen Führung auf die Ukraine gezogen werden müssen, gehört, dass wir nie wieder an den Verhandlungstischen in Europa oder auf dieser Welt Nationalismus, ethnische Konflikte, pseudoreligiöse Konflikte oder einfach Lügen, falsche Geschichten, falsche Narrative zulassen dürfen, die sich gegen Menschen richten, weil sie in den Abgrund führen.

Stefan Zweig hat den Nationalismus als die Erzpest des Jahrhunderts bezeichnet, und er hat das vergangene Jahrhundert gemeint. Ich habe bis vor Kurzem die Hoffnung gehegt, im 21. Jahrhundert läuft es besser. Ich bin erschüttert darüber, welche nationalistischen Tendenzen nach dem Überfall seitens des Kreml auf die Ukraine auch am Westbalkan, auch in Bosnien und Herzegowina aufgekommen sind.

Und das ist nicht zu akzeptieren. Die Bürgerinnen und Bürger von Bosnien und Herzegowina verdienen Demokratie und Rechtsstaatlichkeit und dass jeder Mensch auch vor dem Staat und dem Gesetz gleich viel wert ist – in Bosnien und Herzegowina, am gesamten Westbalkan.

  Andreas Schieder (S&D). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, sehr geehrte Damen und Herren! Die Lage am Westbalkan ist mehr als prekär. Sie ist gefährlich und explosiv, speziell in Bosnien und Herzegowina. Und die russische Aggression, die wir jetzt schon die ganze Woche diskutieren, kann ganz leicht und schnell auf den Balkan übergreifen.

Und einer, der daran schuld ist, ist Milorad Dodik, der genau in der Republika Srpska alles unternimmt, um die Einheit Bosnien und Herzegowinas schrittweise, scheibchenweise zu zerstören. Und daher ist es die höchste Zeit, dass die Europäische Union hier viel schärfer, viel radikaler für die Einheit Bosnien und Herzegowinas eintritt und auch Leuten wie Milorad Dodik mit Sanktionen nicht nur droht, sondern gegebenenfalls auch welche verhängt.

Und neben dem muss uns auch klar sein: Die Europäische Union muss noch viel einheitlicher werden. Auch Ungarn und Kroatien müssen sich hier einkriegen. Und wir müssen als Europäische Union endlich das Versprechen, das wir dem Westbalkan gegeben haben, bei Reformen auch eine Beitrittsperspektive und -möglichkeit zu geben, für alle Länder umsetzen!

  Reinhard Bütikofer (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, meine sehr geehrten Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Bundeskanzler Olaf Scholz hat in Bezug auf Russlands Invasion in der Ukraine von einer Zeitenwende gesprochen. Viele Heuchler tun nun so, als hätte man das nicht kommen sehen können. Aber diese Zeitenwende ist nicht über uns gekommen wie ein Dieb in der Nacht. Wir hätten es sehen können.

Wir wissen auch, dass auch der Westbalkan auf der strategischen Agenda Putins steht. Die Frage ist: Machen wir denselben Fehler zum zweiten Mal? Oder sehen wir, was passiert? Sind wir bereit, es klar auszusprechen, klar zu benennen? Und tun wir alles, um zu verhindern, dass es noch einmal so brutal schiefgeht?

Vučić und Dodik können nicht auf zwei Schultern Wasser tragen. Sie müssen sich entscheiden, sie müssen eine Wahl treffen, und wir müssen dafür sorgen, dass sie das tun.

Um das als letzten Satz zu sagen: Es ist schon legitim, Chinas Abhängigkeiten und Einmischung in Bosnien und Herzegowina zu kritisieren, aber es liegt an uns, ob wir dafür Spielraum lassen. Ohne realistische EU-Perspektive haben wir dem Land zu wenig zu bieten.

  Tomislav Sokol (PPE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, potpredsjedniče, povjereniče, kolegice i kolege, stabilnost Bosne i Hercegovine bitna je za održavanje mira i sigurnosti na području jugoistočne Europe. Da bi se osigurala stabilnost u toj državi prioritet je prevladati političku krizu u kojoj se Hrvatima, kao konstitutivnom narodu, nameću nelegitimni predstavnici na razini Predsjedništva BiH i Doma naroda Parlamenta Federacije BiH.

To je moguće, jedino i isključivo, žurnom izmjenom izbornog zakona koja će osigurati ravnopravnost hrvatskog naroda u BiH kojemu je, kolegice i kolege, uskraćeno političko pravo koje nije uskraćeno praktički niti jednom drugom narodu u Europi - da sam bira svoje političke predstavnike.

To pravo priznato je odlukom Ustavnog suda BiH, koja se, nažalost, ne primjenjuje. Ključno je, dakle, da se reformom izbornog zakona osigura legitimno predstavljanje u sva tri konstitutivna naroda na jednak način, kao što je na primjer slučaj u Belgiji, i zaustavi hegemonija najbrojnijeg naroda.

Skandalozno je da neki zastupnici ovdje, u Parlamentu, to temeljno pravo koje imaju primjerice i narodi u Belgiji, poput Nijemaca, negiraju.

Ponovit ću i ovog puta, kao što sam više puta rekao s ove govornice, pitanje zaštite Hrvata u Bosni i Hercegovini koji su praktički svi građani Europske unije, pitanje je očuvanja temeljnih europskih vrijednosti poput vladavine prava, ali i ključ stabilnosti ovog dijela Europe.

  Tanja Fajon (S&D). – Hvala lepa. Vojna v Ukrajini nevarno zaostruje varnostne razmere v Bosni in Hercegovini. Strah, da bi tesni zavezniki ruskega predsednika Putina v Republiki srbski rusko agresijo nad Ukrajino izkoristili in sprovocirali incidente ali celo vojno v Bosni in Hercegovini, je močno prisoten.

Naraščanje nacionalističnih in separatističnih teženj že dlje ogroža mir, stabilnost in ozemeljsko suverenost države. Pozivam k politiki pomiritve. Potrebujemo glasnike miru in ne glasnikov vojne!

V Evropskem parlamentu smo Unijo pozvali naj uvede sankcije proti Miloradu Dodiku zaradi korupcije in ogrožanja stabilnosti države. Političnega soglasja očitno ne bo, saj zavezniki, kot je madžarski premier Orban, sankcijam ostro nasprotujejo.

Bosni in Hercegovini moramo zagotoviti evropsko perspektivo. Ljudje zaslužijo mir, poštene volitve in boljše življenje. Podprimo jih!

  Olivér Várhelyi, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, thank you all very much for this debate and also thank you very much for confirming our understanding on the main challenges.

As I mentioned, Bosnia and Herzegovina has aligned with the EU statements on Ukraine, and I think this is a very important development because in these testing moments, Bosnia and Herzegovina is showing its European commitment and support for the rule-based international order.

However, as was mentioned by some of you, we need to be aware of the internal tensions that are still there. The Operational Commander of EUFOR Operation Althea recently decided to almost double the number of troops stationed in the country. This is a precautionary measure as there are no threats to a safe and secure environment, but it visibly shows the EU’s commitment to the security and stability of Bosnia Herzegovina.

The Commission will soon start preparing its 2022 Enlargement package, and in it we will have the occasion to take stock of our relations with Bosnia and Herzegovina. We expect to see tangible reforms in view of fulfilling the 14 key reform priorities. Only delivering on them will bring the country closer to becoming a candidate country, and it is for the country to deliver on this for its own people.

  Der Präsident. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 171 GO)

  Dominique Bilde (ID), par écrit. – En vertu de l’accord-cadre général pour la paix en Bosnie-Herzégovine du 14 décembre 1995, ce pays est constitué de deux entités autonomes, notamment la République serbe de Bosnie. Il est donc évident que les velléités centralisatrices ne peuvent qu’exacerber les tensions. Par ailleurs, les institutions internationales, en particulier le Haut Représentant, ne sauraient outrepasser leurs prérogatives.

C’est d’autant plus vrai que l’occupant actuel de ce poste se trouve dans une situation ambiguë, puisque sa nomination n’a pas encore été consacrée par une résolution du Conseil de sécurité de l’Organisation des Nations unies. S’y ajoutent certaines actions de la Cour constitutionnelle bosnienne, qui est composée de trois juges nommés par le président de la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme. Je rappelle, enfin, que Milorad Dodik a expressément contesté toute intention sécessionniste.

Gardons-nous donc de jeter de l’huile sur le feu, au risque d’ouvrir un nouveau front en Europe.

  Kinga Gál (NI), írásban. – Magyarország számára kulcsfontosságú nemzetbiztonsági és nemzetgazdasági érdek a Nyugat-Balkán, így Bosznia-Hercegovina békéje és stabilitása. Ennek egyik lényeges eleme a térség mielőbbi csatlakozása az Európai Unióhoz. Ezt Magyarország teljes mértékben támogatja.

A jelenlegi háborús kihívások közepette a Nyugat-Balkán stabilitása fontosabb, mint valaha. A térség stabilitása, békéje és nyugalma az Európai Unió biztonsági, geopolitikai és gazdasági érdeke. Az Unió konkrétumokkal teli csatlakozási perspektívát kell nyújtson úgy Bosznia-Hercegovina, mint nyugat-balkáni régió számára mielőbbi bővítéssel. Nem a nyugat-balkániakról hanem a nyugat-balkániakkal kell beszélni a kölcsönös tiszteleten alapuló párbeszéd jegyében. Ehhez elengedhetetlen érdemi kapcsolat kialakítása az országok vezetőivel a közös kihívások kezelésére.

13. Stigande energipriser och marknadsmanipulation på gasmarknaden (debatt)

  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Anfrage zur mündlichen Beantwortung an die Kommission über den Anstieg der Energiepreise und Marktmanipulationen auf dem Gasmarkt von Cristian-Silviu Buşoi im Namen des Ausschusses für Industrie, Forschung und Energie (O—000007/2022 – B9-0007/22) (2022/2552(RSP)).

  Cristian-Silviu Buşoi, author. – Mr President, the Committee on Industry, Research and Energy (ITRE) has been following very closely the evolution of energy prices over the last months. We have dedicated quite some time to receiving expertise and debating the causes and effects of the dramatic rise in energy prices, which is largely due to rising gas prices.

It is important to note, first, that energy prices did not rise overnight and there are many factors, some with more impact than others. Whether we are talking about a sudden increase in demand at international level, especially in Asia, the decrease of internal gas production in the EU, the speculation on the EU ETS that might climb the price of carbon allowances and – especially – the game that Gazprom was playing to increase profits and the dependence of some EU countries on its resources, all these causes contribute to rising energy prices and, of course, now there is the unfortunate war started by Russia.

Gas prices peaked in December 2021, when they were 4.5 times higher than in January 2021, driven by global supply and demand dynamics, exacerbated by factors linked to the pandemic and geopolitical tensions combined with lower than expected imports of fossil gas in Europe, especially from Russia. This has led to fossil gas storage reaching lower than average levels and increasing inflation rates across the Union.

We welcomed the Commission toolbox in October 2021 as a necessary support to assist Member States to find solutions at their hands to palliate the effects of this sharp increase on vulnerable consumers and businesses. I welcome the second toolbox, the communication just launched this afternoon by the Commission, which will be presented in the ITRE Committee next week.

At the time of negotiating this oral question in our committee, Russia had not invaded Ukraine. It had not even started its so-called military exercises at its border. If anything, the events of the past two weeks have only confirmed that we are right to have suspicions of deliberate interference in the EU energy markets. What is clear is that we are certainly more vulnerable than we were a year ago. Our citizens are suffering the consequences of these rising prices in their own pockets. Inflation is heavy on our economy and our industries need our support too. Our gas reserves are sufficient for our immediate needs, but lower than average, and we must replenish them for the next winter, too.

As the economy is starting to recover from the pandemic, the EU and the Member States must find structural solutions to protect and support households, as well as EU industries and enterprises – especially SMEs and micro—enterprises.

We welcome the new communication adopted today by the Commission on Joint European action for more affordable, secure and sustainable energy and will give it all our attention in the coming days, together with all our work being carried out in the revision of the Internal Market for Gas Package.

Nevertheless, today we focus a little bit on the matter of potential manipulation in the gas market. We understand that the Commission is carrying out an investigation on possible anti-competitive behaviour in the gas market. What are the preliminary findings and when will these conclusions be made public?

At the time of negotiating the Third Energy Package, the Gas Directive included the third-country clause in its Article 11, the so-called Gazprom clause, which established the mechanism to award third-country companies certification to become a transmission system operator in the Union. The certification process required said companies to prove their activities did not endanger the security of supply in the Union.

Has the Commission started to review the certifications awarded? If not, why not? Has the effectiveness of Article 11 in reducing the risks to security of energy supply in the Member States been assessed? Such an assessment would be very welcome for our work on the revision of the Gas Directive.

With regard to strategic levels of storage, do the current levels exacerbate our vulnerability to external pressures in the short term? Are the specific thresholds for storage levels defined? What is the current picture of the liquefied natural gas carrier (LNGC) situation in the Union with regard to third-country operators? Could it also be a source of interference? Which concrete market structural changes at EU level could allow Member States to protect consumers in the future against the volatility of the international gas market?

Finally, what concrete actions will the Commission undertake to inform EU citizens better about the causes behind the dramatic increase in energy prices they are suffering from?

  Kadri Simson, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, thank you very much for giving me the opportunity to speak to you today. Your questions to me were tabled before the onset of war in Ukraine. Today, they take on an even greater significance in this new reality.

I will begin my remarks today on our relations with Gazprom. You asked me whether our rules on the certification of third countries operating in the EU are effective in ensuring our security of supply. This question is even more pertinent today. In this context, I very much welcome the German Government’s decision not to proceed with a certification process for Nord Stream 2, a project ultimately controlled by Gazprom. At the same time, I believe that our rules and third party certification are rigorous and effective, as it could not be demonstrated that granting certification would not put at risk the EU’s security of supply.

Importantly, we are also closely monitoring Gazprom’s behaviour in the EU. As you know, we have opened an investigation into possible anti—competitive behaviour by Gazprom on the gas market and whether it has given rise to higher energy prices and this has been supported by the Ukrainian oil and gas company Naftogaz, and we are still in the fact—finding phase, but we are treating this investigation as an absolute priority.

Staying with the topic of high energy prices and security of supply. You have rightly pointed out the low levels of gas storage available in Europe today. The good news is that thanks to the mild weather and increased LNG supplies, we expect to be on the safe side for this winter, but we are also getting ready for the next one. In December, we already made proposals to improve the use of storage in the EU and to create the option for joint purchase of reserves.

However, we are not stopping there. Today, we have adopted a communication on more affordable, secure and sustainable energy. An important part of this communication is our approach to storage. The communication sets out EU—wide measures to fill storage before next winter. In April, we will bring forward a legislative proposal that will require the underground storage to be at least 90% full by 1 October each year. The proposal will also identify gas storage as critical infrastructure and tackle ownership risks.

Beyond these immediate measures, we also need to look to the future. The communication adopted today sets out our vision to reach full independence from Russian gas before the end of this decade. Reducing our reliance on Russian gas includes continuing the work we have done so far on increasing LNG supplies, and in the medium term, more green energy, diversity of energy supplies and reducing energy demand. We remain firmly on the same course set by the Green Deal, but we aim to move much faster.

On renewables, we must roll out renewable electricity in the sectors where gas dominates. This means insulating homes, installing heat pumps, solar PVs and speeding up the completion of wind parks and solar power plants across the EU. Part of this fast—tracking renewables is to look at what barriers still stand in the way. One of our biggest challenges in the renewables deployment today is permitting and authorisation for new projects, and we will propose guidance on this and introduce the concept of go—to areas where renewables development will be particularly accelerated.

To support this colossal shift in our energy system, we also need the infrastructure in place to match this new volume of renewables. That’s why in the communication adopted today, we make a strong call for interconnections and trans—European networks adapted to this new reality. And similarly, consumer empowerment and protection will be key to helping them manage the challenges of even higher and volatile prices.

Energy communities will also play an increasing role, allowing citizens to come together to collectively produce and consume electricity, and the prerequisite for this energy system is the full implementation of the Clean Energy Package and the Electricity Directive. This sets the framework for the rollout of smart meters, of demand—side response and for aggregators who bundle the actions of many small consumers to be big enough to act on the market.

Let me finish by saying that we have thoroughly analysed the reasons for the dramatic rise of energy prices at many points along the road. Today’s communication takes account of how the energy landscape has changed since our October toolbox, including the Russian aggression in Ukraine. The communication we have adopted today is also a way to be fully transparent with EU citizens about the causes behind these dramatic increases that they are seeing in their monthly bills and our proposed solutions to address them. At the same time we look forward to continuing the dialogue with the Parliament and Council and provide further explanations if they are needed.

  Christian Ehler, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, in recent months natural gas prices have experienced historical increases to reach 400% between 2020 and 2021 and represent a considerable cost for industry, companies and households. This is caused by many reasons, obviously, but mainly linked to the geopolitical tensions and lower imports from fossil gas from Russia. With the EU gas storage at historical low levels, we witness a growing gas crisis. We need to decrease Europe’s energy dependency on Russia.

I would like to thank specifically my colleague, Mr Nikka, who has been inflicting this discussion of today. Let’s not be naive. There is growing evidence that Gazprom, the Russian gas giant, has been involved in deliberately withholding significant volumes of gas for the European market, although there has been more than enough natural gas supplies in Russia. Let’s be realistic. Gazprom had been surprisingly reducing gas supplies to Europe, according to Gazprom’s own data, that supplied 185 billion cubic meters of gas to the so-called far abroad, so to Europe, which is notably lower than the annual export of between 2017 and 2019, and only 3%, or 5.8 billion cubic meters higher than in COVID-struck 2020. It’s obvious.

The decline of gas supplies to Europe in the second half of 2021 is supported by day-to- day EU gas supply statistics provided by Gazprom on it’s own website. So you can see that in 2021 alone, from September to December, the gas supply, run by the Ukrainian Gas Transit Network and via Yamal has been running through Belarus and Poland was reduced by 58% to 51%, respectively, during that period, in a time where the markets and the demand was exploding. So it’s clear that this situation underlines the need for a speedy launch of a full scale investigation into Gazprom’s alleged manipulation of the European natural gas market.

  Dan Nica, în numele grupului S&D. – Domnule președinte, doamnă comisar Simson, vă mulțumesc că sunteți în această seară aici. V-am cerut să veniți să avem această discuție pentru că prețurile pe care le înregistrează energia electrică și gazele naturale în Uniunea Europeană, în România, au atins un nivel de nesuportat.

V-am spus și vă repet: este greu de acceptat, imposibil de acceptat că există în România facturile cumulate la electricitate și gaz care sunt mai mari decât salariul minim pe economie, că factura la gaz și electricitate este mai mare decât pensia medie în România, că riscăm să transformăm o țară cum este România, în care acum probabil peste 50 % dintre gospodării se încadrează în categoria consumatorilor vulnerabili. Ceva este profund greșit.

Nu este admisibil să avem producători de energie electrică, de exemplu, în România, care să vândă energie electrică de 10 ori cât este prețul de cost. Aceasta nu este o economie funcțională, nu este o piață de energie. Acest lucru duce la falimente în lanț. Zeci de mii de oameni își pierd locul de muncă pentru că nicio firmă nu poate să funcționeze în condițiile în care prețul la energie fluctuează în niște limite pe care nimeni nu le poate nici bănui și nici prevedea.

Toate aceste lucruri au dus la o situație absolut de nesuportat. V-am cerut să interveniți și să reglementați această piață. Directorul [neinteligibil] spune că nu el reglementează piața de energie în sensul de a vedea dacă există comportament de poziție semnificativă sau dominantă de piață. Dar cine, doamnă comisar? Cei de la concurență care se ocupă și de reglementarea cartofilor și de reglementarea hainelor?

Aceasta este o chestiune care a dus într-o situație fără ieșire foarte multe țări din Uniunea Europeană. Eu cred că situația este generală, iar în România situația a devenit absolut imposibilă.

Și eu am mai cerut un lucru: din cauza acestei situații de ultimă oră din Ucraina și a bombardamentelor pe care Rusia le-a întreprins în această țară, să decuplați achiziția comună de gaze de reglementarea pentru piața gazelor pentru ca să puteți să veniți și să venim cu toții cu o măsură urgentă, pentru că altfel și acum, și iarna următoare vom avea probleme cu aceste prețuri uriașe și de-abia peste doi ani se va previziona că s-ar putea să se întâmple ceva.

Nimeni nu mai poate rezista, doamnă comisar, și noi am promis ceva: că nimeni nu va fi obligat nici în România și nici în Uniunea Europeană să aleagă între a-și plăti factura la electricitate și a-și cumpăra medicamente sau haine.

  Morten Petersen, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Mr President, let me start out by saying that, from Renew Europe’s side, we are quite happy with the Commission’s proposal on Joint European action for more affordable, secure and sustainable energy that was communicated this afternoon. I think it is fair to say that Renew Europe is happy to repower Europe. We still need to go through the text in detail, but I think we all find that the Commission is sending a strong message in the very right direction, namely addressing the urgency swiftly with concrete measures.

We all know that the European Union relies heavily on Russia for about 40% of our gas demands and that 27% of extra—EU crude oil imports come from Russia. It is also clear to all of us that this can no longer be the case. In the past two weeks we have been forced to re-evaluate, adapt and react but, most importantly, to find a way to protect the EU and prevent future crises.

We welcome these short and medium-term plans with the aim to be independent from Russian gas, and we want to work with the Commission in order to see also a concrete 10-year plan for Europe to achieve full security of energy supply, diversification and independence, by working both on demand and on supply. We are happy to see this materialising now.

I think it’s important to say that we all need to support these efforts and this House has a very important role to play, obviously, in endorsing the Fit for 55 Package and speeding up this work, in raising these ambitions that are on the table right now. Obviously, Member States and Council would have to agree to this as well, which is not a given still.

Let me finally further emphasise the important issue of permitting, and the Commission touched upon it very well. I think we all need to address this very efficiently, and we are looking forward to the Commission’s recommendations, but we need more concrete measures on this in order to tackle it and to facilitate the deployment of renewables. We are happy to work with you, Commissioner.

  Marie Toussaint, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, face à la guerre menée par Vladimir Poutine contre l’Ukraine, l’Europe a montré un visage ferme, uni et déterminé. Et pourtant, nous continuons à financer l’effort de guerre russe à hauteur de 700 millions d’euros par jour parce que nous nous sommes liés les mains au gaz russe. L’ironie du sort, c’est que c’est aujourd’hui Poutine lui-même qui menace de couper le robinet européen de gaz russe Nord Stream 1.

Notre impératif pour une paix durable, pour notre indépendance, pour le climat, pour la démocratie, pour la justice sociale, c’est effectivement d’accélérer la transition énergétique et de mettre un terme à notre consommation de gaz russe en particulier et d’énergie fossile en général.

J’entends aujourd’hui des voix nombreuses nous proposer de remplacer notre dépendance au gaz russe par des gaz venant d’ailleurs – du gaz de schiste américain, du gaz liquéfié venant du Qatar ou d’autres énergies fossiles venant quasiment toujours de zones à risque. Ce serait une aberration.

Une autre voie est possible. D’abord à travers l’efficacité énergétique, pourtant peu mobilisée par la Commission dans la communication présentée aujourd’hui; mais aussi en accélérant le développement des énergies renouvelables à un rythme sans précédent. Nous devons demander aux industries européennes de réduire leur consommation avec des mécanismes d’interruptibilité, mais aussi parce que 64 % des processus industriels utilisent un gaz qui peut être remplacé. Que dire des engrais chimiques qui, à eux seuls, absorbent 2,5 % du gaz consommé en France? De l’argent peut et doit être mobilisé en taxant les surprofits de l’industrie pétro-gazière, mais aussi en réorientant les fonds publics aujourd’hui investis dans les énergies fossiles vers les énergies renouvelables.

Chers collègues, nous avons besoin d’orienter tous les fonds qui sont sur la table vers la transition. Demain, je vous demande de voter pour la proposition d’objection à la cinquième liste PCI, qui contient encore de nombreux projets gaziers, pour qu’elle soit 100 % axée sur le renouvelable et l’efficacité énergétique. Aucun des projets gaziers qu’elle contient ne sera utile dans le contexte de la crise, puisqu’aucun de ces projets ne sera créé dans les cinq ans. À l’opposé, ces projets nous enfermerons dans les énergies fossiles pour encore plusieurs décennies. Et ne nous laissons pas berner: les nouveaux terminaux d’ELNG ne sont pas non plus des solutions puisque nous utilisons à peine 40 % des capacités actuelles de l’Europe. Nous avons besoin de tout cet argent, au contraire, pour des projets électriques renouvelables.

Alors, au nom des 107 députés signataires de cette proposition d’objection, je demande à la Commission de nous présenter au plus vite une nouvelle liste 100 % efficacité énergétique et 100 % renouvelable. Construisons ensemble un avenir qui soit respectueux du climat et garant d’un monde de paix.

ΠΡΟΕΔΡΙΑ: ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΠΑΠΑΔΗΜΟΥΛΗΣ
Αντιπρόεδρος

  Paolo Borchia, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la situazione è insostenibile, la recessione è a un passo e questo è il momento di passare dalle parole alle soluzioni. Però servono anche le assunzioni di responsabilità: è il fallimento di un'idea di Europa globalizzata costretta a importare tutto, dalle mascherine ai respiratori, durante la prima fase di pandemia, mentre oggi ci siamo svegliati, realizzando che abbiamo sbagliato tutto sulla politica energetica.

Questo è anche il fallimento di una politica industriale sconfitta dal neoliberismo, impotente di fronte alla concorrenza internazionale. Le logiche di mercato sono saltate, visto che ieri il TTF ha visto il prezzo del gas pari a 16 volte rispetto a quanto lo era un anno prima. La dipendenza dal gas russo non si supera in un giorno, ma riflettano quanti in quest'Aula si sono sistematicamente opposti all'alternativa, boicottando, per esempio, la creazione del corridoio meridionale del gas. Serve tornare ad attingere dai giacimenti del Mediterraneo. Il GNL, gas naturale liquido, è una soluzione, ma è costosa, ha limiti di quantità, ci sono limiti a livello di infrastrutture, mentre delle rinnovabili conosciamo i pregi ma anche i tanti, tanti limiti.

Infine, serve riflettere sul Green Deal. Le politiche di contenimento delle emissioni hanno contribuito a innalzare i prezzi di materie prime ed energia, nonostante la Commissione europea, rispondendo a una mia interrogazione, abbia negato l'evidenza. Il Green Deal ha una tabella di marcia ai limiti dell'irrealizzabile. La riattivazione delle capacità produttive del carbone sta riportando con i piedi per terra quanti pensavano che con le rinnovabili fossimo a posto. Se non cambia l'impostazione, se questo Parlamento e la Commissione non fanno un'onesta autocritica, allora il Green Deal diventa un problema, non la soluzione.

  Beata Szydło, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Szanowna Pani Komisarz! Słuchając niektórych z Państwa wypowiedzi, mam wrażenie, że nie dotarło jeszcze do wielu z Was, że my jesteśmy dzisiaj w zupełnie innym czasie niż przed 24 lutego. To jest czas wojny. Na naszym kontynencie, w Europie, jest wojna i potrzebujemy na ten czas szybkich, zdecydowanych i przede wszystkim skutecznych decyzji, jeżeli chodzi o bezpieczeństwo energetyczne.

Dobrze, że Komisja podjęła dzisiaj decyzję o wstrzymaniu dostaw rosyjskiego gazu, ropy i paliw kopalnych do Europy. Dobrze, że wyciągane są wnioski z błędów wcześniej popełnionych, ale musimy mieć świadomość, Szanowni Państwo, że odnawialne źródła energii, zielona energia, Zielony Ład, projekt Fit for 55 nie rozwiążą problemu bezpieczeństwa energetycznego.

Dzisiaj jesteśmy w szczególnym czasie i potrzebne są szczególne decyzje, a więc rewizja dotychczasowych planów energetycznych tutaj, w Unii Europejskiej. Na ten czas, czas wojenny, musimy zrewidować negatywny stosunek nasz, Unii Europejskiej, do paliw kopalnych, naszych europejskich, węgla, naszego gazu. Trzeba myśleć o atomie. To oczywiście zielone źródło energii również. To jest ten miks energetyczny, który zapewni nam bezpieczeństwo. Fit for 55 doprowadzi do jeszcze większego ubóstwa energetycznego mieszkańców Europy. Musimy o tym pamiętać.

  Sira Rego, en nombre del Grupo The Left. – Señor presidente, señora comisaria de Energía, hago mías las palabras de la Comisión: tenemos que llegar a ser independientes del gas ruso.

Sin embargo, usted y yo sabemos que para responder a esta emergencia no basta con reducir la dependencia; además, es imprescindible cambiar sus reglas del juego para la fijación de precios, su fallido modelo de mercado marginalista, que, por cierto, no se atreven a tocar. Permítame un ejemplo: en mi país, ahora mismo, cerca de las ocho de la tarde, vamos a pagar 700 euros el megavatio hora, aunque solo el 1 % por ciento de la generación eléctrica dependa directamente del gas ruso. Un chantaje posible porque el mercado de la energía en Europa está diseñado para hinchar los beneficios de las grandes eléctricas.

Por eso no basta con diversificar el origen del gas. Necesitamos con urgencia un cambio de modelo que refuerce nuestra soberanía energética para que sea renovable y justa y esté bajo control público.

Necesitamos un modelo que impida que seamos rehenes y que haga imposible que el precio de la energía en Europa lo determine Putin desde su despacho.

  Κώστας Παπαδάκης (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, ο ιμπεριαλιστικός πόλεμος στην Ουκρανία συνδέεται άρρηκτα με τους ενεργειακούς ανταγωνισμούς μονοπωλίων. Η ενεργειακή ακρίβεια για τον λαό ήταν ήδη πριν τον πόλεμο σε ύψη ρεκόρ, εξαιτίας της στρατηγικής της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και των ελληνικών κυβερνήσεων για την πράσινη μετάβαση, της απελευθέρωσης της ενέργειας, του χρηματιστηρίου ρύπων. Έτσι εγκαταλείφθηκαν τα ορυκτά καύσιμα και αναδείχθηκε το εισαγόμενο φυσικό αέριο σε στρατηγικό καύσιμο. Η επιτάχυνση της απεξάρτησης από το ρώσικο φυσικό αέριο και η επιλογή των δρομολογίων υγροποιημένου από τις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες, που προωθούν την κερδοφορία των Ελλήνων εφοπλιστών και τα σχέδια γεωστρατηγικής αναβάθμισης της αστικής τάξης της Ελλάδας ως πύλης εισόδου για τα δυτικά Βαλκάνια και τις αγορές της Ευρώπης, προμηνύουν για τον λαό ενεργειακή φτώχεια διαρκείας και εμπλοκή σε μεγάλους κινδύνους. Επειγόντως είναι ανάγκη, μπροστά στα ανεπαρκέστατα κυβερνητικά μέτρα, να καταργηθούν οι φόροι στα καύσιμα και ο ΦΠΑ στα τρόφιμα και στα είδη πλατιάς λαϊκής κατανάλωσης, βαδίζοντας στον δρόμο της ανατροπής για να πάψουν η ενέργεια, τα τρόφιμα και η ίδια η εργατική δύναμη να αποτελούν εμπόρευμα.

  Maria da Graça Carvalho (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, começo por cumprimentar a Comissão Europeia pela publicação do RePower EU. A atual crise dos preços da energia, agravada pela invasão russa da Ucrânia, coloca-nos dois grandes desafios. O primeiro prende-se com a autonomia estratégica da União Europeia. Precisamos de diversificar os países de origem e de passagem do gás que importamos. As interligações são muito importantes e permitam-me que relembre as palavras do Vice-Presidente Timmermans que ontem, neste Parlamento, disse que será dada prioridade a este tema, nomeadamente às ligações de Portugal e Espanha ao resto da Europa.

O segundo aspeto é a proteção dos consumidores, daqueles que se encontram em risco imediato de pobreza energética, mas também a classe média e as empresas, pequenas e médias empresas, os setores de alto consumo de energia, como as cerâmicas e o cimento, só para dar alguns exemplos, mas também a agricultura e as pescas, que estão já a sofrer as consequências dos preços da energia.

A este respeito, gostaria de pedir à Comissão que tenha medidas concretas e imediatas e indicações aos Estados-Membros no âmbito do pacote hoje anunciado para proteger os cidadãos e as empresas na Europa.

  Mohammed Chahim (S&D). – Voorzitter, laat mij heel duidelijk zijn: we moeten van het Russisch gas af. Het is niet alleen onwenselijk, maar zelfs immoreel om in deze tijd de schatkist van Poetin te blijven spekken. En zij die denken dat de prijzen nu pas de hoogte in zijn geschoten door sancties, vergis je niet: de prijzen waren al hoog. Poetin sjoemelt al langer met de gasprijzen. We moeten zo snel mogelijk af van dergelijke manipulatieve praktijken.

Hoe gaan we dat doen? We hebben vandaag een prachtig plan gezien, REPowerEU, een realistisch plan om dit jaar nog het gas uit Rusland met twee derde te verminderen. En laat ons niet vergeten: één van de beste oplossingen die we hebben, bestaat al, die heet de Europese Green Deal, ons plan voor de middellange termijn.

Daarnaast zijn er zeker nog grote winsten te boeken op het vlak van energiebesparing. Energie die je niet verbruikt, hoef je niet te importeren. De vraag naar gas kan bijvoorbeeld met ongeveer tien miljard kubieke meter worden verminderd door de thermostaat met één graad te verlagen. Laat energie-efficiëntie en energiebesparing daden van verzet worden tegen Russische agressie. Het is nu tijd om te handelen. Laat onze huishoudens, kwetsbare groepen en ons midden- en kleinbedrijf niet de dupe worden van de hoge energieprijzen die Rusland teweegbrengt. En dat begint met de strategische onafhankelijkheid.

  Klemen Grošelj (Renew). – Spoštovani! Edino pot v strateško avtonomijo in v tem okviru tudi v energetsko avtonomijo bomo v Evropski uniji dosegli samo z uresničitvijo zelenega prehoda. Kratkoročno lahko ranljivost omilimo z diverzifikacijo virov, a spomniti se moramo, pri tem moramo biti pozorni, da se ne spravimo v nove odvisnosti, kot smo bili priča odvisnostim v sedemdesetih letih z naftnim embargom.

Dolgoročna rešitev je seveda samo prehod na obnovljive vire. Potrebujemo vlaganje v nove tehnologije, v tehnologije sonca, vetra, vode, in tam kjer je potrebno in obstaja družbeni konsenz, tudi razpravo o vlogi jedrske energije.

A ne smemo se osredotočiti samo na modele preteklosti, samo na proizvodnjo električne energije. Potrebno se je osredotočiti tudi na druge tehnologije, kot je recimo geotermalna tehnologija, ki omogoča ogrevanje in, vedno bolj pomembno, tudi hlajenje naših domov, ki so zaradi vročinskih valov vedno bolj na udaru.

A ob tem ne smemo pozabiti na vse, ki jih je energetska draginja prizadela. Vsem tem moramo pomagati takoj in učinkovito ter se hkrati sistemsko lotiti vprašanja energetske revščine, ki z zelenim prehodom ne bo izginila.

  Jutta Paulus (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident, meine Damen und Herren, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Als wir vor einiger Zeit diese Anfrage zur mündlichen Beantwortung formuliert haben, hätte sich niemand vorstellen können, dass wir heute nicht nur über Preise diskutieren, sondern darüber, ob wir in der Europäischen Union nächsten Winter überhaupt noch in der Lage sein werden, unsere Häuser zu heizen und unsere Industrie mit Energie zu versorgen.

Es rächt sich jetzt, dass der Ausbau der Erneuerbaren verschleppt wurde und der Energieverschwendung kein Riegel vorgeschoben wurde. Deshalb gilt jetzt umso mehr, dass wir jeden Hebel nutzen müssen, um uns aus der Abhängigkeit von fossilen Importen zu lösen und vor allem den europäischen Beitrag zu Putins Kriegskasse zu verringern.

Deshalb brauchen wir jetzt einen Notfallplan für den Ausbau der erneuerbaren Energien –kein Dach mehr ohne Solarenergie –, für die energetische Modernisierung der am schlechtesten gedämmten Gebäude, für eine kostenfreie Energieberatung, insbesondere für einkommensschwache Haushalte, und für die Förderung der Energieberatung, gerade für die kleinen und mittleren Unternehmen, die sehr stark unter den hohen Preisen leiden. Damit entlasten wir den Geldbeutel unserer Bürgerinnen und Bürger und helfen unseren Unternehmen, die durch die Preise zum Teil in ihrer Existenz bedroht sind.

Aber wir müssen auch in Brüssel etwas tun. Wir brauchen Eilverfahren für die Prüfung aller staatlichen Beihilfen, mit denen der Ausbau der Erneuerbaren und Effizienzmaßnahmen gefördert werden. Ich fordere die Generaldirektion Wettbewerb auf, hier ein Konzept vorzulegen. Es kann nicht sein, dass ein Gesetz wie das neue Erneuerbare-Energien-Gesetz in Deutschland bis zum Dezember 2022 in der Prüfung ist, bevor es genehmigt wird. So kommen wir aus der Abhängigkeit nicht heraus.

Frau Simson, Sie haben dankenswerterweise die Bürgerenergie angesprochen und deren Wichtigkeit betont. Ich frage Sie: Wie wird die Kommission sicherstellen, dass, da ja die Deadline schon vor neun Monaten abgelaufen ist, da jetzt endlich etwas in der Umsetzung passiert? Wie werden Sie die Mitgliedstaaten unterstützen? Da wäre ich Ihnen für eine Antwort dankbar.

  Georg Mayer (ID). – Herr Präsident! Also, wie weit manche hier herinnen von den Menschen draußen entfernt sind, ich glaube, das merkt man auch bei der einen oder anderen Wortmeldung, die ich da heute gehört habe.

Geschätzte Kollegen, ich bin von meiner Natur aus bei Weitem kein Schwarzseher. Es liegt mir einfach nicht. Aber was wir hier jetzt im Rahmen dieser Preisentwicklung beobachten, was am Energiemarkt passiert, das sind tiefschwarze Wolken, die hier auf Europa zuziehen. Das betrifft zum einen die Energiepreise, die jetzt durch die Decke gehen. Das betrifft aber andererseits auch zahlreiche andere Rohstoffpreise – wie etwa auch landwirtschaftliche Produkte. Geschätzte Kollegen, die Menschen sind daher auf mehreren Ebenen in ihrem täglichen Leben massiv mit Teuerungen belastet. Ich würde sogar behaupten, diese Teuerungen gehen bis an die Existenzgrundlage der Menschen.

Neben Putins Angriffskrieg gibt es zahlreiche andere Gründe, warum das derzeit so ist, zum Beispiel die chaotische Politik im Rahmen des Grünen Deals. Da trägt natürlich auch der Emissionshandel sein Scherflein dazu bei, dass die Energiepreise und die Gaspreise in die Höhe steigen. Man hat hier verschiedene andere Antriebsarten wie etwa auch den Verkehr mit eingeschlossen und den Emissionshandel darauf ausgeweitet. Und das ist natürlich der Spekulation ausgesetzt. Das beweist wieder einmal mehr für mich – und ich denke, auch für uns –, dass die Mitgliedstaaten ihre Energieversorgung wohl besser selbst in die Hand nehmen können und diese besser selbst gewährleisten können.

Die Kommission gibt jedes Jahr in Wahrheit eine andere Richtung vor: 2019 wird das Ende der Kohle- und Gasverstromung ausgerufen, 2021 sehen wir eine Verschärfung dessen. Und jetzt? Heute wird sich wieder auf Kohle konzentriert. Wo sollen denn die Menschen da wissen, wo die Reise hingeht? Das ist die eine Seite, geschätzte Kollegen.

Die andere, die wichtigere Seite sind die Menschen und ihre Entlastung, was diese Teuerungswelle jetzt betrifft. Und dies ist dringend zu machen: die CO2-Bepreisung sofort aussetzen, Steuern auf Gas und Treibstoff sofort senken. Denn nur so können wir zwischen einer Krise und der nächsten die Menschen und die Wirtschaft in Europa etwas abfedern.

  Jessica Stegrud (ECR). – Herr talman! Kommissionär! År 2011, när Tyskland bestämde sig för att stänga ner kärnkraften, skålade man på den ryska ambassaden i Berlin. En tysk journalist har vittnat om hur den ryska ambassadören höjde sitt glas och sade: ”Hälsa den tyska regeringen, det här är en bra dag för rysk energipolitik, en bra dag för Ryssland”. Så rätt han hade, för nu står vi här drygt ett decennium senare. Ryssland har invaderat Ukraina, och EU har satt sig i en extremt farlig situation, då övergången till förnybar energi har gjort oss beroende av rysk gas. Trots det, vill ni nu ha mer av samma medicin. Kärnkraften ska fortsatt stängas ner och ersättas med väderberoende sol- och vindkraft.

Ett nytt diktaturberoende ska ersättas av ett annat. Denna gång av Kina. Kina tillverkar i dag 80 procent av världens batterier och 70 procent av solcellerna. Man har även monopol på många kritiska metaller. Så här går det till när allt ska underordnas ogenomtänkta klimatmål. Det här är ingen lek. Alla beslut får konsekvenser – i detta fall extremt allvarliga. En stark, stabil och konkurrenskraftig union måste vara självförsörjande på planerbar och prisvärd energi. Det är dags att sluta med klimatfloskler, stoppa kärnkraftsnedläggningen och satsa på ny modern teknik, effektiviseringar, beredskap och innovation.

  Marc Botenga (The Left). – Voorzitter, de gasprijzen zijn ondertussen wel twintig keer zo hoog als een jaar geleden. Sommige gezinnen riskeren tot achtduizend euro per jaar te betalen voor stroom en gas. De oorlog maakt dat natuurlijk allemaal nog erger. Dus we moeten de prijzen nu blokkeren, maar niet op het niveau van nú natuurlijk, maar wél op het niveau van september, van vóór die massale prijsstijgingen.

En dat kan, want zoals altijd, is zélfs oorlog niet voor iedereen een probleem, maar voor sommigen zelfs een lucratieve zaak. Dan hebben we het niet alleen over de wapenindustrie. Volgens de officiële cijfers van het Internationaal Energieagentschap gaan de energiemultinationals 200 miljard extra winst maken, overwinsten. Wij betalen, zij cashen! Laten we die nu belasten en laten we daarmee de factuur voor de werkende mens naar beneden brengen. Het is nú oorlog, het is nú crisis. Europese Commissie, handel, er is geen tijd meer om te wachten!

  Milan Uhrík (NI). – Pán predsedajúci, terajšie zdražovanie, čo ľudia pociťujú, je nič v porovnaní s tým zdražovacím tornádom, čo sa na nás valí. Vidíme to v predstihu na burzách.

Cena plynu išla v poslednom období hore desaťnásobne. Cena pšenice stúpla zo 150 eur na tonu na 400 eur na tonu. Všetky ceny naďalej raketovo rastú. Nechcete dovážať plyn a ropu z Ruska? Dobre. Ale aké alternatívne riešenie ponúkate ľuďom? Dovážať plyn z Austrálie? Či predražené zelené technológie? Čo poviete ľuďom, keď budú ceny potravín o polovicu vyššie? Keď bude cena plynu dvojnásobná? Alebo keď budeme platiť za liter benzínu dve alebo tri eurá? Poviete im, že sa majú uskromniť? Že majú prestať kúriť alebo že majú zhasnúť žiarovky, ako to odporúčajú slovenskí ministri? Alebo ich majú zohriať marketingové frázy eurokomisárov o tom, že spoločne to zvládneme? No oni s tridsaťtisícovými platmi to zvládnu. O tom nepochybujem. Ale čo obyčajní ľudia? Keby to bolo na nás, určite by sme hľadali riešenia a snažili sa vyhnúť konfliktu, snažili sa vyhnúť vojne a robili všetko pre prospech ľudí.

  Pilar del Castillo Vera (PPE). – Señor presidente, señora comisaria, la guerra en Ucrania ha dejado al descubierto las debilidades estructurales de la Unión Europea en un sector tan crítico como es el de la energía.

Durante años, en lugar de caminar hacia una mayor independencia, hemos hecho lo contrario: caminar hacia incrementar la dependencia. Y ahora tenemos los precios más altos del mundo. Durante los últimos meses, los precios del gas han conocido subidas históricas, hasta el 400 %, y suponen ya un coste asfixiante para industrias, empresas y hogares.

Debemos actuar de inmediato, empezando por reducir los precios. Tenemos un margen de actuación mediante bajadas del IVA, de los impuestos a la electricidad, o la eliminación de gravámenes especiales. Hay que, inmediatamente, tan pronto como se pueda, diversificar territorialmente las fuentes de suministro y urge desarrollar nuevos proyectos de interconexiones para gas e hidrógeno. La Comisión debe ampliar la lista de proyectos de interés común, incluyendo el proyecto STEP entre la península ibérica y Francia.

En suma, es imperativo construir de una vez una Europa interconectada que permita la libre circulación del gas y de la electricidad.

  Patrizia Toia (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la spirale dei prezzi del gas, giorno dopo giorno, sta diventando un'emergenza insopportabile per il bilancio delle famiglie del ceto medio e per la produzione di alcuni settori industriali, che rischiano di sospendere la loro attività con un grave danno per l'economia continentale e per la capacità produttiva del nostro continente.

Per questo bisogna assumere iniziative coraggiose; lo state facendo, dovete farlo ancora di più, signora Commissaria, con un intervento sui meccanismi di formazione dei prezzi – tema molto scomodo ma che va affrontato – oggi ancorati al prezzo marginale del gas con una spirale che, alla fine, non ha più alcun riferimento al sottostante, cioè al valore di scambio della merce.

Dobbiamo avere il coraggio di intervenire a livello europeo, cioè di Unione intera, su stoccaggi e acquisti comuni, se vogliamo ridurre la dipendenza e vogliamo ridurre i costi, e dobbiamo trovare risorse, perché questi non sono interventi a costo zero e, se le risorse non sono nel bilancio, dobbiamo trovare meccanismi come quello di SURE, che hanno avuto una buona rispondenza del mercato e hanno dato un po' di ossigeno all'iniziativa degli Stati membri.

  Nicola Danti (Renew). – Signor Presidente, signora Commissaria Simson, onorevoli colleghi, un anno fa un megawattora di gas costava 17 euro, oggi è arrivato a 295. Nel delta tra 17 e 295 ci sono l'invasione russa e la crisi in cui sono precipitate tante nostre imprese, che si stavano rialzando dalla pandemia, e quella di tante famiglie che non hanno i soldi per pagare il riscaldamento e la benzina.

Bene, quindi, che la Commissione abbia pubblicato poche ore fa una comunicazione che mette in campo un'azione comune europea per far fronte a questa situazione. Sicurezza dell'approvvigionamento, sostenibilità economica e ambientale, energia sono i principali obiettivi, soprattutto se vogliamo renderci autonomi dalla Russia e lanciare un chiaro messaggio politico. Servono strumenti per mitigare la crisi dei prezzi, serve prepararci oggi ad affrontare il prossimo inverno attraverso lo stoccaggio e gli acquisti comuni, servono infrastrutture europee che consentano di condividere e diversificare l'approvvigionamento, così come abbiamo bisogno di spiegare nuovi impianti di energie rinnovabili e un ambizioso programma di efficientamento energetico.

Passiamo dalle buone intenzioni ai fatti e stanziamo oggi le risorse necessarie per essere liberi domani.

  Bronis Ropė (Verts/ALE). – Pone pirmininke, resursai tapo politiniu įrankiu. Norint užkirsti kelią manipuliacijoms, turime kuo skubiau nukreipti investicijas į Europos Sąjungos nepriklausomybės užtikrinimą. Realiai paspartinkime iškastinio kuro, urano, anglies naudojimo mažinimą. Dar svarbiau – turime priimti principinį sprendimą neremti Rusijos sukelto karo mūsų pinigais. Nutraukime dujų ir naftos importą iš Rusijos. Jūsų, Komisija, pateikta analizė sako, kad valstybės gali apsieiti be rusiškos energijos iki žiemos. Kaip žinia, šiandien paskelbta, kad JAV ir Britanija jau priėmė sprendimus atsisakyti rusiško iškastinio kuro. Šiandien šis žingsnis atidėliojamas, siekiant apsaugoti ekonomiką, žmones. Bet ar bus, ką apsaugoti, jeigu Putino kariuomenė pradės bombarduoti ir mūsų miestus. Nukreipkime lėšas pažeidžiamiausioms grupėms. Pasidalinkite turima infrastruktūra savo šalyse narėse, sumažinant galimas neigiamas pasekmes. Kartu mes galime tai padaryti!

  Gunnar Beck (ID). – Herr Präsident! Die Preise für Gas und Rohöl steigen immer schneller und höher. Russland allein sei schuld, denn es verknappe Erdgas und manipuliere den Preis. Vielleicht. Aber die Hauptschuld trägt EU-Kommissionspräsidentin von der Leyen.

Erstens: Seit ihrem Amtsantritt ersetzt sie langfristige Lieferverträge durch Spotverträge, weil sie glaubte, die Gasnachfrage werde sinken. Tatsächlich aber steigen die Preise. Spotpreise sind aber keine Spottpreise, und Spotpreise treffen die Verbraucher voll. Zweitens: von der Leyens Grüner Deal. Spaniens Zentralbank simulierte die Auswirkungen der CO2-Steuer und Verrechnungspreise. Fazit: Die hohe spanische Inflation von über 6 Prozent wird um weitere 1,5 Prozentpunkte steigen.

Nach Sicht der deutschen Wirtschaftsweisen trägt die Ökopolitik sogar ein Drittel zur Inflationsrate bei. Selbst die EZB-Direktorin Isabel Schnabel gibt mittlerweile zu, die Klimarettung treibe die Inflation an.

Heute ist Weltfrauentag, und zeitgemäß regieren Frauen Europa. 16 Jahre war es Angela Merkel, die in Deutschland den Atomausstieg und die Klimarettung beschloss. Von der Leyen, die in Deutschland die weltweit höchsten Strompreise und in Europa die höchsten Benzinpreise beschert, und Christine Lagarde, die die Weltrettung mit Negativzinsen finanziert, die Sparer enteignet und den Euro allmählich wertlos macht.

Spätestens 2030 sind wir hier pleite. Doch dann sind die drei teuersten Frauen Europas mit Klaus Schwab und Elon Musk längst in ihre transhumane Zukunft entwichen.

  Grzegorz Tobiszowski (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Nie trzeba się przekonywać, że czas mamy historyczny i wyjątkowy i musimy sobie powiedzieć, że nasz system energetyczny nie stwarza bezpieczeństwa w Europie dla naszych obywateli i naszej gospodarki. Z tego trzeba wyciągnąć wnioski, bo tylko głupiec nie wyciąga wniosków w sytuacji, kiedy ma dramat, kiedy się pomylił. Nie można mówić, że coś przyspieszymy, bo wszystko jest w czasie, i wiemy przecież, że odchodzenie od rosyjskiego gazu to nie jest powiedzenie, że wyjdziemy jutro – za bardzo się w Europie uzależniliśmy. To będzie proces, a więc musimy w czasie tego procesu zdywersyfikować źródła dostaw i zobaczyć, co w Europie mamy, a mamy oprócz gazu takie surowce jak węgiel. Należy powrócić w tym okresie przejściowym do zintensyfikowania inwestycji w węgiel, aby ten surowiec wsparł ten proces i wsparł również proces inwestycji w odnawialne źródła energii, które potrzebują stabilizatora.

  Cornelia Ernst (The Left). – Herr Präsident! Nun gut, ich finde, wir sollten keine Nebelkerzen zünden, und ein grundlegendes Problem im Zusammenhang mit den gestiegenen Energiepreisen ist doch wohl auch die Architektur des Energiemarktes, die dank Liberalisierung Spekulationen, dubiose Geschäftsmodelle einfach mal begünstigt.

So müssen wir kurzfristig handeln – nämlich Energiearmut bekämpfen mit Sozialtarifen, mit kostenlosen Energiekontingenten und mit dem Verbot von Stromsperren. Wir müssen aber auch langfristig handeln – die europäischen Strom- und Gasmärkte überdenken und klar auf erneuerbare Energien ausrichten. Das heißt doch nicht, dass wir das eine Gas durch das andere ersetzen, Hauptsache, es ist nicht russisch! Das kann doch wohl nicht der Weg sein!

Wir müssen zum Beispiel auch diskutieren über das Grenzkostenmodell. Das muss auf den Prüfstand gestellt werden, weil es Großkonzernen erlaubt, auf Kosten der Verbraucherinnen und Verbraucher enorme Gewinne abzuschöpfen. Und wir müssen begreifen, dass es sich hier bei den Energiepreisen um ein soziales Problem handelt. Was wir nämlich auch brauchen, das ist ein Recht auf Energie, und zwar für alle.

  Mislav Kolakušić (NI). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, poštovane kolege, poštovani građani, cijene energenata rijetko kada i gotovo nikada ne odgovaraju njihovoj proizvodnoj cijeni i cijeni njihove distribucije. One najviše ovise o geopolitici i započetim ratovima.

Mi smo imali gotovo iste cijene benzina i dizela kada je nafta bila 120 dolara po barelu i kada je bila 40 dolara po barelu. Ratovi donose enormnu zaradu nekoj od grupacija u naftnoj industriji. To se dogodilo i sada.

Kao što lažne i istinite pandemije donose ogroman profit farmaceutskoj industriji, tako i ratovi donose ogroman profit energetskoj industriji. Tako će biti danas i tako će biti zauvijek jer ratovi se non-stop stvaraju i non-stop izmišljaju.

  Angelika Niebler (PPE). – Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen! Bereits vor der Invasion Russlands in die Ukraine bekamen unsere Bürgerinnen und Bürger sowie unsere europäischen Unternehmen die explodierenden Energiepreise zu spüren. Durch den Krieg in der Ukraine hat sich die Situation weiter dramatisch verschlechtert. Gestern hat bei uns in Deutschland ein Liter Diesel mehr als 2 Euro gekostet.

Wir müssen reagieren. Wir müssen sicherstellen, dass Energie bezahlbar bleibt und dass es in unseren Häusern in ganz Europa in Zukunft nicht kalt wird. Was können wir machen? Das erste Maßnahmenpaket der Europäischen Kommission vom Oktober war schon ganz gut, aber es reicht nicht aus. Ich begrüße, Frau Kommissarin, dass Sie heute ein zweites Paket – ein Tool-Paket – mit weiteren Vorschlägen vorgestellt haben, um die Haushalte zu entlasten wie auch unsere Betriebe.

Ich denke, die Kommission muss zum Beispiel zulassen, dass die Energiesteuern, die von den Mitgliedstaaten erhoben werden, ganz ausgesetzt werden können, also nicht nur reduziert werden, sondern auch – in so einer dramatischen Situation – komplett ausgesetzt werden können. Und die Regierungen in den Mitgliedstaaten müssen natürlich auch ihre Hausaufgaben machen, müssen vor allen Dingen die Mehrwertsteuer auf den Strompreis heruntersetzen.

Mein Land Deutschland ist hier gefordert. Die Bundesregierung hat das noch nicht gemacht. In vielen anderen Ländern hat man das schon veranlasst und damit sichergestellt, dass die windfall profits hier nicht in die Staatskassen gehen zulasten der Haushalte und der Unternehmen.

Ich denke, der russische Angriffskrieg ist eine Zeitenwende für die Politik, und wir müssen auch das Thema Energiebesteuerung auf ganz neue Beine stellen. Deshalb freut es mich, dass der Maßnahmenkatalog jetzt vorliegt, und wir werden sicher konstruktiv daran arbeiten, dass es ein gutes Paket gibt.

  Jens Geier (S&D). – Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wir diskutieren heute eine Anfrage zur mündlichen Beantwortung des Parlaments an die Kommission, in der unter anderem die Frage gestellt wird, welche Maßnahmen denn ergriffen werden könnten, um den politischen Druck in dieser schwierigen, krisenhaften politischen Situation mit den explodierenden Energiepreisen in den Griff zu bekommen.

Die Kolleginnen und Kollegen haben ganz, ganz viele unterschiedliche Aspekte bereits angesprochen. Ich will mich auf einen konzentrieren: die wichtigen Projekte von gemeinsamem europäischem Interesse, für die wir ja immer die britische Abkürzung – die englische Abkürzung – IPCEI benutzen.

In der Mitteilung, die die Kommission heute vorgelegt hat, für die ich mich auch herzlich bedanke, sagt die Kommission zu, diese IPCEIs bis zum Ende der ersten Hälfte 2022 auf ihre wettbewerbsrechtliche Korrektheit zu überprüfen. Das ist ein bisschen spät, Frau Kommissarin. Wir haben gerade aus Deutschland ganz, ganz viele IPCEIs mittlerweile auf den Weg gebracht, um die Wasserstoffwirtschaft in meinem Land anzukurbeln. Ich weiß um Unternehmen, die vor der Investitionsentscheidung stehen und auf die Freigabe dieses Geldes und dieser Projekte warten.

Also wenn wir die Investitionen wollen – die, die uns aus der fossilen Energie herausführen, weil sie substituieren können –, dann müssen wir schneller werden.

  Martin Hojsík (Renew). – Pán predsedajúci, pani komisárka, na Slovensku chceme solárne články na streche, a nie ruské tanky na dvore. Preto je čas spraviť niečo, po čom volám už roky. Naplno rozbehnúť energetickú revolúciu. Potrebujeme podporiť efektívne využívanie energie, pretože najlacnejší je ten plyn, ktorý nespotrebujeme.

Odstrániť prekážky hádzané obyvateľom, ale aj podnikateľom pod nohy, ktorí chcú prírodne citlivým spôsobom rozvíjať zelené energie. Slnko, vietor, geotermálna energia, bioplyn či vodná energia sú lacnejšie ako fosílny plyn. Mali sme to robiť už roky. Nečakať na to, kým klimatická kríza naberie na obrátkach. Kým Putin zaútočí na Ukrajinu, a vlastne na nás. Teraz musíme pridať. Musíme bežať, ale tak, aby sme tých najzraniteľnejších a najchudobnejších nenechali padnúť. Tu pomôže klimatický šek, ktorý poplatky za emisie dá ľuďom, a nie znečisťovateľom.

Zelenú energiu nám Putin neodpojí ani nám ju cena na burze nezvýši. Je naša, je energiou slobody.

  Rasmus Andresen (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident! Die Gaspreise explodieren! Der Gaspreis ist aktuell fast doppelt so hoch wie noch vor 12 Monaten, + 17 % seit dem fürchterlichen Kriegsausbruch.

Wir sind zu abhängig von russischem Gas, und wir sind zu abhängig von fossiler Energie insgesamt. Die Energieversorgung muss kurzfristig sichergestellt werden, und die Abhängigkeit von fossiler Energie muss konsequent reduziert werden. Menschen mit kleinen und mittleren Einkommen dürfen nicht die Zeche für Putins Angriffskrieg zahlen.

Es reicht nicht aus, ausschließlich auf langfristige Maßnahmen zu setzen. Wir brauchen nationale Maßnahmen wie eine spürbare Erhöhung der Hartz-IV-Regelsätze in Deutschland. Wir brauchen aber auch einen europäischen Gaspreisdeckel, der die Grundversorgung zu fairen Preisen für alle sicherstellt. Über einen europäischen Fonds kann die Differenz zum Marktpreis an die Versorger gezahlt werden. Durch eine Begrenzung auf die Grundversorgung würden Fehlanreize unterbunden werden.

Wir dürfen die Menschen in dieser Krise nicht alleinlassen.

  Aurélia Beigneux (ID). – Monsieur le Président, alors que l’Europe se relève à peine du marasme économique lié au COVID, les Européens doivent désormais assumer le coût des sanctions contre la Russie. Alors que les prix flambent et que les factures explosent chaque jour, les entreprises et les citoyens perdent encore plus espoir dans la capacité de l’Europe à les protéger. Cette Europe qui préfère entrer en guerre plutôt que de s’occuper de son peuple.

Le contexte géopolitique en Ukraine a fait bondir le prix du gaz. Pour rappel, la Russie fournit 45 % des importations de gaz européen. Malheureusement, cette crise confirme ce que nous dénonçons depuis plusieurs années: l’Union européenne n’a jamais été autonome énergétiquement. Durant des années, les technocrates bruxellois n’ont cessé de fermer nos industries énergétiques, envoyant au passage des milliers d’Européens au chômage. Aujourd’hui, l’Europe est au pied du mur, prête à importer le gaz de schiste américain, dont on connaît pourtant les répercussions environnementales.

Aujourd’hui, après avoir commis l’erreur de l’énergie éolienne et de l’antinucléaire, nous sommes obligés de rouvrir les centrales au charbon. Ses bonnes performances en matière d’émissions de CO2 font du nucléaire l’énergie la plus décarbonée au monde. La France est fière d’avoir été un pionnier dans ce secteur. Ce savoir-faire s’est diffusé sur tout le continent, jusqu’à ce que l’Union européenne y mette un coup d’arrêt. C’est un véritable suicide économique et énergétique.

  Izabela-Helena Kloc (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Czy naprawdę musimy być niewolnikami Gazpromu? Niestety niektóre państwa muszą ponieść koszt błędów przeszłości, ale to jest lepsze niż trwanie w hipokryzji. Wywieszamy ukraińskie flagi, ale nie chcemy, przynajmniej niektóre państwa, zerwać z rosyjskim gazem i rosyjskim węglem. Tymczasem gazociągami z Rosji płyną jednocześnie gaz i krew! Dziś każdy uczciwy polityk musi dążyć do zapewnienia Europie niezależności – nie od węgla, lecz niezależności od importu surowców z Rosji.

Produkcja węgla w Unii Europejskiej jest dziś nie tylko konieczna, lecz jest naszym absolutnym obowiązkiem na ten trudny czas. Pytanie, co jest dla Europy gorsze: węgiel czy rosyjskie czołgi? Kto dziś gardzi naszym europejskim węglem, gardzi ludzkim życiem.

Komisja Europejska wydaje się w końcu rozumieć powagę sytuacji. Frans Timmermans przyznał niedawno, że niektóre kraje będą musiały dłużej stosować węgiel, aby uniknąć przestawienia energetyki na gaz. Te słowa dają nadzieję, że Komisja Europejska dojrzała do polityki energetycznej opartej na faktach, a nie ideologii.

Wojna na Ukrainie wymaga od nas dojrzałości. Nie czas słuchać szkodliwych nieraz ekomarzycieli, gdy tak blisko słychać wybuchy rosyjskich rakiet. Czas naprawdę na rewizję polityki klimatycznej. Czas na powrót do węgla.

  Petros Kokkalis (The Left). – Mr President, earlier today, the Commission issued the REPowerEU communication. It is a welcome realisation that the invisible hand of the market is incapable of defending either our political or our climate security. The decision to enforce public controls on the retail price of energy is monumental and long overdue. The decision to tax excess profits of fossil fuel companies is only fair to the families that have been bled dry.

As we seek to free ourselves from Russian gas and geopolitical blackmail, we cannot allow Europeans to be taken hostage by speculators and war profiteers. We must also intervene in the broken energy markets, including Rotterdam TTF, where the price of fossil gas has almost tripled since the Russian invasion. We must stop paying for weapons that kill civilians by buying billions of euros of Russian fossil fuels every week. Even if we are not willing to close the sky, we should hold our values dearer than gas and embargo Russian fossil fuels, as the US and the UK did earlier today.

Above all, we must dramatically accelerate clean energy and efficiency in a wartime peace mobilisation to deliver good jobs, energy, justice and independence. Our best ammunition against both autocracy and climate catastrophe and our best weapon for political and climate security, is the Green Deal, a peace deal to empower the EU to deliver the just energy transition.

  Jörg Meuthen (NI). – Herr Präsident, werte Kollegen! Millionen Europäer überlegen sich dieser Tage zweimal, ob sie das eigene Auto noch betanken können oder die Heizung aufdrehen können. Die Verbraucherpreise für Öl und Gas sind so hoch wie noch nie zuvor. Ja, die Lage auf dem Weltmarkt ist angespannt, keine Frage.

Zur bitteren Wahrheit gehört aber: Der Staat verteuert Energie künstlich. Gerade einmal ein Drittel des Benzinpreises ist auf den wahren Preis und damit auf die Krise am Weltmarkt zurückzuführen. Steuern und Abgaben machen fast 70 % aus. Der Staat bereichert sich in dieser Energiekrise schamlos auf Kosten der Bürger. Ökosteuer und CO2-Bepreisung belasten einkommensschwache Haushalte in ungeheurem Maße. Sie sind hochgradig unsozial.

Energie, meine Damen und Herren, muss für alle bezahlbar bleiben. Daher fordere ich die deutsche Bundesregierung auf, die unsinnige wie schädliche Ökosteuer und die CO2-Steuer unverzüglich abzuschaffen. Die EU-Kommission ist jetzt in der Pflicht, Öl und Gas in die Liste für eine ermäßigte Mehrwertsteuer aufzunehmen, bis hin zu einem Nullsatz, um den Mitgliedstaaten eine spürbare Senkung zu ermöglichen und die Folgen der Krise auf dem Weltmarkt für die Menschen abzufedern.

  Tom Berendsen (PPE). – Voorzitter, commissaris, de politieke aandacht voor het schoner maken van ons energiesysteem is de afgelopen jaren terecht groot geweest. Maar tegelijkertijd hebben we de betaalbaarheid en de leveringszekerheid te veel aan de markt overgelaten. En dat zien we nu terug op de energierekening, aan de pomp en in onze afhankelijkheid van Rusland.

Het is voor mij in deze zwarte dagen op ons continent moreel gezien onacceptabel dat we met onze gas- en olie-import 600 miljoen euro per dag bijdragen aan de oorlog van Poetin. Die afhankelijkheid moet snel verminderen. Maar dat is niet eenvoudig. Daarvoor is realpolitik nodig in ons energiebeleid. Vraag aan landen die de kerncentrales wilden sluiten: “Hou ze open.” Vraag aan landen die gas produceren: “Lever ons meer”, en vraag aan huishoudens en bedrijven om de verwarming een tandje lager te zetten. Laten we zon—, wind- en waterstofprojecten versnellen en de energiesystemen van de Europese landen beter met elkaar verbinden.

Europa is ruw ontwaakt uit zijn geopolitieke en strategische winterslaap. We moeten veel meer in staat gaan zijn om onze eigen energie op te wekken, om ons eigen Europese grondgebied te verdedigen en om essentiële producten zoals medicijnen, batterijen en computerchips zelf te produceren. Het is echt tijd dat we weer verantwoordelijkheid gaan nemen voor onze plek in de wereld.

  Nicolás González Casares (S&D). – Señor presidente, señora comisaria, señorías, créanme que es difícil subir a hablar aquí de precios de la energía mientras se ataca a Ucrania, pero nuestra estabilidad y nuestra unidad dependen también de la paz social y esta, de los precios de la energía.

Hoy damos la bienvenida a algunas de las medidas —las hemos reclamado, las he reclamado en este estrado y las ha reclamado mi país—, porque son medidas positivas para abordar los precios de la energía y nuestra dependencia del gas ruso. Se suponía que las ganancias extraordinarias iban a suponer unos 220 000 millones de euros este año, y que no iban a ser dirigidas íntegramente a las renovables; por lo tanto, es bueno reducirlas y utilizarlas para rebajar los recibos de los ciudadanos.

Pero aún queda por hacer: aún tenemos que desacoplar totalmente los precios de la electricidad de los precios del gas, y lo veremos, y veremos, comisaria, como esa medida llegará aquí las próximas semanas, porque la necesidad va a hacerlo posible, pero, de todas maneras, quiero decirle que gracias, que vamos en la buena dirección y que la compra conjunta de gas y todas las medidas para depender menos del gas ruso y avanzar en la promoción de energías renovables son las medidas que necesita Europa.

  Susana Solís Pérez (Renew). – Señor presidente, señora comisaria, en Europa no podemos seguir aceptando como inevitable nuestra dependencia del gas ruso. Después de la escalada histórica de los últimos días, es urgente evitar que se siga usando el gas como arma política.

Señora comisaria, necesitamos medidas concretas para aliviar la factura de la luz de hogares y empresas que hoy están pagando un precio récord inasumible. Le pedimos una propuesta para modificar de forma temporal el sistema de fijación de precios de la energía. En tiempos de guerra, hacen falta medidas extraordinarias para que el chantaje de Putin se acabe de una vez.

Y, además, tenemos que abordar otra de nuestras grandes debilidades: la falta de interconexiones energéticas.

En ese sentido, creo que España puede y debe jugar un papel clave en esta crisis. Hoy he enviado una carta al Gobierno de mi país para que recupere el proyecto Midcat relativo a la interconexión con Francia. Tenemos una gran capacidad de regasificación y una conexión directa con África; no apostar decididamente por ello sería una irresponsabilidad para toda Europa.

  Henrike Hahn (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident! Die EU braucht eine neue Energiepolitik. Nach Putins brutalem Angriff auf die Ukraine, einschließlich der Atommeiler, ist das dringender als je zuvor.

Die Menschen leiden unter hohen Energiepreisen, und die Unternehmen bangen um ihre Wettbewerbsfähigkeit, um ihre Existenz. Wir wollen in Europa letztlich die absolute Unabhängigkeit von Importen fossiler Energieträger. Solche Importe machen uns verwundbar und eben genau nicht souverän. Wir wissen: Energiepolitik ist Sicherheitspolitik.

Wir müssen unseren Energiebedarf senken. Wir brauchen mehr Energieeffizienz und 100 % erneuerbare Energien, so schnell wie möglich. Jetzt in indirekte Elektrifizierung und grüne Produktionstechnologien zu investieren, in Energieeffizienz zur direkten Einsparung von Gasimporten: Das ist der Weg von wettbewerbsfähiger Industrie!

Wir fordern von der Kommission jetzt endlich mehr Maßnahmen für Energieeffizienz, den Rückzug des delegierten Rechtsakts zur Taxonomie und vor allem jetzt einen Notfallplan für eine schnelle Energiewende. Wir brauchen einen starken europäischen Rahmen für CO2-Differenzverträge und mehr Tempo und Ehrgeiz für eine nachhaltige Energiepolitik. Denn das ist gut für unsere Sicherheit, für Klima und für Umwelt.

  Robert Roos (ECR). – Voorzitter, commissaris, met de energietransitie heeft de Europese Unie zichzelf volledig afhankelijk gemaakt van Russisch gas. Eerder noemde ik de klimaatplannen van commissaris Timmermans al een onverantwoord experiment met onze economie. Met de Russische aanval op Oekraïne is die voorspelling snel waarheid geworden. Toch zei commissaris Timmermans gisteren dat we het eerder opgelegde klimaatdoel van 55 procent minder CO2-uitstoot in 2030 nog steeds moeten halen. Sterker nog, dat doel is volgens hem de oplossing, niet het probleem!

Maar de energieprijzen exploderen en een diepe recessie dreigt. Het leven wordt onbetaalbaar. Niet de energietransitie, maar de levering van betaalbare en betrouwbare energie moet nu topprioriteit hebben. Daarom roep ik de Commissie op: “Houd op met die Green Deal en focus op betaalbare en betrouwbare energie”. De enige oplossing is om per direct gesloten kerncentrales te heropenen, om per direct gesloten of afgeschaalde kolencentrales te gaan benutten, om per direct onze eigen gasvelden te gaan gebruiken. Want nood breekt wet.

  Mick Wallace (The Left). – We have an energy system that doesn’t serve the people or the planet. The energy price crisis hasn’t come out of nowhere. One in four European households already struggled to adequately heat, cool or light their homes. You have fossil fuel companies continuing to reap massive profits. We need a windfall tax on their inflated prices, and we need immediate financial support for those who most need it.

The leaked version of the Commission’s forthcoming communication on energy prices suggests that the EU will get liquified natural gas (LNG) from the US and Qatar to replace Russian gas. Of course we should end our dependency on Russian gas, but we should not simply substitute this dependency for another dependency on filthy fracked gas from the US, a country which has bombed, invaded, occupied and interfered with more countries than anyone. Building new LNG terminals in Europe that would create more fossil fuel lock-in would be a disaster, and it would make a mockery of the Green Deal.

  Μαρία Σπυράκη (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κυρία Επίτροπε, κυρίες και κύριοι συνάδελφοι, διαπιστώνουμε με τον πιο σκληρό τρόπο ότι είμαστε ακόμη εξαρτημένοι από το ρωσικό φυσικό αέριο, ενώ από το 2014 ο Πούτιν μάς είχε δώσει ένα δείγμα γραφής με την παράνομη προσάρτηση της Κριμαίας. Και, ξέρετε, πρέπει να αναγνωρίσουμε όλοι εδώ ότι καθυστερήσαμε. Καθυστερήσαμε να αναζητήσουμε εναλλακτικούς προμηθευτές φυσικού αερίου. Καθυστερήσαμε να οικοδομήσουμε τα δίκτυα διασύνδεσης για τον ηλεκτρισμό και το φυσικό αέριο έτοιμα για υδρογόνο. Καθυστερήσαμε να δώσουμε έμφαση στις επενδύσεις ανανεώσιμων πηγών ενέργειας και στην ανάπτυξη της τεχνολογίας για την αποθήκευση ανανεώσιμης ενέργειας. Τώρα είναι η ώρα να αξιοποιήσουμε την εμπειρία που μας έδωσε η πανδημία. Τώρα είναι η ώρα να δώσουμε συλλογική ευρωπαϊκή απάντηση στο πρόβλημα. Να ενεργοποιήσουμε συλλογικά χρηματοδοτικά εργαλεία για να αντιμετωπίσουμε το ενεργειακό κόστος, αλλά κυρίως να διευκολύνουμε τις επενδύσεις στις ανανεώσιμες πηγές. Να δώσουμε τον δημοσιονομικό χώρο στα κράτη μέλη ώστε να υποστηρίξουν νοικοκυριά και επιχειρήσεις. Μπροστά σε αυτή την κρίση, κυρίες και κύριοι συνάδελφοι, είμαστε όλοι ευάλωτοι. Αυτό το μάθημα της Ιστορίας οφείλουμε να το αξιοποιήσουμε χωρίς καθυστέρηση. Με την αύξηση της δημόσιας αποδοχής οι ανανεώσιμες πηγές, κυρία Επίτροπε, μπορούν να είναι τουλάχιστον το 45 % του ενεργειακού μείγματος της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης το 2030. Αρκεί να ξεκινήσουμε τη δουλειά τώρα.

  Tsvetelina Penkova (S&D). – Mr President, the energy crisis that began last year is now deepening and the situation in Ukraine is intensifying the situation, so we must find solutions now.

Europe has only one way forward and this is energy independence and affordable electricity prices. We must develop domestic EU renewable technologies. We need additional funding for that and we need to guarantee stable renewable energy. The future, however, requires a baseload power, and the only path here is nuclear energy. We must now establish an accelerated procedure for the approval of the new nuclear projects in the EU without this being at the expense of the severe and strict safety requirements. Renewable energy and nuclear energy are the only path forward to the green transition and to energy independence. Only this would guarantee the energy autonomy of Europe. We should not allow ourselves to move from one form of energy dependency to another one.

  Emma Wiesner (Renew). – Herr talman! ”Tycker inte ni att den ryska oljan luktar blod?”, frågade Ukrainas utrikesminister. Jag frågar er i dag: Tycker inte ni att den ryska gasen luktar blod? Den ryska gasen har spår av ukrainskt blod, oavsett om ni kolleger vill erkänna det eller inte. Att vifta med flaggor och plakat ekar tomt i dag, i morgon och i historien, om vi inte stoppar den ryska gasen. Vi finansierar fortfarande Putins krig. Det finns bara en väg framåt, och det är ett akut importstopp av rysk gas.

Det kommer att medföra stora förändringar och nya vägval. Det kommer att kräva av oss att vi gör allt vi kan för att ställa om och minska effekterna på energimarknaden och få ner de skyhöga energipriserna. Det kräver av oss att vi börjar producera mer biogas och bioenergi, att vi börjar energieffektivisera, att vi börjar upphandla energilösningar tillsammans, att vi börjar säga nej till gas för uppvärmning, att vi börjar full etablering av energiunionen. Dessutom kräver det av oss att vi slutar sätta käppar i hjulet för den förnybara energin, slutar prata om att klippa kablar mellan länder, slutar vara protektionister och energinationalister och slutar vara nyttiga idioter i Putins krig.

  Jordi Solé (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, if, back in October, we were right to be concerned about rising energy prices, we now have every reason to be even more concerned. Putin’s criminal attack against Ukraine further increases energy prices. We will see more vulnerable households and small businesses struggling to pay their bills.

Governments will have to support them with direct measures, and that’s why I welcome some of the proposals made today by the Commission like decoupling electricity prices from gas prices. At the same time, Putin’s war seems to be finally accelerating our decisions to become energy independent. However, we don’t want to escape from one dependency to fall into another one. Diversifying gas routes and building new gas facilities cannot be the core of our response. It takes time to build new infrastructure – time we lack – and it diverts money that should be invested in energy efficiency and renewables. Moving fast towards renewables and a green hydrogen—based economy is the only scenario where we will be able to tackle both the climate crisis and blackmailing from despots willing to play games with us.

  Alexandr Vondra (ECR). – Pane předsedající, dámy a pánové, Putin je zločinec a vyděrač. A my musíme omezit naši závislost na něm. A ten dokument, který dneska vydala Komise: jako fajn, ale říct tak transparentně německy, že někoho ještě 3 až 5 let nebo 7 let potřebujeme a pak už ne, je tedy chyba, nahráváme mu akorát na smeč. To je prostě jako, když řekneme holce: „Ještě čtyřikrát se s tebou vyspím, a pak už mě nezajímáš“. Jinak oceňuji, že tam je plyn jako strategická komodita, že máme mít rezervy. Ale jinak je to slabý čaj, nic o jádru, nic o uhlí a korunu teda všemu, že příští 3 roky chceme nahradit ruský plyn bioplynem. Takže osázíme ještě dvakrát více polí kukuřicí v době, kdy budou obrovské výpadky obilí dováženého z Ukrajiny a Ruska. To teda gratuluji, to musel vymyslet Timmermans-Einstein.

  François-Xavier Bellamy (PPE). – Monsieur le Président, nous sommes devant une crise existentielle et il est temps d’en prendre la mesure. 400 % d’augmentation du prix du gaz en une année seulement, c’est évidemment une crise majeure, une crise vitale pour, bien sûr, les foyers et les pays européens, mais aussi pour des dizaines de milliers d’entreprises qui pourraient être condamnées à la faillite ainsi que pour notre système financier tout entier, qui est menacé d’effondrement devant les besoins de financement en train d’exploser.

Il faut réagir d’urgence. Il faut faire tout ce qui sera possible, utiliser tous les outils à notre disposition pour amortir le choc et pour surmonter cette crise. Et pour cela, les propositions faites aujourd’hui par la Commission ne suffiront pas. La Commission propose d’obliger les Européens à augmenter leurs réserves. Mais comment stocker plus de ce qu’on ne peut ni produire, ni acheter? Cela ne fera que tendre encore le marché.

L’urgence, c’est de contenir les prix et, pour cela, de revenir sur cette logique de marché que la Commission a tenté d’imposer depuis des années au secteur de l’énergie. C’est grâce à cette logique que nous versons aujourd’hui 600 millions d’euros par jour à la Russie. Les prix ne doivent plus dépendre des variations du marché, mais des coûts de production – et nous le devons à tous les consommateurs.

L’urgence est, et l’urgence restera, la production: il faut produire, produire, produire. Et de ce point de vue, il est dramatique que la Commission n’ait pas repris, parmi les propositions de l’Agence internationale de l’énergie, celle de prolonger le nucléaire existant. Si seules l’Allemagne et la Belgique décidaient de maintenir les quatre réacteurs que ces deux pays ont décidé de fermer, l’Europe économiserait 1 milliard de mètres cubes de gaz par mois sur ses importations de Russie. Est-ce que ceux qui ont fermé des centrales dans nos pays se rendent compte aujourd’hui qu’ils nous rendent plus fragiles dans la crise actuelle et qu’ils nous condamnent, d’une certaine manière, à l’impuissance face à l’agression que subit aujourd’hui l’Ukraine?

  Robert Hajšel (S&D). – Mr President, today, we have to talk about both the energy prices hike and energy security.

First, ETS emissions allowances. It appears that while allowances prices have fallen by a third since the start of the war in Ukraine, the gas price is rising extremely high. I think that we have seen genuine market manipulation and speculative trading in recent months. Investors have taken profits from growing prices of the allowances and moved their money elsewhere, driving the price down. It’s important for the future that the European Commission prevent such practices from happening.

Current developments in Ukraine show that Europe must reduce its dependence on Russian gas as soon as possible. However, we should not forget about our own energy security. The EU currently has about 27% of gas in storage for the rest of the winter, which should be enough. But the big question is how to ensure that the storage utilities are full for next winter, by the end of November at the latest.

Several analyses showed that without Russian gas, Europe will be short of at least 30 billion cubic meters of gas. So how to replace it? I know that there is the option of LNG. There are LNG terminals on the coast of northern Baltic Sea. But how do we import it, how do we take it to Central Europe? I think this is a big question and we have to think about it. We have to invest in the gas infrastructure. I don’t think now but the other option is nuclear. I know that we are not friends of nuclear, but we will need it for some time.

  Izaskun Bilbao Barandica (Renew). – Señor presidente, nuestra dependencia energética es estructural. Requiere una respuesta veloz, como la que dimos a la pandemia o a los efectos de la invasión de Ucrania con las sanciones que merece su protagonista.

Necesitamos una reserva estratégica del gas, pero hay que moderar la influencia que tiene este combustible en el cálculo del precio de la luz: las cuentas de explotación de muchas energéticas demuestran que el crecimiento de sus beneficios es muy superior al alza de las materias primas que utilizan.

Necesitamos empoderar a los consumidores como productores y un mecanismo robusto que obligue a quienes hacen en marzo su agosto a devolver a la ciudadanía y al tejido productivo parte de unos rendimientos que no proceden, precisamente, de la innovación.

Es prioritario consolidar el mercado único de la energía y las interconexiones e infraestructuras que nos faltan, como las que necesitamos para unir las redes de los Estados español y francés. Aceleremos la apuesta por la eficiencia energética en hogares y empresas y el despliegue de las renovables.

Mientras, Estados y regiones necesitan flexibilidad, comprensión, para ayudar a su ciudadanía y a sus industrias a capear este temporal. Las personas necesitan certidumbres y salarios adaptados al coste de la vida. La industria, actividad.

Frenar nuestra recuperación, empleo y crecimiento es el otro objetivo de la agresión rusa, y mantener la capacidad de seducción de nuestras libertades y nuestro desarrollo económico y social es la mejor respuesta frente a la fuerza y la dominación.

  Андрей Слабаков  (ECR). – Г-н Председател, уважаеми колеги, много от вас, включително Комисията и г-н Тимерманс, продължават да защитават Зелената сделка. Той ни убеждава, че именно благодарение на нея положението не е по-зле. Това обаче е самозаблуда. Истината е, че Европа рискува, като заложи на зеления преход. Унищожихме енергийната си сигурност, надявайки се на дългосрочна независимост със зелена икономика. Рискувахме и за съжаление загубихме.

Благодарение на това днес цените на газа надхвърлят умопомрачителните 295 евро за мегаватчас. Това се отразява най-вече на европейските граждани. Притеснявам се от последиците за културата, притеснявам се за това, че много скоро театри, кина и всички културни институции няма да могат да си платят сметките и ще затворят. Как ще компенсираме липсата на газ? С американски втечнен газ ли ще компенсираме, който струва много пъти повече? Той ще замени една зависимост с друга. Отново като временна мярка, както разбирам, докато Зелената сделка започне да дава своите плодове, което смятам, че няма да се случи никога.

Зелената сделка не е спасението, което търсим, както някои от вас се опитват да ме убедят. Тя е камък на врата ни, който ще ни удави. Време е да се отървем от нея и да потърсим истинска енергийна независимост.

  Luděk Niedermayer (PPE). – Mr President, last year we made a big mistake. We allowed Russia to squeeze our gas market. Most likely, the mistake was a consequence of naivety vis-à-vis Putin’s Russia, but also the belief of the Member States that they have the right to choose their energy mix allows a lack of cooperation and almost no coordination. We paid a high price and European risk management failed because we didn’t even interpret the data well at the end of last year.

Today, we are facing a much larger problem. Putin’s war in Ukraine is killing thousands of innocent people, and we must do everything to stop it. At the same time, as a consequence, we are facing the problem we are talking about today as we are facing the energy price crisis. I am quite glad that the Commission has presented its communication today. I guess it’s a good one, but we must get it from paper to reality. I am also sad that some people, including the top politicians from some Member States, instead of speeding up the necessary measures, are scaring people. I guess this is not the right way. I believe we can, and we will, manage this crisis and, after all, the EU will get stronger, with a better energy union. We will become safer and we will secure affordable energy. But we must act. We must act now and together.

  Carlos Zorrinho (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, em contexto de guerra os adversários aproveitaram as nossas fragilidades para manipular o mercado e criar uma situação difícil para todos, em particular para os consumidores mais vulneráveis e as empresas com maiores dificuldades. Por isso, a pergunta oral que conduziu a este debate não poderia ser mais oportuna. O facto é que o pacote «RepowerEU» hoje apresentado pela Comissão Europeia contém respostas em linha com o que nela foi solicitado.

A regulação dos preços do mercado, embora infelizmente não indo tão longe quanto necessário na dissociação do preço elasticidade do preço do gás, o apoio direto às empresas e aos consumidores, a possibilidade de compras conjuntas no mercado, a obrigatoriedade de constituição de reservas, o investimento acrescido e mais simplificado das energias renováveis, a aposta forte no hidrogénio verde, a criação de um mercado resiliente e fluído através de mais interligações.

Senhora Comissária, aprendamos com os erros. Um dos erros que cometemos foi o bloqueio sistemático do reforço das interligações da Península Ibérica ao mercado europeu. Essas interligações e, em particular, a terceira interligação a partir de Portugal para gás e hidrogênio são uma prioridade que agora terá que ser concretizada.

  Ondřej Kovařík (Renew). – Pane předsedající, vážené kolegyně a kolegové, čelíme naprosto nebývalé situaci. Ceny energií a pohonných hmot dosahují rekordních výšek. Po podzimní vlně energetické krize společně s válkou na Ukrajině nyní to vytváří další tlak na domácnosti a firmy, především ty malé a střední. Nastal tedy čas, kdy musíme využít všechny možnosti, které se nabízí, abychom růst cen zpomalili či ideálně zastavili. Jinak hrozí, že se i u nás v Evropě stanou zdrojem nestability. Nesmíme váhat, musíme poskytnout rychlá, rázná a účinná řešení. Musíme snížit daňovou zátěž, ať už DPH, či spotřební daň, zamezit spekulacím s povolenkami, přidat kompenzace těm, na které ceny energií a paliv dopadají nejvíce. Krachy firem si v dnešní situaci nemůžeme dovolit. Do budoucna pak musíme posílit soběstačnost Evropy a také diverzifikaci zdrojů jak těch tradičních, tak obnovitelných. Zde se nyní nemůžeme omezovat. Je třeba v současném kontextu velmi dobře vyhodnotit dopady aktuální klimatické legislativy. S kolegy poslanci jsme proto k tomuto kroku vyzvali dopisem Komisi a čekáme jasnou odpověď.

  Jorge Buxadé Villalba (ECR). – Señor presidente, señora comisaria, en este preciso instante, en España, estamos pagando la luz más cara de la historia: 700 euros el megavatio hora.

Felicidades a los que aplaudían a Greta Thunberg, esa niña malhumorada que reciben con honores de jefe de Estado; a los que se ponen el roscón multicolor de la Agenda 2030 en la solapa, a los que votaron a favor del Pacto Verde, el Objetivo 55, la Europa resiliente y la perspectiva de género en la PAC.

Lo han conseguido; han llevado al colapso a las clases populares de Europa: el precio de la luz disparado, gasolina por las nubes, desempleo creciente. Los pocos que trabajan: empleos precarios y salarios bajos. Miles de jóvenes en edad militar a las puertas de la frontera sur y la inflación más alta en años. Lo han conseguido.

Supongo que el lobby de las eléctricas, en nombre del planeta, les dará las gracias por ese sistema de fijación de precios y ese mercado especulativo de los derechos de emisión de CO2 en el que solo ganan ellos.

Soberanía energética, ¿lo entienden? No renunciar a ninguna capacidad ni fuente de energía: hidráulica, térmica, solar, eólica, nuclear... Soberanía energética: la nación por encima del lobby.

Si ustedes no renuncian a sus prejuicios, condenan el futuro de Europa, y si ustedes no lo hacen, lo haremos nosotros.

  Massimiliano Salini (PPE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'aumento del prezzo dell'energia ha evidentemente messo a dura prova la tenuta del nostro sistema economico, ma i grandi paesi dell'Unione europea devono fare un mea culpa serio.

Abbiamo 185 miliardi di metri cubi di gas russo nel nostro pacchetto energetico, evidentemente qualcosa, qualche calcolo lo abbiamo sbagliato. La proposta della Commissione europea tocca alcuni dei punti più rilevanti e siamo ben lieti di poter vedere, finalmente, un lavoro serio sul tema degli stoccaggi condivisi. La disponibilità a ridefinire i meccanismi di prezzo dell'energia: una delle questioni più delicate.

Dobbiamo imparare a non cadere nelle gravi contraddizioni che fino a ora ci hanno visti protagonisti: un esempio, nella differenziazione – una delle grandi partite è quella della differenziazione delle fonti energetiche – non possiamo poi avere contraddizioni come quella dei rigassificatori in Spagna senza le pipeline per condurre il gas dalla Spagna verso il resto dell'Europa, ad esempio. Oppure, ben venga l'importante decisione di investire sulle rinnovabili, ma poi dopo andiamo a vedere che cosa si deve subire un imprenditore che decide di investire sulle rinnovabili in termini di autorizzazione.

Bene, il pacchetto previsto dalla Commissione ci consente di sperare in una rinnovata capacità dell'Unione europea di avere una politica europea dell'energia. Lungi da noi il cadere nelle contraddizioni di chi dice che contro questa crisi ogni paese deve andare nella sua direzione, l'alternativa a una unità europea dell'energia sarebbe la stranezza, che alcuni stanno incominciando a proporre, di ricorrere alla deindustrializzazione del nostro continente per consumare meno energia. Non si faccia nulla di tutto questo e si invochi più Europa perché il prezzo dell'energia... (il Presidente toglie la parola all'oratore)

  Łukasz Kohut (S&D). – Panie Przewodniczący! Wojna w Ukrainie zjednoczyła cały Zachód i całą Unię Europejską. Bardzo się cieszę, że tak Komisja Europejska, jak i poszczególne państwa członkowskie mówią jednym głosem. Wprowadziliśmy bardzo kosztowne dla Rosji sankcje, które już działają. Bardzo dobrze, że zawieszony został Nord Stream 2. Czekamy na koniec tego gazociągu.

Potrzebujemy jednak dalszych kroków. Bezsprzecznie kierunek, w którym zmierzamy jest dobry. Zielona transformacja to uniezależnienie się od surowców, także rosyjskich. Populiści kwestionują zieloną rewolucję. Pamiętajmy jednak, że jeszcze trzy tygodnie temu spółkowali z Putinem. Potrzebujemy jednak embarga na import rosyjskich surowców, w tym węgla, i do czasu transformacji wykorzystajmy nasze zasoby, choćby ze Śląska. Jeżeli chodzi o gaz, potrzebujemy wspólnego działania całej Unii. Potrzebujemy solidarności i wspólnych zakupów całej Wspólnoty. Zjednoczeni jesteśmy po prostu silniejsi. Dlatego krótkie, ale bardzo konkretne pytanie do pani komisarz: na jakim etapie politycznym jest budowa wspólnej europejskiej unii energetycznej?

  Róża Thun und Hohenstein (Renew). – Panie Przewodniczący! Proszę Państwa! Martwimy się o ceny gazu, a tuż koło nas toczy się potworna wojna. Mordowanie Ukraińców przez Putina odbywa się w znacznym stopniu za nasze pieniądze i sytuacja jest naprawdę dramatyczna. Bohatersko walczący Ukraińcy płacą często najwyższą cenę.

My musimy im pomóc wszystkimi dostępnymi metodami, bo przecież oni walczą także za nasze wartości i w naszym imieniu. I to znaczy, że my też musimy być gotowi ponosić koszty. Wojna nie jest wygodna. Te koszty już są. Rachunki rosną w całej Unii i to nie z powodu zielonej polityki, bo ta uniezależnia nas od Putina. Będą rosły jeszcze bardziej, dlatego że nie możemy dalej finansować rosyjskiego zbrodniczego reżimu. Potrzebujemy planu całkowitego odejścia od zakupów zasobów z Rosji. Może tymczasowo, może tylko do końca wojny, ale musimy natychmiast nałożyć pełne embargo na surowce z Rosji.

Dzisiejsze propozycje Komisji to pierwszy krok. Musimy na nich budować dalsze kolejne działania, ale równocześnie musimy chronić najsłabszych, przy tej solidarności z Ukrainą, chronić najstarszych na naszym kontynencie, dla których koszty solidarności z Ukraińcami mogą być nie do udźwignięcia.

  Sunčana Glavak (PPE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, kolegice i kolege, europska i svjetska tržišta energenata, jasno, izložena su velikim pritiscima zbog povećane potražnje i to u svrhu oporavka gospodarstva, problemom nedovoljnog skladištenja te, naravno, ruske invazije na Ukrajinu.

Rast cijena energije kojem svjedočimo izazvao je opravdanu zabrinutost u Europskoj uniji, a poseban naglasak stavljen je na plin kojem je cijena u prošloj godini skočila za 170 posto. Ovaj skok u cijeni teško pogađa, naravno, domaćinstva, mala i srednja poduzeća koji čine temelj europskog gospodarstva, ali, razumijemo svi, izaziva i lančanu reakciju poskupljenja.

Očito je kako Europska unija mora postati relevantni akter na globalnoj energetskoj sceni ako želi imati veći utjecaj na cijene energije i sprečavanje tržišnih manipulacija.

Pozdravljamo ovaj okvir, ali mislim da je on doista samo okvir i da nam nije dovoljan.

Europski zeleni plan pruža nam jedinstvenu priliku da provedemo stratešku reformu europskog tržišta energenata te poboljšamo energetsku sigurnost i otpornost Europske unije. Kako bi u tome uspjeli, moramo diversificirati nabavu energenata, povećati energetsku učinkovitost, dovršiti tranziciju prema čistim izvorima energije i proširiti kapacitete skladištenja i, naravno, uvesti zajednički sustav nabave energenata. To smo učinili kad je bio COVID-19 cjepiva, vidjeli smo da ima uspjeha. U svakom slučaju, Europa mora redefinirati energetsku strukturu.

Zaključit ću, Republika Hrvatska, iz koje dolazim, poduzela je odlučne i pravovremene korake kako bi građanima osigurala dovoljne količine plina po pristupačnim cijenama i istaknula bih strateški važan LNG terminal kao i kratkoročne mjere jer upravo je LNG terminal omogućio Hrvatskoj da se lakše nosi s ovom krizom.

Pred nama su veliki izazovi u energetskom sektoru i trebamo snažan i jedinstven europski odgovor.

  Niels Fuglsang (S&D). – Hr. formand! Fru kommissær! Ærede Kollegaer! Vi har længe i denne her sal diskuteret gasmarkedet, og om Rusland spiller efter de regler, vi andre spiller efter, eller om de manipulerer gaspriserne. En vigtig diskussion, men den virker jo fuldstændig overflødig og forældet nu, fordi det er blevet klart for os alle sammen, at Rusland ikke spiller efter nogen som helst regler. Hverken på energimarkedet, eller når det kommer til de mest fundamentale regler om nationalstaternes territoriale integritet. Vi skal bevæge os væk fra russisk gas, og det skal gå stærkt, og Kommissionen har i dag fremlagt en plan. Jeg synes, den er god. På et år kan vi mindske gasafhængigheden med to tredjedele. Det skal vi gøre. Det handler om at investere i vedvarende energi, og det handler om at øge energieffektiviteten ved at isolere vores huse og udnytte overskudsvarme, så vi kan spare på energien i stedet for at importere Putins sorte energi.

  Josianne Cutajar (S&D). – Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, the unprecedented crisis we’re facing on our eastern borders exacerbates the already difficult situation with energy prices being on the rise since 2021. Such a scenario not only means higher electricity and gas bills for citizens and businesses, but also negative impacts on our value chains and higher prices even on very basic items, breads, pasta, biscuits, coffee to mention just a few.

Who is going to bear the costs? Consumers and small businesses. We should not forget that security of supply is an essential pillar of our energy union. Renewables are the solution in the long-term, yet for the time being, we need to be realistic, diversifying sources provision and supporting the most vulnerable, especially those in small and peripheral Member States that depend on imports.

Therefore, it’s important that we monitor the situation and act to make sure that we really leave no one behind.

  Romana Jerković (S&D). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, rat kojemu svjedočimo u posljednjih trinaest dana samo je potvrdio ono što smo i otprije znali. Netko drugi upravlja našim strateškim interesima i da, to nas čini jako ranjivima. A jasno je kao dan da bez energetske suverenosti i bez stabilnih cijena energenata nema niti razvoja niti napretka. Za to nam treba potpuno novi pristup energetskoj politici i za to nam treba šesta brzina.

Mi moramo ubrzati prijelaz na obnovljive izvore energije, diversificirati izvore opskrbe, bolje upravljati strateškim zalihama i ulagati u izgradnju energetske infrastrukture na tlu Europe i međusobne povezanosti. Za to trebamo jasne ciljeve i još jasnije rokove. Rekla bih, no more business as usual.

Gospođo povjerenice, možete li danas s ove govornice poručiti građanima da Europa ima rješenje za ovu energetsku krizu i da ima viziju kako zaštititi građane i osigurati im cjenovno pristupačnu energiju?

  Kadri Simson, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, thank you for all your comments today. We are putting all of our efforts into reducing the burden of higher energy prices on our EU citizens. And as you have seen, we have taken action at a number of stages and this action has shifted as the geopolitical situation has in recent weeks.

Today’s communication responds strongly to both the rise in energy prices and the volatile situation in Ukraine. It is both political and operational in its nature, and it sets out our plan for the upcoming winter of 2022 and in the medium to long-term it outlines our strategy to decrease our dependence on Russia, and this will require a push in three main areas: diversifying fossil fuel supply away from Russia, accelerating the clean energy transition and redoubling our efforts to be energy efficient.

In this context, I would like to address the calls also heard in this House to review the fifth PCI list to ensure it does not in any way benefit Russia. And let me be clear that the goal of all the current gas projects on the fifth list is to increase the resilience of our gas infrastructure. And all the projects in the fifth PCI list will contribute to either direct diversification by increasing access to the North and South gas corridor or LNG projects, or enhancing integration of Member States into the internal market, which allows liquidity, or increasing storage capacity and thus enhancing winter preparedness.

Altogether, these projects aim to create a more interconnected gas system, which is the only way forward to decrease Europe’s reliance on Russian gas, and the fifth PCI list therefore will not benefit Russia, quite the contrary. It will make it easier for us to decrease the use and individual Member State’s dependence on Russian gas.

  Πρόεδρος. – Η συζήτηση έληξε.

Γραπτές δηλώσεις (άρθρο 171)

  Carmen Avram (S&D), în scris. – În general, criza militară și criza alimentară sunt interdependente. Când prima se dezlănțuie, a doua intervine automat.

În acest caz particular, însă, al unui război între principalul furnizor de energie al Uniunii, cum e Rusia, și principalul furnizor de porumb, rapiță și șrot de floarea soarelui al Uniunii, cum e Ucraina, urmările pot fi devastatoare.

O estimare globală arată că, de la începutul războiului, prețurile produselor agricole de bază au crescut cu până la 10 %. În unele locuri din țara mea, România, prețul pâinii a crescut deja cu un leu, în doar câteva zile.

La nivel european, Comisia trebuie să ia în calcul activarea tuturor instrumentelor posibile pentru a evita o criză alimentară, pentru a atenua impactul scumpirilor la alimentele de bază și pentru a calibra obiectivele „tranziției verzi” la noua realitate geopolitică.

La nivel național, însă, construirea rețelei de centre de depozitare de alimente este vitală pentru România. Ratarea acestei oportunități din fondurile alocate prin PNRR este condamnabilă și trebuie corectată urgent. Solicit, deci, Comisiei Europene să intervină urgent în sprijinul fermierilor europeni pentru a nu-i lăsa de izbeliște, așa cum, din păcate, a făcut-o în timpul pandemiei.

  Lina Gálvez Muñoz (S&D), por escrito. – La invasión de Ucrania por parte de Rusia ha acentuado el incremento de precios de la energía, algo que venimos sufrimos desde mediados del verano de 2021. Los precios mayoristas de gas fósil se han disparado a cuotas inasumibles. La previsión es que estos precios continúen altos hasta 2023. Esto, a la vez, está contagiando los mercados mayoristas de electricidad. Los elevados precios mayoristas siguen impulsando al alza los precios minoristas del gas y la electricidad. Los precios de la energía son el componente principal de la inflación. Esto afectará al poder adquisitivo de los consumidores, las pymes y la industria de la UE. Pero, especialmente tendrá un impacto masivo en los hogares vulnerables. Como consecuencia, es probable que aumente la pobreza energética.

Las y los socialistas en el Parlamento defendemos la necesidad de soluciones para abordar la subida de los precios de la energía y, en particular, de la electricidad. Estas soluciones pasan por acelerar el despliegue de energías renovables autóctonas y por medidas a corto plazo para desacoplar del precio del gas de la electricidad. Al mismo tiempo, debemos diversificar nuestros suministros energéticos y eliminar nuestra dependencia energética de Rusia.

  Isabel García Muñoz (S&D), por escrito. – La invasión de Ucrania por parte de Rusia ha acentuado el incremento de precios de la energía, algo que venimos sufrimos desde mediados del verano de 2021. Los precios mayoristas de gas fósil se han disparado a cuotas inasumibles. La previsión es que estos precios continúen altos hasta 2023. Esto, a la vez, está contagiando los mercados mayoristas de electricidad. Los elevados precios mayoristas siguen impulsando al alza los precios minoristas del gas y la electricidad. Los precios de la energía son el componente principal de la inflación. Esto afectará al poder adquisitivo de los consumidores, las pymes y la industria de la UE. Pero, especialmente tendrá un impacto masivo en los hogares vulnerables. Como consecuencia, es probable que aumente la pobreza energética.

Las y los socialistas en el Parlamento defendemos la necesidad de soluciones para abordar la subida de los precios de la energía y, en particular, de la electricidad. Estas soluciones pasan por acelerar el despliegue de energías renovables autóctonas y por medidas a corto plazo para desacoplar del precio del gas de la electricidad. Al mismo tiempo, debemos diversificar nuestros suministros energéticos y eliminar nuestra dependencia energética de Rusia.