Debašu stenogramma

Ceturtdiena, 2022. gada 10. marts - Strasbūra

7.2. Mjanma vienu gadu pēc valsts apvērsuma

  President. – The next item is the debate on six motions for resolutions on Myanmar, one year after the coup (2022/2581(RSP))*.

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* See Minutes.

  Seán Kelly, author. – Madam President, one year on from the coup in Myanmar, the situation there remains critical. We continue to condemn in the strongest possible terms the coup executed by the military in Myanmar in February of last year and call for the reinstatement of the elected government.

Since they seized power, the military have implemented a series of severe restrictions on freedoms and everyday life. They have shown little respect for human rights and are causing untold suffering for the people of Myanmar. Particularly concerning are reports of killings and unlawful arrests of peaceful pro-democracy protesters. The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights estimates that at least 1 500 people have been killed and over 11 000 arrested since the military seized power last year.

The humanitarian situation in Myanmar is dire, with reports of a systematic and sustained attacks on the Rohingya, Christians and other groups perpetrated by the military government. With regard to everyday life, the government has imposed a number of extreme restrictions on personal freedoms, including freedom of expression and access to media and information.

Women’s rights also have been seriously curtailed since the military took power, with the women subject to widespread detention, sexual assault, gender-based violence and in some cases killings. The government has also exploited the COVID-19 pandemic to facilitate a crackdown on pro-democracy activists, a trend which is extremely concerning.

It is imperative that former leaders – the President and the State Counsellor – are immediately and unconditionally released and the results of the democratic elections of November 2020 are respected.

Although Myanmar’s former government did not demonstrate full respect for human rights either, they represented the only viable alternative to the current military rule. It is crucial, therefore, that we, the international community, do everything in our power to halt the systematic human rights abuses that are occurring in Myanmar.

  Evin Incir, author. – Madam President, I want to start with thanking my colleagues from the different Groups represented yesterday at the meeting for very fruitful and constructive negotiations, and I hope that we will be able to send a clear message to the horrific military junta in Myanmar today.

Over one year has passed now since the bloody military coup in Myanmar. The military junta has erased years of progress and the people are suffering. It is with a heavy heart that we observe the deteriorating situation, but we can’t continue just observing. We need to strengthen the sanctions and demand change. That includes EU companies taking their share of responsibilities also. We can’t just observe while violations of international law are taking place because it is about real people’s lives we are talking.

There has been an increasing number of reports of violent attacks and killings against civilians, labour unions, journalists, religious representatives and peaceful democratic protests. According to the UN, over 14.4 million people are in need of urgent humanitarian assistance. Of the affected, the most vulnerable are women, girls and children.

The international community has to drastically increase demand of an immediate end of the military junta’s violence towards the civilian population, including religious and minorities such as the Rohingya. We cannot stand by while the people of Myanmar are suffering. The latest two weeks have shown that actions can be taken if the will is there. Let us create the will today before it is beyond even more of our control.

   Svenja Hahn, Verfasserin. – Frau Präsidentin! Seit einem Jahr mordet, vertreibt, verhaftet und vergewaltigt Myanmars Militärjunta ungestraft – so pervers geplant und systematisch, dass wir klar von Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit und Kriegsverbrechen sprechen müssen. Und es ist kein Ende in Sicht für die grausame Militärherrschaft.

Im letzten Jahr hatten Kollegen und ich hier die Möglichkeit, online gewählte Abgeordnete Myanmars zu treffen. Sie mussten untertauchen, um ihr Leben oder das ihrer Familien zu schützen. Die zivile Regierung ist im Exil, auf der Flucht, ermordet oder nach Scheinprozessen inhaftiert.

Es muss das Interesse aller Demokratien sein, Myanmars noch junge Demokratie wiederherzustellen. Deshalb darf es für uns keine internationale Zusammenarbeit mit Myanmars Machthabern geben, vor allem, wenn wir sehen, wer die Freunde der Militärjunta sind: China und Russland liefern verlässlich Waffen für das Morden und blockieren den UN-Sicherheitsrat. Sie destabilisieren ein Land, das sich eine demokratische Zukunft erhofft. Sie destabilisieren eine gesamte aufstrebende Region.

Der große Konflikt unserer Zeit heißt Autokratie versus Demokratie. Dieser Konflikt ist mehr als nur noch ein wirtschaftlicher Wettbewerb. Die Autokraten und Despoten dieser Welt terrorisieren und morden weltweit, weil sie den Wunsch nach Freiheit und Demokratie verachten und fürchten.

Deshalb ist es mir auch völlig unverständlich und offen gesagt auch unerträglich, dass die Kommission immer noch keine Prüfung der Handelsvorteile Myanmars veranlasst hat. Danke, Kommissarin Jourová, dass Sie heute hier sind, aber ich frage mich wiederholt bei außenpolitischen Debatten: Wo ist eigentlich Herr Borrell?

Ich verlange von der Kommission: Stellen Sie endlich sicher, dass kein Unternehmen des Militärs durch den bevorzugten Zugang zu unserem Binnenmarkt profitiert! Setzen Sie die Handelsvorteile aus! Denn als Europäische Union müssen wir unserer Verantwortung als demokratische und wirtschaftliche Macht gerecht werden.

Kein demokratisches Land darf uns zu klein oder zu weit weg sein, um nicht an der Seite von Freiheit und Demokratie zu stehen. Danke für euren Einsatz, Kollegen!

  Heidi Hautala, author. – Madam President, one year after the military coup of 1 February 2021, we can see that the situation is very dire and that we need to add to the pressure against the military junta.

We as Parliament welcome sanctions which have now come to four rounds, but we would demand that more needs to be done as for sanctions. We can still add, for instance, the State Administrative Council to the list as an entity, not just as a person. We welcome the fact that now, finally, the Council has added the national oil and gas company, MOGE, to the sanctions. But we demand that a derogation allowing European oil and gas companies to operate and conduct transactions in the country be removed.

So what more can be done? I believe that it's very important to point out to European businesses that they should not mix with anything in the business of Myanmar which touches the interests and adds to the interests of the army, the Tatmadaw.

And finally, I want to say that we need to find support for the refugees fleeing the country. We especially need to expect that there will be no forced returns to Thailand, China and India as neighbouring countries.

  Bert-Jan Ruissen, Auteur. – Voorzitter, commissaris, de oorlog in Oekraïne eist vrijwel alle aandacht op. We zouden bijna vergeten dat elders in de wereld ook vreselijke dingen gebeuren. Zoals in Myanmar, waar ruim een jaar geleden een staatsgreep plaatsvond die de nog kwetsbare democratie gewelddadig de kop indrukte.

De trieste balans na één jaar: meer dan 7 000 gerichte aanvallen op burgers door het leger; bijna 1 500 mensen omgekomen, waaronder vrouwen en kinderen; honderdduizenden mensen op de vlucht in eigen land; tientallen gedocumenteerde rapporten van aanvallen op kerken en andere religieuze instellingen; religieuze leiders zijn vermoord of opgepakt; het leger blokkeert de toegang van humanitaire hulp; er is een tekort aan alles ...

Gelukkig heeft de Raad eerder dit jaar een nieuwe ronde met sancties ingesteld. Ik moedig de Raad aan om hiermee door te gaan en samen met de internationale gemeenschap de druk op de militaire junta op te voeren om het geweld te stoppen en de levering van humanitaire hulp niet langer te blokkeren. Tevens moet de regering van nationale eenheid als legitieme behartiger van de democratische wensen van de bevolking van Myanmar betrokken worden in een inclusieve politieke dialoog en bij het streven naar een vreedzame oplossing van de crisis. Ook de bevolking van Myanmar moet op ons kunnen rekenen!

  Pernando Barrena Arza, author. – Madam President, a year ago, the military of Myanmar seized power through a coup d’état and arrested the State Counsellor, Aung San Suu Kyi, and the President. In August, the Commander-in-Chief of the army announced he was appointing himself Prime Minister and since then a mass protest movement has taken to the streets and protested for a return to a democratically elected civilian government.

Since the coup, military authorities have once again perpetrated crimes against humanity, war crimes and other serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. Human rights violations, in particular against the Rohingya, have continued.

We support the EU-adopted the sanctions against those involved in serious human rights violations in Myanmar, but we cannot limit the scope and not give a look at whom. The derogation that explicitly allows EU oil and gas operators remaining in Myanmar is unacceptable and must be suppressed.

It’s time for peace and democracy in Myanmar and that will only arrive along with demilitarisation, dialogue, diplomacy and international law. Europe should make pressure to the Tatmadaw to immediately stop repression against peaceful activists and members of the public in general and transfer powers to the organised civil society. That is the only way forward acceptable.

  Michaela Šojdrová, za skupinu PPE. – Paní předsedající, kolegyně a kolegové, paní místopředsedkyně, pro Evropskou unii je v těchto chvílích nejpalčivějším úkolem podpořit Ukrajinu, pomoci ji v obraně proti agresi Putina, který i v těchto chvílích, v těchto minutách bombarduje ukrajinská města. Přesto nesmíme zapomínat na ochranu lidských práv i v dalších místech a týká se to i Myanmaru, kde dál pokračuje skutečná genocida místních obyvatel – Rohingů. Od poslední rezoluce Evropského parlamentu z října minulého roku se bohužel nic nezlepšilo. Vojenská junta i nadále páchá násilí, vraždí civilisty, systematicky pronásleduje křesťany, ničí kostely. Více než 9 500 politických vězňů již bylo obětí tohoto represivního režimu a 1 600 z těchto politických odpůrců bylo dokonce zabito. Evropský parlament silně odsuzuje vojenskou juntu a zejména odsuzuje podporu Ruska a Číny, které ji podporují. Tyto země se tak přímo podílí na této genocidě a bohužel stejně jako v případě ruské invaze zde selhává Rada bezpečnosti OSN, proto Evropský parlament vyzývá ke konkrétním akcím a sankcím.

  Andrea Cozzolino, a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, è trascorso un anno dal colpo di Stato in Myanmar. Da allora, le già precarie condizioni umanitarie sono enormemente peggiorate: più di 1 500 cittadini sono stati uccisi, più di 8 600 persone sono in carcere, 80 quelle condannate alla morte, più di 400 000 sono i nuovi sfollati. Tutto questo da quando c'è stato il colpo di Stato militare di un anno fa e dopo le contestate elezioni democratiche. Oggi il potere è nelle mani della giunta militare.

Noi siamo in campo, come Europa, come Parlamento, in difesa della popolazione civile e dei difensori dei diritti umani e, in particolare, a difesa delle minoranze etniche e religiose, che già prima del colpo di Stato soffrivano di pesanti persecuzioni. Chiediamo alla giunta militare il rilascio di tutti i detenuti politici e di ripristinare il governo democraticamente eletto. Solo la politica, un processo democratico può ripristinare una condizione di pace e stabilità nel paese. Al tempo stesso, al nostro Borrell, alla Commissaria Jourová, alla Commissione nella sua interezza l'invito a sostenere tutte le iniziative diplomatiche, come quelle in corso all'Associazione delle nazioni del sud-est asiatico, ma soprattutto mettere pressione, pressione, sulla giunta militare per rendere possibile l'ingresso degli aiuti umanitari per tutta la popolazione civile nel paese, in particolare per gli sfollati.

Dobbiamo essere risoluti, determinati e vigili, soprattutto in questo momento. Se non ci sono sviluppi positivi, essere pronti a rafforzare e introdurre nuove sanzioni. Colpire fino in fondo gli interessi economici che si raccolgono intorno alla giunta militare: questo è il compito dell'Europa e questo è il compito che si dà il Parlamento europeo.

  Adam Bielan, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, since the military coup in February 2021, the Myanmar military has committed serious crimes and has violated a range of human rights by murdering civilians, arbitrarily detaining prisoners, forcing displacements of thousands of people and oppressing ethnic and religious minorities.

With over 14 million people in humanitarian need, the targeting of civilians and humanitarian actors is unthinkable. Yet it is happening in Myanmar. It is a blatant violation of international law. So today we urge Myanmar military authorities to immediately reinstate the civilian government, allowing a swift return of Myanmar to the path of democracy and to release immediately and unconditionally all political prisoners.

I welcome the recent round of sanctions adopted by the Council against people and entities involved in the coup. This is an important EU instrument to sanction violators of human rights. But we should intensify our help by all possible means. The international community must relentlessly continue to take additional actions to help Myanmar citizens fighting for democracy. Fundamental rights should never be compromised.

  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (NI). – Madam President, the recent events made clear that we are facing a global battle: democracy versus authoritarianism; the rule of law versus the rule of power; respect for human rights against their total disregard. It’s a battle fought in different places with different means, and Ukraine’s invasion is only the most evident example. Nevertheless, it is the same fight.

One of the battlegrounds is in Myanmar. Since the coup in February 2021, the situation has continuously worsened. Some 1 500 civilians were killed, 12 000 arrested, 84 sentenced to death. Numbers that bring back ghosts from the past. China and Russia have taken a clear position in this fight. They block any attempt of the United Nations Security Council to draft a resolution. They legitimise the junta, which supports Putin’s war on Ukraine, also providing it with military means that are used every day in the repression.

Words fall on deaf ears. We need strong action instead. New and more stringent measures, coordinated international pressure, the referral of the situation to the International Criminal Court and the immediate suspension of Myanmar from GSP and EBA trade preferences. Yesterday was already late, Madam Commissioner. We need to use all instruments at our disposal and stay united, because their civil society should not feel abandoned and because this is a fight for democracy we can’t afford to lose.

  Marianne Vind (S&D). – Fru formand! Vi skriver år 2022, men vi har ikke en fredfyldt verden. Det er over et år siden, at juntaen i Myanmar overtog magten og har siden begået drab på civilbefolkningen. Jeg fordømmer på det kraftigste, at Rusland, Kina og Serbien som FN-medlemmer har hjulpet kupmagerne med at levere våben til militærstyret i Myanmar. At støtte et militærregime, der bruger magt mod civilbefolkningen, fortjener fordømmelse og sanktioner, ikke hjælp fra FN-lande. Den myanmarske befolkning skal ikke leve med tortur og overgreb som en del af hverdagen. Her tænker jeg på rohingyaerne, der er særligt udsatte. Jeg ønsker en fredfyldt løsning, der respekterer det demokratiske valg fra 2020 og giver magten til den civile befolkning - den civile befolknings valg af en regering. Hvis der ikke sker forbedringer, bør vi kraftigt overveje flere sanktioner, for over 14 mio. mennesker har brug for humanitær hjælp. Mange børn og voksne sulter. Jeg opfordrer i dag til, at vi i EU står sammen om sanktioner mod Myanmars junta.

  Patrizia Toia (S&D). – Signora Presidente, signora Commissaria, onorevoli colleghi, in Myanmar come in Ucraina, certo più lontano dai nostri occhi ma altrettanto efferata, la violenza più brutale continua. Arresti, bombardamenti, uccisioni dei civili più inermi, come sempre in queste situazioni, donne e bambini, aggressioni sessuali, persecuzioni dei cristiani e delle altre minoranze, brutale repressione militare, folle immense di profughi che necessitano di cibo e di medicine. Insomma, una catastrofe umanitaria, e ancora una volta colpiti sono proprio gli inermi.

Di fronte a questo io credo che non possiamo più accettare una generale inazione del tutto inadeguata della comunità internazionale. L'ONU deve uscire dal suo torpore, lo dico da appassionata onusiana, deve uscire dal suo torpore e fare qualche iniziativa forte, le commissioni d'inchiesta indipendenti, altre iniziative, ma soprattutto noi chiediamo un ruolo alla Commissione europea, all'Alto commissario Borrell e a tutta la Commissione: dovete fare di più e in prima persona, non lasciare sola l'Asia né agli altri interlocutori, deve farlo l'Unione europea. Il riconoscimento del governo di unità nazionale di opposizione, i corridoi umanitari, l'embargo delle armi; insomma, tutte le iniziative che possono essere fatte per un paese che è diventato un simbolo della democrazia con Aung San Suu Kyi e con un popolo che lotta per difendere la propria democrazia e la propria libertà.

  Věra Jourová, Vice-President of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, indeed you are right. This is a matter for the whole Commission. This is not only the matter of Josep Borrell, who cannot be here today because he had to choose how to spend his time in the urgent situation around Ukraine especially. He is in Versailles in Paris on the European Council.

But indeed, you are right by saying that the public attention is now focused on the war in Ukraine and that the gross violations of human rights and disproportionate use of force applied by the military regime in Myanmar increased in recent weeks and months. And this must not be forgotten or we should not lose sight of these horrifying situations.

The country’s democratic transition has been halted with disastrous humanitarian, social, security, economic and human rights consequences. The Myanmar military increased arbitrary detentions and used ever more torture, sexual and gender—based violence, persecution of civil society, human rights defenders and journalists, as well as attacks on the civilian population, including ethnic and religious minorities. According to the United Nations, half of the population is now living under the poverty level.

Our policy response is robust and coordinated with like—minded partners. It supports ASEAN and United Nations efforts in devising a peaceful solution to the crisis. We have imposed sanctions, withheld or reoriented development assistance and stepped up humanitarian support.

On 21 February, the EU adopted a fourth package of restrictive measures. These add to the existing EU restrictive measures, including an arms embargo. All sanctions now apply to a total of 65 individuals and 10 entities. This now also includes the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise, the country’s main petrol producer. It is key to cut the financial resources of the military junta while seeking to avoid unnecessary suffering for the Myanmar population.

In parallel, the EU and its Member States remain one of the most important donors in Myanmar with the envelope of EUR 65 million. In response to the needs, the EU has provided over EUR 23 million in 2021.

So far, it is the EU’s policy to maintain our unilateral trade preferences under the Everything But Arms scheme, with a view to avoiding to harm the most vulnerable, particularly female workers in the garment sector. The scheme contributes to the strengthening of the resilience of the general population.

As regards justice and accountability, we increased our financial support to the UN Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar by EUR 1 million. At the multilateral level, we will present a resolution at the UN Human Rights Council to help ensure that the human rights situation in Myanmar remains high on the agenda of the international community.

Let me also inform you that we have appointed the EU Ambassador to ASEAN to be also our new special envoy to Myanmar to support the efforts of the UN and ASEAN’s special envoys and to reach out to other international and regional actors.

Let me assure you, the crisis in Ukraine does not mean we forget the acute suffering of the people of Myanmar. The EU keeps all policy options under review, with the aim of supporting the people of Myanmar and bringing the country back to a path towards democracy.

  President. – The debate is closed.

The vote will take place today.

Written statements (Rule 171)

  Tomasz Piotr Poręba (ECR), na piśmie. – Od wojskowego przewrotu w Birmie minął już ponad rok. Jako wiceprzewodniczący delegacji ASEAN w PE z niepokojem śledzę rozwój wydarzeń i bardzo trudną sytuację mieszkańców Birmy, którzy pozbawieni są podstawowych demokratycznych praw, takich jak wolność słowa czy wyznania.

Co więcej, dyskryminuje się obcokrajowców oraz mniejszości religijne i etniczne. Wystarczy chociażby wspomnieć o tym, że od przewrotu wojskowego udokumentowano 35 przypadków napadów na kościoły, miejsca kultu oraz osoby wierzące, w tym chrześcijan i muzułmanów.

Birma nie jest sama. Chciałbym tu podkreślić zaangażowanie ASEANu, który nieustannie podejmuje próby pokojowego rozwiązania aktualnego kryzysu, a także pomoc humanitarną, jaką Birma otrzymuję od UE. W 2021 r. UE przeznaczyła 23 miliony euro między innymi na pomoc uchodźcom z Birmy szukającym schronienia w sąsiednich krajach. Część tej pomocy została też przeznaczona na pomoc w walce z pandemią COVID-19.

Liczę na dalsze kroki mające na celu ustabilizowanie sytuacji w Birmie. Przywódcy przewrotu wojskowego powinni bardzo mocno odczuć, że na ich działania nie ma zgody.