Compte rendu in extenso des débats

Lundi 4 avril 2022 - Strasbourg

15. Révision de la réserve de stabilité du marché pour le système d'échange de quotas d'émission de l'UE (débat)

  Die Präsidentin. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über den Bericht von Cyrus Engerer im Namen des Ausschusses für Umweltfragen, öffentliche Gesundheit und Lebensmittelsicherheit über den Vorschlag für einen Beschluss des Europäischen Parlaments und des Rates zur Änderung des Beschlusses (EU) 2015/1814 in Bezug auf die Menge der Zertifikate, die bis 2030 in die Marktstabilitätsreserve für das System für den Handel mit Treibhausgasemissionszertifikaten in der Union einzustellen sind (COM(2021)0571 – C9-0325/2021 – 2021/0202(COD)) (A9-0045/2022).

  Cyrus Engerer, Rapporteur. – Sinjura President, f'dan iż-żmien bla preċedent għall-Unjoni Ewropea u d-dinja, xogħolna hu li niżguraw stabbiltà - stabbiltà għall-familji Ewropej u stabbiltà għan-negozji Ewropej, għaliex dan hu l-mod kif nissalvagwardjaw l-interessi ta' dawk l-iktar vulnerabbli fis-soċjetà tagħna.

L-istabbiltà kienet proprju r-raġuni għalfejn dan l-istrument, il-Market Stability Reserve ġie kkreat oriġinarjament - strument li xogħlu hu li filwaqt li jżomm lilna lkoll iffukati fuq il-miri ambjentali tagħna biex inkomplu nnaqqsu l-emissjonijiet, naraw li s-sistema tkun b'saħħitha biżżejjed biex tilqa' għax-xokkijiet li jiġu fuq id-dinja minn żmien għal żmien. U x'ma kellniex xokkijiet f'dawn l-aħħar snin! Pandemija li waqqfet lid-dinja kollha, fejn rajna l-ajruporti kollha tagħna jingħalqu, ħaddiema jaħdmu mid-dar, tfal jattendu l-iskola minn fuq il-kompjuters f'kamarthom stess u aħna hawnhekk fil-Parlament, li waqqafna l-ivvjaġġar tagħna u rrappreżentajna lill-popli Ewropej f'dan il-Parlament mill-Istati Membri tagħna grazzi għall-avvanzi teknoloġiċi li ppermettulna li nagħmlu dan.

Filwaqt li l-ambjent kellu solljev mill-attività umana li tant tikkawżalu ħsara, ma waqafniex naħdmu biex nipproteġu l-ambjent tagħna b'mod aktar permanenti. Konna l-ewwel kontinent li waqt pandemija ħdimna u għaddejna liġi dwar il-klima, ikkommettejna lilna nfusna li nkunu newtrali mill-karbonju sal-2050, u nedejna pakkett ambizzjuż, il-Fit for 55, li se jkun qiegħed jarana mmorru ħafna oltre dak li kkommettejna lilna nfusna għalih fil-passat. Dan kollu fl-isfond ta' tensjonijiet ġodda bejn ir-Russja u l-kumplament tad-dinja u l-invażjoni atroċi tar-Russja fuq l-Ukrajna f'dawn l-aħħar ġimgħat.

Fhimna, li biex inżommu l-istabbiltà u biex nibqgħu għaddejjin fi triqitna biex nilħqu l-miri ambjentali tagħna u klimatiċi tagħna, kellna naħdmu minnufih bħala Parlament, fuq il-pariri tal-Kummissjoni Ewropea, biex nestendu l-intake rate u l-allowances tal-Market Stability Reserve sal-2030 - rati li huma d-doppju ta' dawk li kienu oriġinarjament ippjanati iżda li jirriflettu r-realtajiet li qegħdin ngħixu fihom illum u l-ambizzjoni b'saħħitha tagħna għal Ewropa ħafna aktar ambjentali.

Għalhekk fi ftit xhur irnexxielna mhux biss naħdmu fuq il-liġi li testendi dak li għandna llum iżda għaddejniha mill-Kumitat għall-Ambjent b'mod spedit u qegħdin hawn illum biex nissiġillaw dak li diġà qbilna dwaru. Jidher però, li dan mhux l-istess għall-Kunsill tal-Unjoni Ewropea. Jidher li min-naħa tal-Kunsill għadhom lanqas biss bdew id-diskussjonijiet dwar jekk jaqblux ma' din l-estensjoni jew le, u għalhekk, ippermettili nagħmel appell - appell biex il-Kunsill tal-Ministri jiċċaqlaq fuq din l-estensjoni importanti għall-familji u n-negozji Ewropej - estensjoni li tiżgura stabbiltà fi żmien li hawn ħafna bżonnha; estensjoni li tassigura li nżommu mal-ambizzjoni ambjentali tagħna waqt li fl-istess ħin inħarsu l-interessi tal-iktar ċittadini vulnerabbli fl-Unjoni Ewropea. Għaliex irridu li jkollna tranżizzjoni ħadra u ambjentali li tkun waħda ġusta għal kulħadd - tranżizzjoni li ma tħalli lil ħadd jaqa' lura.

Ippermettuli qabel ma nikkonkludi nirringrazzja lix-shadow rapporteurs kollha għall-kontribut siewi biex wasalna hawn u l-kooperazzjoni li sibt minn kull wieħed u waħda minnhom.

Intemm b'appell: irridu nħarsu din l-art li ngħixu fuqha għaliex l-ebda bniedem ma jgħix mingħajr id-dinja tagħna, iżda fil-verità d-dinja tkompli tgħix mingħajrna l-bnedmin.

  Frans Timmermans, Executive Vice—President of the Commission. – Madam President, let me start by thanking Cyrus Engerer and his colleagues for the report. This proposal is a small but very important element of the Fit for 55 package, a set of comprehensive proposals to reach our climate goals.

The market stability reserve (MSR) for the EU emissions trading system (ETS) has been operational since 2019. This reserve is a very important part of our ETS. It has now shown that it fulfils its role of reducing historic surpluses of allowances. This improves the ETS’s resilience against major demand shocks, such as the COVID-19 crisis.

I want to briefly back this up with a couple of figures. As a result of the operation of the MSR in recent years, the surplus of allowances has decreased from 1.65 billion in 2018 to 1.38 billion allowances in 2019. The increase in the surplus of emission allowances that one could have seen in 2020 due to lower emissions because of COVID-19 was limited also thanks to the MSR.

The MSR operates based on clear and pre—determined rules. The most important of these rules are the ones on placing allowances in the reserve and releasing them from it. The proposal that we will debate today does one thing: keep the 24 % intake rate of emission allowances for the MSR, also beyond 2024. And let me explain again why. In the last reform of the ETS, it was decided to temporarily double the rate at which allowances are placed in the reserve to allow for a faster reduction of the historic surplus in the market from 12 to 24 %. However, that previously agreed higher intake rate would only apply until 2023, and would revert back to the legal default of 12 % thereafter. When considering the broader revision of the ETS, as part of Fit for 55, we of course also looked at the MSR. Our impact assessment shows that reverting to 12 % would not reduce the surplus fast enough.

To maintain a well—functioning ETS, the Commission has therefore proposed to make this one targeted proposal in order to maintain the higher 24 % integrate for the MSR and, accordingly, the higher minimum amount of allowances to be placed in the reserve 200 million.

We put this change forward in a proposal that is separate from the broader revision of the ETS to give predictability to the markets on the future operation of the reserve. We welcome the broad support in the Environment Committee for this, and I hope that this is confirmed this week here, in Parliament. A well—functioning ETS is key to deliver on our climate ambition by 2030. The proposals on the intake rate for the MSR is a small part of that, and I count on your support also for the broader reform that we have on the table. I will listen carefully to what you will say.

  Claudia Gamon, Verfasserin der Stellungnahme des mitberatenden Ausschusses für Industrie, Forschung und Energie. – Frau Präsidentin! Der EU-Emissionshandel ist das Vorzeigeinstrument der Europäischen Union zur effizienten Reduktion von Treibhausgasemissionen, und zwar durch die Vorgabe eines klaren Reduktionspfads, der es uns ermöglicht, die Reduktionsziele zu erfüllen. Deshalb ist auch ein starker, gut funktionierender Emissionshandel für das Erreichen unserer Green-Deal-Ziele essenziell.

Damit dieser Emissionshandel weiterhin ein so effizientes, verlässliches und schockresistentes Instrument bleibt, gibt es seit 2019 die Marktstabilitätsreserve. Der ITRE-Ausschuss hat meinen Vorschlag zur Verlängerung der MSR bis zum Ende der Handelsperiode mit großer Mehrheit angenommen. Damit verhindern wir ein Auslaufen der MSR 2023. Etwaige Veränderungen an der Funktionsweise der MSR werden, wenn das denn erforderlich sein sollte, im Rahmen der Überarbeitung des Emissionshandels diskutiert. Vielleicht werden wir dazu ja jetzt auch noch ein paar Punkte hören.

Ich möchte mich bei den Kolleginnen und Kollegen bedanken, die mich bei der Arbeit an der MSR unterstützt haben und sichergestellt haben, dass der europäische Emissionshandel weiterhin so ein starkes Instrument zur Bekämpfung des Klimawandels ist.

  Cristian-Silviu Buşoi, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, I would like to congratulate the rapporteur. The Market Stability Reserve, in place since 2019, as Executive Vice-President Timmermans has just reminded us, addresses the structural imbalance between the supply of and demand for allowances on the market, with the aim to stabilise the market by removing surplus allowance from it. The reserve functions by triggering adjustments to the annual auctions volumes.

Last year, as part of the Fit for 55 package, the Commission proposed also the first review of the ETS and Market Stability Reserve (MSR) following an impact assessment. I would like to reiterate that the assessment showed the MSR should be adapted to avoid shocks and to ensure complementarity, coherence and effectiveness in achieving the 2030 and 2050 climate ambition. It also revealed that the 12% intake rate would not be enough to ensure that the objectives of the MSR in terms of reducing the surplus and ensuring market resilience will still be fulfilled.

It is only fair to continue with the doubled intake rate for a few years and ensure that any review and adjustment of the MSR intake rate in the future should aim to minimise regulatory complexity and market speculation, while ensuring a maximum degree of market predictability and that the EU ETS is fit for purpose in line with the Union’s increased climate ambitions for 2030. This is the reason why the EPP has tabled this amendment on this matter.

While the overall revision of the MSR decision is part of the ETS revision, this file was due to have a fast-track procedure, that’s why we had a political agreement to proceed in a fast-track procedure with the MSR revision. This was a challenge for most of us, and we had very ambitious colleagues, but we mustn’t forget the realities that the economies of our countries face, that our industry face, especially the heavy ones, and more recently the challenge of the energy supply.

So the EPP position is the 24% intake, and we need to ensure the intake rate of 22% is maintained and not increased, until in the future when a broader revision as part of the ETS will come with a solid impact assessment. Thank you so much.

  Jytte Guteland, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, the market stability reserve (MSR) might seem like a technicality, but it is immensely important for climate. It is not only the first file in the Fit for 55 package, but also key to make the EU emissions trading system (ETS) fit for purpose.

The historical problem with the EU ETS has been the high surplus of allowances after the euro and financial crisis. This has resulted in low prices, weak signals for industry to decarbonise. But the creation of the MSR and also the Swedish proposal in the last reform actually saved the European Union from – if we count from my home country, Sweden – 50 years of Swedish emissions. This is probably the main reason why the ETS prices are finally sending the right signal to the industry. And this is why we also now see a new green industrial revolution with new innovations such as green hydrogen popping up across Europe.

However, after the pandemic, we now see a new large surplus: 30 years of Swedish emissions, if we should use my home country again to show you the picture. Weakening the MSR at this stage would be a huge mistake. Today, I hope for a very broad support for a continuously strong MSR without limiting further ambition in the ETS negotiations.

I want to thank my S&D colleague and rapporteur for good work and wish you the very best for the trilogues that we have ahead of us.

  Emma Wiesner, för Renew-gruppen. – Fru talman! Nu är det upp till bevis! Det är nu vi ska rösta om höjda ambitioner i klimatarbetet, och då har de högerkonservativa en sorts ryggradsreflex att skrika ”Stopp! Det är kris!” Det första som högerpopulisterna vill dra ned på vid en kris är nämligen klimatambitionerna. Gaskrisen har varit här i sex månader. Coronakrisen har varit här i två år. Klimatkrisen har varit här betydligt längre.

Vi måste kunna hantera andra kriser parallellt med att vi hanterar klimatkrisen. Klimatomställningen får inte vara det första som offras vid en kris. Men om man, likt flera av er här inne på den högerkonservativa kanten, vägrar att erkänna klimatkrisen, då kanske det också är lätt att offra den, det första man gör. Jag tror på klimatkrisen. Jag vill göra någonting åt den. Och därför röstar jag för höjda klimatambitioner.

  Michael Bloss, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, the pictures of war atrocities in Bucha on innocent Ukrainian citizens are horrifying and at the same time, Putin is playing us with his coal, gas and oil.

We must not be blackmailed by Putin. What we need for this is strong climate policies to move away from fossils and move to 100% renewables. I cannot understand those who call now for a stop or pause of Europe's CO2 trading scheme – our most powerful climate policy tool. Instead of stopping it, we need to strengthen it. Every euro we spend more on renewables is a euro will spend less for Putin's war machine. And he fears that. He fears an energy-independent Europe, so let’s build it. Freeing us from oil, coal and gas is regaining freedom. Climate policies must not fall victim to Putin's war.

  Catherine Griset, au nom du groupe ID. – Madame le Président, ce texte ne pouvait pas tomber à un plus mauvais moment. En pleine crise, alors que les prix de l’énergie flambent en Europe, vous voulez contribuer à la hausse du prix du carbone sur le marché du SEQE et alourdir considérablement la facture des entreprises et des ménages européens.

Quand on parle de réserve de stabilité, on s’attend justement à œuvrer pour la stabilité. Or, ici, nous n’avons pas les mêmes priorités. Vous parlez de stabilité des quotas d’émission en circulation quand, nous, nous parlons de la stabilité des prix. Par pure idéologie, vous allez aggraver la précarité et les fractures entre les pays européens. Quelle meilleure définition de l’écologie punitive?

Personne ne pouvait croire que ce dossier présenté comme technique ne deviendrait pas politique. N’oublions pas qu’il est aussi transversal. Il est lié à deux autres textes cruciaux du paquet climat: la taxe carbone aux frontières et, surtout, la révision du marché du SEQE. Et le pire est encore à venir. Ce dernier texte plaide pour la création d’un marché du carbone distinct, baptisé SEQE 2, pour les bâtiments et le transport routier. Concrètement, il s’agira de taxer tous les combustibles fossiles utilisés pour le chauffage et pour le transport. Malgré vos assurances de compensation, la hausse des prix de l’énergie n’en sera que plus brutale, en particulier pour les plus précaires. On n’ose croire que le Parlement et les gouvernements européens commettront cette erreur.

La priorité aujourd’hui est de faire le contraire de ce que vous préconisez. Il faut agir à l’équilibre et même à la baisse du prix du carbone, si besoin en injectant – et non pas en prélevant – des quotas d’émission dans le marché. La réserve de stabilité a été créée pour encaisser les chocs et les défaillances. C’est l’occasion de l’utiliser à bon escient en se souvenant des gilets jaunes.

  Rob Rooken, namens de ECR-Fractie. – Voorzitter, de Europese energiebelasting ETS is in 2015 ingevoerd om fossiel opgewekte energie kunstmatig duurder te maken dan groene energie. Dit is gedaan in een tijd dat een kubieke meter gas ongeveer een vijfde kostte van het huidige tarief. In 2018 is deze ETS-belasting verhoogd. En vandaag debatteren we over de verlenging van de verhoging van deze ETS-belasting.

Dit doen we in een tijd waarin de term “energiearmoede” hard op weg is woord van het jaar te worden. Hoe kan het dat we dit voorstel überhaupt nog op de agenda hebben staan terwijl miljoenen huishoudens hun energie nu al nauwelijks kunnen betalen, niet alleen vanwege de hoge energieprijzen, maar ook vanwege een recordinflatie door toedoen van een falend ECB-beleid?

We moeten niet alleen de eerdere verhoging van de energietaks terugdraaien, maar we moeten die hele belasting afschaffen. De huidige tarieven zijn zonder belasting al astronomisch. Elke belasting op energie is pervers. Ik hoop dat iedereen die voor deze verlenging stemt, dit thuis gaat uitleggen aan mensen die hun energierekening verdrievoudigd zien of aan mensen die hun baan kwijtraken bij een bedrijf dat de deuren moet sluiten omdat het de energie niet meer kan betalen.

  Silvia Modig, The Left-ryhmän puolesta. – Arvoisa puhemies, pitkään päästökaupan hinta laahasi perässä tavalla, joka ei kannustanut tarvittaviin muutoksiin. Oikeuksia oli liikaa, hinta oli matala, ja sen lisäksi ilmaisjaot vääristivät ja valtioiden myöntämät päästökauppakompensaatiot heikensivät ETS:n vaikuttavuutta. Ilmaisjaot ovatkin Euroopan tilintarkastustuomioistuimen kertomuksen mukaan hidastaneet siirtymää, koska ei ole ollut kannustinta tarvittaviin investointeihin. Päästöoikeuksia on saatu myös ilmaiseksi. Ilmaisjakoja on perusteltu hiilivuodon estämisellä. Samalla olemme estäneet niiden innovaatioiden ja investointien synnyn, joilla Eurooppa voisi olla maailman johtava hiilineutraalien tuotteiden ja ratkaisujen tarjoaja. Uusi hiilirajamekanismi CBAM luo esteen hiilivuodoille asettaessaan tuotteille hinnan Euroopan rajalla, jossa se on tuotettu alemmilla ilmastostandardeilla. Tämä ei ole helppo harjoitus, mutta sen kautta teemme lopulta ilmaisjaoista tarpeettomia. Niistä on luovuttava. Teollisuuden ja elinkeinoelämän ja siten työpaikkojen näkökulmasta on olennaista, että pystymme tarjoamaan ennakoitavan ja vakaan toimintaympäristön. On tärkeää asettaa päästövähennykset nyt jo riittävälle tasolle sen sijaan, että tavoitteita joudutaan matkan varrella kiireessä kiristämään. Vain se takaa toimijoille ennakoitavan ympäristön, jossa investoinnit suuntautuvat oikein.

  Радан Кънев (PPE). – Г-жо Председател, г-н Вицепрезидент, колеги. Боя се, че няма да се съглася с общото мнение в този дебат и смятам, че този доклад е в грешна посока. А той освен това е много остарял. Самият му текст взима предвид феномени отпреди енергийната криза от есента на 2021 г. и далеч преди агресията на Путин в Украйна.

Смисълът на пазарния резерв е да се даде възможност, както да се предотврати прекаленото насищане на пазара с квоти, прекаленото предлагане, така и да се противодейства на рязко повишаване на цените чрез засилване на предлагането при повишено търсене, каквото наблюдавахме в целия край на 2021 г. Предложеното решение ще ограничи тази възможност на Европейската комисия. То ще върже ръцете на иначе добрата идея на пазарния резерв. По този начин ще попречи при следващи ценови шокове Комисията да може да се намесва и да ограничава тежестта върху потребителите и върху бизнеса.

Да не забравяме основният смисъл на търговията с емисии – то е да дава достатъчно висока цена и така да мотивира предприемачите да инвестират. При днешните цени такава изкуствена, политически мотивирана политика не е необходима. Цените са предостатъчно високи и ако продължаваме да ги вдигаме, ние ще отнемем възможността на бизнеса да инвестира в нови технологии, и ще постигнем обратния ефект на този, който всички желаем.

  Marek Paweł Balt (S&D). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie przewodniczący! Panie komisarzu! Zielona transformacja Europy nie może się zatrzymać. Dlatego ETS jest niezbędnym elementem wspierania zielonej zmiany gospodarki. MSR jako narzędzie interesu musi jednocześnie wspierać zmiany i stabilizować rynek, aby nasi obywatele nie byli narażeni na nieprzewidywalne wahania cen. ETS nie może zależeć tylko od wolnego rynku.

Wiemy, że przed wybuchem wojny w Ukrainie Rosja spekulacjami doprowadziła do podwyższenia cen ropy i gazu w Europie. Proszę Komisję o sprawdzenie, czy Rosja poprzez firmy związane z kapitałem rosyjskim nie manipulowała cenami uprawnień do emisji CO2, doprowadzając do gwałtownego wzrostu cen tych uprawnień kilka miesięcy temu. Widzieliśmy, że jesienny wzrost cen uprawnień spowodował pogorszenie konkurencyjności europejskiej gospodarki we wszystkich sektorach. Dzisiaj już wiemy, że rezerwa stabilności rynkowej musi szybciej reagować i zabezpieczyć odporność Europy na nadzwyczajne wydarzenia.

PRESIDENZA DELL'ON. PINA PICIERNO
Vicepresidente

  Mauri Pekkarinen (Renew). – Arvoisa puhemies, kun markkinavakausvaranto käynnistyi vuoden 2019 alusta lukien, ajateltiin, että se vakauttaa päästöoikeuksien hintoja ja nostaa niitä. Näin on käynytkin. Hinnat ovat nousseet todella paljon, aina 100 euroon asti. Vakaus ei ole kuitenkaan totta. Volatiliteetti on tällä hetkellä edelleenkin aivan liian korkea. Nyt kun ollaan kiristämässä päästökauppajärjestelmää, on erittäin tärkeää, että meillä on mekanismi, jolla voidaan jatkossakin vakauttaa päästöoikeuksien hintaa, pienentää volatiliteettia ja huolehtia siitä, että hinta ei nouse taivaisiin. Tässä mielessä tämä markkinavakausvarantoon tehtävä pieni tarkistus on hyvä. Me tarvitsemme sitä, ja sitä tulee käyttää tavalla, joka takaa oikeasuhteisen hinnan ja vakaan päästöoikeuksien hintakehityksen.

  Danilo Oscar Lancini (ID). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'UE contribuisce oggi per circa l'8-9% delle emissioni globali di CO2 e questa percentuale, ai trend attuali, potrebbe ridursi a circa il 5-6% nel 2030.

In questo contesto, il Green Deal e il pacchetto "Pronti per il 55%", di cui la relazione ETS fa parte, sono in pratica una rivoluzione industriale con l'obiettivo delle zero emissioni.

Le precedenti rivoluzioni industriali sono state determinate dalla necessità di rispondere a una crescita del mercato; la neutralità al 2050 è invece imposta dal legislatore. Se tale iniziativa non sarà affiancata da un grande sostegno alle aziende, una forte incentivazione agli investimenti e un rafforzamento delle misure di contrasto al carbon leakage, rischia di compromettere irrimediabilmente la competitività di settori strategici dell'industria manifatturiera europea, senza al contempo garantire alcun risultato climatico a livello globale.

Il raddoppio del tasso di assorbimento della riserva stabilizzatrice del mercato è una delle serie di misure che stanno venendo introdotte senza adeguata giustificazione e mirano ad aumentare artificialmente il prezzo della CO2, peraltro già aumentato notevolmente negli ultimi due anni, con conseguenti maggiori costi per famiglie e imprese.

Devono essere invece messe in pratica misure efficaci per contrastare qualunque fenomeno di tipo speculativo sul mercato del carbonio, che danneggia indebitamente gli operatori del sistema ETS. Fondamentale diventa il rafforzamento dell'articolo 29 sulle fluttuazioni di prezzo dei certificati di CO2.

In un contesto internazionale molto instabile, con seri rischi di approvvigionamento energetico e costi in aumento esponenziale, con misure simili rischiamo di danneggiare la competitività delle nostre imprese, mettendo a rischio preziosi posti di lavoro, quando i veri inquinatori risiedono fuori dall'Europa.

I veri inquinatori risiedono fuori dall'Europa!

  Anna Zalewska (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie komisarzu! Chcę panu powiedzieć, że ekonomiści, przedsiębiorcy, a przede wszystkim Europejczycy mówią zupełnie co innego niż pan. Mówią wprost: ETS jest nieprzejrzysty, manipulacyjny, poddawany różnego rodzaju fluktuacjom ‒ bezsensownym, z ingerencją nieprzejrzystych firm. Ceny energii są wysokie, nie widzimy żadnego bezpieczeństwa energetycznego, co w kontekście wojny jest absolutnie kluczową kwestią, jak również tak naprawdę nie ma to związku z dekarbonizacją. Proponuję pochylić się nad wychwytywaniem, pochłanianiem, bo to poważne wyzwanie światowe.

W związku z tym rynek stabilizacyjny powinien służyć zupełnie czemuś innemu. Proponuję, żeby pan komisarz zajrzał do złożonych przez ECR poprawek 27, 28, 29 i uznał, że po to mamy ten rynek, że wtedy, kiedy ceny są wysokie, szczególnie kiedy jest takie zagrożenie na świecie wojną – w Europie mamy wojnę, panie komisarzu – to powinien on służyć po to, żeby nie zabierać z rynku uprawnień i podwyższać jeszcze cen ETS-u, ale po to właśnie, żeby uwalniać te uprawnienia. Myślę, że pan komisarz czuje na sobie brzemię odpowiedzialności za to, co będzie za tydzień, za miesiąc, za rok i za dziesięć lat. To nie jest droga, po pierwsze, do przejrzystości, bezpieczeństwa energetycznego i na pewno nie jest to droga do ochrony klimatu.

  Marlene Mortler (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kollegen, Herr Präsident! Erfolgreicher Klimaschutz ist nur in Summe der unterschiedlichen Lösungsansätze möglich. Der entscheidende Ansatz für eine klimaschonende und treibhausgasneutrale Zukunft sind technologische Lösungen und zukunftsgerichtete Innovationen. Somit kann einerseits Wertschöpfung am Wirtschaftsstandort gesichert und andererseits eine wirksame Begrenzung der Erderwärmung erreicht werden.

Der Emissionshandel allein hilft nicht, das Problem der Erderwärmung zu lösen. Denn ein System, das Emissionen erlaubt und Handel mit Emissionen zulässt, ist immer zu hinterfragen. Höhere Preise führen nicht automatisch zu besserem Klimaschutz, sondern entziehen den Unternehmen zunächst Liquidität für dringend benötigte Investitionen. Weitere Verschärfungen im EHS und bei der sogenannten Lastenteilung müssen gründlich daraufhin analysiert werden, welche Auswirkungen sie auf die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit unserer Unternehmen, aber auch auf unsere Menschen haben. Es wäre grob fahrlässig, sich nur auf Grenzausgleichsmechanismen zu verlassen.

Angesichts der hohen Energiepreise im Kontext des Angriffskriegs gegen die Ukraine sind weitere Belastungen der europäischen Industrie Gift. Deshalb brauchen wir ein Belastungsmoratorium. Andererseits brauchen wir noch schneller noch viel mehr erneuerbare Technologien zur klimafreundlichen Bereitstellung von Energie. In diesem Sinne plädiere ich für verlässliche politische Rahmenbedingungen mit klaren Prioritäten. Sie sind das A und O, damit entscheidende technologische Lösungen auch in der Praxis umgesetzt werden können.

  Roman Haider (ID). – Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar! Die Energiekosten steigen binnen kürzester Zeit um ein Vielfaches. Und auch in anderen lebenswichtigen Bereichen wie Lebensmittel oder Wohnen kommt es zu substanziellen Preissteigerungen.

Europa steht vor einer massiven Inflation. Es droht die wirtschaftliche Rezession, und ganze Industriezweige stehen inzwischen vor dem Aus. Jetzt könnte man meinen, die EU würde alles tun, um dieser Entwicklung entgegenzusteuern, um die Energiepreise zu senken, um bedrohten Unternehmen zu helfen, um Europas Wirtschaft in dieser schwierigen Situation zu unterstützen. Man könnte zum Beispiel die Marktstabilitätsreserve wie ursprünglich geplant wieder auf 12 Prozent reduzieren. Man könnte die Reserve auch zur Bewältigung der akuten Krise nutzen. Aber genau das Gegenteil ist der Fall.

Getrieben von Ihrem „Green-Deal-Fetisch“ verschlimmern Sie – Sie, die Kommission – die Situation noch mehr. Stur beharren Sie auf einem Modell, das Unternehmen und Bürger Unsummen kostet. Meine Damen und Herren von der Kommission, Herr Timmermans, Sie schaden Europa.

(Die Präsidentin entzieht dem Redner das Wort)

  Presidente. – Io chiederei ai colleghi di evitare commenti imbarazzanti che mettono in difficoltà quest'Aula e commenti anche spiacevoli. Quindi, onorevole Haider, credo che lei si debba scusare per le espressioni che ha utilizzato, che non sono rispettose del commissario ma nemmeno, appunto, dei colleghi e di quest'Aula.

Procedura "catch the eye"

  Mick Wallace (The Left). – Madam President, without this standalone revision of the Market Stability Reserve, the intake rate will revert to 12% after 2023. So I support the fast tracking of this standalone revision. However, the current 24% must be the floor and not the ceiling for the intake rate.

The Market Stability Reserve has been effective in supporting the ETS carbon price signal in recent years, but it was designed to only handle oversupply accumulated in the past. It is not fit to deal with current or future surplus. Such surpluses might be the result of, for example, economic downturns, COVID or planned coal plant closures. The Market Stability Reserve will therefore need to be strengthened.

To effectively handle the market surplus, we need to increase the intake rate to something closer to 35% from 2024 onwards. We need to adopt the planning thresholds and we need an automatic cancellation of allowances held in the reserve for more than three years.

(Fine della procedura "catch the eye")

  Presidente. – Ora passo la parola, a nome della Commissione, al Vicepresidente Timmermans, confermandole i sentimenti di stima e di rispetto per il suo lavoro, Commissario.

  Frans Timmermans, Executive Vice—President of the Commission. – Madam President, don’t worry, from that political angle I’ve heard worse in my direction over the last years, and I don’t mind. You know, it’s very difficult to be insulted by someone you don’t take seriously, so don’t worry.

But I want to say very briefly –Mick Wallace described what the function is of the market stability reserve and I couldn’t even put it in better words than he did – but many of the Honourable Members use this opportunity to speak in wider terms about the emissions trading system (ETS), and the function of the ETS, so let me just very briefly react on that point.

Anyone who wants to weaken the functioning of the ETS, will prolong the agony of being attached to fossil fuels, including fossil fuels from Russia. So anyone who wants to slow down the transition to renewables makes sure that more money will end into the pockets of Putin. And this is exactly what we’re trying to stop! That’s why we’ll come with our REPowerEU initiative to speed up the transition.

And I’ve seen this with ETS at work last week in Sweden, they’re now producing green steel in Sweden, steel that is made without emissions; not yet on an industrial scale, but it is possible because of the functioning of the ETS market with a reasonable price. It makes it all possible, and it makes Europe industrially much, much stronger if we speed up this transition.

This is where the world is heading, not just Europe, the whole world; and those who seem to advocate a slowing down of the transition to renewables, should pause and think about what that means in present-day Europe, where the longer we remain dependent on fossil fuels, the longer we risk co—financing Putin’s war. So the faster we transition into renewables, the faster we will be stronger, we will have higher energy sovereignty in Europe, we will put the competitiveness of the European industry on a much, much higher scale.

  Cyrus Engerer, rapporteur. – Madam President, thank you to the Vice—President of the Commission. I cannot but agree with you on all that you have said right now.

I would like to first thank all of those who have participated in this debate on the Market Stability Reserve. It is the first out of the legislative files of the Fit for 55 Package that have come in front of this plenary. And I am very grateful for all the help and cooperation that I have found from all shadow rapporteurs on this important legislative file.

Our EU ETS must remain fit for purpose, and it must ensure and incentivise that all Member States keep on working in order to reduce their current emissions and push forward towards a more environmental and green future. So, this is what we have tried to do with this file that we have been discussing today.

And I am really sorry to hear those who are at the far right and the conservatives of this Chamber who still do not believe in science, who still think that climate change is something that does not affect our planet, and who still believe that they can simply ignore it. We do not ignore it, and we want to keep on legislating in order for our European Union to remain the most ambitious continent in this planet, in order to reach our objectives.

So I really look forward and encourage all Parliament to give a strong and broad support to this file tomorrow in our vote in order to have a very strong hand when it comes to negotiating this with other institutions.

  Presidente. – La discussione è chiusa.

La votazione si svolgerà domani, martedì 5 aprile 2022.